Classification as Culture: Types and Trajectories of Music Genres Author(s): Jennifer C. Lena and Richard A. Peterson Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 73, No. 5 (Oct., 2008), pp. 697-718 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25472554 . Accessed: 29/08/2011 18:38

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http://www.jstor.org Classification as Culture: Types and Trajectories ofMusic Genres

JenniferC. Lena Richard A. Peterson VanderbiltUniversity Vanderbilt University

Questions of symbolic classification have been central to sociology since its earliest days, given the relevance of distinctionsfor both affiliationand conflict.Music and its a genres are no exception, organizing people and songs within system of symbolic classification.Numerous studies chronicle thehistory of specific genres ofmusic, but

none document recurrent processes of development and change across musics. In this article, we analyze 60 musics in theUnited States, delineating between 12 social,

organizational, and symbolic attributes. We find four distinct genre types?Avant-garde,

Scene-based, Industry-based, and Traditionalist. We also find that these genre types an combine toform three distinct trajectories. Two-thirds originate in Avant-garde genre,

and the rest originate as a scene or, to our surprise, in an Industry-based genre. We

conclude by discussing a number of questions raised by our findings, including the

implications for understanding symbolic classification infields other than music.

its advent as a discipline, sociology (Ferguson 2004). Analyses of such classificatory Sincehas generated systems of sociocultural clas schemes, however, often relegate the cultural sification fora diverse set of phenomena, includ meanings of these categories to a secondary ing forms of organization, religious belief, feature of the system. In contrast, theuse of the fashion, gender, sexuality,art, race, and societies concept of genre places culturalmeaning at the at large, toname but a few.The sociological con forefrontof any analysis of category construc cern with systemic change is venerable yet, as tion and has potential and significant general across DiMaggio (1987) notes, there isno theoryof the utility domains. a dynamic change in classificatory schemes, Genre is conceptual toolmost often used to although efforts have been made in domains classify varieties of cultural products, particu in the of visual such as nation building (Anderson 1983), social larly fields art, popular culture, video and music. It movements (Traugott 1995), name-giving prac games, film, literature, a manner of tices (Lieberson 2000), and French cuisine describes expression thatgoverns artists' work, theirpeer groups, and the audi ences for theirwork (Becker 1982; Bourdieu 1993). In this article, we build on the theoreti Direct correspondence to Jennifer C. Lena, cal and conceptual use of genre to betterunder Departmentof Sociology,Vanderbilt VU University, stand the of classification StationB #351811,2301Vanderbilt Place, Nashville, dynamics symbolic and in order to recurrent soci TN 37235-1811 ([email protected]). change identify ocultural forms ofmusic To no one The authors wish to thank N. Anand, Shyon genres. date, has a Baumann, Howard S. Becker, Andy Bennett, Daniel published systematic analysis of the char Cornfield, Paul DiMaggio, Robert Faulkner, Simon acteristic forms thatmusic-making communi * Frith, David Grazian, Michael Hughes, Larry Isaac, ties take or how theychange over time. Instead, Pierre Steve Claire Motti Kremp, Lee, Peterson, historical surveys of popular music focus atten Regev, Gabriel Rossman, Bill Ken Roy, Spring, tion on charismatic performers, analyze works Tammy Smith, Jason Toynbee, Mayer N. Zald, and Ezra Zuckerman for their assistance on drafts of this are work. We sorry thatwe cannot recognize by name 1 the ASR reviewers who extreme anonymous provided Although encyclopedic efforts were made in an comments. ly helpful earlier generation (Lomax 1964).

American Sociological Review, 2008, Vol. 73 (October:697-718) 698 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

within the canon, and identifycultural factors The second dominant approach defocalizes thatpromote the growth ofmusic genres (e.g., textand places the study of genre squarely in a Garofalo 2002; Toynbee 2000). In addition, social context. Some analysts apply the term to hundreds of social scientists have studied the general marketing categories such as pop, clas commu structure of particular popular-music sical, country, urban, and jazz (Negus 1999). nities and the social contexts that shape them. Most studies of taste thatanalyze survey data to We carefully examine these studies to find uni examine how groups of consumers use available in formities the forms ofmusic genres and reg genres to express their social identityor status ularities in their We also the trajectories. identify (e.g.,Mark 1998) look at very inclusive genres of these rather developmental sequences genres, (e.g., rock,MOR, or classical), closer toEnnis's than focus on themechanisms that cause gen (1992) "streams" or Bourdieu's (1993) "fields." res to transition from one form to the next. Others use the terms subculture (Thornton we examine the case ofmusic Although genres 1996), scene (Bennett 1997), or neo-tribe in the United States in twentieth-century par (Maffesoli 1996) in ways cognate with the ourmethod of social and cultural ticular, analy meaning of genre here. sis offers a more general sociological Alternatively, others highlight the set of cul framework?a framework potentially applica turalpractices (Becker 1982) thata music com ble to all manner of where individ phenomena munity defines as a genre and view its texts as uals and groups construct cultural boundaries. the product of social interactions in a specific We conclude with a discussion of these more sociocultural context (Frith 1996). This general implications. approach is found inPeterson's (1997) study of the creation of country music, as well as THE GENRE IDEA DeVeaux (1997) on bebop jazz, Garland (1970) on soul, Bennett (2004) on the Canterbury Genre organizes the production and consump sound, Cantwell (1984) on bluegrass, and Kahn tion of cultural material, including organiza Harris (2007) on theEuropean varieties of heavy tional procedures (Ahlkvist and Faulkner 2002; metal rock. these studies, and para Ballard, Dodson, and Bazzini 1999; Becker Following Neale's (1980:19) definition of genre 1982; Bielby and Bielby 1994; Griswold 1987; phrasing in film,we define music genres as of Hirsch 1972; Negus 1999), and influences tastes systems orientations, expectations, and conventions that and the larger structures of stratification in bind an which they are embedded (Bourdieu 1993, together industry,performers, critics, and fans in what as a dis 1995; Lizardo 2006). Recently, organizational making they identify tinctive sort ofmusic. ecologists have deployed genre tounderstand the Given this are numerous competitive success and restructuringof organ definition, genres and work is as izations (Hsu 2006; Hsu and Hannan 2005). boundary ongoing genres and and There are two dominant approaches to the emerge, evolve, disappear (Lamont Molnar Musicians often do not want to study of genre. In the first,humanities scholars 2002). be confined as Becker typically focus attention on the "text" of a cul by genre boundaries, but, their freedom of is tural object, which is abstracted from the con (1982) notes, expression other text inwhich it ismade or consumed (Apperley necessarily bounded by the expectations of 2006; Devitt 2004; Fowler 1982; Frow 2006; performers, audience members, critics, and the to Hyon 1996; Swales 1990; C. Williams 2006). diverse others whose work is necessary mak Most musicologists employ this textual ing, distributing, and consuming symbolic an approach to identifygenre as a set of pieces of goods.3Walser (1993:4) provides example of music that share a distinctivemusical language (van der Merwe 1989). Some sociologists the use of but are employ genre-as-text, they (1995) shows how national anthems mirror the soci to influenced the careful show how genre is by etal contexts within which they are created. Other context inwhich it ismade and consumed.2 lines of work use genre without problematizing its content or development (Bourdieu 1984; Peterson and Kern 1996). 2 3 Dowd (1992) shows thesocietal influenceson the "Free music" is an interesting limiting case as its musicological structure of popular music, and Cerulo because, Toynbee (2000) notes, although prac TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 699

such boundary work: "'Heavy metal' is a term Most genres evolve out of one or more ear that is constantly debated and contested, pri liermusics thatdevelop in analogous sectors of marily among fans, but also in dialogue with society and share characteristics (Gendron musicians, commercial marketing strategists, 2002). Ennis (1992) shows that some musics, and outside critics and censors. Debates over over the course of decades, spawn a number of which bands, which songs, sounds and sightsget variants. These families of music retain their to count as heavy metal provide occasions for coherence through shared institutions,aesthet contestingmusical and social prestige." These ics, and audiences. We follow Ennis and call debates not only sort bands and songs into these sets of genres "streams" throughwhich a groups, but they also distinguish individuals number of genres may flow. For example, who are aware of currentdistinctions from those rhythmand blues (R&B), countrymusic, and who are outsiders or hapless pretenders. pop spawned rock-n-roll,which received recog Boundary-defining work occurs within a nition as a distinct genre beginning in 1954 shifting social, political, economic, and cultur (Ennis 1992). In the decades since, rock-n-roll al landscape, and the structural features of this has spawned numerous new genres, including landscape condition the actions of genre stake rockabilly, glitter rock, punk, heavy metal, and a holders. A genre's proximal environment emo, forming rock stream.Although some of includes other genres thatcompete formany of rock's progeny came and went in shortorder, we same consider each a in so as itwas the resources, including fans, capital, genre far identi as media attention, and legitimacy. Competing fied such by participants and commentators. genres often include both thedominant genre in Not all commercial music can be properly a in our sense a field and fledgling genres contesting for the considered genre of the term. We same opportunity space. Prosperity,war, depres consider music crafted for specific types of venues or to as sion, ethnic rivalries, gender relations, demo referred commercial categories to be music. graphic shifts, and culture wars, for example, non-genred Examples include Tin shape thecourse of genre histories. In theUnited Pan Alley, Broadway show tunes, and com mercial music crafted for a States, racial discrimination and prejudice have specific demo a played a vital role in the emergence and subse graphic and designated by commercial middle of the road quent development of genres (Crouch 2007; category (e.g., [MOR], music for dance Lott 1995). lovers, music, and easy listening Genres also vary widely by popularity and music). Much the same longevity.Some music forms, like rock-n-roll, argument holds for pop and teen music. At its music is become very popular and last over a long peri core, pop music found inBillboard Hot 100 od of time. Some, like disco, are very popular magazine's Singles chart. intended for the music market but short-lived (Brewster and Broughton 2000). Songs pop have their Others, like polka, thrive over many decades usually distinguishing genre charac teristics obscured or muted in the without becoming widely popular (Shepherd, purposely interest of wider Horn, and Laing 2005), and many, such as big gaining appeal (Weisbard Artists suchmusic thinkof beat, northern soul, psychedelic country, and 2008). making may a their in terms of but the range rock have only transitory existence. In performances genre, that assist them in addition, the effortsof many lonemusical exper organizations reaching the chartmost do not. a case imentalists go unheralded, and theirdistinctive certainly As in point, artist Lou styles do not become genres within our defini development expert Pearlman played tion of the term.4 a vital role in creating the "boy band" sensation of the late 1990s (e.g., Backstreet Boys, O Town, and 'N Sync) by putting together per titionerssay thatwhat theyplay isguided by thedic formers who answered casting calls. Such tates of the musical sounds of the moment, and not star-making is a fascinating and under by the expectations of other players, audiences, or crit researched but our focus here. ics, they nonetheless play within conventions well topic beyond understood by progressive jazz musicians (Attali 1985; Lewis 1996). 4Mildred Cummings and her "Little Miss EmmittMiller, theyodeling minstrel (Tosches 2002), Cornshucks" performances (Mazor 2003) and are two examples. 700 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

That said, genre music can transform into pop States during the twentieth century. Because music, and consequently the pop charts are a genre boundaries are contested and fluid,and no a mix of "pure" pop (i.e., succession of hits one has attempted to exhaustively and contin are that marginally different)and songs derived ually document all the music genres in the from that are at the genres popular moment, United States, it proved impossible to find a such as rap or punk. Thus, pop is considered a definitive universe of musics from which to a of or a demo chart, way doing business, target choose a representativesample. Accordingly, we but not a and Peterson graphic, genre (Anand began with Ennis's (1992) listof music streams, but seeWeisbard 2000; 2008). which includes rock-n-roll, pop, Black pop, We restrictourselves tomusic created in the countrypop, jazz, folk, and gospel. Ennis (1992) commercial and thus eliminate the marketplace identified streams as such because each had many "classical" and "art" musics. Genres that distinctive institutional structures, aesthetics, function innonprofit or grant-based economies and symbolic identities. His model is a good have differentcreative, organizational, financial, sociological examination of the popular music audience, and critical supportmechanisms than field,but it isdated. To include new kinds ofU.S. do commercial musics (Caves 2000). The types music, we added musics that do not fit neatly and trajectories of genres among nonprofit into one of these seven streams. musics therefore take on distinct forms from Critics, fans, and music promoters those that are focal here (Arian 1971). regularly invent genre terms, but many of these are not used in the relevantmusic RESEARCH METHODS widely community. To form a set of genres, we consulted refer This article builds on two priorworks inwhich ence works and music-related magazines to we closely examined the features of four twen find terms commonly in use. Because we need to tieth-centuryU.S. musics that seemed expe ed enough informationto make judgments about rience a complete developmental trajectory the forms and histories of genres,we limitedour (Lena and Peterson 2006, 2007). We selected focus tomusics forwhich we could find at least from the rock from theR&B grunge stream, rap two reliable sources. Working independently, from the and blue stream, bebop jazz stream, we coded types ofmusic genres and then dis from the music stream.We then grass country cussed them until we had agreement on the read in the academic and extensively popular proper coding.We coded several hundred books about each. press and articles to get reliable data on 60 genres.5 We found thatover time each music took on We do not claim that these genres comprise a different forms thatwere roughly comparable representative sample of all genres in the twen across themusics examined.We designate these tieth-centuryUnited States. We do, however, as Avant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based, argue that the sample is sufficiently large, and and Traditionalist genre forms. Finally, we dis the genres sampled sufficientlydiverse, to illu covered thatover the course of itshistory, each minate patterns ingenre forms and trajectories. of thesemusic communities began as an Avant Based on the four preliminary case studies, garde genre, became Scene-based, then the current analysis is designed to answer two Industry-based, and finallyTraditionalist, a tra questions: What are the attributes thatorganize jectory we abbreviate as AgSIT musics into and how are these genres We chose the four cases in our initial analy genres, ses for theirmusical differencesfrom each other organized intodevelopmental trajectories?Our is so our is to and for thewealth of secondary material avail design inductive, goal generate able on theirhistories. We did not choose them theory,not test it. for their representativeness of a larger class of musics, nor for differences in their trajectories of The similarities in the devel 5 growth. strong A list of the key sources used in classifying each of the fourmusics led us to opmental patterns genre, and the full biographical citation for each not fit seek out a large set ofmusics thatmight source, is available in the Online Supplement on the our we this trajectory.To bound search limited ASR Web site (http://www2.asanet.org/journals/asr/ our study to genres established in theUnited 2008/toc065.html). TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 701

GENRE FORMS AND ATTRIBUTES community and who is beyond itspale by cul tivatingdistinctive dress, adornment, drug use, Are thegenre formsAvant-garde, Scene-based, and argot.6The sources of income to artists and Industry-based, and Traditionalist adequate to the amount and kind of press coverage a genre describe all themusics in our sample of 60 gen receives largely reflect theorganizational form, res?We find that (1) all of themusics evince at locus, and goals of the genre. These factors are least one of these genre forms, (2) with the of specific interest to scholars working at the exception of Scene-based genres, each of the intersection of political economy, urban social genre forms ismissing in some of themusics, dynamics, and cultural production. Finally, the and none of themusics have genre forms (3) source of a name can be used to distin other than these four. genre and reveal of col To be sure thatwe examined all the relevant guish genre types processes lectivememory and discursive structures that attributesof genres in each of the60 sample gen linknomenclature to genre forms. In the remain res, we created and iteratively refined a con der of this section,we consider the attributesof ceptual template to classify each of the 60 each of the four genre types, startingwith the musics. Table 1 shows this template,with the Avant-garde. four genre types represented in the columns. Each of the 12 rows represents a dimension common to all sample genres, and each cell Avant-garde Genres represents the specific attributes characteristic Avant-garde genres are quite small, having no of a genre type. So, for example, in the upper more than a dozen participants who meet infor left corner cell, "creative circle" is the repre mally and irregularly.Borrowing a term from sentative organizational form of Avant-garde fine arts, we call such creative groups "circles." genres. Circles are leaderless, fractious, and typically The entries in each column of Table 1 repre unravel in a matter of months from lack of sent an ideal-typical construction of a genre recognition or because a subset of the partici type; theydo not operate like entries in theperi pants gains wider recognition. These genres odic table of elements or the genetically-based form around members' shared dislike of some taxonomies in biology. This is because each aspect of themusic of the day and thequest for specific attribute is not both necessary and suf music that is different.Members play ficient to code amusic as a particular genre. This together in an to create a table of attributesshould thereforebe considered informally effort genre ideal for thegroup. This ideal, and themusi a conceptual tool for understanding genre. By specifically cal ideas thatare central to it,may emerge from making more detailed distinctions among attri members taking lessons, carefully listening to butes, itwould be possible to create more than records, and with different kinds of four genre types. However, the four-genre type playing musicians. may by twelve-dimension resolution is the most par Alternatively, avant-gardists simonious. assert thatprevailing genres are predictable and The first threedimensions inTable 1 identi emotionless and, flaunting the fact that they cannot instruments in conventional fy the prototypical organizational form, scale, play ways, make what others consider loud and harsh and locus of activity for genres. Genre ideal is sounds. This was the of both the the vision of the music held by those most experience thrash metal and involved in the genre, including the fundamen punk Avant-garde genres McNeil tal values they see embodied in themusic. The (Kahn-Harris 2007; andMcCain 1996). In music that is next dimension describes the degree towhich crafting "new," avant-gardists performance conventions are codified and the may combine elements of genres that are usu form of such conventions. These vary widely from being very open and experimental torigid ly codified. Technological features of music 6 There is not always a direct correspondence making, distribution, and do much enjoyment between different "styles" and musical difference; to constrain genre and in some development, changes argue that riot grrrl, straight edge, anarcho these features often the of augur emergence punk, and White power music are differentiated by new genres. Through boundary work, genre political and philosophical, not musical, distinctive members identifywho is a member of a genre ness (Schilt 2004; P.Williams 2006). o > s m2 n o

^h-.-_

sound property unknowingemployersendorsementsfestivals ^IdealMemberGenreCreateGoals intellectualProduceorcommunityheritagemusicPreserveitpassandrevenue,newon VirtuallyPressCommunityNationalCoverageGenre-basedpressadvocacyandcritiquenone GenreFormsO

Technology Experimentation Codifying technical Production tools that standardize Idealized orthodoxy

innovations

SceneSelf-contributed,forArtistsIncomeactivities,ofSourcesSales,partners,self-contributedlicensing,contributed,grants,Selfmerchandise,heritage Organization Locus Homes, coffee shops, bars, Argot Local, Sporadicandvirtual IndustrialSignals Usedtofirms sell products Festivals,Stylized tours, academic settings 5* EmblematicMassEccentricAdornment,Drugs"style"Dress,ofStereotypicmarketedmutedgenreand membership translocal, SourceofGenreNameSiteorgroupspecific Scenegenre-basedmembers, Massmediaorindustry Academics,critics Conventions Codification of Performance Low: highly experimental Medium: categories to High:deviation shaped by industry Hyper: great concern about Scene-BasedIndustry-BasedTraditionalistAvant-GardeAttributes2 attentionstyle Organizational Scale Local, some Internet Local, linkedcodifying National, worldwide Local to international & much AgainstWorkestablishedBoundaryAgainstMarketdrivendeviantsmusicrivalmusicswithin EstablishedfieldClubs,LocalCreativeOrganizationalForm>circleassociationsscene Internet media

O -??-???-????-?=?-_z=_z______=_z_z^- empty scenes S

spaces

Table1. Genre FormsAttributesand v?

_____-n

n?- TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 703 ally treated as distinct. Bauck (1997:232), for Austin, Texas; Cohen [1991] on theLiverpool example, describes how Avant-garde grunge scene; Becker [2004] on jazz inKansas City; melded differentgenres together:"Grunge con Grazian [2004] on blues inChicago; and Urquia tained the energy, volume and distortion of [2004] on salsa inLondon). These local scenes hardcore punk, butwas generally played at a far may be in communication with similar scenes slower tempo. While borrowing themelodic in distant locales whose members enjoy the lines and hooks of heavy metal, grunge left same kind of music and lifestyle. Such com behind themacho posturing and gratuitous gui munities cohere through the exchange of infor tar solos." mation and music, which ismade simplerwith The desire to produce a new music drives the advent of quick, small-parcel shipping com groups to engage in experimental practices, panies and digital technologies such as the including playing standard instruments in Internet (see Laing [1985] on punk, Kruse unconventional ways, creating new musical [2003] on alternative rock, Schilt [2004] on riot instruments,and modifying objects thathave not grrrl,and Kahn-Harris [2007] on death metal). previously been used in theproduction ofmusic. Some scenes are essentially, ifnot entirely,vir For example, in theirearly shows, Iggy and the tual; fans,musicians, and critics find each other Stooges, anAvant-garde punk band, "played" a on the Internetthrough listservs and chat rooms food blender filled with water and a micro (Bennett 2004; Kibby 2000; Lee and Peterson phone, danced on a washboard wearing golf 2004). A Scene-based music genre may take or shoes, and drummed 50-gallon oil drums with any all of these forms (Bennett and Peterson hammers (McNeil and McCain 1996:41). The 2004), but here we focus primarily on the local experimental ethos is often expressed through form. the idiosyncratic grooming, dress, demeanor, Scenes, musical and otherwise, commonly and argot of circle members, but these are not emerge in neighborhoods where rents are low, (yet) consolidated intoa distinctive genre style. police supervision is lax, and residents tolerate Avant-garde genre members do not receive diversityof all kinds (Florida 2002; Lloyd 2006). a remuneration for their participation in genre Such neighborhoods nurture scene, and the related activities. They earn money for per lifestylegrowing around it,by fosteringconstant forming conventional types ofmusic and from interaction among scenesters (Gaines 1994; nonperformance employment. In addition, fam Thornton 1996; Urquia 2004; Walker 2006). ily,friends, and partners often contributea range Business entrepreneurs, often drawn from the of resources.Avant-gardists commonly livewith ranks of scene-participants, become music pro little recognition and many privations. These moters, club owners, and band managers. Some founded record Scene harsh conditions may retrospectively be roman independent companies, ticized as bohemian, but they contribute to the based fanzines, and Internet sites. Local news demise ofmany Avant-garde genres. The music papers, radio stations, and criminal elements often arrive in area to scene and the people making it receive virtually no the support the and to press coverage, which makes itexceedingly dif derive profits from it. Scene musicians and ficult for scholars to find accounts of Avant ancillary creative people often cannot support garde musics that did not evolve intomore themselves entirely from themusic. They typ institutionalizedforms. The new music receives ically take low-skill service jobs in the com on numerous appellations, but the eventual name munity and depend money and other support is generally applied retrospectively by promot from partners, family, and friends. As scenes ers, critics, and historians. develop, these neighborhoods draw both more casual scenesters andmerchandisers of thegenre the end of local Scene-Based Genres lifestyle, hastening intensely genres (Shank 1994). For more a than decade, scholars analyzing Innovative technology often plays an impor music communities across theglobe have used tant role in Scene-based genres. For example, the concept of "scene" to refer to a communi the development of inexpensive, powerful, of com ty spatially-situated artists,fans, record portable, and relatively compact sound ampli panies, and supporting small business people fiers in the late 1930s was important in the (see, e.g., Shank [1994] on rock and country in development of bluegrass (Rosenberg 1985), 704 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

urban blues (Grazian 2003), honky-tonk coun authorities confirm scenesters' sense of their trymusic (Peterson 1997), and bebop (DeVeaux importance and solidify scene solidarity 1997). Technological innovations can also (Thornton 1996). a change the balance among elements of the Scene-based genres have loose organiza music. In theearly days of rap,DJs were the cen tional form characterized by nested rings of ter of interest, but when Grandmaster Flash varying commitment to thegenre ideal. Clusters modified the turntablemixer, he solved the of those most responsible for the distinctive technical challenges of producing steady characteristics of themusic are at the center. rhythm,and the next set of innovative practi Next, there is a ring of committed activists tioners turned theirattention toward lyrical con whose identity, and sometimes means of tent and techniques of oral delivery. This employment, is tied to the scene. Outside of effectively refocused crowd attention on the this is a ring of fanswho participate in the scene rapper, and DJs ceased to be the focus of inno more or less regularly.The outer ring ismade vation or attention (Chang 2005; Fricke and up of "tourists" who enjoy activities within the Ahearn 2002; Lena 2003, 2004). scene without identifyingwith it. Such distinct scenes Conventions of performance and presentation rings are characteristic ofmature like the are rapidly codified in Scene-based genres. Chicago blues in the 1990s (Grazian 2004); These conventions grow out of efforts to find newer scenes exhibit similar rings of commit thebest way to express new musical ideas, but ment, but their structure is much more fluid theyoften put performers indirect conflictwith (Cohen 1991). As with other of Scene-based practitioners of other genres competing for the aspects genres, same resources. These frictions between rival disagreements over the name of an emerging a scenes can be quite contentious and visible, as genre abound. Nonetheless, consensually name the end of the when bebop scene members foughtwith swing agreed usually emerges by Scene-based because the musicians (Lopes 2002), orwhen, urged on by phase, community and scene mem a radio DJ, rock fansmet in a Chicago stadium press, critics, merchandisers, tobreak dance records and chant "disco sucks." bers themselves want to consolidate the identi of themusic and its associated The Ornette Coleman even had his specially-made ty lifestyle. chosen name is sometimes an instrument smashed by fellow musicians who onomatopoeic of a such as felt upstaged by his complex and aggressive representation genre's sound, bebop and More often a name has to do with way of playing hard bop (Rosenthal 1992). doowop. and Social conventions, including stylesof clothes sexuality (e.g., jazz, rap, funk, rock-n-roll, but our have a and adornment, body-type, argot, and "atti straight edge), sample genres wide of name sources. tude," are codified in Scene-based genres. In the variety early 1940s, when Bill Monroe was trying to establish bluegrass music as distinct from the Industry-Based Genres hillbilly music of the day, he dressed his band music are so named in tailored outfits that emulated the dress of Industry-based genres because their primary organizational form is Kentucky gentlemen horse-breeders (Rosenberg the industrial corporation. Some are multina 1985). Other examples of adornment in Scene tional in scope, but others are independent com based genres include psychedelic rock fans' panies organized to compete directly with the beads and tie-dye clothes, punks' Mohawk hair multinationals. Frith (1996:77) describes such cuts, goths' "corpse paint" makeup, and bebop genres as being located within the "market pers' berets. These adornments help distinguish based popular music field."7Along with indus members from nonmembers, particularly from trialfirms, the actors in this field include devotees of can also prime competing genres. They and musicians who contract for their whole constellations of beliefs and singers symbolize and a wide services, genre-targeted audiences, to scene members. For exam practices known array of ancillary service providers, from song ple, straight-edge punk rockers draw a con spicuous "X" on the back of their hands to declare they have forsworn alcohol, drugs, 7 tobacco, and promiscuous sex (Haenfler 2006). See Peterson and Berger (1975), Lopes (1992), The harsh negative reactions of "squares" and Negus (1999), andDowd (2004). TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 705

publishers to radio stations and diverse retail may portraya genre lifestyleas innocent funand outlets. feature its colorful surface aspects, theymay For a genre to thrive for long in this large spin the lifestyle as a danger to its fans apparatus, itsfans must number in thehundreds (Thornton 1996), or theymay claim its"lawless, of thousands, and market logic demands ever anti-social, and hedonistic" fans pose a danger largernumbers. Corporate interest in a partic to society (Binder 1993). In 1969, at the time ular genre lasts as long as its sales potential is of theWoodstock and Altamont festivals, psy increasing (Negus 1999). The otherwise high chedelic rock faced all three readings (Santelli lycompetitive multinational entertainmentcon 1980). This negative attention typically draws glomerates collectively fight the unauthorized even more fans to a genre (Cocks 1985; Laing use and distribution of theircopyrighted music, 1985; Thornton 1996). doing whatever they can to frustrate the devel The media may also ignite a "moral panic" opment of new genres (Peterson 1990). At the inwhich genre spokespeople, police, political same time, industrialfirms thatare more close authorities, religious leaders, parent groups, ly linked to theirmarkets, such as Motown, teachers, and moral pundits provide a willing Rough Trade, and Sugar Hill Records, can be press with lurid quotes. Press coverage often instrumental in the development of genres highlights racist, classist, or sexist tropes. For (Toynbee 2000). example, in 1943 to 1944 bebop jazz was Simplified genre conventions are codified blamed for thewidespread White-on-Black race in the interestsof making, measuring, and mar riots atmilitary bases and inNorthern industrial keting Industry-based genres. Firms trainnew cities (Lopes 2002). Forty years later,rap music artists towork within highly-codified perform was similarly blamed when riots erupted inLos ance conventions, and record producers regu Angeles following theRodney King trial(Chang larly coach songwriters and artists to make 2005). Tensions over race, class, and gender simplemusic, clearlywithin genre bounds, that also emerge within Industry-based genre com to a mass stereo will appeal audience. Such munities. For example, when large numbers of typing strategies also facilitate sales because more educated, liberalNortherners flocked to company personnel will know how to catego the bluegrass community in the 1960s, they rize andmarket the "product" (Longhurst 2007; were characterized as "drug-taking freeloving Negus 1999), and potential consumers can be pinkos," towhich they responded by character identified throughanalysis ofmarketing demo izing working-class, Southern bluegrass fans graphics data (Negus 1999). Over thepast cen as violent racists. tury, technological innovations have Like themusic, elements of dress, adorn standardized and simplified the production of ment, and lifestyle are exaggerated and mass music to satisfy the needs ofmass production. marketed to new fans of Industry-based genres. Trade magazines' weekly charts of song sales The "grunge aesthetic," for example, inspired and Industry-based annual music awards help fashion designer Marc Jacobs to incorporate guide industrydecisions about the relative suc flannel shirts,wool ski caps, and Doc Marten cess of individual songs and whole genres boots into Perry Ellis's 1992 spring collection (Anand and Peterson 2000; Anand andWatson (Moore 2005). Likewise, advertisers often cap 2004; Watson and Anand 2006). In theprocess, italized upon the popularity of a genre to pro names genre become more clearly fixed, but, at mote their products. In the early 1990s, for same the time, different Scene-based genres example, the moniker "alternative," common thatwere thought to be antithetical may be lyused to refer to grunge rock,was used to sell one melded into category (Peterson 1997). consumer products like Budweiser (the "alter National media bring a budding Industry native beer") and to describe theMTV program to a based genre the attention of mass audience "Alternative Nation." A generation earlier, the with stories about its seemingly discordant popularity of political protest prompted a major music and the large number of genre fanswith company to pronounce, "Columbia Records unconventional lifestyles (Gillett 1974; Laing brings you the revolution" (Santelli 1980). 1985). This coverage, however, is usually ill New fans attracted to an Industry-basedgenre informed about themusic and often frames a by intensivemerchandising often raise the ireof in three genre contradictory ways. Journalists more committed genre participants. New 706 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW recruits argue over what constitutes authentic publishes schedules of events, recounts recent on ity inmusic, musicians, and signs of group genre events, prints articles performance affiliation (Grazian 2004; Peterson 1997), while techniques, profiles both venerated and rising committed, longer-term fans and performers artists and groups, and reviews new and remas engage in a discourse about lost authenticity tered historical records released by the numer (Cantwell 1984; Eyerman and Jamison 1998; ous small record companies devoted to the Lopes 2002). This tension is sometimes divisive genre. There are usually scholarly publications enough to propel some genre members into and academic classes, but much instruction in forming new genres, either Avant-garde or musical technique and genre lore is received via Traditionalist. one-on-one interaction with established per formers and other aficionados. Committed Traditionalists a Traditionalist Genres expend great deal of energy fightingwith each other about the to Traditionalist genre participants' goal is pre models they construct to represent a genre's a serve genre's musical heritage and inculcate music and the canon of its iconic performers. the rising generation of devotees in the per Traditionalists argue over which instruments formance techniques, history, and rituals of the and vocal stylings are appropriate, and they genre. Fans and organizations dedicated to per may even battle over the place and time that a a amount petuating a genre put great of effort genre originated. For example, Traditionalist into constructing its history and highlighting US. punks claim thatpunk developed inNew exemplary performers who they deem fit into York and Detroit during the late 1960s and early the genre's emerging canon of exemplars (Lee 1970s, while British Traditionalists locate 2007; Regev 1994; Rosenberg 1985). punk's founding in 1970s London (Longhurst Periodic gatherings of genre artists and fans 2007). Retrospectively, adherents of at festivals, celebratory concerts, and reunions Traditionalist genres decry what they identifyas are characteristic ofTraditionalist genres. These the adulterating consequences of commercial rituals give devotees the chance to gather and exploitation of genre music, and they censure momentarily live in the spirit of the genre and artists who are seen as catering to corporate reaffirm its continuity (Rosenberg 1985). New interestsor values. This censure can be seen in and old performers will often play together, the denigration of "crossover" rap artists of the enacting a ritual of renewal through the vener 1980s likeVanilla Ice or Digital Underground, ation of the old timers and the "discovery" of who are derided forhaving "made Rap palatable com across new talent. Performers and promoters to white, suburban youth the country" monly relyon employment outside thegenre, so (Light 2004:140). these gatherings provide themost significant Performers' race, class, educational attain proportion of their earnings from performing ment, and regional origins are often used as genre music. They may also earn additional markers of authenticity.To play bluegrass, for money from selling records, musical instru example, it is said a musician must be White, ments, and genre-related ephemera. Many fans working class, rural, and preferably from the sing, play an instrument,or act as promoters of Appalachian mountains (Rosenberg 1985); you an to genre events, so the division of labor is less must be young,White, and underachiever distinct between fan, artist,and industrythan in perform punk music in an exemplary fashion a musi Industry-based or fully-developed Scene-based (Laing 1985); and to really play salsa, genres. cian must be Latin American (Urquia 2004). accounts Artists, promoters, and fans join clubs and Even journalistic and academic of associations devoted to the perpetuation of the Traditionalist genres engage in such demo Other outsiders genre thathold performance contests and cre graphic profiling (Kelley 2004). ate annual "best of..." awards. Adherents of often conflate stories of a genre's exotic origin Traditionalist genres communicate at a distance with its present Traditionalist form, and these touristswho want to know throughnewsletters, journals, trademagazines, stereotypes influence and Internet discussion sites, throughwhich something about the genre. Grazian (2003:13) a tourists come to they fabricate and promulgate a history for reports that well-meaning to "un genre (Bennett 2004). The genre-oriented press Chicago expecting find blues played by TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 707 educated American black men afflicted with guage made itsway intoa number of thegenre's blindness or some other disability, playing in songs. ramshackle joints thatare dimly lit,unbearably In the late 1940s, Bebop made the transition smoky, and smelling as funky as theirmusic intoan Industry-basedgenre as themajor record sounds." companies bought the recording contracts of the leadingBop artistsand began topromote the music to the The national GENRE TRAJECTORIES general public. press regularly reported on themusic, as well as Bop AgSIT Genre Traiectories artists' and fans' antics.Many stories described thezoot suit fashions, argot, racialmixing, juve Based on our four case studies,we expected all nile delinquency, and drug taking (Lopes 2002). genre trajectories togrow fromAvant-garde cir Much of the national media attention initially cles, but just 40 of the 60 genres we sampled derided Bop, but by themid-1950s themedia began thisway, and only 16 experienced the was increasingly positive, leading to a rapid fullAgSIT trajectory.Bebop, a form of jazz swelling in the ranks of casual listenerswho that emerged in the early 1940s, exemplifies a wanted to live thedangerous lifeof genre that experienced the full trajectory.Like vicariously the Numerous marketers with other Avant-garde genres, Bebop coalesced "hepcat." obliged themass of distinctive emblems of around a small group of experimentalists, production scene status. The record to draw includingCharlie Parker and "Dizzy" Gillespie. companies, more casual fans, the star They attracted the attention of other young jazz began backing Bop with sections, a move that players, most notably Bud Powell, Thelonious performers string the was Monk, and Charlie Christian, who were dissat signaled Industry-based genre reaching its end. isfied with the big-band swing of the time Genres that the (DeVeaux 1997). Their collective stylistic inno experience explosive growth and aesthetic dilution characteristic of an vations, dedication to creating Black artmusic, tend to suffera crisis as and charismatic leadership created a consensus Industry-based genre their casual fans find a new focus of atten around theBop genre ideal (Lopes 2002). Genre many tion. In this the of both R&B music conventions coalesced as Bebop came to instance, growth and Rock music drew fans from be played by small combos of musicians on away Bebop. Not the media reduced its acoustic instruments, usually led by a saxo surprisingly, general of and the record com phone and trumpet,and characterized by a series coverage Bebop, major reduced their and financial of fast extended solos improvised on a song's panies marketing of sometimes harmonic structure rather than on itsmelody. support genre artists, terminating their contracts Even the media As the Avant-garde Beboppers began to altogether. sup of saw it as experiment in small clubs, a Scene-based genre portive Bebop increasingly music as a developed. Bop-dedicated clubs such as to review rather than newsworthy lifestyle. Birdland opened and several specialty record In response, some musicians explore new companies, like Blue Bird, were established. ways to revitalize a genre ideal, and new Avant The always contentious jazz press hotly debat garde genres emerge from these efforts. For ed themusic, politics, and behavioral "excess example, Bebop artists helped to spawn Hard es" of themusic's practitioners and devotees. A bop, Cool jazz, Free jazz, psychedelic jazz, and set of sartorial, linguistic,and behavioral mark third stream genres. At the same time, hard ers developed, allowing Bopsters to identify core Bebop fans, who were dismayed by the each other and enact the circle's criticism of adulterationsmade in the Industry-based genre the status-quo music scene. Evoking the image and by the hordes of touristic fans, took wry of French bohemian artists,Dizzy Gillespie and pleasure from Bebop's downfall and set about other Boppers wore black berets, but theprime trying to recreate Bebop as ithad been in the symbol of Bop group allegiance was theuse of glory days when itwas Scene-based. In time, an elaborate vocabulary to describe themselves, these musicians, scholars, and fans created a set swing players, ignorant fans, demanding man of institutionsto preserve thememory and prac agers, varieties of drugs, and the authorities. tice of the music through education in the This rapidly evolving argotmade itpossible to schools, festivals, album reissues, and other deride outsiders in theirpresence, and the Ian features of Traditionalist genres. Increasingly, 708 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Bebop was interpreted as a modern art form Punk rock, Rockabilly, Salsa, Urban blues, worthy of scholarly attention and preservation Western swing, Hillbilly, and Rock-n-roll (see in themajor conservatories of classical music Table 2). Of these, Bebop most closely resem (Lopes 2002; Peterson 1972). The February 28, bles Heavy metal, Old-school rap, Punk rock, 1964 issue of Time magazine, for example, fea and Rockabilly in the spectacular and con tured Thelonious Monk on its cover and tentious Industry-based phase of their trajecto described his eccentricities not as signs ofmad ries. ness but of creative genius. As Table 2 shows, nine musics in disparate Fifteen other genres followed the sameAgSIT streams, includingAlternative country,Disco, trajectory as Bebop: Bluegrass, Chicago jazz, Gangsta rap, Jumpblues, Psychedelic rock, and Folk revival music, Gospel, Folk rock, Heavy Thrash metal, experienced Avant-garde, Scene metal, Honky-tonk country, Old-school rap, based, and Industry-based genres but have not

Table 2. Genre AgSIT Trajectories_

Industry Avant-Garde Scene-Based Based Traditionalist

x BeBop Jazz x x x x x Bluegrass x x x x x Chicago Jazz x Folk Revival x x x x Folk Rock x x x x x x x Gospel x x x x Heavy Metal x x x x Hillbilly x x x x HonkyTonk x x x x Old-School Rap x Punk Rock x x x x x x x Rockabilly x Rock-n-Roll x x x x Salsa x x x x Urban Blues x x x x x x x x Western Swing x x Alternative Country x Disco xxx

East Coast Gangsta Rap xxx Grunge Rock xxx Jazz Fusion xxx

Jump Blues xxx xxx Psychedelic Rock Thrash Metal xxx xxx West Coast Gangsta Rap Delta Blues x x x xx x DooWop New Orleans Jazz x x x Black Metal x x x x Country Boogie Death Metal x x Free Jazz x x x x Garage Grindcore x x x x Hard Bop House x x x x Jungle South Texas Polka x x Techno x x Laurel Canyon_x_ TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 709

formed a Traditionalist genre. Since there is Finally,while most Avant-garde genres either new to often a gap of five or more years between the wither or develop scenes, from time an circle collapse of an Industry-based genre and the time Avant-garde explodes, spawning coalescence of a Traditionalist genre, it is pos several new genres. Such Avant-garde genres are came sible that theymay experience a "revival" in usually labeled by the place they togeth as years to come. In several cases, the creative er, such the loose collection of singer-song energies thatmight have gone into tradition writer-musicians who gathered in the bucolic building went instead towardbuilding new gen canyons above Los Angeles in the late 1960s and as Like res. Most conspicuously, Alternative country, we identify the "Laurel Canyon" circle.8 Disco, Gangsta rap, and Psychedelic rock all Avant-garde genres, the artists associated were spawned, respectively,Americana; newer forms with Laurel Canyon quite eclectic, but of dance music likeTechno, House, and Jungle; theywere united in theirdislike of themusic of top-40 rap; and glam rock (Brewster and the day, including pop, glam, and psychedelic Broughton 2000; Chang 2005; Curtis 1987; rock. The Laurel Canyon circle did not devel Lee and Peterson 2004; Lena 2006). op a cohesive Scene-based genre, but itsefforts Three musics in our sample, Delta blues, were central to the floweringof several quite dis Doowop, and New Orleans jazz, developed a tinct genres, including the singer-songwriter Traditionalist genre without ever being an style of James Taylor and JoniMitchell, Folk Industry-based genre. This may be due to par rock led by the Byrds, cosmic country exem ticular features of the racialized system for plified by theFlying Burrito Brothers, the coun music distribution in the firsthalf of the twen tryrock of theEagles, and thepsychedelic pop tiethcentury, which limited the accessibility of of The Mamas and The Papas (Hoskyns 2006; Black music. Beginning in the thirdquarter of Walker 2006). the twentiethcentury, both Delta blues and New Orleans revivals as jazz experienced SIT Genre Traiectories Traditionalist genres. The history ofDoowop is our 60 11 as a bit different.Doowop started in the 1950s Among genre trajectories, began Scene-based and moved to an when young African American vocal groups genres Industry based or Traditionalist form Table The began to use theirvoices to simulate theBlack (see 3). first five inTable 3 out of pop music of theday. As the stylebecame more genres grew preex domestic Scene-based and six popular, theirvocal renditionswere augmented isting genres, from abroad took on distinctive iden by R&B bands, and Doowop merged into the imports tities in theUnited States. Black pop-music stream (Pruter 1996). is the one of these 11musics to We found 11 genre trajectories thatwere live Swing only the entire SIT in the twen ly Scene-based genres but never became go through trajectory tieth It in the late 1920s Industry-based genres nor formed a century. developed sweet Traditionalist genre.Most of these communities when dance bands incorporated elements of "hot into theirmusic. and purposively maintained their genre ideal, jazz" Composers orchestrated hot appealing to a narrow group. Death metal is an arrangers jazz improvisation over written dance-band both extreme example; its often violent, sexist, racist, parts, satisfying dancers and fans. In the hands of Duke and homophobic lyrics, as well as devotees' jazz antisocial behavior, foreclosed any distribution Ellington, Glen Miller, Count Basie, and Benny of bymajor music companies (Kahn-Harris 2007). Goodman, Swing became thedominant form Less extreme examples include Free jazz, Black industrial pop music by the late 1930s. Its metal, Garage, Grindcore, and South Texas Industry-based formwithered in the late 1940s, a polka. Country boogie and Hard bop were both but vigorous swing Traditionalist genre absorbed intoother genres, so theydid not enjoy a separateTraditionalist period. At the end of the 1990s, threedance musics, House, and 8 Jungle, This circle had no agreed name in the day. To vital Techno, enjoyed continuing development identifyit, like Walker (2006) we follow thecommon numerous and produced permutations through practice inAvant-garde genres and name the circle Scene-based media (McLeod 2001). after the place where itwas centered. 710 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 3. SIT Genre Trajectories

Scene-Based Industry-Based Traditionalist

Swing xx x Contemporary Christian x x Conscious Rap x ContemporaryGospel x x Humor Rap x x Reggae x x Soca x x

Tango x x Chicago Polka x x Cleveland Polka x x Milwaukee Polka_x_x_

emerged a decade later (Magee 2005; Shipton Soul is a good example of this pattern. 2001). African American religious singers had long Contemporary Christian music grew out of borrowed from Black secularmusic and rhythms young gospel musicians' efforts to incorporate to give their sacred songs intensityand popular elements of rock into their religiously-themed appeal. Following World War II, singers raised music (Darden 2004). Likewise, Conscious rap, in the church reversed the process, bringing Contemporary gospel, and Humor rap emerged elements of energized Gospel music into their from efforts to combine scenes (see Krims secular songs. These effortsranged widely, from [2000] and Rose [1994] on Rap; see Darden the rocking songs of Little Richard and the [2004],Heilbut [1997],and Thompson [2000] shouts of James Brown to theballads of numer as a on Contemporary gospel). Reggae, Soca, and ous R&B quartets. This work coalesced Tango, Caribbean and Latin music forms that coherent genre in thehands ofRay Charles and owner came to theUnited States and developed dis Ahmet Ertegun, theAtlantic Records tinctive attributes here, had no Traditionalist and producer. In 1954, Charles had a huge hit thewell-known phase. Instead, each became part of the foun when he transformed Gospel dation for later forms of Latin, Rock, and Rap anthem "My Jesus Means theWorld toMe" into secular "I Got aWoman over town music (Dudley 2004; Roberts 1979; Shepherd the (way that's to Over the next 10 et al. 2005). Finally, three forms of polka music good me)." years, artists followed his coming from central Europe took on distinctive many lead, including forms inMidwestern industrial cities, fostered Solomon Burke, Otis Redding, Aretha Franklin, Sam Jackie andWilson Picket by Scene-based institutions (Shepherd et al. Cook, Wilson, Gillett Guralnick 2005). None of the polka musics developed (Garland 1970; 1974; 1999). In the Motown Records became into Industry-based genres, but all sustained an 1960s, very a extended Traditionalist genre. successful by crafting line of "softer," "safer," soul songs. Cool jazz, Funk, New jack swing, and Nu metal likewise emerged from the efforts IST Genre Traiectories of successful artists working with industrial or Nine of our 60 genre trajectories, as depicted in record company producers arrangers. Table 4, began as Industry-based genres and Southern gospel developed quite differently. then developed scenes; six then experienced While the genre is highly inflectedwith Black Traditionalist phases. We did not anticipate this influences, the designation "Southern" is used sort of trajectory but identified a number of to clearly distinguish itspredominantly White, cases thatshare this "anomaly." On close inspec close-harmony stylefrom related trends inBlack tion,we found thatmost of these genres con Gospel. Southern gospel was an unintended spicuously share a source in the pooled efforts byproduct of marketing effortsbegun in 1910 of a few creative musicians paired with by theVaughn Music Publishing Company to new fea arrangers, producers, and industry marketers sell their line of religious songbooks hired working in the field of Industry-basedmusic. turingfour-part harmonies. The company TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 711

Table 4. IST Genre Trajectories

Industry-Based Scene-Based Traditionalist Cool Jazz xxx Funk xxx

Movie Cowboy xxx New Jack Swing xxx Soul xxx

Southern Gospel xxx Nashville Sound x x Nu Metal x x

Outlaw Country x x

a male quartet to performworks from the song Hollywood movie lots devoted tomaking "B" books in churches across the South and the Western films (Peterson 1997). not been Midwest. Four-part quartets had pop Outlaw country coalesced in themid-1970s ular but were themost cost previously, they as a reaction to the growing banality of the efficientway to promote songbooks. Touring Nashville sound, but it represented a long tra quartets rapidly became popular, and enter dition of "hard countrymusic," running from prising singers formed publishing companies JimmieRodgers and Hank Williams toGeorge and sent out singing quartets of theirown. This Jones and JohnnyCash (Malone 2002). Led by created a great demand fornew songs well suit and Willie Nelson, artists ed to four-partharmonies. By 1940, perform Waylon Jennings to flaunt their write theirown ances were also held in town halls, theaters, began drug use, choose theirrecord and record schools, and under tentswhere theatricalitywas songs, producers, own important to success. Several quartets record with their road bands away from the large ed forRCA in the 1920s, but itwasn't until the corporately-owned studios. This "outlaw" move 1960s thatgroups again obtained contractswith ment became a genre in 1976 when RCA labels. the 1980s the old circuit no major By repackaged previously-released material by drew fans, but the form has longer young expe Jennings, Nelson, Jessi Colter, and Tompall rienced a revival as a Traditionalist genre since Glaser as "Wanted: The Outlaws," which the 1990s (Goff 2002; Murray 2005). became the first countrymusic album to sell a The Nashville sound was also an unintend million copies. Many artists followed in the ed byproduct ofmusic industryactors. Itwas the wake of this success, but themusic has not had work of major music corporation producers a were Traditionalist phase. Instead, the outlaw who also accomplished musicians, most spir it and of records has animated notably Owen Bradley, Herbert Long, and Chet way making Atkins. Beginning in the late 1950s, they cre loosely-organized Avant-garde movements, such ated an assembly-line system of production in as Texas country, Southern rock, Alternative an to effort produce standard, high-quality coun country, and hellbilly (Ching 2001, Malone music at a cost. try low Professional songwrit 2002). ers that were to provided songs assigned Our sample genres suggest thatnot all indus artists, and a set of "ses particular professional trial environments are equally congenial to the sion" musicians created arrangements in the development of new musics. While themajor studio.What began as a system of production companies (measured in a way appropriate to the soon developed distinctmusical qualities that time) accounted formost popular music pro collectively became known as the Nashville duction in the United States, sound (Hemphill 1970). The genre flourished in twentieth-century six of the nine musics in our the 1960s, was supplanted in the 1970s, and to sample?Cool New Southern date ithas not had a Traditionalist form (Jensen jazz, Funk, jack swing, Soul, and Nu 1998). Like theNashville sound,Cowboy music gospel, metal?were developed in unaf was the byproduct of a system of creating filiated, independent record companies that was recorded music; it produced in the were in competition with themajor labels. 712 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS are broken or truncated,all the sampled musics went through a Scene-based phase. This article examines the attributes,forms, and trajectories of commercial music genres in the The Theoretical Utility of Genre and twentieth-century United States. Based on Social-Cultural Classification exploratory case studies of Bebop jazz, Bluegrass, Grunge rock, and Rap, we found The forms and trajectories we discovered in thateach music community can be characterized music of the twentieth-centuryUnited States clusters of 12 attributes: by organizational form, seem similar to those of other social forma scale, and locus ofmusic codifica production; tions.We described how new music genres coa tion of the role of performance conventions; lesce frommusicians' dissatisfactions and their technology,press coverage, and boundary work; ability to attractan activemusic scene.Much the the identitywork of participants, including their same process seems to take place in the "invis goals, dress, and argot; sources of income for ible colleges" of scientists and scholars in the artists; and finally thevarying sources of genre humanities. These groups form around faculty's names. We found that combinations of these and students' dissatisfaction with thedominant attributes cluster into four genre forms thatwe practices in a given discipline, and some of call Avant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based, these factions become well enough established and Traditionalist. that theyare able to gather sufficient resources To gauge the generality of these genre attri to produce and convey knowledge (Crane 1972; butes, forms, and trajectories,we examined 60 Frickel and Gross 2005). The growth of aca kinds ofmusic found in theUnited States.We demic thus resembles musics in the discovered that these four forms were disciplines genre first three of the Much sufficient to account for variations in the sam phases AgSIT trajectory. the same process is found in the development pled musics. We also found that the develop of churches that grow from sects or cults. mental features of thesemusics fit one of three Whether derived from an existing denomination distinct genre trajectories. Two-thirds of the as a sect, or born from fresh inspirationas a cult, sampled musics started inAvant-garde circles. these groups can experience similar develop Most of these thengenerated supportfrom local mental paths as AgSIT genres, until they too people and institutions,attracted the attention wither or become established churches (Stark of mass marketers, and, after a period of inter and Bainbridge 1985;Wallis 1975). national visibility, a number became thedomain The musics we studied changed inpatterned of those seeking topreserve the traditionalgenre ways that may mirror processes in other ideal.9 A smaller number of musics emerged domains. The music and lifestyleof many gen within scenes, usually becoming Industry-based resmoved from novel and and thenTraditionalist being experimental genres genres. Perhaps as or to being seen unexceptional, fixed, old the greatest surprise was that nine musics fashioned. This particular patterned change within themusic industry,as artists, emerged strikesus as similar toWeber's idea of the rou producers, ormarketers seized the opportunity tinization of charisma (Weber 1947), and this to innovate, and several of these developed us towardmore Scene-based and Traditionalist forms. It is similaritymay point general principles that could explain the dynamics of notable thatwhile many musical trajectories diverse collectivities. Numerous sociological studies examine the social processes of genre dynamics in various 9 be taken when that Caution should asserting forms of cultural expression, focusing on the is the This tra AgSIT predominant genre trajectory. valorization of a cultural form as art (Baumann mirrors the of genre jectory roughly story develop 2007; Bourdieu 1990; DiMaggio 1982, 1992; ment recounted in works and many popular White and White If art a Regev 1994; 1965). retrospective critical evaluations. There is danger musics are considered in theway we have done that this is as much a reconstructed myth as an accu here, a genre phase based on institutionalval rate accounting of events. We try to avoid this poten sources orization and tial bias as much as possible by relying on governmental-philanthropic sup be and thisart-based written close to the times that the events being portwould probably found, for the described took place. phase might simply substitute TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 713

Traditionalist phase experienced by some com Genre in Interactional and Macro mercial genres. In the case of Bebop, the val Context orization processes near the end of its emerged Rival genres are among themost importantele Is it Industry-based genre (Lopes 2002). possi ments in a genre's environment,and as we noted ble that there are characteristics of the above, contentious battles between rivals often Traditionalist phase thathave, to date, prevent shape Scene-based musics. The historical record ed the valorization of blues and rock as art offersmany examples of such conflict, includ the street between "mods" and "rock despite the concerted efforts of numerous ing fights ers" in the early days of rock-n-roll in the groups (Lee 2007; Regev 1994)? United We know very little, In the course of our work it became abun Kingdom. though, of the role these frictions play in the develop dantly clear thatgenres do not all have the same ment of genres. It could be that competition influence in eithermusic or the field of altering over resources produces similarities between commercial music. One might distinguish musics. between genres thatare onlymarginally differ Much writing on genre emergence focuses on ent and those thatare germinal, that is, they rep the ingenuityand creativityof particular artists. It is clear from the detailed of resent a significant departure from existing descriptions genres, however, that artistsand musics. Such germinal genres tend to spawn a Avant-garde key cultural entrepreneursare often familiarwith the number of genres thatare only marginally dif development of earliermusics, and these stories ferentfrom them. For example, the germinal may condition their actions as they set out to genres of Rock-n-roll, and Old-school Bebop, form a new music. Similarly, theremay be pres Hard and Cool rap begat, respectively, bop jazz, sures for a genre to acquire particular institu psychedelic and glam rock, and Gangsta, booty tional features thatare isomorphicwith those of rap, and numerous other variants. If this dis others in the organizational field. tinctionproves useful, itwould be important to Hesmondhalgh (1998), for example, shows that the and institutional of ask why germinal genres emerge when and organizational dynamics themusic industry frustrated the attempts of where theydo. bands to on a democratic A deal of about music post-punk operate great popular writing basis. genres focuses on descriptions of the interaction The dynamics of field opportunity structures but this is an under among participants, seem to dictate thatwhen a dominant genre is researched area for a few illustra and, except aging, only one of the contending new genres tions, we have given it scant attention here. will be able to take its place. Is this process to con There are numerous possible research ques inevitable, and what happens the other tions:What are thediscursive andmusical struc testants?Do they get absorbed by thewinning Do wither? Or do con tures that concatenate into genre ideals and genre? they simply they solidate their strengths as Scene-based or produce symbols of inclusion and exclusion? Traditionalist genres and survive on the How do conventions and margins performance emerge, of commercial music? what is the of and process elective affinity resis Much of thisarticle focuses on field-level fac tance which Is there an by lifestyles emerge? tors ingenre dynamics. Nonetheless, we brack optimum level of competition between musi eted several importantfactors tomake the data cians, old and new genre fans, industryactors, manageable. Most importantly,we did not take into consideration and between genres for creating genres and the intimate relationship between creative communities in the United theirdevelopment? Why do some Avant-garde States and those inEurope and other parts of the circles attract scenes while otherswither? Why world. A full understanding of genres in the do some genre seek innovation participants United States must take into account these while others tomaintain traditions?And are try diverse influences and collaborations. In addi the of formation differentfor dynamics identity tion, genres such as bebop, punk, rap, and post Avant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based, and disco dance music have taken root in countries Traditionalist genre participants? around theworld and are being reimported to 714 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

the United States in transformed versions. We have said little about themacro social Likewise, Avant-garde and Scene-based gen conditions thatgive rise to specific innovations resmodeled on exported U.S. genres emerge in or periods of innovation.The greatmajority of many countries, but few systematic studies musics in our sample were created in the sec explore the processes involved or theways in ond half of the twentiethcentury. Itmight well an which the genres are transformed (Condry be artifact of our limited resources for his 2006). torical research, or the tendency of histories to blur more Research shows that discrimination against distinctions among distant events and but it is that there has marginalized elements of our society has had a phenomena, plausible been an accelerated rate complex influence on genre formation and tra of genre formation. Features of U.S. jectories (Cantwell 1984; Crouch 2007; Lott culture, political economy, and have 1995). Indeed, many of themusics in our sam communication, technologymay pro moted and sustained levels of innovation ple emerged from the experiences ofmarginal unique in the second half of the For ized elements of society, most prominently century. example, theUnited States fromWorld War II African Americans, youth, immigrants,women, emerged with its industrial infrastructure andmost and individuals from slums and other impover intact, of the inventions in radio, television, and ished areas, such as the South. By way of con key record were made in the postwar trast,the lifewaysand complaints of thewealthy making peri od. In the 1950s, newfound wealth have not inspired the development of any of teenagers' fueled the explosive growth in themarket for the commercial genres in our sample. Why is commercial music. Growing worldwide com this the case, and what is its specific impact on prehension of theEnglish language made U.S. genre attributes and trajectories? commercial music popular, and growing world We were surprised by the counterintuitive wide popularity of the three-minutesong format, discovery that several twentieth-centurymusics and the confines of an eight-note scale, influ as genres which emerged Industry-based (IST), enced the freer sonorities and meter of folk suggests the importance of furtheranalyzing musics around the world. More recently, the the role of corporations in genre formation and newfound ease ofmusic creation, distribution, development. Multinational corporations often and consumption, made possible by digitaliza inhibitmusical innovation; to sustain profits, tion and the new media, may fuel the develop firms constrain artists to produce onlymargin ment of diverse genres around the world. ally different aesthetic content (Dowd 2004; We have focused on identifying develop 1992; Peterson and 1975; Lopes Berger mental sequences of music genres; the causal Weisbard How does the role 2008). increasing mechanisms that aid genres as they transition ofmultinational in the corporations early stages from one genre form to the next were not our ofmusical innovation effect the incubation of concern here. However, having identified the musics in Scene-based genres (Negus 1999)? prevalent genre types and trajectories, future for the industrial sector Looking profits, may researchmight seek thenecessary and sufficient harvest Scene-based "prematurely" genres. conditions for the production of these genre What are the for the aesthetic consequences forms and their sequencing. content and of suchmusic? It is entire trajectory Our study shows that defining music genre in the cor lypossible that, twenty-firstcentury, sociologically as a creative group process rather control of themusic stifle porate industrymay than as a discourse about taxonomy or a mar autonomous of the the development of genres ket category facilitates understanding the sort that flourished in the twentiethcentury. On processes of classification and systematic theother hand, themyriad technological changes change. It also provokes a range of questions stimulated by digitalization, togetherwith the about the social structureof genres, thedynam radical restructuringof corporate organizations, ics of theirtrajectories, and theways these shape may provide opportunities for thedevelopment music. Itmay also shed light on processes of of new germinal genres. One such possibility is classification and change in other creative the emergence of new genres based entirely on domains in sociology, the arts, management, the electronic manipulation of sound (Puckette and the sciences. More broadly, this inductive 2007). schema illustratesboth the relevance of sociol TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 715

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