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The Formation of Liberal and Anti-Liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh
Akh. Muzakki IS EDUCATION DETERMINANT? The Formation of Liberal and Anti-liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh. Muzakki The University of Queensland, Australia Abstract: Liberalism and anti-liberalism are two increasing- ly prominent but staunchly opposing streams of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. This article analyses the formation of each of the two through an examination of the role of formal education. It focuses on organic intellectuals during two periods, the New Order and the reformasi. Challenging the strongly-held thesis of the determinant role of education, this article argues that both liberal and anti-liberal Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia is a result of not only the intellectual formation in the sense of academic training and access to education and knowledge, but also the sociological background and exposure in building a new epistemic community in an urban context. As a theoretical understanding of sociolo- gical background and exposure, the concept of epistemic community deserves to be taken as an analytical framework in addition to education for the analysis of the formation of the two contesting bents of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. Keywords: Liberalism, anti-liberalism, Islamic legal think- ing, education, epistemic community. Introduction In his controversial speech entitled “The Necessity of Islamic Renewal Thinking and the Problem of the Integration of the Ummah” on 2 January 1970, Madjid argued for a dynamic approach to Islam which requires reinterpretation of Islamic teachings in context with place and time. In more elaborate ways, he further argued that Islamic values move in line with the spirit of humanitarianism which promotes 280 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 02, December 2007 Is Education Determinant? the dignity of Mankind. -
The Muslim 500 2011
The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500The The Muslim � 2011 500———————�——————— THE 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS ———————�——————— � 2 011 � � THE 500 MOST � INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- The Muslim 500: The 500 Most Influential Muslims duced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic 2011 (First Edition) or mechanic, inclding photocopying or recording or by any ISBN: 978-9975-428-37-2 information storage and retrieval system, without the prior · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · written permission of the publisher. Views expressed in The Muslim 500 do not necessarily re- Chief Editor: Prof. S. Abdallah Schleifer flect those of RISSC or its advisory board. Researchers: Aftab Ahmed, Samir Ahmed, Zeinab Asfour, Photo of Abdul Hakim Murad provided courtesy of Aiysha Besim Bruncaj, Sulmaan Hanif, Lamya Al-Khraisha, and Malik. Mai Al-Khraisha Image Copyrights: #29 Bazuki Muhammad / Reuters (Page Designed & typeset by: Besim Bruncaj 75); #47 Wang zhou bj / AP (Page 84) Technical consultant: Simon Hart Calligraphy and ornaments throughout the book used courtesy of Irada (http://www.IradaArts.com). Special thanks to: Dr Joseph Lumbard, Amer Hamid, Sun- dus Kelani, Mohammad Husni Naghawai, and Basim Salim. English set in Garamond Premiere -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
From Custom to Pancasila and Back to Adat Naples
1 Secularization of religion in Indonesia: From Custom to Pancasila and back to adat Stephen C. Headley (CNRS) [Version 3 Nov., 2008] Introduction: Why would anyone want to promote or accept a move to normalization of religion? Why are village rituals considered superstition while Islam is not? What is dangerous about such cultic diversity? These are the basic questions which we are asking in this paper. After independence in 1949, the standardization of religion in the Republic of Indonesia was animated by a preoccupation with “unity in diversity”. All citizens were to be monotheists, for monotheism reflected more perfectly the unity of the new republic than did the great variety of cosmologies deployed in the animistic cults. Initially the legal term secularization in European countries (i.e., England and France circa 1600-1800) meant confiscations of church property. Only later in sociology of religion did the word secularization come to designate lesser attendance to church services. It also involved a deep shift in the epistemological framework. It redefined what it meant to be a person (Milbank, 1990). Anthropology in societies where religion and the state are separate is very different than an anthropology where the rulers and the religion agree about man’s destiny. This means that in each distinct cultural secularization will take a different form depending on the anthropology conveyed by its historically dominant religion expression. For example, the French republic has no cosmology referring to heaven and earth; its genealogical amnesia concerning the Christian origins of the Merovingian and Carolingian kingdoms is deliberate for, the universality of the values of the republic were to liberate its citizens from public obedience to Catholicism. -
Dakwah, Competition for Authority, and Development
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 167, no. 2-3 (2011), pp. 236-269 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-101389 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 JOHAN MEULEMAN Dakwah, competition for authority, and development Introduction The Arabic word da`wah – literally call or invitation – is a general term which denotes propagation of the Islamic religion. The Malay/Indonesian term, de- rived from the Arabic, is dakwah.1 Although the concept includes efforts to convert non-Muslims to Islam, da`wah primarily refers to activities aiming at strengthening and deepening the faith of Muslims and helping them lead their daily lives in conformity with Islamic principles. Since the birth of Islam, da`wah has been an important aspect of this religion and da`wah activities have always been highly appreciated in Muslim societies. However, in the course of the twentieth century, da`wah activities and organizations have grown par- ticularly strong all over the Muslim world and have adopted new forms and new aims. This phenomenon is related to two major developments which were partly contradictory: a renewed aspiration for international unity of all Muslims, on the one hand, and the formation of modern nation-states with their different religious traditions and – more importantly – their conflicting political interests, on the other hand. Additional factors include the develop- ment of modern means of transport and communication as well as Christian missionary activities.2 Although often associated with revivalism, competi- tion with other religions, or opposition to a secular political establishment, da`wah, understood more generally as organized efforts to strengthen the Is- lamic faith and its practice, is not limited to movements characterized by such associations. -
Why Are Indonesians Prone to Support the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria?
WHY ARE INDONESIANS PRONE TO SUPPORT THE ISLAMIC STATE OF IRAQ AND SYRIA? Karen Savitri Universitas Pelita Harapan, Tangerang [email protected] ABSTRACT Negara Islam Irak dan Syam, atau lebih dikenal sebagai ISIS, mendeklarasikan dirinya sebagai sebuah khilafah, atau negara Islam, dengan Abu Bakar Al-Baghdadi sebagai Khalifah atau pemimpin atas segala umat Muslim, pada tahun 2014. Dalam aksinya, mereka membunuh banyak orang, merugikan harta benda, serta membuat kerusakan infrastruktur dari wilayah kekuasaannya di Timur Tengah sampai dengan Asia Tenggara. Kabar kekerasan ISIS terdengar melalui media massa, dari internet, dalam artikel berita, dan didiskusikan di media sosial. Namun, dengan segala informasi mengenai kekejaman ISIS, mengapa masih ada orang Indonesia yang mendukung ISIS? Apa yang membuat mereka membenci orang-orang kafir? Apa yang memotivasi mereka untuk berjuang demi ISIS, bahkan sampai rela untuk kehilangan nyawa? Penelitian ini, dengan mengaplikasikan teori konstruktivisme, mendiskusikan kisah sejarah Indonesia dan faktor sosial yang mendasari alasan orang Indonesia mendukung ISIS. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, data dikumpulkan melalui interview dan studi literatur dari buku dan artikel penelitian. Peneliti mendiskusikan total 6 (enam) faktor pendorong dan penarik, mulai dari kisah sejarah, radikalisme di Tanah Air, kecendrungan orang Muslim di Indonesia, dan generasi milenial. Keywords: Radicalization, extremism, ISIS, Indonesia 1. Introduction Since the Islamic State of Iraq and Indonesians, including women -
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BAB I PENDAHULUAN POLITIK PERDA SYARIAT Dialektika Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia Ma’mun Murod Al-Barbasy i POLITIK PERDA SYARIAT MA’MUN MUROD AL-BARBASY ii BAB I PENDAHULUAN POLITIK PERDA SYARIAT Dialektika Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia Ma’mun Murod Al-Barbasy Kata Pengantar Prof. Dr. Din Syamsuddin, MA. iii POLITIK PERDA SYARIAT MA’MUN MUROD AL-BARBASY POLITIK PERDA SYARIAT Dialektika Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia Penulis : Ma’mun Murod Al-Barbasy Penyunting : Ahmad Mu'arif, S. Ag., MA. Pemeriksa aksara : Mumsika Desain sampul : Amin Mubarok Tataletak isi : Dwi Agus M Diterbitkan pertama kali oleh: Penerbit Suara Muhammadiyah Jl. KHA Dahlan No. 43, Yogyakarta 55122 Telp. : (0274) 376955, Fax. (0274) 411306 SMS/WA : 0812 1738 0308 Facebook : Penerbit Suara Muhammadiyah E-mail : [email protected] (Redaksi) [email protected] (Admin) Homepage : www.suaramuhammadiyah.id Cetakan I : Desember 2017 Hak cipta edisi bahasa Indonesia © Penherbit Suara Muhammadiyah, 2017 Hak cipta dilindungi undang-undang ISBN: 000-000-0000-00-0 iv PENGANTAR PENULIS KATA PENGANTAR BUKU berjudul “Politik Perda Syariat: Dialektika Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia” yang ada di tangan pembaca ini pada mu lanya merupakan karya Disertasi dengan judul: “Islam dan Negara: Studi Kasus Perumusan, Perdebatan, dan Kontroversi serta Peran Politik Muhammadiyah dan NU dalam Proses Pembuatan Perda 12 Tahun 2009 Kota Tasikmalaya.” Karena isinya dirasa penting untuk dipublikasikan, maka saya merasa perlu untuk menerbitkannya dalam bentuk buku, tentu setelah membuang beberapa isi Disertasi yang dirasa tidak perlu untuk terbitan sebuah buku. Buku ini mengangkat tema besar tentang Perda Syariat dan juga peran Muhammadiyah dan NU dalam proses pembuatan Perda Sya riat. -
Building Moderate Muslim Networks
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Building Moderate Muslim Networks Angel Rabasa Cheryl Benard Lowell H. Schwartz Peter Sickle Sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST PUBLIC POLICY The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation and was conducted under the auspices of the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy. -
Islamism, and the Ideological Questioning of the Pancasila
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Islamism, and the ideological questioning of the pancasila Mahfuh Haji Halimi 2018 Mahfuh Haji Halimi. (2018). Islamism, and the ideological questioning of the pancasila. Doctoral thesis, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. http://hdl.handle.net/10356/73211 https://doi.org/10.32657/10356/73211 Downloaded on 02 Oct 2021 22:26:49 SGT ISLAMISM, AND THE IDEOLOGICAL QUESTIONING OF THE PANCASILA MAHFUH BIN HAJI HALIMI S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Thesis submitted to the Nanyang Technological University in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Strategic Studies) 2018 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank all those who have provided me with invaluable support and assistance throughout my research for this thesis. I am particularly grateful to my supervisors: Amb Barry Desker, Prof Joseph Liow, and Prof Rohan Gunaratna for their support and advice. Also to Prof Martin van Bruinessen for his invaluable comments and suggestions. I am indebted to Assoc Prof Bilveer Singh for introducing me to many people in Jakarta and Yogyakarta who were of great assistance to my research. Special thanks go to General (Retired) Prof Dr A.M. Hendropriyono, Inspector General (Retired) Drs Ansyaad Mbai, Police-General Dr M. Tito Karnavian, Major General Agus Surya Bakti, KH Dr As’ad Said Ali, Amb Harry Purwanto, Prof Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Prof Sugeng, Prof Noorhaidi Hasan, Prof Zuly Qodir, Prof Hilman Latief, Prof Sidik Jatmika, Prof Khamami Zada, Prof Irfan Idris, Prof Robi, Drs Solahudin and Sidney Jones. -
Eliraz:Layout 1
Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World Islam and Polity in Indonesia: An Intriguing Case Study GIORA ELIRAZ Research Monographs on the Muslim World Series No 1, Paper No 5 February 2007 The views, opinions, and/ or findings contained in this report are those of the author(s) and should not be construed as an official Department of Defense pos ition, policy, or decision. HUDSON INSTITUTE Islam and Polity in Indonesia: An Intriguing Case Study GIORA ELIRAZ Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World © 2007 by Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. HUDSON INSTITUTE 1015 15th Street, NW Sixth Floor, Washington, DC 20005 202-974-2400 www.hudson.org Islam and Polity in Indonesia: An Intriguing Case Study GIORA ELIRAZ hough it has the fourth-largest population in the world, the huge archi- pelago of Indon esia remains almost unknown to most that live outside T the region. In other words, “to most people, Indonesia is a cipher, by far the least-known of the world’s great nations.”1 Furthermore, though it is home for about 200 million Muslims, the fascinating Islamic mosaic of Indonesia still seems to be regarded by many as peripheral to the Islamic world. (In the wake of September 11 and the Bali bomb- ly significant changes in its political institutions. Over ings of 12 October 2002, Islam in Indonesia has the past few years, a democratic trans for mation is ostensibly gained more attention in the West. But making this country—home to the largest Muslim this attention has mostly led to an increase in new community on the planet—into the third largest observers. -
3 Enforcing Religious Freedom in Indonesia
3 Enforcing Religious Freedom in Indonesia Muslim Elites and the Ahmadiyah Controversy after the 2011 Cikeusik Clash Bastiaan Scherpen 1 Introduction The Ahmadiyah controversy in Indonesia took a deadly turn for the worse in February 2011 when an angry mob clashed with followers of the sect in a remote village in Banten province, brutally killing three men in the process. As graphic footage of the Cikeusik mob attack circulated on YouTube, Islam-based organisations and parties were forced to take a stand. In this chapter, the aftermath of this attack will be used as a case study to examine the attitudes and behaviour of mainstream Islamic organisations and Islam-based political parties. Based largely on personal interviews and an examination of statements in various media and in the House of People’s Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat/dpr), this contribution shows that there is considerable divergence between proposals by politicians and those by civil society groups associated with their parties about how to deal with a sect almost unanimously seen as deviant in Indonesia. It is shown that while major civil society groups like Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah seem to advocate pragmatic solutions, Islamic idealism often prevails in the political arena. 2 Muslims, Minorities and Democracy¹ While the sprawling Indonesian archipelago is often said to be a vanguard of ‘pluralist’ or ‘moderate’ Islam – as opposed to more ‘radical’ Islamic ideas and practices said to be prevailing in Middle Eastern countries – Besides the people who kindly freed up some of their valuable time for an interview with me (and who are mentioned throughout this paper), I would like to thank the following people for their feedback, advice and help in contacting sources: Martin van Bruinessen, Kees van Dijk, Ridho al-Hamdi, Ahmad-Norma Permata, Nico J.G. -
The Changing Paradigm of Indonesian Jihadist
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM THE CHANGING PARADIGM OF INDONESIAN JIHADIST MOVEMENTS From al-`Aduww al-Qarib> to al-`Aduww al-Ba`id> Syaifudin Zuhri UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta - Indonesia Abstract: Like in any other Muslim countries, an analysis of Islamic space in Indonesia cannot ignore the jihadist movements that took shape there. Since the reformation era, Indonesians have witnessed a number of bloody tragedies, ranging from religious conflicts in Ambon, attacks to the Western embassies offices, to the deadliest suicide bombings in Bali. All aforementioned attacks entails that a terrorist group operating in Southeast Asia called Jama’ah Islamiyyah does exist. The article deals with the historical account of the transformation of Indonesian jihadist movements. It will discuss, first, the intellectual roots of the emergence of transnational jihadist movements and, second, the Indonesian’ links to the trend as Jamaah Islamiyyah has demonstrated. The “near enemy” (al-‘aduww al-qarīb) and the “far enemy” (al-‘aduww al-ba‘īd) developed by Greges are key notions quoted as analytical tools to deal with diverse acts of jihadist movement in responde to the local and global parties perceived as anti-Islam. Keywords: Jihadist movement, Jama’ah Islamiyyah, transnational jihadist networks. Introduction Since the collapse of Suharto’s New Order (1966-1998) and along with the political democratisation of the country, Indonesians have witnessed a number of bloody attacks, suicide bombings, and terrorism. It leads to the condemnation and accusation, including from that of the former prime minister of Singapore who maintained that Indonesia is “a nest for terrorists”.