A CENTURY AFTER BUFFALO BILL AND

THE LEGACY OF THEIR VISIONS OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN GERMAN-SPEAKING EUROPE

DIPLOMARBEIT

zur Erlangung des Magistergrades (Mag.phil.)

an der Kultur- und Gesellschaftswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Paris-Lodron-Universität Salzburg

Fachbereich Geschichte

Gutachterin: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Angela Schottenhammer

eingereicht von CHRISTOPH GRUBER

Salzburg, Oktober 2017

Abstract This diploma thesis investigates the visons of American Indians in German-speaking Europe from the late 1800s until today. Buffalo Bill and Karl May can be considered one of the major shapers of the visions that are still predominant today. In particular, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West shows and May’s novels about the Apache chief have significantly contributed to ste- reotypical images. Literature and the conducted non-probability sample study showed Karl May’s portrayal of his American Indians has never ceased to exist as the prevailing perception of Native Americans. The study, consisting of 24 open and closed questions and a sample size of 201 respondents, found that Winnetou (44.28%) and the Apache people (74.63%) are the best known Native Americans and tribes. 90.05% stated that Native Americans lived in teppees and that they had fight due to defensive causes; the overall perception of American Indians tends to be positive. The majority has heard of Karl May (88.60%) and is aware of his influence on the image of Native Americans (87.20%). 78.50% have heard of James Fenimore Cooper and 82.10% of Buffalo Bill. Films/TV are the most frequently sources (92%) for knowledge about American Indians, and the Winnetou films have mostly contributed to this knowledge (72.70%). ‘Long hair’ was the most frequently named appearance descriptor (38.31%). Finally, a tendency towards a decline in interest in American Indian books and films could be observed.

Kurzfassung Diese Diplomarbeit untersucht das Bild der Ureinwohner Nordamerikas im deutschsprachigen Raum vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis heute. Buffalo Bill und Karl May haben das Indianer- bild, das bis heute noch am weitesten verbreitet ist, geprägt wie kaum jemand anderer. Insbeson- dere Buffalo Bills Wild West shows und die Karl Mays Bücher über den Apachen-Häuptling Winnetou lieferten einen maßgeblichen Beitrag zu der stereotypischen Wahrnehmung der Urein- wohner Amerikas. Wie die Literatur sowie die durchgeführte non-probability sample Studie zeigte, hat die Mays Darstellung von seinen Indianern nie an Dominanz verloren. Die Studie bestand aus insgesamt 24 offenen und geschlossenen Fragen und wurde von 201 Teilnehmer durchgeführt. Es wurde in der Studie aufgezeigt, dass Winnetou (44,28%) der bekannteste Indi- ander ist und die Apachen (74,63%) der bekannteste Indianerstamm ist. 90,05% der Befragten gaben an, dass Indianer früher in Tipis lebten und das sie vorwiegend zur Verteidigung kämpften. Ebenso wurde eine positive Tendenz gegenüber der Ureinwohner festgestellt. Die Mehrheit (88,60%) hat von Karl May gehört und ist sich dessen Einfluss auf die Wahrnehmung von Indi- anern bewusst (87,20%). Im Vergleich dazu, haben 78,50% von James Fenimore Cooper gehört und 81,10% von Buffalo Bill. Film/Fernsehen waren die meist genannten Wissensquellen mit 92%, die Winnetou-Filme haben mit 72,70% ihren größten Beitrag zu dem erworbenen Wissen geliefert. „Lange Haare“ (38,31%) war das häufigste Attribut bei dem Erscheinungsbild der Ur- einwohner. Des Weiteren, wurde eine sinkende Tendenz des Interesses an Indianerbüchern und Filmen festgestellt.

Acknowledgements

Writing these thank yous means I have successfully overcome laziness, lame excuses, and late nights of watching Game of Thrones and other series.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my adviser, Dr. Angela Schottenhammer, for her guidance and support but also giving the opportunity to work on this thesis on a topic which I have been interested all my life.

Diese Diplomarbeit möchte ich meinen Eltern widmen und mich für ihre bedingungslose Unter- stützung und ihr Vertrauen bedanken. Bedanken möchte ich mich auch für all die von Ihnen mir ermöglichten Auslandsaufenthalte, welche mich doch sehr geprägt haben.

I would also like to thank my friends, colleagues and all those who helped me and provided insightful comments and suggestions. I also wish to thank all the participants in my study, who fed me with data and thus facilitated the case study.

A special thanks to my girlfriend – without you, this thesis would have been completed months later, at the best of times.

Contents

Introduction………………………….………………………………………………………… 1 1. Name Controversy………………………………………………………………………... 3 1.1. Indian, American Indian, and Native American…………………………………….. 3 1.2. Redskin……………………………………………………………………………… 7 1.2.1. Etymology of redskin……………………………………………………...... 8 1.3. Etymology of Indian…………………………………………………………...…....12 1.3.1. Indianer……………………………………………………………………… 14 1.4. Note on terminology in this thesis………………………………………………….. 14 2. Stereotypes……………………………………………………………………………….. 15 3. Perception and Creating the ‘Right’ Image...... 21 3.1. Native Americans discovering ………………………………………….... 23 3.2. Völkerschauen and Buffalo Bill……………………………………………………. 26 3.2.1. Völkerschauen………………………………………………………………... 27 3.2.2. Buffalo Bill…………………………………………………………………… 37 3.2. Karl May……………………………………………………………………………. 47 4. Empirical Study………………………………………………………………………... 62 4.1. Hypotheses…………………………………………………………………………. 62 4.2. Method……………………………………………………………………………… 63 4.2.1. Participants and procedure…………………………………………………... 63 4.3. Results……………………………………………………………………………… 66 4.4. Discussion of results………………………………………………………………... 86 4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………... 91 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………... 94 Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………... 104 Appendix A: Results……………………………………………………………………104 Appendix B: Questionnaire German…………………………………………………... 119 Appendix C: Questionnaire English…………………………………………………… 125

List of Figures

1 Mitic as Winnetou 23 2 Brice as Winnetou 23 3 Herbig as Winnetou 23 4 Tehuelches 32 5 Buffalo Bill newspaper advertisement 39 6 Buffalo Bill together with Sitting Bull 41 7 Karl May 48 8 Karl May as 51 9 Hitler cartoon 60 10 Gender 64 11 Age 64 12 Nationality 65 13 Highest level of education 65 14 Have you heard of Karl May? 75 15 Do you think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Americans? 76 16 Do you know any Winnetou films or books? 77 17 Have you ever watched any Winnetou films or read any Winnetou books? 78 18 Have you heard of James Fenimore Cooper? 79 19 Have you heard of Buffalo Bill? 80 20 Sources of acquired knowledge about Native Americans 81 21 Movies, books, and entertainment media 82 22 Frequency of watching and/or reading Native American movies/books 83 23 Last time of watching a Native American movie or reading a Native American 84 book 24 A respondent’s drawing for question 20 87 25 A respondent’s drawing for question 20 88 26 A respondent’s drawing for question 20 88

List of Tables

1 Associations with Native Americans 67 2 Tribes 68 3 Famous Native Americans 69 4 How Native Americans lived 70 5 Character traits 71 6 Causes to fight – defensive 72 7 Causes to fight – offensive 72 8 How Indians live today 73 9 Native American words 74 10 What respondents would like to know more 85 11 What Native Americans look like 86

Introduction

Wenn man doch ein Indianer wäre, gleich bereit, und auf dem rennenden Pferde, schief in der Luft, immer wieder kurz erzitterte über dem zitternden Boden, bis man die Sporen ließ, denn es gab keine Sporen, bis man die Zügel wegwarf, denn es gab keine Zügel, und kaum das Land vor sich als glattgemähte Heide sah, schon ohne Pferdehals und Pferdekopf.1

If only one was an Indian, always ready, and on the galloping horse, crooked in the air, repeatedly shivering briefly above the quivering ground, until one let loose of the spurs because there were no spurs, until one threw away the reins because there were no reins, and barely saw the land in front of oneself like a flattened meadow, without the horse’s neck or the horse’s head.2

This poem, Wunsch, Indianer zu werden (“The Wish to become Indian”), consisting of only one sentence, was written by the German poet Franz Kafka (1883-1924) after Buffalo Bill and his troupe left Germany on his second Europe tour. Kafka highlighted the two-century old and seemingly never-ending enthusiasm and gave of a summary of what many Germans wished: to become an America Indian. It represents the German vision of American Indians – a romantic image of freedom and adventure.3 Since the poem was published in 1913, the poet might have been inspired not only by Buffalo Bill Wild West shows but also by Carl Hagenbeck’s Völker- schauen, Hans Stoch-Sarrasani’s circuses or Karl May’s Winnetou, respectively.

In this present diploma thesis, I will examine in three theoretical chapters the cause of stere- otypical representations of Native Americans from the 19th and 20th century; furthermore, I will also outline the image of American Indians in German-speaking Europe based on my empirical study.

In the first chapter, I will discuss the most appropriate terms to address Native Americas and will provide an etymological overview of the terms redskin and Indian. The second chapter is concerned with what stereotypes are, how they develop, how tourism impacts on them but also the Indian’s involvement in the tourist industry. In the third chapter, I will investigate Carl Hagenbeck’s, William ‘Buffalo Bill’ Cody’s, and Karl May’s contributions to the establishment of firm images of Native Americans in Europe, and particularly in Germany. As for the fourth

1 Franz KAFKA, Wunsch, Indianer zu werden, in: Wolf Kittler u.a., Hg., Franz Kafka: Drucke zu Lebzeiten. Textband, Frankfurt a. M. 1994, 32. 2 translated by Julia Stetler in: Julia Simone STETLER, Buffalo Bill's Wild West in Germany. A Transnational History, UNLV Dissertation, Las Vegas 2012, 108. 3 cf. ibid.

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and last chapter, I will illustrate the vision of predominately Austrian people on Native Ameri- cans.

2017 marks the anniversary of Buffalo Bill’s 100th and Karl May’s 105th death. It is those two who will constitute a crucial part in the paper. In this thesis, I will investigate the research question “What is the German-speaking Europeans perceptions of Native Americans?” and will, therefore, elaborate on the following hypotheses:

 Respondents’ visons of Native Americans in German-speaking Europe is predominantly shaped by Karl May and Buffalo Bill.  The overall attitude of respondents towards Native Americans is positive.  A vast majority (at least 90%) of respondents know Karl May and are well-aware (at least 85%) of his impact on the perception of Native Americans.  The best-known Native American among respondents is Winnetou, the best-known tribe are Apache people.  An overwhelming majority (at least 75%) of respondents believe American Indians live in tepees on reservation.

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1. Name Controversy

The crucial social issue of how to most appropriately address the aboriginal inhabitants of the Unites States needs to be discussed in the first place. This chapter will, therefore, provide an overview of the most important terms and concepts which are recommended for use and which should be avoided.

American Indians, Native Americans, Aboriginal Peoples, First Nations, Native Peoples, tribal nations, Indians, indigenous nations, Indian tribes, Fourth World Peoples. These are just an extract of terms utilised to denote to the aboriginal inhabitants of the United States, all of them in a collective sense.4 First Nations is the most widely used term to address indigenous people in Canada. David Wilkins and Heidi Stark explain that both Alaska Natives5 and Native Hawaiians are the “indigenous peoples of those respective territories.”6

In “The American Indian Image in North America”, Vine Deloria Jr., Dakota Sioux, suggests that prior to Europeans’ arrival in the Americas, the indigenous peoples were unlikely to have a “conception of that racial character which today we categorize as ‘Indian’.” He continues explaining that “[p]eople recognized their neighbors as co-owners of the lands given to them by the Great Spirit and saw themselves sharing a basic status within creation as life form.”7

1.1. Indian, American Indian and Native American

Jack Utter provides in his book American Indians a wide range of terms that have been used within the last 500 years. He and Jace Weaver point out that the most common and accepted ones these days are “Indian”, “Native”, “American Indian” and “Native American.”8 9 Tim Giago, Oglala Lakota who founded The Lakota Times and Native American Journalists Asso- ciation, however, states that these terms are labels that have been “foisted upon the indigenous people of America.”10 Utter suggests that, whenever applicable the tribal affiliations are to be

4 cf. David Eugene WILKINS / Heidi Kiiwetinepinesiik STARK, American Indian politics and the American politi- cal system, 3rd ed. The spectrum series, Lanham, Md 2011, 1. 5 which also includes Inuit, Aleuts and Indians 6 Wilkins, Stark, American, 1. 7 Vine DELORIA, JR., The American Indian Image in North America, in: Keith Irvine, Hg., Encyclopedia of Indi- ans of the Americas, vol. 1, St. Clair Shores, MI 1974, 43. 8 Jack Utter, American Indians. Answers to Today’s Questions. Lake Ann 1995, 66. 9 Jace WEAVER, That the people might live. Native American literatures and Native American community, New York 1997, xiii. 10 Tim Giago, The Name "Indian" and Political Correctness, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tim-giago/the- name-indian-and-polit_1_b_67593.html (25.05.2017).

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preferred, e.g. Apache, Hopi, Lakota or Sioux, Shoshone, etc. Joseph M. Marshall III, a regis- tered member of the Sicangu Lakota, also agrees with Utter; in Marshall’s book The Day the World Ended at Little Big Horn, he discusses these numerous labels and writes “[w]e prefer to be identified by our specific tribes or nations, of which there are nearly five hundred ethnically identifiable in the United States.”11 12 Furthermore, he notes that “[h]owever, in the interest of avoiding confusion within the pages of this work [The Day the World Ended at Little Big Horn], I have chosen to used [sic!] the word Indian mostly in those instances when there is a necessary reference to more than a specific tribe or native nation.”13 Cherokee writer Christina Berry pro- vides an explanation as why to refer to their tribal affiliation. She writes

[the] reason is that the Native peoples of North America are incredibly diverse. It would be like referring to both a Romanian and an Irishman as European. It's true that they are both from Europe, but their people have very different histories, cul- tures, and languages. The same is true of Indians. The Cherokee are vastly different from the Lakota, the Dine, the Kiowa, and the Cree, but they are all labeled Native American. So whenever possible an Indian would prefer to be called a Cherokee or a Lakota or whichever tribe they belong to. This shows respect because […] the terms Indian, American Indian, and Native American [are] an over simplification of a diverse ethnicity […]14 In his article “Watch Your Language”, the editor and publisher of The Navajo Times, which is the largest weekly appearing newspaper owned by Native Americans, Tom Arviso Jr. also high- lights that

[i]t is most appropriate and respectful to identify a Native American person by their particular tribe, band or pueblo. I am of Navajo heritage and would rather be known as, ‘Tom Arviso Jr., a member of the Navajo tribe,’ instead of ‘Arviso, a Native American or American Indian.’ This gives an authentic description of my heritage, rather than lumping me into a whole race of people just like African-American, Asian American or Hispanic, which is too broad of a term and not generally used to identify someone unless absolutely necessary. Also, the use of American Indian and Native American are both basically correct, as Native people use both. Ameri- can Indian is the more modern term used but the Native American Journalists As- sociation endorses the use of Native American as being the most appropriate.15 But there are also people with a different opinion. Dr. Michael Yellow Bird who does not appreciate neither the term American Indian nor Native American. Yellow Bird, an Assistant

11 Joseph M. MARSHALL, The day the world ended at Little Bighorn. A Lakota history. A Penguin book, New York NY 2008, Preface. 12 According to Federal Register of May 2016, there are 567 federally acknowledged tribes; for a complete list see https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2016/05/04/2016-10408/indian-entities-recognized-and-eligible- to-receive-services-from-the-united-states-bureau-of-indian 13 ibid., Preface. 14 Christina BERRY, What’s in a name? Indians and political correctness, http://www.allthingscherokee.com/arti- cles_culture_events_070101.html (06.06.2017). 15 Tom Arviso Jr., Watch Your Language, http://www.spj.org/dtb7.asp (25.05.2017).

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Professor at the University of Kansas, and member of the Sahnish and Hidatsa First Nations, denotes these terms as “oppressive, ‘counterfeit identities.’”16 As for Yellow Bird, he is in fa- vour of the terms First Nations peoples or indigenous peoples. Kathryn Walbert, however, notes that for people from all walks of life the terms American Indian and Native American are “con- sidered acceptable and, while there are people who feel strongly that one term or the other is more appropriate, they are often used interchangeably.” Furthermore, she states that “there seems to be some agreement among American Indian people that the use of either term is ac- ceptable.”17

In a 1995 conducted survey by the United States Census Bureau asking indigenous Ameri- cans about which term they would like to be called, which was the last poll examining this issue, it was found that most participants (49.76%) were in favour of the term American Indian. 37.35% stated to prefer Native American, and 3.66% “some other name”. 3.51% were in favour of “Alaska Native”, 5.72% stated no preference.18 Russell Means, who is a Lakota activist, explains that some Indians more appreciate “American Indian” than “Native American” for particular reasons. In his essay “I Am an American Indian, Not a Native American!” he notes that one crucial argument is because “the American Indian is the only ethnic group in the United States with the American before our ethnicity.”19 Other American Indians and scholars may assert Native American is not accurate enough. It can be argued that “anybody who is born in the hemisphere is native to the Americas and could be considered a native American.”20 Furthermore, some people consider the term Native American to serve “only to assuage white guilt over the treatment of American Indians.”21 Christina Berry takes her stand on this matter in her essay “What’s in a Name? Indians and political correctness,” she states that

Native Americans did not suffer through countless trails of tears, disease, wars, and cultural annihilation — Indians did. The Native people today are Native Americans not Indians, therefore we do not need to feel guilty for the horrors of the past.22

16 Michael YELLOW BIRD, American Indian Politics and the American Political System, http://www.aistm.org/yellowbirdessay.htm (01.06.2017). 17Kathryn WALBERT, American Indian vs. Native American. A note on terminology - Teaching about North Car- olina American Indians, http://www.learnnc.org/lp/editions/nc-american-indians/5526#note5 (04.06.2017). 18 Clyde TUCKER / Brian KOJETIN / Roderick HARRISON, A Statistical Analysis of the CPS Supplement on Race and Ethnic Origin, www.census.gov/prod/2/gen/96arc/ivatuck.pdf (05.05.2017). 19 Russell Means, I am an American Indian, Not a Native American!, https://web.ar- chive.org/web/20010208120908/http://www.peaknet.net/~aardvark/means.html (05.06.2017). 20 Walber,t American 21 ibid. 22 Christina BERRY, What’s in a name? Indians and political correctness, http://www.allthingscherokee.com/arti- cles_culture_events_070101.html (06.06.2017).

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Paula McClain and Joseph Stewart Jr. illustrate another fundamental problem associated for many with the term Native American. They point out that it was “used during the nativist [anti-immigration and anti-foreign] movement [between the 1860s-1925]”, fur- thermore, it was also used during “the anti-black, anti-Catholic, and the anti-Jewish Ku Klux Klan resurgence during the early 1900s.”23

Besides the historical aspect, the widespread usage of (American) Indian by both advocacy groups and government imparts it a “practical term.“24 For example, Walbert outlines that “the federal government has a Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and a Bureau of Indian Education (BIE).”25 In accords and other legal papers, American Indian is commonly used. On the website of the federal census, the terms “American Indian or Alaska Native”26 are utilised. In numerous documents issued by the U.S government, there can be found the terms “American Indian or Alaska Native” to refer to “groups that have been granted federal recognition and use the term Native America to refer to groups that do not have that recognition.”27 Furthermore, Walbert lists some groups and organisations which have “American Indian” in their name: “the National Congress of American Indians, the National Indian Education Association,” and “the American Indian Movement” include American Indian or Indian in their name.28 There are also newspa- pers and online networks such as the Indian Country Today that also have the term in their name. In their online articles and newsletters, Indian seems to be the preferred term.29

As could be seen, both governmental groups and advocacy groups use the term American Indian repeatedly. It, therefore, can be considered a legitimate term. Whatever term is chosen in the end, it always needs to be capitalised.

23 Paula Denice MCCLAIN / Joseph STEWART, JR., "Can we all get along?". Racial and ethnic minorities in American politics, Seventh edition, Boulder, Colorado 2017, p. 6. 24 Walbert, American 25 ibid. 26 cf. U.S Census Bureau, American Indian and Alaska Native, https://www.census.gov/about/partners/cic/re- sources/data-links/aian.html (07.06.2017); U.S Census Bureau, American Indian and Alaska Native Heritage Month: November 2016, cf. https://www.census.gov/newsroom/facts-for-features/2016/cb16-ff22.html (07.06.2017); Clyde TUCKER / Brian KOJETIN / Roderick HARRISON, A Statistical Analysis of the CPS Sup- plement on Race and Ethnic Origin, www.census.gov/prod/2/gen/96arc/ivatuck.pdf (05.05.2017) 27 Walbert, American 28 ibid. 29 cf. Rob CAPRICCIOSO, Rep. Rob Bishop Angers House Colleagues Over His Handling of Indian Affairs, https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/politics/rep-rob-bishop-angers-house-colleagues-handling- indian-affairs/?mqsc=ED3890879 (09.06.2017) or Duane CHAMPAGNE, Will Indians Survive Donald Trump?, https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/politics/will-indians-survive-donald-trump/ (09.06.2017).

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1.2. Redskin

Redskin30 is a term denoting American Indians. Arviso remarks that referring to Native Amer- icans as redskins “is the equivalent of using the ‘n-word’” to address African Americans31 and should thus not to be used. Contemporary American dictionaries categorise redskin as “usually offensive”32, “disparaging”33 and “highly offensive”34. In 2014, the Washington Post conducted a survey investigating the Native Americans’ perceptions of the team name of the Washington Redskins. In this poll, among others, Native Americans were asked whether they find redskin disrespectful. It was found out, however, that 75% of tribe members do not feel the term is disrespectful.35 In 2014, an online poll carried out by USA Today found that 83% of the partic- ipants would not “call a Native American a “redskin” to his or her face?”36 C. Richard King states in his 2016 book Redskins that the term “is best regarded as a racial slur on par with other denigrating terms. In fact, while similar terms have been crossed out of our collective vocabu- lary as inappropriate and offensive, […] it still finds use.”37

In a YouTube video clip made by WatchCut Video38, Native Americans were asked about their associations with the word redskin. As opposed to the Washington Post survey, not any of the participants provided positive associations or stated it as not disrespectful. The following are some of the responses given:

[…] derogatory, it’s just extremely offensive (0:03-0:07); outdated (0:20); racist (0:23); a racist name to a football team (0:26-0:28); gross, […] when there were bounty hunters looking for Natives, it originated from […] saying wanted dead or alive […] you just could bring redskins back for payment […] also settlers were collecting […] scalps and skins of Indians (0:43-1:11); profiling […] that’s just like calling us the n-word (1:45- 1:49); nasty, discouraging word (1:57-1:58); whenever you use the term […] redskin […] it’s definitely not a good thing to do use (2:07-2:14)

30 The term is also often referred to as r-word 31 Arviso Jr., Watch 32"redskin", Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/redskin (25.05.2017). 33 "redskin", Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. The American Heritage Dictionary, https://ahdiction- ary.com/word/search.html?q=redskin (25.05.2017). 34 "redskin", Collins English Dictionary, https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/redskin (25.05.2017). 35 Washington Post, Poll: Native Americans' attitudes toward the Washington Redskins team name, https://www.washingtonpost.com/apps/g/page/sports/poll-native-americans-attitudes-toward-the-washing- ton-redskins-team-name/2034/ (25.05.2017). 36 1,022 participants took part in this survey. Erik BRADY, Poll: 83% would not call Native American a 'redskin', https://www.usatoday.com/story/sports/nfl/redskins/2014/11/20/washington-redskins-poll-name-contro- versy-daniel-snyder/19297429/ (17.06.2017). 37 C. Richard KING, Redskins. Insult and brand, Kindle file, Lincoln 2016, pos. 113. 38 WatchCut Video, Redskin | Native Americans | One Word, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M8r8cQNpWt4 (06.06.2017).

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Where the term originates from, however, is not clear-cut and is extensively discussed by his- torians, linguists and American Indians alike. The issues of discussion are whether red denoted the skin colour or the matter of fact that some tribes used red body paint, or if it was the Indians who started to use this term to distinguish themselves from the settlers or the European colo- nists, or whether it refers to American Indians being scalped by settlers.

The following terms are also considered unacceptable and offensive and are, the same as redskin, thus, to be avoided: “hostiles, savages, injuns, skins, breeds, half-breeds, squaws, and papoose.”39

1.2.1 Etymology of redskin

Since this thesis deals with stereotypes, it is essential to clarify some of the popular misconcep- tions about this term, particularly because redskin is highly offensive. The same as many other words, examining the origin of word can sometimes be demanding.

As for the above mentioned debatable origin of the word, in the book America’s Fascinating Indian Heritage40 it is stated that the term redskin derives from the red body painting. It is explained that

[t]he term redskin, applied by Europeans to Algonquians in general and the Dela- wares in particular, was inspired not by their natural complexion but by their fond- ness for vermilion makeup, concocted from fat mixed with berry juice and minerals that provided the desired color. […] [T]he men would streak their faces and bodies with bright red ocher and bloodroot, as well as white and yellow clay. Women also carefully rouged their cheeks, eyelids, and ear rims. 41 English colonial writer and historian William Strachey (1572-1621), reported the physical ap- pearance of Virginia’s Native Americans. He illustrated that their “heads and shoulders they paynt oftenest” and continues “[…] those with red, with the roote of Pochone [pokeberry], brayed to pulder mixed with oyle of the walnut, or Beares grease.”42 Alden T. Vaughan, how- ever, remarks that the word redskin itself is not to be found in early literature and those found refer to East Indians.43

39 Harvell, American 40 James A. MAXWELL, HG., America's fascinating Indian heritage, Pleasantville, NY 1978. 41 Maxwell, America’s, p. 118. 42 William STRACHEY, The Histoire of Travell into Virginia Britannia (1612), 2nd ed., Bd. 103, London 1953. 43 cf. Alden T. VAUGHAN, From White Man to Redskin. Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian, in: The American Historical Review 87/4 (1982), 922.

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More recent research papers, however, such as Ives Goddard’s44 2005 essay “I AM A RED- SKIN”45, will elucidate the controversial issues raised. His findings show that the term redskin was neither negatively connoted in its origin nor was it introduced by white settlers nor due to skin complexion or painted bodies. Goddard asserts that

the actual origin of the word [redskin] is entirely benign and reflects more positive aspects of relations between Indians and whites. It emerged at a specific time in history among a small group of men linked by joint activities that provided the con- text that brought it forth.46 He points out that redskin was not developed initially in English or any other language spoken in Europe but it originated from American Indian expressions containing the colour red with terms for man, skin, and flesh. These terms not only included red, but also the racial distinction of white and black and were used by the American Indians to distinguish themselves from the settlers.

Alden T. Vaughan47 and Nancy Shoemaker48 concluded that there was no Native American use of red in a sense of differentiating between themselves before the 1720s. In eighteenth- century sources after 1720, however, it was found that red and white was used by American Indians as racial appellation; moreover, it was found that Europeans adopted these terms in the eastern part of North America. Shoemaker identified a conversation between a Taensa chief and a priest in 1725 as the first usage of the “term red as a racial label.”49 They talked about a “white man,” a “red man,” and a “black man”.50 Newton Mereness reports in his book about a Chickasaw chief and an English commissioner holding an assembly in the same year in which the chief referred to “[w]hite people” and “red people”.51 Shoemaker remarks that this usage of red was employed before long in both English and French and became a standard term by the 1750s. Goddard states “[a]lthough Europeans sometimes used such expressions themselves, however, they remained aware of the fact that this was originally and particularly a Native American usage.”52

44 Ives Goddard is a Smithsonian Institute senior linguist. 45 Ives GODDARD, I AM A RED-SKIN. The Adoption of a Native American Expression (1769-1826), in: Euro- pean Review of Native American Studies 19/2 (2005), 1–20. 46 GODDARD, I AM, p. 1 47 Alden T. VAUGHAN, From White Man to Redskin. Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian, in: The American Historical Review 87/4 (1982), 917-395. 48 Nancy SHOEMAKER, How Indians Got to be Red, in: The American Historical Review 102/3 (1997), 625–644. 49 SHOEMAKER, How, 627. 50 ibid. 51 Newton D. MERENESS, Travels in the American Colonies, New York 1916, 169. 52 GODDARD, I AM, 3.

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Because to the fact that red became a standard term used by both American Indians and Europeans, redskin appeared. Goddard explains that “[th]is development took place among a small group of people in a limited area, part of what was historically called the Illinois Coun- try.”53

“The earliest examples of redskin to be found”, Goddard writes, “[…] are emblematic of the process of its adoption in English.”54 In 1769, the uses of redskin were translations of corre- spondence between Piankashaw chief The “Old Sachem” Mosquito and Lt. Col. John Wilkins who was the head peace negotiator for the tribes of Illinois. The chief offered an invitation in French at the end of this letter, which translated as:

I shall be pleased to have you come to speak to me yourself if you pity our women and our children; and, if any redskins do you harm, I shall be able to look out for you even at the peril of my life55

Another letter written in French by Chief Hannanas and sent it to the Lieutenant, an ex- tract translated as follows: […] You think that I am an orphan; but all the people of these rivers and all the redskins will learn of my death.56

Both French texts were depicted as “exact copies of what the chiefs’ French interpreter had written.”57

Half a century after that, on 22 August 1812, the first public use of redskin was recorded. U.S. President James Madison (1751-1836) delivered a speech to several Indian delegation rep- resentatives urging them not to involve themselves in the war between Britain and the United States. In his speech he used the words “red people”, “red children”, “all the red tribes”, and “their red brethren”.58 59 In his reply, chief No Ears said “[…] I know the manners of the whites and the red skins.”60

The earliest recordings of redskin in print were not before 1815. The first two appearances of redskin were by Meskwaki chief Black Thunder and Omaha chief Big Elk (1770 - approx. 1849). Black Thunder’s speech was translated and then published. In a treaty conference he

53 ibid., 4. 54 ibid. 55 JOHNSON, The Papers, 137-138. 56 ibid., 139. 57 GODDARD, 5. 58 J. C. A. STAGG u. a., The papers of James Madison. Presidential series (10 July 1812 - 7 February 1813, vol. 5, Charlottesville, VA 2004, 175-176. 59 Madison used red as a metaphor for racial labels 60 STAGG et al., The papers, 181.

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stated on 20 July 1815 that “I turn to all, red skins and white skins, and challenge an accusation against me.”61 The second occurrence of redskin in print was by Big Elk remarking “[…] one of our red skin chiefs […]”62. Inspired by Black Thunder’s and Big Elks’s use of redskin, it was James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851) who broadly disseminated the word redskin in his novels The Pioneers, which was published in 1823, and the second of the Leather-Stocking novels published 1826 The Last of the Mohicans.63

These earliest encounters of the word redskin uttered by Native Americans (1769-1822) came all from a very limited context, from the same restricted area that was; furthermore, it is crucial to note that nearly all of them were translations, usually from an indigenous language into French and only then into English. The French word, from which it was translated into English, was peau-rouge and is a literal translation.

Asked about the expression redskin, Johnathan Buffalo, who is the “historic preservation director of the Meskwaki Nation”64, replied that

[i]t’s a very old word […] it was a diplomatic way of talking, just a descriptive term to identify people. […] Now we’re talking about the ugliness of the word, not the richness of the word.65 Taylor Coe, from Oxford Dictionaries, agrees with Buffalo and explains that

[i]n time, however, through a process that in linguistics is called pejoration, by which a neutral term acquires an unfavorable connotation or denotation, redskin lost its neutral, accurate descriptive sense and became a term of disparagement.66 However, there are people who doubt the origin of redskin as a neutral term that was first used by Native Americans and claim that the term redskin “had its origins in the practice of present- ing bloody red skins and scalps as proof of Indian kill for bounty payments.”67 The view that redskin originates from bounty-hunting trade share many Native Americans and some histori- ans. Their claims about the origin of redskin, however, are hardly, if at all, supported by any

61 cited in Goddard, I, 7. 62 ibid. 63 ibid. 64 J. Taylor RUSHING, 'Redskins' name has complicated history for Meskwaki, other tribes. Pressure mounting for football team to change name, http://www.thegazette.com/subject/news/redskins-name-has-complicated-history- for-meskwaki-other-tribes-20140810 (16.06.2017). 65 ibid. 66 Taylor COE, What is the definition of redskin?, http://blog.oxforddictionaries.com/2014/08/definition-redskin/ (16.06.2017). 67 cited in Goddard, I, 1.

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scientific evidence but rather displaying the term’s transformation from a neutral, unbiased tone to a negative and violence-embodying term. 68

1.3. Etymology of Indian

When Christopher Columbus (c.1451-1506) arrived in the Antilles in 1492, he mistakenly thought he had reached India. The most widely accepted theory is, he therefore called the in- habitants Indians.

However, in the late 20th century, some American public figures argued the term Indian does not derive from Columbus’s assumption he had landed in India but from his reference to the inhabitants as “una geste/gente in Dios” meaning “a people in God” or similar phrases. In 1984, Peter Mattheissen was one of the first who came up with this theory in public. In his book Indian Country he writes

It has been suggested that [Columbus] named them Indios not because he imagined them to be inhabitants of India (which in the fifteenth century was still called Hin- dustan) but because he recognized that the friendly, generous Taino people lived in blessed harmony with their surroundings – una gente in dios, a people in God.69 In 2007, Native American Tim Giago has the same arguments. In his online article he remarks

most historians are wrong when they credit Christopher Columbus for coining the word ‘Indian’ because he thought he was landing his ships in India. In 1492 there was no country known as India. Instead that country was called Hindustan. I think that is closer to the truth that the Spanish padre that sailed with Columbus was so impressed with the innocence of the Natives he observed that he called them Los Ninos in Dios. […] [T]he description by the padre means something like ‘Chil- dren of God.’70

In this etymological controversy, Russell Means stated he favours the term American Indian as he is aware of the term’s roots. He explains that “[t]he word Indian is an English bastardization of two Spanish words, En Dio, which […] means in with God.”71

There are, however, some problems with some of the arguments above. First, the word mean- ing people in Spanish is gente and not geste. In the Spanish language, there is not the word in, instead it would have been en for “in”. Second, back in Columbus’s time, India was a broad term which encompassed both South and East Asia. This area was sub-divided into “Greater

68 cf. Goddard, I, 1. 69 Peter MATTHIESSEN, Indian country, New York, N.Y. 1992, 2. 70 Giago, The Name. 71 Means, I AM, 10.09.2017

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India”, “Middle India”, and “Lesser India” by Europeans, who would also often use the plural form “the Indies/the Indias”.72

Third, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, India has its very origin in the Persian “hind” and the Sanskrit word “sindhu” which is translated as river, particularly the Indus River.73 In the third century B.C, Alexander the Great designated the river as Indos River and called the people of the area Indikoi. India developed then from Greek and eventually from Latin into other European languages; it has been used in the English langue since the ninth century.74 David Wilton also points out that maps had been created before Columbus’s voyage indicating the land as Indie. Wilton notes that “the Word Hindustan […] did not enter common European use until the seventeenth century. If Columbus were to use a name for that land, it would be India, not Hindustan.”75 76 Furthermore, Cecil Adams states that Columbus was given a passport by his financiers Ferdinand (1452-1516) and Isabell (1451-1506) of Spain. In this passport, “written in Latin and dispatching him ‘towards the regions of India’ (ab partes Indie) on their behalf.”77

Lastly, the most persuasive evidence which dismisses Mattheissen’s, Giago’s, and Russell’s arguments: Columbus’s letter he sent to King Ferdinand of Spain in which he reported the out- comes of his voyage. In this report, Columbus does not mention “a people in God” at any point but uses las Indias and los Indios. In the first paragraph, he states “in thirty-three days I passed from the Canary Islands to the Indies, with the fleet which the most illustrious King and Queen, our Sovereigns, gave to me.”78 (“en 33 días pasé de las islas de Canaria a las Indias con la armada que los ilustrísimos rey y reina nuestros señores me dieron.”)79 In the second para- graph, he refers to the residents of his newly discovered land for the first time: [t]o the first island which I found I gave the name ‘San Salvador.’ […] the Indians call it ‘Guanahani.’”80

72 Ben ZIMMER, The Biggest Misnomer of All Time?, https://www.visualthesaurus.com/cm/wordroutes/the-big- gest-misnomer-of-all-time/ (10.09.2017). 73 "India", Oxford Dictionary, https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/india (10.09.2017). 74 Cecil ADAMS, Does "Indian" derive from Columbus's description of Native Americans as "una gente in Dios"?, http://www.straightdope.com/columns/read/1966/does-indian-derive-from-columbuss-description-of- native-americans-as-una-gente-in-dios (10.09.2017). 75 David WILTON, Word myths. Debunking linguistic urban legends, Oxford 2004, 164. 76 Furthermore, the Spanish word for Hindustan is Indostan, which also did not enter the Spanish language be- fore the 17th century. 77 ADAMS, Does "Indian", (10.09.2017). 78 Anon, Letter to King Ferdinand of Spain, http://xroads.virginia.edu/~hyper/hns/garden/columbus.html (10.09.2017). 79 Anon, Cristóbal Colón. La Carta de Colón anunciando el descubrimiento, https://www.ensayistas.org/antolo- gia/XV/colon/ (10.09.2017). 80 Anon, Letter, (10.09.2017).

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(“A la primera que yo hallé puse nombre San Salvador, […] los Indios la llaman Guana- haní.”)81 In total, he refers to India/the Indies six times and to Indios four times. Only once, he mentions the Indians’ spiritual belief: “They do not hold any creed nor are they idolaters; but they all believe that power and good are in the heavens.”82 (“Y no conocían ninguna seta ni idolatría salvo que todos creen que las fuerzas y el bien es en el cielo.”)83

1.3.1. Indianer

The German Indianer also has its origin in the Spanish word indio. Contrary to English and Spanish, the does distinguish between the inhabitants of India as Inder and Native Americans as Indianer. Whereas some people claim that Indianer is politically incorrect due to its colonial and oppressing past, the German Duden does not mark it as pejorative.84 Eleanora Seppi argues that naming the native population Indianer “had the purpose of degrad- ing people socially.” Noah Sow states in her essay “Indianer” that “Weiße dürfen auf jeden Fall »Ethnien« erfinden, willkürlich einteilen und mit geografischen Fantasienamen versehen, selbst wenn eine solche Einteilung faktisch vollkommen blödsinnig ist und weit mehr über die Be- zeichner_innen als über die Bezeichneten aussagt.“85 She argues that whites are eligible to in- vent ethnicities, categorise and give them any fictious geographical names which are not fact- based. She also argues that such terms reveal more about the ones who define such terms than the ones who are being termed. Acceptable alternatives to Indianer are Ureinwohner Amerikas or the English translation “Native Americans”; moreover, as states earlier, to refer to their tribal affiliation.

1.4. Note on terminology in this thesis

I subscribe to Arviso’s view that it is crucial to respect and be conscious of a person’s heritage and culture when engaging with this person. Not keeping in mind these codes of behaviour may result, particularly when writing about this specific group, in promoting the “longstanding ig- norance of non-Native media as well as perpetuating stereotypes of Native Americans.”86 I urge to be culturally sensitive and try to opt for the most acceptable and respectful terms. Therefore, I will use the terms Indian, Native American and American Indian in this thesis interchangeably

81 Anon, Cristóbal, (10.9.2017) 82 Anon, Letter, (10.09.2017). 83 Anon, Cristóbal, (10.9.2017) 84 "Indianer", Duden, http://www.duden.de/rechtschreibung/Indianer (11.09.2017). 85 Noah SOW, Indianer, in: Susan Arndt / Nadja Ofuatey-Alazard, Hg., Wie Rassismus aus Wörtern spricht: (K)Erben des Kolonialismus im Wissensarchiv deutsche Sprache, Münster 2011, 690. 86 Arviso Jr., Watch

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since these seem to be the most appropriate ones these days. When writing about a specific tribe/band, nation or language family, I will use the according term. I recognise, there are nu- merous varying but accepted views on which terms may be the most respectful and do not seek to offend anyone in any way.87 Berry concludes in her essay “[w]hat matters in the long run is not which term is used but the intention with which it is used.”88

2. Stereotypes

Before continuing to the main part of the thesis, the discussion of the perpetuation of the Native American image in German-speaking Europe, the term stereotype will be defined and it will be shown how stereotypes develop. Native American stereotypes in German-speaking Europe have developed and evolved over centuries by means of literature, photographs, films, shows of various kinds and media, just to name a few. Not only is the fascination for Native Americans reflected in the enormous success of Karl May’s fictional Apache chief Winnetou and numerous Indian movies, it can also be found at a linguistic level in everyday German speech. Many German and Austrian children are often told by their parents “ein Indianer weint nicht” (literally: an Indian does not cry) or “ein Indianer kennt keinen Schmerz”89 (literally: an Indian knows no pain), and figures such as “der letze Mohikaner” (the last of the Mohicans) may be encountered as a metaphor.90 Stephanie Anne Sumolong states in her master’s thesis that “[i]n fact many children and young adults have grown up believing that the entertainment released […] is a historical and sociological truth, thereby creating generations of people that have long believed stereotypes are normal and accurate.”91 92 The Oxford Online Dictionary defines stereotype as “[a] widely held but fixed and oversim- plified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing.”93 Perry Hinton points out that “stereotypes are generalizations and therefore do not reflect the individual differences within a

87 Walbert, American. 88 Berry, What’s 89 Harrro ALBRECHT, Wahrnehmung: Überwinde den Schmerz!, http://www.zeit.de/2015/08/wahrnehmung- schmerz-lust-qual (15.07.2017). 90 Hartmut LUTZ, German Indianthusiasm. A Socially Constructed German National(ist) Myth, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 167–184. 91 Stephanie Anne SUMULONG, SMOKE AND MIRRORS. THE CHANGING IMAGE OF NATIVE AMERI- CANS IN FILMS AND TELEVISION SINCE 1950, Master's thesis, Delaware 2010. 92 Even though she refers her quote to American children and young adults rather than German ones, the same is true for the latter. 93 "stereotype", Oxford Online Dictionary, https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/stereotype (15.07.2017).

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category of people.”94 Study-of-stereotyping pioneer Walter Lippmann revealed in his 1922 book Public Opinion the purposes behind stereotypes and defined the term as “simplified pic- tures in our heads.”95 Lippmann states that the pictures do not usually result from direct infor- mation of the “real” world since the “real environment is altogether too big, too complex, and too fleeting for direct acquaintance.”96 In order to handle this, human beings build this concept of “pictures” of the environment including all the respective people and happenings. Further- more, Lippmann points out the highly-influential impact of culture for the definition of these pictures. He explains [i]n the great blooming, buzzing confusion of the outer world we pick out what our culture has already defined for us, and we tend to perceive that which we have picked out in the form stereotyped for us by our culture.97

Charles Stangor and Mark Schaller emphasise that stereotypes become problematic when “con- sensually shared within a society” since they have an effect on whole groups of people and subsequently turn out much more perilous.98 Robert Gardner explains in his essay Ethnic Ste- reotypes as for a member of a certain ethnic group, it may be somewhat chagrined to find that a few individuals in the larger community have beliefs about the characteristics of the group of which he [or she] is a member, but it has major implications […] when such beliefs are relatively widespread in the community.99

Stangor and Schaller identify three important features in stereotypes:100 1. Specific “characteristic[s]” associated with a set of people. Such a characteristic can be a nationality, religious affiliation, ethnicity, gender, age, job, hair colour etc. They re- mark that “any characteristic [can be added] that has meaning to the people doing the attribution.”101 To identify the set of people on such certain characteristic allows to dif- ferentiate them from other people of this characteristic. 2. Furthermore, “a set of additional characteristics to the group as a whole” is attributed. Thus Germans (=nationality, specific characteristic) are hard working (= additional

94 Perry R. HINTON, Stereotypes, cognition and culture. Psychology Focus, East Sussex 2000, 8. 95 Walter LIPPMANN, Public opinion, [LaVergne] 1922, 3. 96 ibid., 16. 97 ibid., 81. 98 cf. Charles STANGOR / Mark SCHALLER, Stereotypes as Individual and Collective Representations, in: Colin Neil Macrae u.a., Hg., Stereotypes and stereotyping, New York 1996, 3. 99 Robert C. GARDNER, Ehtnic stereotypes. The traditional approach, a new look, in: Canadian Psychologist 14, 134. 100 cf. Stangor / Schaller, Stereotypes, 8-9. 101 ibid., 7.

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characteristic). Stangor and Schaller consider the attribution of these additional charac- teristics to the entire group as an “important feature of a stereotype”. 3. Lastly, having found an identified meaningful characteristic in person, it is subsequently attributed as a “stereotypical characteristic to them.”102

Jack Utter defines stereotypes as

somewhat fixed or unvarying image which people have about something – be it an object, a set of beliefs or actions, or a group of people. The image can be uncom- plimentary because it is frequently applied to all members of the same category, regardless of how true it is. […] [S]tereotyping is often associated with prejudice.103 The philosopher Lawrence Blum approaches the definition of stereotype by considering them as a “general phenomenon” and makes effort to depict a “cohesive definition of a general ste- reotyping across a variety of social interactions.”104 Blum states that “[s]tereotypes are false or misleading generalizations about groups held in a manner that renders them largely, though not entirely, immune to counterevidence […].” Furthermore, he states “[a] stereotype associates a certain characteristic with the stereotyped group.”105 Blum continues to offer supplementary qualities required “for the act of stereotyping, which can be synthesized into a basic definition for the act of stereotyping.”106 He restricts “the stereotyped group to the domain of human be- ings”107, pointing out that this group consists of particular characteristics, the same as Stangor and Schaller, such as “ethnicity, gender, religion,”108 and is represented as “fundamentally the same.”109

As cited in Suffis, Blum sums up that “[the stereotyped group] has characteristic Y, where Y is a characteristic with a large graduation of moral significance (from bad stereotypes to good stereotypes), and Y is either false or misleading.”110 Stereotypes have often been associated with “cases of ‘Othering” or exoticising groups, based on the assumed inescapable group cohe- sion and lack of individuality that most stereotypes proffer.” 111

102 ibid., 8. 103 Jack Utter, American Indians. Answers to Today’s Questions. Lake Ann 1995, 74. 104 Virginia McLaurin, Stereotypes of Contemporary Native American Indian Characters in Recent Popular Media, Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014, 3. 105 Lawrence Blum, Stereotypes and Stereotyping. A Moral Analysis, in: Philosophical Papers 33(3), 251. 106 McLaurin, Stereotypes, 3. 107 ibid. 108 ibid. 109 Blum, Stereotypes, 261. 110 Maxwell SUFFIS, Stereotypes and Self-Defense. Chicago 2012, S. 4. 111 Bala KUMARAVADIVELU, The other side of Othering, in: Independence 43 (2008), 17; C. Richard KING, Al- ter/native Heroes. Native Americans, Comic Books, and the Struggle for Self-Definition, in: Cultural Studies – Critical Methodologies 9/2 (2008), 216.

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Suffis adapted and slightly modified Blum’s thesis, added some own ideas and come up with this following four-phase definition of stereotypes.112 “1. There is a group, where the group is taken to be an accurate reflection of its constituent members (though, it may turn out on further reflection to be false or even a stereotype), such that the group is of particular salience (ethnicity, gender, religion, etc.), and there is some proper name X such that X refers uniquely to that group.”113 “2. Some person Z asserts that all (or some) of those referred to by X have predicate Y.”114 “3. To say that all (or some) of those referred to by X have the predicate Y is either misleading and or false.”115 “4. Z generally downplays or overplays the significance of predicate Y on those referred to by X in such a way that it either homogenizes or alienates those referred to by X. When (1-4) are satisfied, we have a stereotype.”116

Jack Utter states that in the last 500 years, Native Americans have been massively stereotyped. According to him, they have been depicted as innocent children of nature, subhuman demons, untrustworthy thieves, noble sav- ages, bloodthirsty murderers, royal princesses, human curiosities, unfeeling stoics, natural-born warriors, innately inferior humans, shiftless wanderers, vanishing ves- tiges of stone age, wild animals, oppressed and promiscuous ‘squaws’, lazy para- sites, incompetents, devil worshippers, completely democratic egalitarians, loyal ‘Men Friday’, born bearers of wisdom, magical healers, depraved drunkards, born mystics, automatic knowers of nature, threats to female virtue, supernaturals, fa- voured ‘pets’ of the government, the enemy, racist ‘white-bashers’, the antithesis to ‘civilization’, and the bearers of a holy message to mankind.117

University professors Carter Meland, Anishinaabe, and David E. Wilkins, Lumbee,118 write in an online article that “native peoples have suffered under a weltering array of stereotypes, mis- conceptions and caricatures.” They continue writing American Indians have been depicted as “noble savages,” “ignoble savages,” “teary-eyed environmentalists” or plainly as "casino-rich" and conclude that these “one-dimensional representations […] tells us more about the depicters than about the depicted.”119 In his 2006 essay, “Myths and Stereotypes about Native Ameri-

112 cf. McLaurin, 5. 113 McLaurin, 5; Suffis, Stereotypes, 7. 114 ibid. 115 McLaurin, 6. Suffis, 7. 116 ibid. 117 Utter, American, 121. 118 Carter MELAND / David Eugene WILKINS, Stereotypes in sports, chaos in federal policy. Today's NFL game between reminds us of harmful stereotypes of Native Americans., http://www.startribune.com/stereotypes-in- sports-chaos-in-federal-policy/180435801/?refer=y (20.07.2017). 119 ibid.

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cans“, Walter Fleming debunks some of the most common misconceptions “Native people [en- counter] on an almost daily basis.”120 He states that American Indians are “among the most misunderstood ethnic groups in the United States” since the acquired knowledge of many peo- ple originates from restricted sources such as pop culture. 121 Furthermore, he notes that the “knowledge that most people have about Indians does not come from direct experience”122 and thus agrees with what Lippmann stated. Some of the myths and stereotypes Fleming enumerates are “Indians get special privileges”, “Native people intuitively know their culture and history”, “American Indians are easily identifiable”, “American Indians feel honored by Indian mascots”, and “All American Indians live on a reservation.”123

Suffis’ four-phase definition will now be applied to one of the stereotypes above to examine the definition’s utility. To be in accordance with the first premise of Suffis’ definition, a group- ing is required. In this case, the group is Native Americans. This grouping, Mclaurin writes, is “taken by someone using a stereotype as an accurate reflection of its constituent members.”124 As for the second phase to be fulfilled, a predicate or “feature”125 is needed which will conse- quently be attributed to all American Indians by the stereotyping group or individual. Fleming identifies Native Americans being specially privileged as a “strongly held” stereotype.126 127 He cites an editorial opinion of the online edition of the Findlay Courier (Ohio) published on 7 June 2006 and it reads as follows:

It’s long been apparent that the laws granting Native American tribes sovereign nation status were a huge mistake. Rather than improving the lives of native people, the laws have created a state of dependency in which the tribes are neither truly sovereign nor fully a part of the larger nation. They are essentially wards of the federal government. They receive some special privileges designed to advance their welfare or maintain their native culture, but for the most part, the laws have made dependent victims of people who should have been integrated into the larger cul- ture. […]We’ve foolishly allowed the Native Americans special tribal privileges, which has benefited neither them nor the nation as a whole 128

120 Walter C. FLEMING, Myths and Stereotypes about Native Americans, in: Phi Delta Kappan 88/3 (2016), 213– 14. 121 ibid. 122 ibid., 213. 123 ibid., 214. 124 Mclaurin, Stereotypes, 6. 125 cf. Stangor / Schaller, Stereotypes. 126 Fleming, Myths, 214. 127 By being specially privileged, it is meant that Indians are granted privileges which “non-Indians” are not. (Fleming, 214). 128 Fleming, Myths, 214; the editorial opinion can be reached at www.thecourier.com/templates/opinion/editori- als/editorials.asp.

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Even though “some special tribal privileges” are not further defined, Fleming suggested from his own experience that the writer of the editorial meant free education as well as medical care; furthermore, according to Fleming, many people believe that Native peoples need not pay taxes.129

In order to meet the third phase of Suffis’ definition of stereotype, the accusation of Indians being highly privileged must be false or misleading. Fleming provides data showing that “63% of all undergraduate students in the U.S. received financial aid in the forms of scholarships, grants, subsidised loans, and work/study in 2006.”130 He notes that most of these undergradu- ates are non-Indians, “yet no one claims that these non-Indians students are getting ‘free edu- cation.’”131 Fleming explains that American Indian students “qualify for these same sources of funding” and “they may receive scholarships from their tribes or, as low-income students, qual- ify for federal Pell Grants.”132 In same states, Native students are given fully funded scholar- ships, but these are also awarded “to medical students, war orphans, senior citizens, dependents of prisoners of war, National Merit-Scholarship semi-finalists etc.”133 In his study “The Distri- bution of Grants and Scholarships by Race”, Mark Kantrowitz found that white students “re- ceive more than three-quarters (76%) of all institutional merit-based scholarship and grant fund- ing, even though they represent less than two-thirds (62%) of the student population.”134

As for the issue of tax paying, Fleming outlines that “some tribal members are exempt from taxes” but only because they “live and work on federal reservations” which do not belong to the states. However, Fleming makes clear Native Americans living on reservations “do pay other taxes, such as federal income taxes.”135 As could be seen, to say American Indians are specially privileged is misleading.

Lastly, the fourth phase of Suffis’ definition requires to “homogenize or alienate”136 every- one who is part of this group, which is in this example Native Americans, when applied. It can be noted that this example is indeed homogenise or alienating. Another sample showing the allegations’ homogenising effect is when the current president of the United States stated in

129 ibid., cf. 214. 130 ibid. 131 ibid. 132 ibid. 133 ibid. 134 Mark KANTROWITZ, The Distribution of Grants and Scholarships by Race. Student Aid Policy Analysis 2011. 135 cf. Fleming, Myths, 215; http://www.narf.org/frequently-asked-questions/ Native American Rights Fund, Frequently Asked Questions. ANSWERS TO FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS ABOUT NATIVE PEOPLES, http://www.narf.org/frequently-asked-questions/ (22.07.2017). 136 Suffis, Stereotypes, 7.

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1993 in Congress “why is it that the Indians don’t pay tax, when everybody else does? … I do.”137

In a 2004 online article, Berlin is a Good Place to Be a Blackfoot Indigenous Person, Mur- ray Small Legs, a Blackfoot from Canada, demonstrates that stereotypes are ubiquitous in Ger- many. He reports about a humorous picture of German romantic notions of Native Americans. In the article, he depicts how he has to explain that Native Americans “live in houses, drive cars and shop at supermarkets.” He seems to be amused that when he pulls out his mobile phone, he states “it freaks them out […] and sometimes I just tell them that the phone is just much faster than smoke signals.”138 This is a prime example to demonstrate the persistent image and stere- otype of a Native American still living in tipis and he suggests that Native Americans are un- accustomed to modern technology and are technological incompetent. Murray Small Legs demonstrates that Germans still have this romantic illusions and thus, are surprised by Native Americans using mobile phones and not acting as the Germans would know them from books and films.

It can be concluded that the Indians being portrayed as highly privileged satisfies each and every phase of Suffis’ definition of a stereotype. Having outlined some basic definitions of stereotypes, it will be easier to identify stereotypes in the latter discussion and evaluation of the author’s conducted study.

3. Perception and Creating the ‘Right’ Image

Stories and novels about Native Americans commenced to become increasingly popular from the nineteenth century on in German-speaking Europe. In the epilogue to his 1939 book Lager- feuer im Indianerland, travel writer Hans Rudolf Rieder wrote “[o]f all Europeans, The German has the greatest love for the Indian […] [i]t is almost as if a piece of the Indian was in each of one of us [Germans]”.139 In his introduction Beyond the Buckskin to his book Kindred by Choice, H. Glenn Penny considers the Leatherstocking Tales written by American author James

137 N8tiv3 J0k3R, *Donald Trump: "Why Don't Indians Pay Taxes…I Pay Taxes!!!*, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OQrl11bcF3A (22.07.2016). 138 Anon, Berlin Is a Good Place to Be a Blackfoot Indigenous Person, www.dfait.gc.ca/aboriginalplanet/ar- chives/ (14.03.2017). 139 Hans Rudolf RIEDER, Lagerfeuer im Indianerland. Erzählungen aus den frühen Tagen des Indianers, Essen 1939.

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Fenimore Cooper as “perhaps the most poignant example”140 of the success of this genre. He explains the Cooper’s first volume was promptly translated into the German language in 1826, four further volumes followed and were put together into a single tome. Numerous new editions within the next decades were published and there even was an abridged children’s edition. Be- coming a classic for German literature, The Leatherstocking Tales was taught in all literate classes throughout all German states during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Further- more, Penny states that “[a] series of German travel writers and novelists built on the success of those stories. By writing about American Indians, they became best-selling authors over the rest of the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth.”141

Robert Berkhofer writes about Cooper that he, “[m]ore than any other American other”, “helped to establish the Indian as a significant literary type in world literature.”142 He also dis- cusses the fundamental role which Cooper’s novels played in shaping the imaginings about Native Americans find confirmation in the enthusiasm with which writers and readers from outside the United States received his work. Furthermore, Berkhofer notes that by the 1850s, the notions of the Noble Indians and Savage Indians “began to bore the sophisticated reading public.”143 It seems while American writers after Cooper tended to doubt the established literary depictions of the Native Americans, authors from other country usually perceived such depic- tions as a primary point of reference – the most prominent of them is Karl May.

The most successful one of the authors was Karl May, who, by the 1980s, sold more than 70 million books. In comparison with the best-known American author of western genre, Louis L’Amour, May sold approximately 20 million copies more than him by that time. Penny de- scribes that “the enthusiasm continued during the postwar period and moved rapidly into other media.”144 Both ’s and ’s most popular and successful film pro- ductions were inspired by Karl May’s books. As for these sets of films, the fictional Apache chief Winnetou was impersonated by Serbian actor Gojko Mitic in former East Germany and the French actor Pierre Brice in former West Germany.145 In 2001, a Winnetou parody directed by and starring Michael “Bully” Herbig, (The Shoe of Manitou) shat- tered all German-film-industry records and is the most successful German film production with

140 H. Glenn PENNY, Kindred by choice. Germans and American Indians since 1800, Chapel Hill 2015, 2. 141 ibid., 3. 142 Robert F. Berkhofer, The White Man’s Indian, New York 1979, p. 93. 143 ibid, p. 95. 144 ibid. 145 cf. Penny, Kindred, 3.; cf. Hartmut LUTZ, German Indianthusiasm. A Socially Constructed German Na- tional(ist) Myth, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 169.

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nearly 12,000,000 viewers and more than €65,000,000 in gross revenue in Germany.146 It is also, according to Österreich Institute GmbH, the most successful German-language film in Austria.147 The plot loosely follows The Treasure of Silver Lake and other Winnetou films from the 1960s, and its heroes include Abahachi, and Winnetouch, Abahachi’s homosexual twin brother. The figures 1-3 below show how Winnetou was displayed by Mitic, Brice and Herbig. The resemblance between Brice’s Winnetou and Abahachi is undeniable.

Figure 1: Mitic as Winnetou Figure 2: Brice as Winnetou Figure 3: Herbig as Abahachi

3.1. Native Americans discovering Germany

Colin G. Calloway reports in his essay “Historical Encounters across Five Centuries” that as soon as Europeans discovered North America, Native Americans, too, embarked on voyages and crossed the Atlantic to discover and encounter “a new world ‘over there.’”148 According to Anthropologist Harald Prins, an estimated 2,000 Native Americans undertook such a trip to Europe by the time English Puritans arrived on the Mayflower in Massachusetts in 1620. Most of the Indians disembarked in port cities in Spain, France, and England. Bernd Payer, however, points out most of the Native Americans made this Atlantic crossing “involuntarily” and “many

146 insideKino, Die erfolgreichsten deutschen Filme seit 1966, http://www.insidekino.com/DJahr/DAlltime- Deutsch50.htm (24.07.2017); WeltN24, Die zehn erfolgreichsten deutschen Kinofilme, https://www.welt.de/wirtschaft/gallery116514578/Die-zehn-erfolgreichsten-deutschen-Kinofilme.html (24.07.2017); Laura GRAHAM / H. Glenn PENNY, Becoming 'Indigenous'. German Fascination with North American Indians, http://www.utne.com/community/north-american-indians-ze0z1502zhur?pageid=2#Page- Content2 (30.09.2017). 147 Österreich Institut GmbH, Der Schuh des Manitu, https://www.oesterreichinstitut.at/lernmaterialien/filmdi- daktisierungen/der-schuh-des-manitu/ (24.07.2017). 148 Colin Gordan CALLOWAY, Historical Encounters across Five Centuries, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 69-70.

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others followed suit in the following centuries.”149 Furthermore, Peyer states that there are no written records left about these early Indian travellers. Although there are some French and English narratives of Indian visitors in Germany from the 18th century which were “ascribed to real individuals,” Peyer considers them as not authentic enough.150

Christian F. Feest identifies in his work “Indians and Europe? Editor’s Postscript” 1720 as the first time visit time Native Americans were in Germany. That was when Captain John Plight from Charleston, South Carolina, who was “an Indian trader, militia officer, and all-purpose rascal”, took two “Creek princes” with him and charging people to see “them and their tat- toos.”151 In “’Colored’ Seamen in the New England Whaling Industry”, Russel Barsh argues that in the 18th and 19th century, many American Indians from New England worked on whaling and trading ships. According to him, up to one-third of the New England whaling crews were of Indian, African, and Indian-African heritage and it is, thus, doubtful that Paul Cuffe, who was African-Indian, was the only New England Native disembarking in a German port.152

Calloway states that in the 19th century, many Native American travelled to Germany since there was “great demand for Völkerschauen”.153 He describes Völkerschauen as “educational displays that presented families of people living in replicas of their native habitations and demonstrating their native ways and traditions.”154 Robin Wright and Carolyn Foreman report of a traveling show presenting “Eskimos from Baffin’s Bay” in the 1820 supervised by Amer- ican captain Samuel Hadlock. The tour included Germany, covering major cities such as Berlin, Munich and Hamburg from 1824-1825.155

Another example of an Indian visiting Germany is George Copway, who is described by Calloway as “the most widely acclaimed Indian writer of the antebellum era.”156 157 Copway, himself Ojibwa, in August 1850 went to the Third World Peace Congress in Frankfurt am Main,

149 Bernd PAYER, An Ojibwa Conquers Germany, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fan- tasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 143. 150 ibid. 151 Christian F. FEEST, Indians and Europe. Editor's Postscript, in: Christian F. Feest, Hg., Indians and Europe: An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, Lincoln 2002, 615. 152 cf. Russel Lawrence BARSH, 'Colored' Seamen in the New England Whaling Industry. An Afro-Indian Con- sortiumm, in: James F. Brooks, Hg., Confounding the Color Line: The Indian-Black Experience in North America, Lincoln 2002, 109-113 153 Calloway, Historical, 70. 154 ibid. 155 Robin K. WRIGHT, The Traveling Exhibition of Captain Samuel Hadlock, Jr. Eskimos in Europe, 1822-1826, in: Christian Feest, Hg., Indians and Europe: An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays 2002, 313–319.; Car- olyn FOREMAN, Indians Abroad. 1493-1938, Norman 1944. 156 Calloway, Historical, 70. 157 Antebellum era denotes the pre-American Civil War period in the Southern United States.

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Germany.158 As Suanne Zantop points out that Copway had to face a phenomenon that still sometimes exits today: “the enthusiasm and expectations of a German audience reared on sen- timental identification with American Indians from novels, upon encountering, at last, a ‘real Indian” and his “tragic conflict in which this places the Native, who finds himself forced to perform a role, to become an ‘Indian impersonator’ alienated from his own life experience.”159 At this congress, he delivered a speech and represented the “Christian Indian of America”. He and his speech were perceived mainly positively by the German audience and press. Augsburg- based Allgemeine Zeitung wrote about his appearance at the Congress on their 27 August 1850 edition the following:

The ladies no longer have eyes for the handsomely bearded man of the left; it is the beardless Indian chieftain with the noble Roman profile and dazzling long black hair who catches their attention now. He carries a massive, mystically decorated staff, his royal scepter, and over the plain black suit he wears shiny armlets along with a colorful sash and sword-belt, his badges of distinction, just like the kings of bygone times who bore their scepters and crowns everywhere they went, even to bed. They only thing the Frankfurters regret is the he is wearing a fine, black European hat instead of a crown of feathers and leavers. This mixture of European elegance and Indian pompousness does seem somewhat ludicrous, and yet, there is still something truly unsettling about the appearance of this handsome man, who has just made the transition from the un- limited freedom of his jungle to the perpetual confines of civilization, who has trav- elled thousands of miles just for the sake of an ideal that must have a deep and practical meaning for him, only to discover that his own enthusiasm hardly elicits an enthusias- tic response from the gaping crowds who tend to regard him as little more than a curi- osity.160 In the Leipzig Illustrierte Zeitung as of 21 September 1850, Copway’s appearance was depicted as a “truly uplifting scenario” and it was further reported that

Copway […] [a] man in his forties, of light copper complexion, with shiny and straight black hair, nearly beardless, the eyes dark and full of compassion […]. In a speech delivered in a style of English that frequently manifests lyrical qualities, he correlates his own noble quests for peace with the peace found in God […]. Still a wandering savage among the Indians of his tribe years ago, he is now tangible evi- dence for the advancement of civilization.161 Yet, not all German periodicals were in favour of the Peace Congress and its speakers. An important Leipzig-based forum, Die Grenzboten, promoting a united Germany under Prussian leadership. Copway’s attendance was handled in a sarcastic way. It was stated that

158 Calloway, Historical, 70. 159 Susanne ZANTOP, Close Encounters. Deutsche and Indianer, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Ger- mans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 10. 160 cited in: Peyer, An Objibwa, 147. 161 ibid., 150.

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[…] an Indian chief in national costume, such as we are familiar with from Catlin and Cooper, makes his appearance with a blue lizard on his chest, tri-colored tat- toos on his face, dragging a lion’s tail behind him, and wearing untreated buckskins on his legs: he smoked the peace-pipe for Germany in the name of his Tribes and calls himself: kagagabauh!162 The overall reception, however, was enthusiastic, and as Peyer puts it, “there can be little doubt that Copway fascinated the general public.”163 Hartmut Lutz and Hans Plischke agree on their argument that the popularity of books, usually translations, by James Fenimore Cooper and Charles Sealsfields, an Austrian immigrant, promoted the interest and fascination for Cop- way.164 Furthermore, they state, at that time, a new national genre came up: Indianerroman (Indian novel), a term which was coined by Plischke. In English and French literature, the noble as well as rational variation of a fictitious Indian witnessed decreasingly popularity, yet in Ger- many, he was about “to rise to unprecedented popularity.”165 The fascination for American In- dians by the German audience was overwhelming. Rational thinkers such as Friedrich Engels used the idealistic concepts of American Indians in their woks, for example Der Ursprung der Familie (1884). This concept led to genuine public mania at the turn of the century which was due to Karl May.

3.2. Völkerschauen and Buffalo Bill

In the introduction of Stephan Oettermann’s essay collection, Ulrich Borsdorf explains that entertainment is an innate human desire. Independent of time, place and manner, entertainment has supplemented the development of culture. Considered from a cultural anthropological ap- proach, it may be constant companion. Borsdorf also notes that entertainment must be contex- tualised within a culture. Furthermore, entertainment reflects the “reality” of a society more carefully than “everyday” life does as the latter is prone to conceal specific traits of a society.166 Julia Stetler points out that entertainment, therefore, “acts like a magnifying glass.”167

162 ibid., 152. 163 ibid., 153. 164 cf. Hartmut LUTZ, "Indianer" und "Native Americans", Hildesheim 1985.; Hans PLISCHKE, Von Cooper bis May. Eine Geschichte des völkerkundlichen Reise- und Abenteuerromans, Düsseldorf 1951. 165 Peyer, An Objibwa, 149. 166 Ulrich BORSDORF, Vergnügen im Museum. Vorworte, in: Stephan Oettermann, Hg., Schriftreihe: Studien zur Geschichte der Vergnügungskultur, Gerolzhofen 1991-2004, 1. 167 Julia Simone STETLER, Buffalo Bill's Wild West in Germany. A Transnational History, UNLV Dissertation, Las Vegas 2012, 48.

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3.2.1. Völkerschauen

In order to cover for the population’s need for entertainment, apart from an annual fair or circus, Germany cities began to launch “speciality theaters, vaudeville shows [and] circuses.”168 Rather than educating people, these venues and shows were supposed to entertain people and distract them from drab monotony of everyday life. An additional type of entertainment featuring the “sensational, strange, exotic, and erotic”169 was provided by Abnormalitätenkabinetten (abnor- mality exhibiton), and particularly, Völkerschauen.

German zoo director, “world-famous [exotic] animal dealer and ethnographic showman”170 Carl Hagenbeck (1844-1913) coined the term Völkerschau (or plural Völkerschauen), which is an ethnographic exhibition.171 Sierra Bruckner defines the term as “commercial ethnogra- phy.”172 Stetler translates the term as “exhibits of exotic peoples.”173 In the German 1893 Mey- ers Konservations-Lexikon, an important encyclopaedia, ‘ethnographic exhibition’ is defined as follows:

Performance of representative foreign peoples for the satisfaction of visual and the dissemination of the anthropological for the satisfaction of visual pleasure and the dissemination of anthropological knowledge.174 German Historian Matthias Gretschel and his colleagues explain that these Völkschauen were exhibitions with people of foreign cultures who presented the audience authentic scenes from their everyday life and folkloric performances. In most cases, the performers were engaged for a period of several months and received contracts, which included, among other things, a salary and the number of performances.175

Alina Weber explains in her dissertation that these ethnographic exhibitions have their ori- gins at a time when new regions of the world and, thus, new peoples were discovered. They experienced a steady growth during the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It first commenced in England when peoples from the British colonies were brought back home to be displayed to the royals and nobility to prove the explores’ success and determination to colonise the world.

168 ibid., 51. 169 ibid., 52. 170 Eric AMES, Carl Hagenbeck’s Empire of Entertainments, Seattle 2008, i. 171 Pamela KORT / Max HOLLEIN, HG., I Like America. Fictions of the Wild West, New York 2007, 176. 172 Penny, Kindred, 58. 173 Stetler, Buffalo, 53, footnotes. 174 The original entry was accessed at < https://ia600206.us.ar- chive.org/17/items/bub_gb_2gsbAAAAYAAJ/bub_gb_2gsbAAAAYAAJ.pdf>; translated and quoted in: Eric Ames, From the Exotic to the everyday. The Ethnographic Exhibition in Germany, in: The Nineteenth-Century Visual Reader, New York (2004), 313. 175 Matthias GRETZSCHEL / Klaus GILLE / Michael ZAPF, Hagenbeck. Ein zoologisches Paradies; hundert Jahre Tierpark in Stellingen, 3. erw. u. aktual. Aufl., Bremen 2009, 67.

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Later, the foreign people were shown to the general public, for a little fee. Weber suggests that the stranger the people displayed were, the more aching were the audience for them. Ethno- graphic exhibitions could soon be found in Germany, too, where they were called Völker- schauen. Yet, the first exhibitions could not keep up with the British ones as they lacked sen- sation and colourfulness. Having advanced “natural sciences, the appearance of new types of museums and exhibitions-forms” and “the emergence of the leisure and entertainment indus- try”176 at their disposal, Völkerschauen were most intensively present in Germany in the era between the founding of the Wilhelminan Empire in 1871 and the outbreak of the First World War in 1914177.

Throughout the nineteenth century, Völkerschauen became increasingly common and professional. While the first exhibitions were combined with fairs, by the 1880s primarily took place in “volksbildenden Institutionen, which were public educational institutions”178, e.g. in zoological gardens and botanical gardens. Stephan Oettermann outlines that when examining the first half of the nineteenth century, exhibitions of “savages” 179 added up to a few dozen; however, after the second half of the same century, in the period between 1870 and 1940, Anne Dreesbach points out that more than 400 ethnical groups were displayed, particularly non-Eu- ropean ones. Depending on time and location of display, up to 100 people were presented in one show.180

Völkerschauen provided “cheap and safe entertainment and the excitement of coming into contact with different peoples, which served as a demarcation of self against otherness.”181 The entrance fee was cheap so that both workers and middle class, who were unable to go abroad, could visit the shows. Carl Hagenbeck knew that “children are never satisfied with seeing one thing only once.”182 The entrance fee were waived for school classes so that the children could carry their enthusiasm into the families and come again with their parents. Hilke Thode-Arora quotes a Hamburger-based newspaper article from 1890 dwelling on the topic of affordability: “Everything is made so convenient. Instead of having to travel in order to be able to tell stories,

176 Stetler, Buffalo, 53-54. 177 Alina Dana WEBER, "Indians" on German Stages. The History and Meaning of Karl May Festivals, PhD Dis- sertation 2010, 117-118. 178 ibid., 68. 179 Stephan OETTERMANN, Fremde. Der, Die, Das, Völkerschauen und ihre Vorläufer, in: Lisa Kosko / Mathilde Jamin, Hg., Viel Vergnügen, Öffentliche Lustbarkeit im Ruhrgebiet der Jahrhundertwende, Essen 1992, 50. 180 Anne DREESBACH, Gezähmte Wilde. Die Zurschaustellung "exotischer" Menschen in Deutschland 1870 - 1940, Zugl.: München, Univ., Diss., 2003, Frankfurt am Main u.a. 2005, 11. 181 Stetler, Buffalo, 69. 182 Carl HAGENBECK, Von Tieren und Menschen. Erlebnisse und Erfahrungen, Hamburg 2014, 100.

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you can stay at home and the strangers come to us with their attraction.”183 Sierra Ann Bruckner argues that this resulted in a considerable impact on “working- and middle-class leisure cul- tures.”184 Furthermore, she states, with the advanced printing developments, ethnographic ex- hibitions were a means for the general public needs’ by responding with “new media technolo- gies of mass entertainment that were three-dimensional and panoramic.” Bruckner, thus, con- siders Völkerschauen “a legitimate sphere of popular science, despite the limited degree of ‘au- thenticity’ in the cultural representation on stage.”185

Europeans appreciated exhibitions to supply their demand for “exotic curiosity.”186 This exotic curiosity was best served with Native Americans. The need for the exotic and their desire for the American Wild West war particularly apparent in Germany. Here, most importantly, in Carl Hagenbeck’s exhibitions and Sarrasani’s circus, Native Americans played crucial compo- nents. Buffalo Bill also played a crucial role; he will be discussed in the next chapter.

Carl Hagenbeck was the pioneer in displaying “foreign peoples and in a reconstructed ‘natural habitat.’”187 Between 1874 and 1931, Hagenbeck and his company were the dominant and most successful providers of Völkerschauen. Although, Raymond Corbey states, “the phe- nomenon [of ethnographic exhibitions] as such was by no means new“ but with Hagenbeck they “took place on a larger scale than ever before.”188 For example, in the 1820s, Captain Samuel Hadlock travelled around Europe with a group of Inuit, which “was exhibited in Lon- don, Hamburg, Berlin, Leipzig, Dresden, Prague, and Vienna.”189 Stetler concludes that Ha- genbeck’s “involvement [in the 1870s] changed the quality and character of the shows signifi- cantly because of new technological means of transport and staging, and a reframing of the shows in more scientific terms.” As for his audience, they “absorbed and assimilated notions of ‘others’ into their mind map.”190

At first, he held his exhibitions on open areas in cities in, and later had his own zoo built, Tierpark Hagenbeck, in Hamburg in 1907. This zoo still exists today. Among others, as early as 1876 and 1877, Carl Hagenbeck brought 18 Nubians from today's Egypt to Europe. This was

183 Hilke THODE-ARORA, Für fünfzig Pfennig um die Welt. Die Hagenbeckschen Völkerschauen, Frankfurt a.M. / New York 1989, 114. 184 Sierra Ann BRUCKNER, The Tingle-tangle of Modernity. Popular Anthropology and the Cultural Politics of Identity in Imperial Germany, PhD Dissertation 1999, 52. 185 ibid., 89, 224. 186 Lottini, p. 192. 187 Stetler, Buffalo, 73. 188 Raymond CORBEY, Ethnographic Showcases, 1870-1930, in: Cultural Anthropology 8/3 (1993), 352. 189 Stetler, Buffalo, 73. 190 ibid., 88.

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followed by an Inuit family from Greenland, who demonstrated their artfulness, their survival techniques as hunters and collectors on arctic soil and water, seal hunting, sledging, and kayaking.191 In 1879, Tehuelche people from Patagonia were displayed. A year later the first Labrador-Inuit exhibition took place.192 The most successful of all the shows was the Sioux exhibition in 1910. Nearly 54,000 visitors witnessed the show on the first day. Overall, 1.1 million people visited this show – more than ever before.193 These were just a few of the many Völkerschauen Hagenbeck put on.

Carl Hagenbeck brought a “group of nine Bella Coola Indians from the Northwest Pacific Coast to tour Germany as a troupe”194 in 1885. The group, among others, performed traditional dances for the audience and also staged other cultural events. Yet, the press often remarked the Bella Coolas “did not look like Indians were supposed to look.”195 Also Haberland argues that this display was not fully appreciated by the German audience because the Native Americans presented were not shown as the stereotypical Native Americans. Penny quotes some newspaper articles which complained “they did not seem like American Indians”, “their material culture was all wrong, there were no feather bonnets, no horses, and too much carving on wood and objects made from tree barks”, and mostly, it was reported that “they looked like Polyne- sians.”196 The whole programme did not reach the level of “spectacularization” that was pro- vided in Buffalo Bill’s show five years later.197 Penny points out that the visitors desired “Plains Indians. Most of all, they wanted Sioux.”198

Hagenbeck learned his lesson from the Bella Coola failure; in 1910, he managed to achieve, as stated earlier, his most successful Völkerschau. He displayed 42 Oglala Sioux and ten cow- boys for six months at his zoo in Hamburg. This time, he presented them as the audience wanted to see them. Stetler states that contrary to the Bella Coola show, Hagenbeck success was based on the stereotypical representations that were finally “fulfilled in the shows.”199 The guidebook of the show promised the following:

191 cf. Hartmut LUTZ, HG., Abraham Ulrikab im Zoo. Tagebuch eines Inuk 1880/81, Wesel 2007, 13, 106. 192 cf. Hagenbeck, Von Tiere, 57. 193 cf. Dressbach, Gezähmte, 79, 60. 194 Calloway, Historical, 70. 195 ibid. 196 Penny, Kindred, 57. 197 cf. Haberland, p. 362. 198 Penny, Kindred, 57-85. 199 Stetler, Buffalo, 280.

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When people speak of Indians, nobody thinks of the numerous tribes in Brazil or in the rest of […]. They always mean the famous Prairie Indians of leg- end and history […]. The figures of Leatherstocking, Scout, Tecumseh, etc., with their sharp-cut faces, their large hawk’s noses, and their characteristic feathered head-dress, these figures are now brought to us and made tangible before our very eyes by this year’s Volkershau [sic].200

This guidebook of the show, testifies what the German audience wanted: they are satisfied when they see the real Indians as they are described in literature. It seems as if anything differs from their literary image and stereotypes of a Native American is doomed to fail. Additionally, not only was it necessary to look Native American like, it was of remarkable importance to have people/Native Americans who could “re-stage and perform their Indianess”201 and who are pre- pared “to appear as actors.”202

For this 1910 show, Hagenbeck provided a ten-part program, which included allegedly “real events” from the American West of the 1870s, among these were “heroic ambushes, horse stealing, and the thrill of the Pony Express.”203 Also, “historical individuals” were included: “Thomas American Horse [whose father had acted out shows with Buffalo Bill] […] Edward Two-Two (1851-1914), Little Wolf, Bad Bob, Kills Enemy, Little Weasel and John Rock.”204 In order to highlight the authenticity of the participants, the performers were required to have long hair, be well established on the reservation and lacking English language skills. Moreover, visitors were given pamphlets which “stretched out the Oglala-Sioux’s historical resistance against the U.S. military and included biographies of the oldest members of the troupe who had fought in the Indian wars.” This leaflet also included information about the present situation on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Penny remarks that Germans were probably more interested in recent developments “than non-Native Americans.”205 Penny and Ames argue that Hagenbeck’s program is similarly structured as Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Shows.206 Hagenbeck, however, denied any similarities between his shows and Buffalo Bill’s shows. For him, the focus was set on the Native Americans whereas Buffalo Bill’s shows were “purely sensationalistic.”207 Stetler concludes that it is most probable that Hagenbeck was “inspired by Buffalo Bill’s show […

200 cited in: Ames, 2008, p. 131. 201 Lottini, p. 194. 202 Ames, 2008, 132. 203 Penny, Kindred, 131. 204 ibid. 205 ibid. 206 cf. Penny, Kindred, 131; cf. Ames, Seeing, 224. 207 cited in: Weber, Indians, 119.

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and] Wild West entertainment.”208 Haberland analysed Hagenbeck’s exhibitions and acknowl- edged the “determinant role of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West show in recuperating and popularizing the Indian iconography.”209

Ohlow identifies two important aspects that attracted people to Hagenbeck’s shows: re- nowned visitors and the press. Among others, “Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898), Albert of Sax- ony (1828-1902), German Emperors Wilhelm I. (1797-1888) and Wilhelm II (1859-1941)”210 came to see him. Furthermore, Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph I (1830-1916) visited his show in Vienna in 1884. Eike Reichhardt points out that these visits “gained [Hagenbeck] extensive press coverage”.211 Due to numerous valuable connections of the house Hagenbeck to the press, hundreds of articles and announcements appeared over each event. Brochures and films con- tributed to the marketing. Carl Hagenbeck's name was ubiquitous in the media and on large billboards. Post and collection cards (see figure 4) specifically designed for each of the shows prove their great popularity.212

Niemeyer highlights that the exhibitions resem- bled theatrical performances in their preparations, as artists, craftsmen, acrobats, magicians and jugglers were employed and brought to Germany. The prerequi- site for the engagement was good health, strength and willingness to work. The length of the stay, the tasks during the shows, the accommodation and the salary were determined beforehand between Hagenbeck and the performers. Carl Hagenbeck suffered some losses, because sometimes illness-related absence of the show- men or even their death occurred. Therefore, it was gradually introduced to have the performers undergo regular medicals.

Figure 1: Collection card of Tehuelches who were brought to Germany by Hagenbeck in 1879. Philip Delora points out that by 1910, perform- ers were greatly demanded for ethnographic shows

208 Stetler, Buffalo, 281. 209 Wolfgang Haberland, Nine Bella Coolas in Germany, in: Indians in Europe. In Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, F. Feest (Hg.), Aachen 2002, 361. 210 Ohlow, Ausgestellt. 211 Eike REICHARDT, Health, 'race' and empire. Popular-scientific spectacles and national identity in Imperial Germany, 1871 - 1914, Reprint of diss. with minor corr. and new pagination, Morrisville, NC 2008, 37. 212 ibid.

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and Wild West shows in Europe as well as the United States. For eligible showmen who lived on reservations, working on such shows seemed to be the most profitable way to earn money between 1883 and 1914. It was not only the food and salary that seemed tempting to the per- formers but also the chance to travel, to gain knowledge about other people and countries and to show bravery. Many also found it to be an honour to represent their culture to foreigners who were fascinated by them, and they repeatedly worked for the impresarios.213

The First World War (1914-1918), however, interfered the shows “and forced a multiyear hiatus, but it did not destroy the [business] connections during those prewar years, nor did it undercut in any way the appeal of American Indian performers in Germany.”214 Raymond Corby explains in his essay Ethnographic Showcases that the National Socialists forbid Völk- erschauen in the 1930s since the ethnographic exhibitions may have increased “the sympathy of the German people for other races.”215 According to Deloria, with the developing film indus- try came the end to most ethnographic exhibitions in Europe. The fascination, however, did not cease but was even strengthen with Western films. Deloria state Wild West “coalesced out of dime novels, stage theatricals, rodeo contests, and circuses, […] through the Indian Wars it poured its accumulation into the new medium [of film] when the show formula had already faded.”216

There were two different ways of presenting the foreign cultures to visitors of the Völk- erschauen: on the one hand, there was the “native village”, which the visitors had to pass by a circular route and several stations where signs and tables provided the visitor with information on the displayed people. On the other hand, there were performances at certain times of the day, which should particularly highlight the physical differences between Europeans and Native Americans, Africans or Indians. During the shows, highlights such as war and love dances, raids, funerals, weddings or births of the performers led to a remarkable interest.217

Even though Carl Hagenbeck claimed in his memories not to draw on any preoccupied images,218 there was, indeed, a considerable difference in the way of life between his Völker- schauen and the way his employed performers presented themselves. The scenes presented to the public were by no means confined to images that fit into popular narratives such as those of

213 Philip J. DELORIA, Indians in unexpected places, [Nachdr.]. CultureAmerica, Lawrence, Kan. 2004, 69-70. 214 Penny, Kindred, 133. 215 Corbey, Ethnographic, 358. 216 Deloria, Indians, 74. 217 cf. Günter H. W. NIEMEYER, Hagenbeck. Geschichte und Geschichten, Hamburg 1972, 215 ff. 218 Hagenbeck, Von Tieren, 50, 65.

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Karl May – they were linked to an even broader range of existing stereotypes and offered tour- ists a tour of what they expected to see about the country, people and culture.219 The program of the Patagonian Indian show displayed the performers eating raw meat, behaving in a roughly manner, and performing wars and battles dances, which all had little in common with their actual traditions and habits. Rather, they used the image that Europeans had of Africans, Native Americas, or Indians, and these were far beyond reality.220 The sociologist Manuel Armbruster points out that the colonial discourse was based on antitheses such as black and white, civilized and wild, colonial and colonialised. Yet, the colonial references in Völkerschauen were not only provided by the organisers in the role of passive profiteers. They, for commercial reasons, cre- ated a stereotype circle promoting the colonial view and, thus, the colonial project.221

Dreesbach states that the organisation of Völkerschauen required great effort. Taking up to five years, Hagenbeck needed this time to bring the idea to the implementation.222 An important aspect in the preparation was the recruitment of the showmen, before the actual tour or show could start. For this, Hagenbeck employed expedition travellers such as North Pole expert Johan Adrian Jacobsen or members of his own family.223 Hagenbeck also used his contacts with ani- mal trappers or other animal dealers, who had particularly good knowledge about their local area to recruit showmen for the Völkerschauen. No actors, but simple people were recruited who were paid to represent their own culture – or rather the European view of it. It is a matter of fact, in later years, there were also people who offered this service professionally and oc- curred repeatedly in these exhibitions. In order to attract a vast audience to the shows, accord- ingly, adults and children of both genders were recruited.224

Völkerschauen were regarded by their visitors as a reflection of reality because they con- firmed their pre-existing stereotypes. At the same time, however, it was this claim of authentic- ity that concealed the fact that it was nothing more than confirmed, preconceived images.225 In the Völkerschauen, thus, it was not about the confrontation with “the other” but rather the con- firmation of the prevailing stereotypes in the minds of the audience. For this reason, they also

219 Gretzschel, Hagenbeck, 80. 220 Dreesbach, Gezähmte, 48. 221 Manuel ARMBRUSTER, "Völkerschauen" um 1900 in Freiburg i. Br. Kolonialer Exotismus im historischen Kontext, http://www.freiburg-postkolonial.de/pdf/Armbruster-Voelkerschauen-in-Freiburg.pdf (02.09.2017). 222 Reichhardt explains that Carl Hagenbeck „lent his name resources to this exhibiotn, the show’s management and organization rested with his half-brothers John and Gustav Hagenbeck.” (Reichardt, Health, 37-38, footnotes number 158. 223 cf. Anne DREESBACH, Gezähmte Wilde. Die Zurschaustellung "exotischer" Menschen in Deutschland 1870 - 1940, Zugl.: München, Univ., Diss., 2003, Frankfurt am Main u.a. 2005, 60. 224 Kimberley OHLOW, Ausgestellt! Völkerschauen in Hagenbecks Tierpark, http://www.hh-geschichten.uni- hamburg.de/?p=3089#_edn1 (29.08.2017). 225 Armbruster, „Völkerschauen“, 26.

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favoured “racist views which placed the view in a hierarchical relationship with the exhibi- tors.”226 Ohlow concludes in his article that Völkerschauen have probably helped to sharpen the Germans visions of native peoples from all over the world. Moreover, the visitors may consid- ered themselves as superior as the representation of the performers’ foreign cultures was often a degrading one.227

Only rare sources offering an insight into how the performers of ethnographic exhibitions felt. There is, yet, a record of a member of Hagenbeck’s Inuit exhibition of 1878/1880. The oldest of the participants, Abraham, kept a diary in which he noted down his feelings:

In Berlin, it is not really nice since it is impossible because of people and trees, indeed, because so many children come. The air is constantly buzzing from the sound of the walking and driving; our enclosure is filled up immediately.228 He also regrets his decision to go on this Europe tour:

In different kind of ways we have been lured, but even all this I didn't recognize... It became clear to us how well we were taken care of in our country, yes indeed, long and great are the blessings we receive... We often suffer from colds, too, are often sick in Berlin, and are very homesick. We miss our land, our relatives, and our church. Yes indeed, we had to learn from our mistakes.229 Kock reports that the whole Inuit troupe died from smallpox during their tour by January 1881. They all had not been vaccinated before they started their travel to Europe.230

After Hagenbeck’s impressive success, circus impresarios also entered the ethnographic business. The probable most essential person here is Hans Stosch-Sarrasani (1897-1941). Stosch-Sarrasani commenced a circus in Dresden in1912 in which Native Americans performed and recreated “fictional [Wild West] journeys”231 and combined them with a common circus show. Stoch-Sarrasani continually employed American Indians from 1912 and 1939. The most famous Native American hired by Stoch-Sarrasani became Sioux Edward Two-Two (1851-

226 Susanne LEWERENZ, Völkerschau und die Konstituierung rassifizierter Körper, in: Torsten Junge u.a., Hg., Marginalisierte Körper: Zur Soziologie und Geschichte des anderen Körpers, Münster 2007, 135. 227 Ohlow, Ausgestellt!. 228 ALOOTOOK IPELLIE / HANS-LUDWIG BLOHM, The Diary of Abraham Ulrikab. Text and Context 2005, 12. 229 ibid., 4. 230 Katinka KOCKS, Indianer im Kaiserreich. Völkerschauen und Wild West Shows zwischen 1880 und 1914 2004, 31. 231 Marline Otte, Sarrasani’s Theatre of the world. Monumental Circus entertainment in Dresden, from Kaiser- reich to Third Reich, in: German History 17:4, 235.

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1914), who was also part of Hagenbeck’s 1910 show. When he died in Essen during an em- ployment in 1914, “it was the expressed wish of Two-Two that he wanted to be buried in the Catholic Cemetery in Dresden, the home of the circus.”232

As quoted in Kreis, Sarrasani’s circus was advertised as “true to nature”, “authentic Indians living in their reservation territories a life of wild and free nomads, unrestrained by any law except the law of blood vengeance.”233

Sarrasani’s recruiter, August Heinrich Koebler, emphasises the significance of theatrical crea- tion:

Of course, we had to bring the props that, according to Karl May, are essential for a real Indian, which are feathers, beaded embroidery, leather leggings, tomahawks, bows and arrows, tepees, campfires. Because our original redskins had no clue about all of that, they were just as harmless and unromantic as any other American. When they finally get here, they have names like Mr. Smith or Brown or Miller in their passports, and we have to start by giving them real Indian names. The one that looked the oldest was made chief and called ‘White Eagle’, or ‘Big Snake’ or ‘Black Horse’ […] They soon got used to their tepees, small pointy tents, which we stuck in the backyard. But it was not so easy to teach them Indian behaviour. The men had to be instructed in the use of bow and arrows, the squaws in making embroidery with beads, and for the children had to be dissuaded from playing with our cars instead of participating in primitive family life. The director […] had them practice warrior dances, comportment at the martyr pole, and ambush on a stage-coach.234 235 The reference in the quote to Karl May underlines the importance of “expected codes in pleas- ing the audience.”236 The same as in Cody’s shows, the Native Americas presented in Sarras- ani’s circus had to war feathers and hold tomahawks, bows and arrow; they had to live in tepees and show Indian behaviour. Otte argues that Sarrasani, more overt than Buffalo Bill, established the necessity of creating images according to prevalent calculated images. By making the audi- ence conscious of the theatrical values and concerns for their respect, Sarrasani assured to con- sider the Native Americans as the “the last remains of exotic nature” he could “shape.”237 It can also be suggested that Hans Stoch-Sarrasani highly benefited from Buffalo Bill’s success in Germany.

232 cited in: Penny, Kindred, 216. 233 Karl Markus Kreis, Indians Playing, Indians Praying. Native Americans in Wild West Shows and Catholic Missions, in: Germany and Indians. Fantasies, Encounters Projections, Colin Gordan Calloway (Hg.), London 2002, 195-212, S. 195. 234 Ernst Günther, Sarrasani Wie Er Wirklich War, Berlin 1984, S. 68-69. 235 Katrin SIEG, Ethnic drag. Performing race, nation, sexuality in West Germany. Social history, popular culture, and politics in Germany, Ann Arbor Mich. 2009, 127-128. 236 Lottini, p. 195. 237 Otte, p. 535.

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Carl Hagenbeck’s, Hans Stosch-Sarrasani’, Buffalo Bill’s and Karl May’s firm establish- ment of “Indiannes”238 had a massive impact on Native American scenes across media that determined European, and particularly German, culture at the beginning of the 20th century. Karl May’s and Buffalo Bill’s contributions will be outlined in the following chapters.

3.2.2. Buffalo Bill

Not only was Buffalo Bill a fictional hero in dime novels, but also a genuine person: William Frederick Cody (1846-1917). He got his nickname Buffalo Bill due to his superior hunting skills on horseback by troops and railroad workers. He worked as a U.S. army scout and was later assigned as “chief scout for the Fifth Cavalary.”239 In an online article published in the Frank- furter Allgemeine in 2017, Christiane Heil calls Cody the “Erfinder des Wilden Westen” (“In- ventor of the Wild West”).240 Before Cody entered the show business with his Wild West shows, dime novel writers such as Edward Zane Judson (aka Ned Buntline) and Pentiss Ingraham made him “the greatest frontier hero [in dime novels] of all times.”241 Richard Etulian states that “more than 550 Buffalo Bill dime novels were published in the United States.”242 By means of dime novels, Cody’s name was promoted enabling the merging of fiction and facts from the Wild West frontier. In the course of time, he changed into an icon representing the spirit of the West. As Paul Reddin points out, in most dime novels Cody he was profiled by “physical achievements such as shooting and riding, rather than moral and rational judgment.”243 Addi- tionally, as performers in other shows impersonated Buffalo Bill on stage, both his name, and fact and fiction about his person was further promoted and intertwined, respectively.

Having finished tours in the eastern U.S. and England, Buffalo Bill brought “seventy-two Indians to Germany in 1890” as members of his European tour that also included shows in “France, Spain, and Italy.”244 Penny called 1890 a “red-letter date for seeing Sioux in Ger- many.”245 In Germany and Austria, shows were held in the cities of “Munich, Vienna, Berlin,

238 Lottini, p. 196. 239 R. W. RYDELL / R. KROES, Buffalo Bill in Bologna. The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922 2010, 29. 240 Christiane HEIL, Indianer skalpierte er im Theaterkostüm. Mythos von Buffalo Bill, http://www.faz.net/aktu- ell/gesellschaft/menschen/zum-100-todestag-wer-war-buffalo-bill-14611756.html (04.09.2017). 241 Stetler, Buffalo, 23. 242 Richard W. ETULAIN, Telling Western stories. From Buffalo Bill to Larry McMurtry. Calvin P. Horn lectures in Western history and culture, Albuquerque 1999, 18.. 243 Paul REDDIN, Wild West shows. An Illini book, Urbana Ill. u.a. 1999, 56. 244 Colin Gordan CALLOWAY, Historical Encounters across Five Centuries, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 71. 245 Penny, Kindred, 59.

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Dresden, Leipzig, Bonn, Koblenz, Frankfurt, and Stuttgart.”246 Calloway reports that “Buffalo Bill’s Wild West took Germany by storm and the small Völkerschauen were eclipsed by Wild West shows” featuring “Lakota Indians engaged in thrilling displays of the skills necessary for surviving the conflicted history of the American West.”247

George Moses states in his book that Buffo Bill’s Wild West “caused a sensation” and “[t]he enthusiasm in Germany seems to have been greater than anywhere else in Europe.”248 249 The show program, which lasted three to four hours, was consistent throughout Germany and his show constantly sold out. “The very presence of the show was an excitement. People […] milled around their camps, transforming their occurrence into ongoing events, and engaging in as- sorted forms of admiration, celebration, and emulation.”250 Penny describes that the visitors were “entranced by the Pony Express, an attack on an emigrant train, a Virginia quadrille done on horseback, cowboys demonstrating riding and roping skills, an attack on the Deadwood coach, a selection of American Indian dances, and the final buffalo hunt.”251

Rydell and Kroes remark that Buffalo Bill “did not organize his show[s] on his own.” He cooperated with two men who were already experienced in the show business: John Burke and Nathan ‘Nate’ Salsbury (1846-1902). Rydell and Kroes explain that Salsbury was a sporadic “actor, playwright, and an aspiring theatre manager who had long wanted to manage Buffalo Bill.” Burke had worked as an actor before he flaunted his abilities in “theatrical management and promotion.” With Cody as the performing star on stage, this partnership included mass- media spectacles that Professor David James called “the consolidated integration of one medium with another and of art with social reality.””252

According to this 1888 newspaper advertisement below, figure 5, his show is “[a]bsolutely the [m]ost [g]igantic and [s]ensational [e]ntertainment on [e]arth”; furthermore, he provides “[s]cores of [s]couts and [c]hampion [r]ifle [s]hots, led by [t]he [k]ing of [b]order [m]en Col. W. F. Cody, “Buffalo Bill”. 253 This advertisment suggests that the show was presented as an authentic Wild West lifestyle. What is notable is even though in a number of performances

246 Calloway, Historical, 71. 247 Penny, Kindred, 59. 248 Lester George MOSES, Wild West shows and the image of American Indians. 1883 - 1933, Albuquerque NM 1999, 91. 249 RYDELL / KROES, Buffalo, 30. 250 Penny, Kindred, 61. 251 ibid., 60-61. 252 David E. JAMES, Rock and Roll in Representations of the Invasion of Vietnam, in: Representations 29 (1990), 78. 253 cf. Lottini, p. 188.

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other ethnographic groups were on the stage, it was still presented as and believed to be authen- tic.

Figure 5: Buffalo Bill's Wild West show promoted in a newspaper in 1888

There was a major difference between Buffalo Bill’s Wild West shows and the ones pre- ceding his. Kreis argues, besides Buffalo Bill, the American Indians played the key parts in the shows. Furthermore, he notes one should not neglect the importance of the “markswomen in the show, above all ‘Little Sure Shot’ Annie Oaklay”(1860-1924) who were as admirable if not more admirable as all the Indians and cowboys.254 Both German visitors and reporters were also impressed by a new feature: the latest weaponry and the subsequent show effects used in the shows. The live shows, the extensive advertisements that made the shows impossi- ble to unnotice, the coordination of transport of hundreds of people and equipment, and the swift set up and break of camp made the show seem “typically American” and Cody the “typ- ical American hero.”255 The shows in Germany, as opposed to America, did not heighten a patriotic sense but sharpen the German projections and longings.256

American critics accused Buffalo Bill of mistreating and exploiting his employed Indians, which “greatly enraged [him] and caused him to extend an invitation to the camp of the Amer- ican consul and the consul of Hamburg” in order they were able personally see “the health and

254 Kreis, Indians, 199. 255 ibid. 256 cf. Robert BIEDER, Marketing the American Indian in Europe. Context, Commodification, and Reception, in: Robert Rydell / et. al., Hg., Cultural Transmissions and Receptions: American Mass Culture in Europe, Cul- tural Transmissions and Receptions. American Mass Culture in Europe, Amsterdam 1993, 17.

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happiness of the India contingent.”257 Also before continuing his show in Germany after the winter break in April 1991, Cody headed back with some American Indians to the United States to validate the Indians’ well-being. While he was in the U.S. in 1890, the conflict with the governmental officials and the Ghost Dance movement escalated leading to the killing of Hunk- papa leader and holy man Sitting Bull (1831-1890), and more than 250 Indians at the Massacre at Wounded Knee. In fact, before the massacre, James Mooney reports that Cody was ordered to “proceed to Standing Rock agency” as he was “well acquainted with Sitting Bull and was believed to have influence with him.”258 Even though he was not able to reach the agency in time, his attempt to intervene was all over the news which gave him enormous publicity. He also integrated some Wounded Knee scenes in his shows when he returned to Germany for a new season in 1891 with shows “in Karlsruhe, Mannheim, Darmstadt, Mainz, Cologne, Dort- mund, Duisburg, Krefeld, and Aachen.”259 This time, he brought even more Native Americans: 98 Sioux, including well-known Indians such as Kicking Bull (1846-1904), Short Bull and “twenty-one other Lakotas who had been ar- rested for their part t in the so-called Ghost Dance Outbreak”260 the year before.261 Both Kicking Bear (1846-1904) and Short Bull (c. 1848-1923) were ghost-dance leaders. Having these Ghost Dancers with him, Buffalo Bill further improved his show’s reputation as being authentic and the Figure 6: Buffalo Bill together with Sitting Bull. Photo- graph taken by Willliam Notmann in Montreal, 1885. A German visitors’ sympathy. series of these photos was taken, but this is the most repro- duced one.

257 Stetler, Buffalo Bill, 173 258 James MOONEY, The Ghost-dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, Washington 1896, 854. 259 Stetler, Buffalo, 163-164. 260 Calloway, Historical, 71. 261 The Ghost Dance was a widespread religious movement which combined various spiritual Native American practices. In the late 19th century, thousands of American Indians aggrieved of life on the reservation assembled in order to sing and dance together until they fell into trance. “Some Plains Indians, while shuffling steps to this native ritual, wore special shirts decorated with symbols to protect them from bullets. These same Indians claimed that the biblical Messiah, allegedly seen by a Nevada Indian prophet, would soon return and cleanse the earth of the white man, restore abundance to the land, and reunite the living and dead Indians.” Fearing a rebel- lion by the Native Americans, the United States Army forcefully suppressed these Ghost Dances, “leading to the infamous massacre at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, [inflicting at least 250 American Indian casualties] on 29 December 1890.” (Lawrence G. COATES, The Mormons, the Ghost Dance Religion, and the Massacre at Wounded Knee, in: Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 18/4 (1985), 89.)

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German newspapers widely reported about the Ghost Dance Movement and the Wounded Knee Massacre; many of the published articles openly criticised how the U.S. government had been dealing with the series of events. Freiberg-based Anzeiger und Tagesblatt devoted an ar- ticle to American Indian policy and the subsequent injustices it pursued in 1890. In the begin- ning of the article, the Ghost Dance movement is depicted as a band of “Indians who believe that a great chief will be resurrected and re-conquer the land for the Indians” and that because of the harsh living conditions on the reservations “a war is being expected.”262 In the course of the article, the U.S. government was accused of dispossessing American Indians without com- pensation payments, forcefully move them on unfertile land and with no game on their reser- vation, providing scanty food allotments, and letting American Indians starve and freeze to death “including the Catholic Indians: 100 of the 1300 died in the past 18 months. The misery was inexplicable, and it was not the Indians’ fault.”263 In the conclusion of the article, it was stated that the formation and spreading of the Ghost Dance movement could have been antici- pated.

There was an extensive number of such or similar articles illuminating the reservations’ sit- uations. Due to these reports, the German population was full of sympathy with the fate of the American Indians. Buffalo Bill used this sympathy for his own good. Stetler points out Cody “heavily advertised” in Germany that he presented the real Indians of the Ghost Dance in his shows, which left a profound impression on the German public. The German public “could witness a piece of contemporary history and with their own eyes convince themselves that these were, in the Cooperian sense, the last of their tribe.” Furthermore, she notes the knowledge that “these very Indians had been brutally subdued and their way of life annihilated by the American government added to their appeal and the nostalgic longings that were attached to everything Native American in Germany.”264

Buffalo Bill arrived in Germany for his second Europe tour (1902-1906) in 1906 and “the crowds awaiting him were even lager” than before.265 This Europe tour took place on a much grander scale – in size and logistics – than the first tour in 1890-1891. The crew of the show consisted of 800 hundred people and 500 hundred animals – nearly four times as much as on

262 Anzeiger und Tageblatt, 1 June 1890, cited in: Stetler, Buffalo, 174. 263 Anzeiger und Tageblatt, 1 June 1890, cited in: Stetler, Buffalo, 174. 264 Stetler, Buffalo, 175. 265 Penny, Kindred, 64.

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the first tour. Stetler found in the great many a European newspapers that the first show in Germany included “200 Indians, cowboys, scouts, and sharpshooters, and 175 animals.”266

As opposed to the first tour where the show stayed in a city for some weeks or months, the tight schedule allowed time only for one or two days for each city. This had a negative impact on the stress level of the performers and the show seemed to decrease its uniqueness “since it now appeared […] to be more akin to an ordinary travelling circus than an event of extraordi- nary proportions.”267 The fact that the new program also featured non-Western elements con- tributed to this negative attitude. Emphasising on the equestrian and militaristic elements of the show was the most fundamental change in Cody’s program. He commenced to re-enact recent events to his show program, particularly military events. As for the Western part, the Battle of the Little Bighorn was re-enacted; as for the non-Western part, it was the Battle of San Juan and China’s Boxer Rebellion268. Cody did this to show off his international employees who included, among others, German, French, Japanese, Hawaiian, and Mexican performers. Buf- falo Bill also brought along ’s (1858-1919) infamous Rough Riders. Rydell and Kroes argue that including a German cast had a beneficial impact on the visitors’ identifi- cation with the show.269

Buffalo Bill usually toured the same countries and if people took the first tour to have a look at authentic Native Americans, they “recalled the attention on the second tour on the necessity of observing ‘types’ of a dying race before their extinction.”270 Lottini cites an unknown news- paper report from 1906, it states

Indians […] are rapidly blending with the conquering white race, and their pictur- esque personalities are going to disappear completely from the world. In a few years they will not exist anymore and civilisation will dominate in the American continent end to end. Colonel Cody leads splendid types of these Indians who really represent the last of the Mohicans.271

The fact that the newspaper report explicitly references to Fenimore Cooper’s novels confirms a dominant element of the European reception of the Wild West show. The big promised au-

266 Stetler, Buffalo, 275, footnote 521. 267 ibid., 276. 268 The Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901) denotes China’s uprising against western powers in China. 269 cf. Rydell / Kroes, Buffalo, 109. 270 Lottini, 188. 271 ibid.

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thenticity determent in terms of this more realistic vision of the already realistic Native Ameri- can images offered by literature. Affected by these images and ideas described in literature, European journalists modelled their reports according to those images and ideas. An English newspaper report, again quoted in Lottini’s essay, refers to Fenimore Cooper and Mayne Reid272:

[…] Mayne Reid and Fenimore Cooper have in various works depicted with real- istic effect the life of a frontiersman, but a work of fiction necessarily pales in effect before the actual performances of the very men who have been mixed up with, and some of whom are the heroes of, many blood-stained frontier fight be- tween the ‘children of the West’ and their white brothers.273

As seen in these two quotes above, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West show was measured by its ability to adapt to predominant assumptions and popularise predefined images. Therefore, in the show the Native Americans met the expectations of the audience: wildness, painted faces, feathers in their hair, bow and arrow and their war cries.

Bieder remarks in his essay Marketing the American Indian in Europe that scholars noted that in the late 19th century, the European imaginary had diverted attention from Cooper’s Woodland Indians to the Plains Indians of Thomas Mayne Reid and particularly Karl May’s novels. Consequently, people recognised these Plains Indians as the real Native Americans.274 Ames, however, argues that focusing on the German audiences, the images of the Plain Indians was mainly influenced by late 19th century Wild West shows. In general, Ames continues, the most crucial aspect for the Wild West show was that the European audience took for granted the presented people were prototypical Native Americans as they were “standing around half- naked in war paint, wearing headdresses of feathers and holding tomahawks.”275

Apart from the proper physical appearance, it was also necessary to confirm the estimated behaviour. In order the meet the audiences’ expectations, Native Americans assaulting villages and stagecoaches was included in the show.276 Furthermore, the “drama of civilisation”277 per- formed in the show strengthened the doctrines of the White Men’s dominance and civilising

272 Thomas Mayne Reid (1818 –1883) was a Scots-Irish American novelist who primarily chose the American West setting in his novels. 273 Lotini, 188. 274 cf. Robert Bieder, Marketing the American Indian in Europe. Context, Commodification, and Reception, in: Cultural Transmissions and Receptions. American Mass Culture in Europe, Robert Rydell, u.a., Amsterdam 1993, 21. 275 Eric Ames, Carl Hagenbeck’s Empire of Entertainments, Seattle 2008, 109. 276 Lottini, p. 191. 277 ibid., p. 191-192.

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mission. The pervasive romantic image of the Native Americans as a dying race was a corollary for the idea of a “necessary white civilization.”278

Daniele Fiorentino quotes in her essay Those Red-Brick Faces a Lakota leader, Red Shirt, who accompanied Buffalo Bill on his first tour. In 1887 he replied to The Brisbane Courier on the prospects of American Indians in the United States:

The white man takes more and more of our land. But the US government is good. True it has taken away our land, and the white men have eaten up our deer and our buffalo, but the Government now give us food that we may not starve. They are educating our children, and teaching them to farm and to use farming implements. Our children will learn the white man’s civilisation and to live like him.279 This statement above was greatly appreciated by the European press. 123 years later, in 2008 Simon Ortiz, keynote speaker at the Native American and Indigenous Studies Conference at the University of Georgia, stated the following in his speech:

We cannot but feel Americanized. That’s too true. No matter how “Indian” we are. No matter how Indigenous we are, we feel Americanized. No matter how Indige- nous we feel our tribal identities make us, we feel Americanized. Not matter how much or how little we speak our Indigenous languages, we feel Americanized. No matter what we do to practice our Indigenous traditions and customs and no matter how hard we try to live according to the cultural philosophies of our tribal elders, we still feel Americanized. No wonder we feel invalid when we identify ourselves as Indigenous tribal peoples. And no wonder some of us may feel like imposters even when we fell at the same time it is about to feel like imposters! We are in this quandary and dilemma because we are unconsciously and consciously living within colonialism.280 Comparing these two quotes, we learn that the “white man’s civilisation” is now dominating the Indigenous people’s lives. As opposed to the first quote in which the tone at the beginning is rather gloomy but developed to become brighter; the second quote, provides a reproachful and accusing tone. One could argue that the first quote by Red Shirt is presented in the light of a piece of literature or in the Wild West show: it conveys a sentimental view but somehow the story turns out fine. Simon Ortiz’s does not seem to excuse anything or anyone. He is fully aware of the situation they find themselves in. These two quotes illustrate the change which has happened within 123 years.

278 ibid., p. 192. 279 cited in: Daniele Fiorentino, Those Red-Brick Faces. European press reactions to the Indians of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, in: Indians and Europe. An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, C. Feest (Hg.), Aachen 2002, 403-414. 407. 280 Simon Ortiz, Indigenous Continuance. Collaboration and Syncretism, in: American Indian Quarterly 35/3 (2001), 286.

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Numerous historians have dealt with the question why Americans Indians would have wanted to be part of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West’ and shows of other impresarios’s crew. Until the recent past, Stetler summarises widely held hypotheses proposed that American Indians were the “victims of the Wild West and were mistreated and forced to participate” and also that they “were objectified, and subjected to humiliating ethnic humor.”281 In his book Wild West Shows and the Image of American Indians, Moses points out that American Indians should not be considered passive victims but rather they were often actively seeking a carrier in the show business. Moses notes that “it would be wrong to show Indians as simple dupes, or pawns, or even victims. It would be better to approach them as persons who earned a fairly good living between the era of the Dawes Act [1887] and the Indian New Deal [1934], playing themselves, re-creating a very small portion of their histories, and enjoying it.”282 Unlike Indians who joined a Wild West show, the Indians “who took out allotments and farmed the land or ran livestock”283 were hardly ever able to generate comparable income. Moses cites an Ihanktonwan-Sicangu Sioux explaining what he appreciated about his job in Wild West shows in the early twentieth century. He stated that “it gave me a chance to get back on a horse and act it out again” and when the show is finished present yourself in front of the celebrating and applauding audi- ence.284

Native American who were employed in Wild West shows at the early 1880s “had known life before the reservation experience profoundly altered their cultures. They were members of a transitional generation, one that encountered for the first time the full weight of comprehen- sive government programs to eradicate native life.”285 Moses states in his last sentence of his introduction that “Show Indians left behind a few records, including sometimes their own words that tell of their experience.”286 Apart from a better financial compensation and a greater sense of freedom, “the positive reception in Europe facilitated the decision to join the shows and experience a different lifestyle.”287 Stetler suggests that performing in Wild West shows aided the Indians to “maintain their self-esteem” as well as their “knowledge that their culture was appreciated and admired.”288 Furthermore, Moses points out that due to strict regulations and contracts, the performers of the show were protected as far as working hours, salary, food, content of shows, and best medical assistance was concerned. Moses also makes clear these

281 Stetler, Buffalo, 175. 282 Moses, Wild, 279. 283 ibid., 8. 284 ibid, 279. 285 Moses Wild, 7. 286 ibid. 8. 287 Stetler, Buffalo, 176. 288 ibid.

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regulations and contracts provided much more stable and more beneficial jobs opportunities than there would have been on the reservations in the U.S.289 Moses suggests “Cody and his partners went to extraordinary lengths to meet the needs of their employees” because Cody either feared the “close scrutiny that their business would receive […], or perhaps indeed out of genuine concerns.”290 As reported by Moses, one of Cody’s employees, Eagle Bird, met with an accident during a show and died from the aftermath of it. Eagle Bird’s widow received “500 dollars plus his back pay of 120 dollars; and [Buffalo Bill] also agreed to pay her 25 dollars a month for the rest of her life.”291

Buffalo Bill had to compete with many imitators in the U.S. and Europe. They presented their version of Wild West shows and made a fortune out of these shows. Two of these com- petitors were Doc Carver (1851-1927) with his Wild America show, and Gordon W. ‘Pawnee Bill’ Lillie (1860-1942) with his Pawnee Bill’s Historical Wild West Indian Museum and En- campment Show. The most successful imitators, however, came from Germany who were dis- cussed in the previous chapter: Carl Hagenbeck (see his 1910 Oglala-Sioux tour) and Hans Stosch-Sarrasani.

When William Cody died in 1917, the Cody family were in charge of the Buffalo Bill Wild West show. But they could not keep up with the previous successes and gave in after one season. Steve Friesen remarks that “[e]ven adding the term ‘circus’ was not sufficient to draw the nec- essary crows. The golden era of the wild west show […] had drawn to a close.”292

Buffalo Bill’s Wild West as well as all the other shows imitating his type of entertainment had a key effect, according to Karl Markus Kreis, on “make[ing] Indians, like cowboy, a role one could play and which was fun to play. It was easy: just get some feathers, a surrogate horse, bow and arrows, some blankets or whatever to make a tepee, decide whether you want to be a cowboy or an Indian, and start with your imagination from what you saw others play at the show or on the screen.”293 People from all walks of life and age were attracted to “the shows, their live action, [the] simple plot, and [the] utopian setting, […] [but also to the fact that] the Indians [were made] someone or something you can play.”294 Penny reports that after Buffalo Bill arrived a town, “children were often seen in the streets with their own lassos, feathers, and

289 cf. Moses, Wild, 31. 290 ibid. 122. 291 ibid. 292 Steve FRIESEN / François CHLADIUK / Walter LITTLEMOON, Lakota Performers in Europe. Their Culture and the Artifacts They Left Behind. William F. Cody Series on the History and Culture of the American West Ser, v.3, Norman 2017, 48. 293 Kreis, Indians, 202. 294 ibid.

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makeshift tomahawks, and adults began to emulate the performers as well.”295 With the emer- gence of the entertainment industry, this stereotype was perpetuated and made it available to a wide public.296 Penny points out that “an entire industry of new books, magazines, and comics stemmed from his performances, and he became a household name.”297 Further evidence of the success of this stereotypical Native American image will be provided in the following chapter on Karl May.

3.3. Karl May

Karl May (1842-1912), certainly more than any other Ger- man author, has been shaping the German perception of Native Americans. Having written more than 70 adventure books about the American West and sold more than 200 million copies, according to Rydell and Kroes, he is “the single most important molder of German views of the American Indian.”298 Also Nicole Perry states in her dis- sertation that the vision of the Native Americans in Ger- many and Austria is predominantly based on the neo-ro- mantic image Karl May conjured up with his fictional char- acter Winnetou.299

Figure 7: Karl May in around 1897 The popular May-based Westerns of the 1960s, Karl May festivals, TV series based on May’s novels, regular reruns of the Winnetou films but also the German hobbyist movement and theme parks make Karl May’s seemingly never-ending popularity evident.300 May’s adventure books about the American West became immensely popular from the very beginning. In his 1986 New York Times article The Screen: Syberberg’s 'Karl May'301, Vincent Canby states that “his books sold like pancakes topped by wild blueberries and heavy cream.” In an interview published in the

295 Penny, Kindred, 65. 296 Kreis, Indians, 202. 297 Penny, Kindred, 64. 298 Robert W. Rydell, /Rob, Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna. The Americanization of the World 1869-4922. Chi- cago 2005, 112. 299 cf. Nicole PERRY, …nicht die Menschen im Walde, Wilde genannt werden sollten. Images of Aboriginal Peoples in the Works of Sophie von La Roche, Charles Sealsfield, and Karl May, Dissertation, Toronto 2011. 300 cf. Jennifer Michels, Fantasies of Native Americans. Karl May’s Continuing Impact on the German Imagina- tion, in: European Journal of American Culture 31/3 (2012), 205-218, S. 206. 301 Vincent Canby, The Screen: Syberberg’s 'Karl May', Web. 20 October 2016. < http://www.ny- times.com/1986/06/25/movies/the-screen-syberberg-s-karl-may.html>

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Austrian newspaper “derStandard” in 2016, researcher at the German department at the Uni- versity of Vienna, Nicole Perry, states why May was so popular right from the beginning and has been so successful ever since. She claims that May’s fictional America satisfied the popu- lation’s desires of a place where they could reinvent themselves, the same as Old Shatterhand and many other German immigrant characters in May’s novels did. Furthermore, due to the Winnetou films, the German perception of the Indian was shaped and embodied by French actor Pierre Brice. This perception of Native Americas in the German and Austrian collective memory is still persistent. As for Indian films in general, Perry states “[d]urch das Medium des Films wurde das romantische Bild der Ureinwohner als Repräsentanten einer vergangenen Zeit über Generationen hinweg stabilisiert.“302 In this quote, she describes that films have been shap- ing the romantic image of Native Americans as representatives of past periods over generations. Yet, she predicts dire perspectives as she doubts Karl May’s works will leave a deep impression on the next generation.303

Hermann Hesse saw May as “the most brilliant representatives of a truly original type of fiction, i.e. fiction as wish-fulfillment”, and Albert Schweitzer adored May for his “courageous stand for peace and mutual understanding which inspires nearly all his books.”304 Lisa Barthel- Winkler considered him a “key-witness on German-Indian affinities.”305 Some post-war schol- ars argue that May appeals to the German longing for a simpler way of life in harmony with nature: “The traditional German attraction to nature and romanticism increased in world which seemed to evolve into an increasingly sterile and cold environment.”306 Some Germans perceive a special bond between them and Native Americans, but this perception is not unique to Ger- mans. Ekehard Koch, who is an expert on relations between Native Americans and Europeans, believes that “hardly any other people have the same sympathy towards the Indians as the Ger- mans”. In his opinion, “the myth of the noble savage, the discontent with civilization, the re- stricted freedom caused by modern life and the wish to escape from the narrowness of German life” contribute to this fascination.307 May’s vision of the West offers a “natural paradise where

302 Johannes LAU, Das Klischee vom edlen Häuptling, http://derstandard.at/2000030664121/Das-Klischee-vom- edlen-Haeuptling (20.08.2017). 303 cf. Perry, … nicht die Menschen. 304 cited in: Colleen COOK, Germany's Wild West Author. A Researcher's Guide to Karl May, in: German Stud- ies Review 5/1 (1982), 68. 305 Feest, Germany’s, 25. 306 Heribert Frhr. v. FEILITZSCH, Karl May The "Wild West" as seen in Germany, in: The Journal of Popular Culture 27/3 (1993), 182-183. 307 Allan HALL, The Germans' Infatuation with Cowboys and Indians, http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/6569 (21.08.2017).

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good still triumphs over evil; where men can be men; where the ideal of the noble savage, and the apex of Western European culture mix harmoniously.”308

As it seems, not everyone appreciated May’s Winnetou series appearance in 1893 right after Buffalo Bill’s thriving first tour. Even though acknowledging that “May is by a large margin the best-selling imaginative writer in the German language”, literary critic Jeffrey Sammons professed not to relate to May’s success. He acknowledges May’s “stunning success during his career” as well as “his endurance in the German cultural life to the present day is beyond com- pare.” Furthermore, Sammons states that “since the expiration of his copyright in 1962, it seems hardly possible to count the number of copies published with any accuracy: estimates are ap- proaching one hundred million, and annual sales a decade ago [1988] continued at around two million.” The literary critic considers May to be a “meretricious” and “psychopathological writer” but his “Westerns lie somewhere between Cooper and comic book[s].”309

In his analysis, Sammons concludes that May even though providing “exotic, constantly excited tone of adventure, bounding from one crisis to another, May forms a utopia of conven- tional and substantially conservative values that have no detectable American dimension. Con- sequently, he raises the question if “May’s fiction is in any intelligible sense about America at all.”310 Karl May’s books were translated into English only after his death and never popular in the United States. Karl May’s biographer, Helmut Schmiedt, explains that May used the litera- ture already written and adjusted it to German needs, made it German.311 As Penny has exam- ined, “he [May] literally borrowed characters, plots, and entire pieces of other author’s works.” Furthermore, he states that May also took “information from encyclopedias, travelogues, and many other texts on America for his fiction.”312

What made May so successful was this blending of previously written works which had set up the historical as well as factual background of his stories, and which subsequently made them seem familiar and authentic.313 Also for Richard Cracroft, May’s popularities lies in “his ability to blend factual information and imaginative detail into tales which seem to satisfy a universal German nostalgia for the romantic and exotic.”314 Karl Markus Kreis notes that the

308 Cook, Germany’s, 86. 309 Jeffrey Leonard SAMMONS, Ideology, Mimesis, Fantasy. Charles Sealsfield, Friedrich Gerstäcker, Karl May, and Other German Novelists of America, Chapel Hill 1998, 229-232. 310 ibid., 247. 311 Helmut SCHMIED, Karl May. Leben, Werk und Wirkung, Frankfurt a. M. 1987. 312 Penny, Kindred, 66. 313 cf. ibid. 314 Richard H. CRACROFT, The American West of Karl May, in: American Quarterly 19/2 (1967), 257.

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American background in May’s stories are the only authentic pieces in his plots. This is, how- ever, the product of his “dream world.” The attractiveness of his dream world in his stories is that “they always follow similar and hence rec- ognizable patterns: ‘duels, tracking, hunting for wild animals and taming horses, eaves- dropping on enemies, and above all the endless sequences of being taken captive and escap- ing.”315 As for May’s protagonists, Kreis points out that “all the heroes embody familiar traits in their origin and behaviour: the stories are permeated with German figures, German associations of ideological or social nature–in short, the hero is always a conventional Ger- man in a conventional environment.”316 It could be shown that May’s success and popu- larity is rooted in the Native American theme Figure 8: Karl May dressed up as Old Shatterhand, 1896 and the German characters he set the focus on in his stories. Colleen Cook adds that his suc- cess was also “due to his ability to capture the imagination of his readers.”317 His works and the films based on them provide exciting and fun entertainment.

Since the story lines were so simple and clear, Penny writes, it was easy and encouraging even for readers of a younger age to play out the stories they had read. Sammons agrees, he states “it is easy to see how May’s works could become the inspiration for generations of chil- dren’s games, played anywhere there was, or could be pretended to be, a field, a hill, or a ra- vine.”318 Old Shatterhand, the German hero and Winnetou’s blood-brother in the series “is also a great appeal,” since “even in the beginning, he knows everything, has nothing more to learn, and can outdo everyone in everything. He gained all his knowledge and skill by reading books in Germany.”319 That is also what Karl May did, instead of on going on adventures abroad himself, he read books written by others. In the 1890s, May claimed to be Old Shattterhand, see

315 Karl Markus KREIS, German Wild West. Karl May's Invention of the Definitive Indian, in: Pamela Kort / Max Hollein, Hg., I Like America: Fictions of the Wild West, New York 2007, 253-254. 316 ibid., 254. 317 Colleen COOK, Germany's Wild West Author. A Researcher's Guide to Karl May, in: German Studies Review 5/1 (1982), 86. 318 Sammons, Ideology, 231. 319 ibid., 232.

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figure 5, to convey the impression he had experienced the entire adventures himself and in order to emphasise his authenticity. To support his claim, he had photographs taken displaying him in a Wild West costume in 1896. The leather jacket, lasso, telescope, and animal teeth necklace are displayed at the Karl Museum in Radebeul.320

In the, according to Susane Zantop, “most revealing encounters between Germans and Indi- ans in literature”321, Old Shatterhand and Winnetou initially meet. The extract below includes all the key factors of which Hartmut Lutz’s “Indianertümelei” or “German Indianthusiam”322 is composed. Lutz, chair of American and Canadian Studies at the University of Greifswald323, understands the term Indianertümelei “signifies a yearning for all things Indian, a fascination with American Indians, a romanticizing about a supposed Indian essence, or, for […] a better translation that catches the ironic ambiguities of the German term, an ‘Indianthusiasm’.”324 Moreover, Lutz explains that German Indianthusiasm is “racialized” as it “refers to Indianness (Indianertum) as an essentializing bioracial and, concomitantly, cultural ethnic identity that os- sifies into stereotypes.”325 There is the tendency towards to “historicize Indians as figures of the past, and it assumes that anybody ‘truly Indian’ [usually Plain Indians] will follow cultural practices” and look like Native Americans “before or during first contact.”326

Old Shatterhand depicts his first encounter with and impressions of Winnetou as follows:

He was bare-headed […] and had wound up his hair into a kind of helmet into which he had braided the skin of a rattlesnake, yet without adding any decorative feathers. His hair was so long and heavy that it cascaded down his back. Certainly many a woman would have envied him this magnificent, shiny bluish-black adornment. His was even nobler than his father’s; its color a subtle light-brown with a delicate tinge of bronze. He was, as I now guessed and later confirmed, about my age and had already made a deep impression on me, during this first encounter. I felt that he must be a good person, of extraordinary talents. We scrutinized one another with long, searching glances, and then, I believe, I noticed that his solemn dark gaze with its velvety sheen was briefly illuminated by a friendly light, as if the sun were send- ing a message to earth through an opening in the clouds.327

320 Karl-May-Museum, Karl May als Old Shatterhand, http://www.karl-may-mu- seum.de/data/cms/bilder/Pressebilder/kmm_karlmay_als_oldshatterhand_1896.pdf. 321 Susanne ZANTOP, Close Encounters. Deutsche and Indianer, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Ger- mans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 3. 322 Hartmut LUTZ, German Indianthusiasm. A Socially Constructed German National(ist) Myth, in: Colin Gor- dan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 168. 323 Hartmut LUTZ, Curriculum Vitae. Prof. em. Dr. Hartmut Lutz (University of Greifswald, Germany), https://ifaa.uni-greifswald.de/fileadmin/uni-greifswald/fakultaet/phil/anglistik/personal/vita/Lutz-CV-2016.pdf (06.08.2017). 324 ibid. 325 ibid., 169. 326 ibid. 327 Karl MAY, Winnetou. Reiseerzählung. 33 Vols, Bamberg, Germany 1951, 59. Zantop’s translation.

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Zantop identifies the following key elements as of German Indianthusiasm:

[T]he exoticized yet sympathetic, even idealizing depiction of the Other; the fixa- tion on hair and skin color as essential markers of difference, typical of European racialized descriptions from Columbus’s letters onward; the fantasy of balance, equality, tacit agreement, and respect between the two extraordinary men/cultures as the meet eye-to-eye; the moral-Christian and Enlightenment overtones (sun, light, tolerance); and, last but not least, the erotic attraction to the Other experienced by the European newcomer.328 May adopts the well-known stories of “John Smith and Pocahontas, Inkle and Yarico, Robinson and Friday, or Cora and Alonzo”329 and comes up with a couple consisting of a European and an American Indian which is devoid of “racist presuppositions, violence, or exploitation”330 for his Winnetou stories. Zantop understands why May’s readers feel so attracted to this “kind, strong Teutonic superman” and his “equally kind, supple, and beautiful”331Indian friend.

Even though Zantop identifies equality in the first meeting between Winnetou and Old Shat- terhand, and May is often credited with promoting interracial tolerance and respect due to exotic partnerships, Sammons argues that full equality is not always present. He admits that Germans and Indians do form a unit to fight their enemies, however, Old Shatterhand seems “often a better Indian than the Indians themselves” as he is “applying superior skills of shooting, riding, surveying, trapping, scouting, and stalking that he has learned from German books at home”.332 George Newton points out in his dissertation that Winnetou and other positively perceived fic- tional Native Americans have “Caucasian features.”333 What Sammons considers even more important is that Old Shatterhand’s Christian religion and culture is greater than Winnetou’s natural religion. Winnetou confesses “[t]he faith of red men teaches hatred and death. The faith of the white man teaches love and life.”334 When Winnetou is dying in Winnetou III, he is converted to Christianity by Old Shatterhand. With his last breath he tells Old Shatterhand: “Ich glaube an den Heiland. Winnetou ist ein Christ. Lebe wohl!”335 which translates as I believe in the Saviour. Winnetou is Christian. Good-bye! Although Old Shatterhand may sometimes ap-

328 Susanne ZANTOP, Close Encounters. Deutsche and Indianer, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Ger- mans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 3. 329 ibid., 4. 330 ibid. 331 ibid. 332 Jeffrey Leonard SAMMONS, Nineteenth-Century German Representation of Indians from Experience, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 191. 333 George Allyn NEWTON, Images of the American Indian in French and German Novels of the Nineteenth Cen- tury, Ph.D. dissertation, Yale 1979, 210. 334 cited in: Sammons, Nineteenth-Century, 191. 335 Karl MAY, Winnetou III. Karl May's gesammelte Werke, Bd. 9, Bamberg u.a. 1962., Kindle file, pos. 6932.

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pear superior and it can be argued that May’s work is “nationalistic, monarchist, counterrevo- lutionary, anti-Socialist [and] obscurantist”336, it is Winnetou who is the iconic figure. When the former German president Roman Herzog (1934-2017) was asked what film character he would have mostly liked to play, he immediately answered: “Winnetou.”337

German Indianthusiasm, however, does usually not consider current American Indian reali- ties. Calloway outlines an example in the history of German fascination with Native Americans when Germans did show concern about problems Amirian Indians faced then. During the coun- terculture years, especially in the 1960s and 1970s, fantasies of Indianess were used to support a variety of agendas. Like their counterparts in the United States, student protesters and other left-wing groups of the late 1960s and the 1970s in the Federal Republic of Germany identified with Native Americans: “To play Indian was to become vicariously a victim of United States imperialism”338, especially for those opposed to the Vietnam War. Native Americans were seen as modern rebels fighting against capitalism, materialism and American imperialism, and pro- test such as at Wounded Knee in 1973339 reinforced their image as courage fighters. The Ger- man student movement voiced its solidarity with the American Indian Movement (AIM). AIM leaders visited Germany, and German support groups raised money for AIM.340 Using Native Americans for political purposes created positive images of them as freedom fighters, but also unwittingly reinforced old stereotypes of them as wild.

Counterculture groups in Germany used other fantasies of Native Americans to support their various agendas. Elizabeth Bird notes in her introduction to Dressing in Feathers that “the noble savage has been with us for generations, along with his alter ego, the ignoble savage. With the ebb and flow of cultural images of who we are, so the image of the Indian changes.”341 The same as in the United States, the growing German Green movement view Native Americans as natural ecologists.342 Many German environmentalists thought that Native American life was a model balance with nature that did not degrade the environment. Katrin Sieg states that “young people identify with American Indians as a way of practicing an alternative, ‘green’ lifestyle marked by ecological awareness and a rejection of the trappings of consumer culture and the

336 Sammons, Nineteenth-Century, 191. 337 Augstein, Weiter Weg, 130. 338 Philip J. DELORIA, Playing Indian, Yale 1998, 161. 339 for a detailed description of the 1973 siege at Wounded Knee see: https://libcom.org/history/1973-siege-at- wounded-knee 340 cf. Calloway, Historical, 76. 341 S. Elizabeth BIRD, Introduction. Constructing the Indian, 1930s-1990s, in: S. Elizabeth Bird, Hg., Dressing in feathers: The construction of the Indian in American popular culture, Boulder, Colo. 1996, 3. 342 Gerald Robert VIZENOR, Fugitive poses. Native American Indian scenes of absence and presence. The Abra- ham Lincoln lecture series, Lincoln, Neb. 2000, 42.

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class distinctions it fosters.”343 In the 1960s and 1970s, many Germans were attracted to “Indian spiritualty”, and viewing Native Americans as resource for spiritual enlightenment continuous to the present in Germany. Yet many groups attracted to countercultural spiritualism did not want their views of Indian spirituality challenged and “rarely engaged real Indians, for it was not only unnecessary but inconvenient to do so.”344 In these various movements, Indians were imaged as “environmentally wise” and spiritually insightful”345 and new stereotypes of the Na- tive American as “the peaceful, mystical, spiritual guardian of the land”346 became popular in Germany in the 1990s. Michaels claims that these views are not a direct result of May’s influ- ence, even though such themes as living in harmony with nature appear in his works, but his strong post-war legacy prepared the ground for them to flourish.347

May’s views are propagated in other ways as well. To combat the impression that he wrote trivial literature, the Karl May Society was founded in 1969 to promote scholarly interest in his work. May’s former home in Ardebil is now the , and many make “pilgrim- ages” to his “holy shrine.”348 In addition to its permanent collection, the museum puts on an active cultural programme about Native Americans.349 Augustin finds that due to “hundreds of Indiana films, festivals, clubs, or literary May take-offs”, it is clear that this type of genre has never lost its fascination.350 The fact that three new Winnetou films, starring Nik Xhelilaj (Win- netou) and Wotan Wilke Möhring (Old Shatterhand), returned to television for Christmas 2016 also attests for its continuing popularity.351 This kind of story model, Zantop claims, could be paralleled with the “black cop-white cop buddy fantasies” that have been released in which “the moral stature of the white hero is enhanced by the presence of a dark-skinned sidekick.”352

May festivals continue to propagate his views of Native Americans. The first regular festi- vals were staged from 1938 to 1941 in Rathen, near Radebeul, and then restarted in 1984, when the German Democratic Republic (GDR) cultural policy became more liberal. In West Ger- many festivals began in Bad Segeberg in the early 1950s and expanded to Elspe, attracting large

343 Katrin SIEG, Indian Impersonation as Historical Surrogation, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Ger- mans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 218. 344 Deloria, Playing, 169. 345 ibid., 174. 346 Bird, Introduction, 3. 347 cf. Michels, Fantasies, 213. 348 ibid. 349 Karl-May-Museum, Karl-May-Museum, http://www.karl-may-mu-eum.de/web/start.php?lang=de&kID=90 (22.08.2017). 350 cf. Rudolf AUGSTEIN, Weiter Weg zu Winnetou, in: Der Spiegel 49/18 (1995), 130–144. 351 cf. RTL, Winnetou – der große Dreiteiler, http://winnetou2016.rtl.de/#!/dreiteiler (06.08.2017). 352 Zantop, Close, 4.; a list of such films can be found on http://theplaylist.net/25-best-buddy-cop-movies-ever- 20160518/2/#cb-content

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audience. Pierre Brice starred in Elspe from 1976 to 1986, and in Bad Segeberg from 1988 to 1991. When Brice retired, Mitic played Winnetou in Bad Segeberg from 1992 to 2006.353 Au- diences were enthusiastic as Sieg observed:

They frenzied applause, the whistling and cheering that follows the ritual oath of blood brotherhood is only surpassed at the final curtain call, when a full ten-minute ovation greets Indian chief Winnetou who, again and again, rides across the stage, his hands raised in a greeting that includes the entire audience in the red-white brotherhood.354 Sieg criticises these performances for their escapism and for ignoring the Nazi past. She argues that the performances “offered scenarios of racial struggle and catharsis that validated German supremacy, sublating it into a ‘universal’, Christian superiority, and eliding the immediate his- torical referent and victim of racial chauvinism”. In her view, the May festivals in Bad Seg- eberg, in which Old Shatterhand and his German companions help Native Americans, “refig- ures the imperialist fantasy underwriting the blood brotherhood into a potent Wiedergutma- chungsfantasie (fantasy of restitution).”355 Additionally, Lutz argues such performances allow “Germans to identify with the victims of history, rather than the victimizers.”356 Through sym- pathising with Native Americans, Germans could ignore the victims of their own aggression during the Holocaust and feel they were somehow making amends by supporting a minority. Penny, however, argues that Siege assumption does “not only lack a historical understanding of the many motivations that drove German hobbyists, before, during, and after the period of National Socialism” but she also misses “to recognize the long history of German condemnation of the United States’ efforts to eradicate American Indians, which predated the 1950s by a cen- tury.”357

The May cult inspired what is variously estimated to be anywhere from 10,000 to 100,000 German hobbyists who are “German Indian enthusiasts”358 at over 400 clubs.359 “[F]ull-blooded German and the press secretary for the Native American Association of Germany”, Carmen

353 cf. Penny, Kindred, 160; cf. Gert UEDING / Klaus RETTNER, HG., Karl-May-Handbuch, 2. erw. und bearb. Aufl., Würzburg 2001, 525. 354 Katrin SIEG, Ethnic Drag and National Identity. Multicultural Crises, Crossings, and Interventions, in: Sara Friedrichsmeyer u.a., Hg., The imperialist imagination: German colonialism and its legacy, Social history, popular culture, and politics in Germany, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1998, 300. 355 ibid., 301-302. 356 Lutz, German, 169. 357 Penny, Kindred, 5-6. 358 James HAGENGRUBER, Sitting Bull. Bush-hating Germans might not sing "Hail to the Chief," but they're in- fatuated with the first Americans., http://www.salon.com/2002/11/27/indians/ (22.08.2017). 359 Red HAIRCROW, Germany's Obsession With American Indians Is Touching—And Occasionally Surreal, https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/indigenous-peoples/germanys-obsession-with-american-indi- ans-is-touchingand-occasionally-surreal/ (22.08.2017).

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Kwasny, denotes this association as “sizable German new-age movement”360 and explains that “[m]ost hobbyists focus on the American Indian culture of pre-1880, when the last tribes were forced onto reservations.”361 This Indian Hobbyism or Indianism developed after Buffalo Bill had come with his Wild West Shows to Germany and the Germans wanted to “experience what they had seen during the performances and [thus] began forming clubs where they could engage in acts of mimesis and become cowboys and Indians.”362 These clubs are strong in Germany, still today. In her essay The Tribe Called Wannabee, Rayna Green states “German hobbyism culminates […] in a passion for things Indian, including camps in the Black Forrest or Thuringia where families can go, living the ‘authentic’ Wester and Indian life for their vacation or on the weekend.” 363 Some clubs re-enact scripts based on May’s work and focus, like May, on Plains Indians: “The stalwart tribespeople of the Plains became the quintessential American Indian in the eyes of the White citizens of the United States and elsewhere.”364

Hobbyism is often criticised. Sieg notes that hobbyists often view themselves as “ethnog- raphers, salvagers of a culture the Indians had thought they had forfeited and which the Germans now generously share with them”365, a patronising attitude that offends many Native Ameri- cans, who do not appreciate being a hobby, “something akin to model trains or old coins.”366 When Marta Carlson from the Yurok tribe in California visited hobbyists in Germany she met with groups from the former East part of Germany who were interested in contemporary Native American issues, whereas the groups of the former Western part of Germany were “primarily concerned with acquiring cultural material.” They postponed and then cancelled meetings with her and regarded her suspicion. Her presence seemed to be “an affront and threat to their Indian illusion”. She criticises these hobbyists for “making entertainment out of genocide.” In her view, they “are getting the pleasure, the racial pleasure of reembodying something that their whiteness has participated in destroying.” She resents their appropriation of Indian culture and spirituality and their insensitivity. She claims “they have no idea how their use of the Native American image affects Native Americans themselves.”367 Carlson is not the only one alone with her resentment. Feest points out that Native Americans’ reactions to being considered a

360 Hagengruber, Sitting. 361 Haircrow, Germany’s. 362 Penny, Kindred, 145. 363 Rayna GREEN, The Tribe Called Wannabee. Playing Indian in America and Europe, in: Folklore 99/1 (1988), 42. 364 Robert F. BERKHOFER, The White Man’s Indian, New York 1979, 89. 365 Sieg, Indian, 226. 366 Deloria, Playing, 145. 367 Marta CARLSON, Germans playing Indian, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Germans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 214-216.

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hobby have “ranged from acceptance to puzzlement to rejection as outright blasphemy or as an inappropriate form of ‘cultural appropriation.’”368 Kwasyn states that “As long as [the hobby- ists] stay in their little camps, we don’t worry about them, but the problem is, they go into schools and get interviewed on television and they show up at our powwows and create trou- ble”.369 Yet, not everyone seems frowned upon by the hobbyists. Comanche Laura Kerchee, who has lived in Germany for 13 years, is “impressed by how enthralled the Germans there were by Native Americans.”370 Red Haircrow, Chiricahua Apache and Cherokee descent, writes in his article “Germany’s Obsession With American Indians Is Touching—And Occasionally Surreal” that there are North American tribes which appreciate German Indian Hobbyism. He states that “[t]hey realize that this is an opportunity to promote understanding and education and a way to market Native culture to a highly sympathetic audience.”371

Robert Berkhofer notes, however, that Karl May was never able to adumbrate Cooper’s tales or Buffalo Bill’s Wild West shows. Yet, he certainly profited from them and joined them in spreading the euphoria about and passion for Native Americans.372 Kreis points out that many scholars agree that “there is scarcely a single autobiography written by male authors from this period that does not discuss reading Karl May’s books before and during puberty or playing Indians.”373 Furthermore, neither did many women lose their interest in the so-called Indi- aner.374

Penny makes clear that the perception of May’s works by the early 20th century, and addi- tionally, the continuing appeal “demonstrates how ubiquitous the German fascination with America Indians had become during the nineteenth century, the degree to which thinking about them had become an integral part of German cultures by 1900,” and also “the ways in which Germans’ fantasies about American Indians followed a long history of realities and of interac- tions with America on both sides of the Atlantic, and which derived from Germans’ concerns with their own histories and futures as much as the tales that were told about American Indi- ans.”375

368 Christian FEEST, Germany's Indians in a European perspective, in: Colin Gordan Calloway u.a., Hg., Ger- mans&Indians: Fantasies, Encounters, Projections 2002, 30. 369 Hagengruber, Sitting. 370 Haircrow. 371 ibid. 372 cf. Feest, Germany’s, 100. 373 Kreis, German, 262. 374 cf. H. Glenn PENNY, Red Power. Liselotte Welskopf-Henrich and Indian Activist Networks in East and West Germany, in: Central European History 41/03 (2008), 447–476. 375 Penny, Kindred, 66.

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Generations of Germans have read his novels and short stories. In Introduction: Native Americans in Europe in the Twentieth Century, James Mackay writes that “May’s appeal proved vast, drawing in readers as diverse as Albert Einstein, Albert Schweitzer, Herman Hesse and Adolf Hitler […]. [T]he latter of whom who would later endorse explicitly anti-Semitic revisions of May’s novel; indeed Winnetou’s image even appeared on postage stamps produced in Nazi-Germany.”376 The fact that Adolf Hitler appreciated Karl-May-readings, temporarily damaged May’s pacifist standing in the immediate post-war years. Ironically, as Sigmund To- bias observes, May was also the favoured reading for refugees from the Nazis in such places as Shanghai.377

German Professor Frank Usbeck explains in an online article that “Adolf Hitler in a sense saw himself less as Custer and more as Sitting Bull (as he fashioned himself a warrior im- age).”378 From Adolf Hitler’s chief architect’s memoirs, Albert Speer, can be learned how Hitler felt about Winnetou. Speer noted:

Karl May proved that it is not necessary to travel in order to get to know the world. The character of Winnetou, for example, as created by Karl May, had always im- pressed him [Hitler] deeply as a tactician by his flexibility and foresight. In Win- netou he saw embodied the ideal qualities of a Kompanieführer [company com- mander]. When faced with seemingly hopeless situations, in his nightly reading hours he would turn to these narratives; he would be mentally uplifted by theme, as other people might be uplifted by philosophical texts or older people by the Bible; besides, Winnetou had always incorporated the ideal of a truly noble person. It would be necessary, of course, through a heroic figure, to teach youth the proper ideas about nobility; young people needed heroes like daily bread. In this lay the great importance of Karl May. But instead, those idiots of teachers were hammering the works of Goethe and Schiller into the heads of their pitiable pupils!379 Barbara Haible revealed a questionnaire survey conducted by Karl-May-Verlag (Karl May Press). They found out that 81.6% of German youth were reading Karl May’s novels in the early era of National Socialism between 1931 and 1935.380 Hitler’s admiration for May, or as Klaus Mann puts it “the cowboy mentor of the Führer”381 seemed also to be noticed by the U.S. State Department. Feest suggests that the State Department, “perhaps in part”382 due to Hitler’s

376 James Mackay, Introduction. Native Americans in Europe in the Twentieth Century, in: European Journal of American Culture 31/3 (2012), 181-186, S. 183. 377 cf. Sigmund TOBIAS, Strange haven. A Jewish childhood in wartime Shanghai, Urbana, Ill. 2009. 378 Gary HARMON, Nazis' roots in 'Indianthusiasm' | GJSentinel.com, http://www.gjsentinel.com/special_sec- tions/articles/nazis-roots-in-indianthusiasm (25.03.2017). 379 Albert SPEER, Spandauer Tagebücher. Ullstein, Bd. 36729, Berlin 2005, 259; Hartmut Lutz’s translation. 380 cf. Barbara HAIBLE, Indianer im Dienste der NS-Ideologie. Untersuchungen zur Funktion von Jugendbüchern über nordamerikanische Indianer im Nationalsozialismus, Zugl.: Osnabrück, Univ., Diss., 1997. Schriften- reihe Poetica, Bd. 32, Hamburg 1998, 78. 381 Klaus MANN, Cowboy Mentor of the Führer, in: The Living Age (1940), 219-222. 382 Feest, Germany’s, 26.

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admiration, ordered their staff to read May’s novels in order to better understand the German psyche in the 1960s; furthermore, it could have also been because “three thousand volumes of May’s novels as handbooks” were ordered for “partisan warfare”383 in 1944.

As Harmon points out, “Hitler used Native Amer- ican imagery in Nazi propaganda to cast himself as a strong leader who would unite many quarrelling tribes against a common foe.”384 The cartoon in fig- ure 9 made by political opponents, shows “Hitler as a cruel barbarian featuring typical details of Indian imagery”385: a North American Plains tepee, feath- ers, bare-chested, tattoos, a round shield and spear. The German caption reads: Der Häuptling vom Stamm der wilden Kopfjäger nach der Schlacht von Leipzig – In vollem Kriegsschmuck. Frank Usbeck translated this as “The chief of the savage headhunters after the Battle of Leipzig - in full war- rior regalia.”386 This cartoofn is to be found in a col- lection with the title Hitler in Cartoons of the World. In this collection “Hitler’s disciple and personal ad- viser on American affairs Ernst Hanfstaengl (1887- Figure 9: Adolf. Hitler shown as “a cruel barbarian” 1975) used cartoons that had been designed to ridi- cule Hitler […] to defame Nazi opponents.”387 It was originally issued in 1931 in the satirical liberal magazine “Ulk”. Rudolph Herzog explains that during a court trail in Leipzig in 1930, at a time when the Nationalists had already taken over the power, Hitler proclaimed that “heads would roll.”388 Hanfstaengl states that after late January 1933, “anti-fascists were not summarily

383 ibid. 384 Harmon, Nazis‘. 385 Frank USBECK, Fellow tribesmen. The image of Native Americans, national identity, and Nazi ideology in Germany. Studies in German history, Bd. 19, New York NY u.a. 2015, 62. 386 ibid. 387 ibid., 63. 388 Rudolph HERZOG, Heil Hitler, das Schwein ist tot! Lachen unter Hitler - Komik und Humor im Dritten Reich, Taschenbucherstausg, Berlin 2006, 120-121.

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beheaded, but had merely rolled into concentration camps instead, which supposedly proved the legality of Nazis’ repressive attempts to restore order in an unstable situation.”389 390

Even though Karl May was not in North American until the very end of his life himself, he succeed in establishing firm images of the West and of Native Americans for generations of German readers and readers all over Europe. In his novels, he portrayed the Native Americans as the innocent victims of white aggressors. Despite the Native Americans being showed in a positive way, the image is shaped by stereotypes. May approaches the theme of West through a “European lens”.391 This European (re)constructed view is evident, among others, in the 1893 edition Winnetou der rote Gentleman, which was then restricted to Winnetou in later editions. Lutz remarks that the relationship between

Winnetou and Old Shatterhand, which appears to model interracial tolerance and respect, also suggests the colonial myth of welcoming of the colonizers by the col- onized and the latter’s voluntary acceptance of colonial rule, based on a recognition of and love for the colonizer’s cultural, intellectual, moral and even physical supe- riority.392 Although May feels sympathy for the Native Americans and admiration for the resistance to American colonisation, he and the works based on his stories contribute to widely held romantic stereotypes of Native Americans as noble savages as well as adhere to colonial stereotypes.

As Michaels notes, the Winnetou films and the German Westerns in general “were not overly concerned about historical accuracy. For example, totem poles, clearly modelled on those from the Pacific Northwest appear in some scene [even though the scene took place some- where differently which exemplifies] the tendency to stereotype Indians as a homogenous group rather than viewing them as many distinct cultures.”393

D. H. Lawrence is among the many who have pointed out that whites create images of Native Americans for their own agendas. He provocatively calls such depictions “bunks” and observes, “The Indian bunk is not the Indian’s invention. It is ours.” It is time, he declares, to

389 Ernst HANFSTAENGL, Hitler in der Karikatur der Welt., Berlin 1933, 33. 390 for further information on the image of American Indians during the National Socialist regime, see: Frank USBECK, Fellow tribesmen. The image of Native Americans, national identity, and Nazi ideology in Germany. Studies in German history, Bd. 19, New York NY u.a. 2015. 391 Makay, p. 184; Michaels, p. 206. 392 Hartmut, Lutz, German Indianthusiasm. A Socially Constructed German National(ist) Myth, in: Germans and Indians. Fantasies, Encounters, Projections. Colin Gallaway, u.a., (Hg.) Lincoln 2002, 167-184, 176. 393 Michaels, Fantasies, 207.

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“leave off trying, with fulsome sentimentalism, to render the Indian in our own terms.”394 Nei- ther May nor did Lawrence himself heed this advice. Despite his many failings, however, May awakened in Germans a continuing fascination for Native Americans. By drawing attention to their lives, May aroused sympathy and respect for them and promoted tolerance. He succeeded, probably beyond his own expectations, in making interest in Native Americans an important part of popular culture in Germany.395

Usbeck concludes in his essay Representing the Indian, Imagining the Volksgemeinschaft that in the Romantic period, Indians were viewed to be “noble and unspoiled savages,” in Wil- helmine representations to be “wrathful defenders of their homeland.” During the Nazi regime, they were imagined “as race-conscious and xenophobic protectors of nature and cultural integ- rity.” Today, in popular views there is a tendency towards the “image of the eco-saint, or of the holistic guru.” Finally, German Indianthusiasm, if it continuous to be “a phenomenon of popu- lar culture during the twenty-first century” defying the ever increasing media impact, will re- main a reflector of “German desires and anxieties and the German perception of America. 396

Karl May living in the Dresden area and being a Wild-West enthusiast at the turn of the nineteenth century, it can be implied that he visited one of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West shows to see real Indians himself. Karl Markus Kreis notes that it is “intriguing to see how Karl May reacted to and was influenced by the Wild West shows.”397 Keeping in mind his Winnetou novels were published in 1893, only three years after Buffalo Bill had stayed in Dresden, and that much of the content resembles the acts in Cody’s show, it may be concluded that May found some inspiration in the Wild West show. However, May never admitted seeing any of Cody’s show and as Kreis points out “no concrete evidence for [May being at a show] has been found yet.”398 According to Kreis, it is hard to believe that May did not see any of the shows. There is only one hint that suggests that May and Cody met. In a report, Karl May’s Wife, Klara, alludes Karl May met Cody before. She noted that they were invited by Cody to visit him but Karl May “was reluctant to accept the invitation” but Cody “welcomed us in the love- liest manner.” Moreover, she writes that his husband “met Cody a few years ago.”399

394 David Herbert LAWRENCE, Mornings in 2009, 45-46. 395 cf. Michaels, Fantasies, 216. 396 Frank USBECK, Representing the Indian, Imagining the Volksgemeinschaft. Indianthusiasm and Nazi Propa- ganda in German Print Media, in: Ethnoscripts 15/1 (2013), 58. 397 Kreis, Indians, 202. 398 Kreis, Buffalo, 122. 399 Klara MAY, Old Shatterhand und Buffalo Bill, in: Rudolf Beissel / Fritz Barthel, Hg., Karl-May-Jahrbuch 1918, Breslau 1918, 202.

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What is known are May’s disparaging comments about Cody and May dislike of Cody’s portrayal of American Indians. Whereas Cody presented them as “bloodthirsty, vengeful sav- ages”400, May romanticised them401. Kreis states that “every comment May made about Buffalo Bill was negative, and he accused the Indians in the shows of being traitors of their people” and that “the image of [May’s] ideal Indian, Winnetou, differed […] from the Plains Indians of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show.”402 Rivka Galchen notes “May not only avoided [Buffalo Bill’s Indians] but defamed them as ‘outcasts from their tribe’ who played ‘vile, lying roles.’” Fur- thermore, May revealed “Buffalo Bill was responsible for the death of May’s ‘companions’ (a.k.a. characters) Old Firehand and ”403 to his fans. Kreis identified “rivalry” as the May’s primary cause for despising Cody. He notes “by embodying what Old Shatterhand pretended to be, […] Cody challenged May more than any other popular figure, even more so since both were blending fact and fiction in their creations.”404

4. Empirical Study

4.1. Hypotheses

The following hypotheses will be proposed:

(1) My primary hypothesis is that participants’ perceptions’ of Native Americans are still shaped by Karl May’s Winnetou and Buffalo Bill’s Wild West shows, i.e. the Indians physical appearances are almost exclusively reduced to Plains Indians as in teepees liv- ing mounted (buffalo) hunters with feather bonnets, leather clothing, and long hair. (2) It is hypothesised that respondents will tend to have an overall positive attitude towards American Indians. (3) It is hypothesised that a vast majority (at least 90%) of respondents will know who Karl May was, and will be acquainted with the influence he has had on the image of Native Americans in Europe, particularly, Germany and Austria. (4) It is hypothesised that that among the respondents, Winnetou will be the best-known Native American, the Apaches the best-known tribe.

400 Kreis, Indians, 195. 401 ibid., 122. 402 ibid., 202. 403 Rivka GALCHEN, Wild West Germany. Why do cowboys and Indians so captivate the country?, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/04/09/wild-west-germany (09.09.2017). 404 Kreis, Indians, 203.

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(5) Lastly, it is hypothesised that an overwhelming majority (at least 75%) of respondents will state that Native Americans live in tepees on reservations today.

4.2. Method

4.2.1. Participants and procedure

232 participants took part this non-probability sample study; however, 34 participants were excluded either due to non-completion of the survey or a different than non German-speaking nationality. Thus, data for 201 participants was collected and analysed. As can be seen in figure 10, more female participants (56.2%) than male ones (43.8%) took part in the study. Figure 9 shows that the population is divided into six age groups: under 20 years, 20 to 30 years, 31 to 40 years, 41 to 50 years, 51 to 64 years, and over 65 years. People in the 20-30 age group was the largest group, at 53.7% of the total population, followed by age group 51-64 (16%) and equally followed by age group 31-40 (12%) and 41-50 (12%). Age groups under 20 and over 65 years of age showed the lowest level of participation with each 3% (figure 11). Furthermore, figure 13 shows the nationality of respondents. 95.5% were Austrians, 4.5% Germans. Figure 11 is about the respondents’ highest level of education. 36% of participants stated their highest level of education was an apprenticeship (Lehre/Ausbildung), 29% a college/university degree (Hochschule/Studium), 26% High School/GED (Matura/Abitur), 6% less than High School and 3% stated something else.

Gender Age

3%

3% 16% under 20 years male 20-30 years 43,80% female 31-40 years 12% 56,20% 41-50 years 54% 51-64 years 12% over 65 years

Figure 10: Gender Figure 11: Age

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Nationality Highest level of education

Austrian German 6% Pflichtschule/Hauptsch 3% ule/Realschule 5% Lehre/Ausbildung 29%

36% Matura/Abitur

Hochschule/Studium

95% 26% andere

Figure 2: Nationality Figure13: Highest level of education

Respondents were recruited to take the web-based survey405 through social media platforms, and word-of-mouth. Furthermore, photocopies of the online survey were also given out and collected afterwards. Those surveys filled out by hand were later transferred to the online survey by the principal investigator. The study consisted of 24 questions, which included open and closed questions, primarily asking about associations; any known tribes; famous American In- dians; the Indians’ way of life (past and today); character traits; causes to fight; American Indian words; historical figures such as James Fenimore Cooper, Karl May and Buffalo Bill; the source of knowledge and demographic questions such as age, gender, nationality and highest level of education. The estimated time need to complete the survey was 15 minutes.406 Since this was a web-based survey, it was easily accessible via computers, laptops, tablets and smartphones. Particularly, having given the photocopies, I pointed to the fact that this questionnaire was not to be considered an exam about Native Americans but rather what they knew spontaneously as well that their anonymity was maintained at all times. In 1977/1978, Hartmut Lutz conducted a similar survey with students, who were at the age of around 12 years. Some questions were adapted, but mostly, I used them as basis and elaborated on it407. For his questionnaire and results, see Lutz, 1985.408

405 the survey was provided by umfrageonline.com 406 For the questionnaire in German and English see the Appendix. 407 Questions 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 15, 19, and 20 were adapted 408 Hartmut LUTZ, "Indianer" und "Native Americans", Hildesheim 1985, 448-471.

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As stated earlier, this survey was a non-probability sample study, to be more precisely, an “opt- in panel”. Pew Research Center explains that

‘opt-in’ refers to the fact that participants can volunteer to be a part of the panel, or are recruited from a variety of sources that collectively do not constitute the en- tire population of interest. Panelists are incentivized to join and participate using points, prizes, cash or contributions to charity.409

Indeed, that is also what I did: in order to encourage subjects to take part and complete the survey, I also made available the chance to win one of three €15 Amazon gift vouchers.

As the Pew Reseach Center states, “the use of non-probability sampling to make generaliza- tions to the population is highly controversial among many people in the survey research com- munity.”410 Baker and colleagues point out to another problem with non-probability samples: “Non-probability samples also have an important source of error that does not occur in proba- bility samples (or at least should not occur) called selection bias.” Furthermore, they explain “bias is a critical property of sample estimates because it can greatly affect the validity of those estimates.” 411 As it seems, the main bias occurred in this study is “voluntary response bias.”412

It can be concluded that due to the lack of validity and reliability (survey sample is unrepre- sentative, meaning that it cannot be relied on to make generalizations about a population [Ger- mans, Austrians, etc].), and recruitment techniques which contain selection bias, the present survey will not be used in this paper as a reliable data source, but rather for case studies to be cited throughout this paper.

In the early development stage of this thesis, a comparative studies analysing the differences between German-speaking Europe and the United States of the vision of Native Americans was planned. However, due to a lack of data concerning American participants, the comparative study could not have been accomplished. The questionnaire for American participants will be provided in the appendix.

409 Pew Research Center, Sampling, http://www.pewresearch.org/methodology/u-s-survey-research/sampling/ (15.09.2017). 410 ibid. 411 R. BAKER u. a., Summary Report of the AAPOR Task Force on Non-probability Sampling, in: Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology 1/2 (2013), 111. 412 Stat Trek, Bias in Survey Sampling, http://stattrek.com/survey-research/survey-bias.aspx (15.09.2017).

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4.3. Results

Question 1: Was fällt Ihnen spontan zum Begriff "Indianer" ein? (What keywords do you associate with Native Americans?)

Based on 201 respondents, who usually found more than one association; the percentages refer to the total number of respondents (=n), which indicates the proportion of the answers given in the survey. For example, 27.86% of the respondents associated natives with Native Americans, i.e. 56 respondents. Whereas, for example, 18 respondents stated tomahawk which represents 9% (8.96%).

The following tables follow this calculation pattern. Even though the first 15 listings will be shown, only the top five will be analysed. For the complete results see Appendix A. Translations will be given in italics. Percentages were rounded to two decimal figures.

201= 100%

Table 1: Associations with Native Americans

Associations n % 1. Ureinwohner Native [American] 56 27.86 2. Zelt/Tipi tent/teeppee 55 27.36 3. Federschmuck feather bonnet 53 26.37 4. Winnetou 38 18.91 5. Pferd horse 36 17.91 6. Naturreligion/Naturverbundenheit nature religion/close 30 14.93 relationship with nature 7. USA/Amerika U.S.A/ America 30 14.93 8. Rothaut redskin 28 13.93 9. Stamm tribe 27 13.43 10. Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 21 10.45 11. Reservat reservation 21 10.45 12. Kopfschmuck headdress 20 9.95 13. Lange (schwarze) Haare long (black) hair 18 8.96 14. Friedenspfeife peace pipe 18 8.96 15. Tomahawk 18 8.96

Table 1 deals with associations made with Indian. The three most mentioned associations were Ureinwohner (27.86%), Tipi (27.36%), and Federschmuck (26.37), which nearly received the same percentage of associations. 38 respondents (18.91%) associate Winnetou and 36 respond- ents (17.91%) horse with Indian.

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Question 2: Welche Indianerstämme kennen Sie? (What Native American tribes do you know?)

201= 100%

Table 2: Tribes

Tribes n % 1. Apachen Apache 150 74.63 2. Sioux 111 55.22 3. Cherokee 44 21.89 4. Irokesen Mohawks 42 20.90 5. Komantschen Comanches 38 18.91 6. Cheyenne 31 15.42 7. Schoschonen Shoshones 25 12.44 8. Mohikaner Mohicans 20 9.95 9. Navajo 16 7.96 10. Schwarzfuß Blackfoot 15 7.46 11. Lakota 14 6.97 12. Dakota 14 6.97 13. Kiowa 10 4.98 14. Huronen Hurons 10 4.98 15. Aborigines 8 3.98

Table 2 deals with the Native American tribes known by the respondents. The table shows that the Apaches (74.63%) and Sioux (55.22%) were the two mostly listed tribes. Cherokee (21.89%), Mohawk (20.90%), and Comanche (18.91%) were also among the first five.

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Question 3: Nennen Sie, wenn möglich, einige berühmte Indianer. (List the names of any famous Native Americans you may know.)

201= 100%;

Table 3: Famous Native Americans

Famous Native Americans n % 1. Winnetou 89 44.28 2. Sitting Bull 84 41.79 3. Geronimo 32 15.92 4. Crazy Horse 29 14.43 5. Pocahontas * 15 7.46 6. Chief Big Foot 12 5.97 7. Abahatschi 7 3.48 8. Cochise 6 2.99 9. Spotted Elk (later known as Big Foot) 6 2.99 10. Winnetouch 5 2.49 11. Sacajawea * 5 2.49 12. Tonto 4 1.99 13. Chief Joseph 3 1.49 14. Manitu Manitou 3 1.49 15. Red Cloud 3 1.49 *female Native Americans

Table 3 lists the best known Native Americans among respondents. 89 respondents (44.28%) named Winnetou, 84 respondents (41.79%) Sitting Bull, 32 respondents (15.92%) Geronimo, 29 respondents (14.43%), and 15 respondents (7.46%) Pocahontas. There are two female Amer- ican Indians in the list: Pocahontas (7.46%), and Sacajawea (2.49%).

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Question 4: Wie lebten, Ihrer Meinung nach, Indianer früher? (Wo? Welche Behausung? Was machten sie? Kleidung?) (In your own words, describe how Native Americans lived, include: location, housing, clothing, day-to-day activities)

201= 100%

Table 4: How Native Americans lived

How Native Americans lived n % 1. Zelt/Tipi tent/teepee 181 90.05 2. Jagd/Jäger hunt/hunterers 131 65.17 3. Leder(kleidung) leather clothing 73 36.32 4. Kleidung aus Fell fur clothing 68 33.83 5. USA/Nordamerika U.S.A./North America 65 32.34 6. Sammler gatherer 53 26.37 7. Federschmuck feather bonnet 30 14.93 8. Naturverbundenheit/Naturvolk closeness to nature 24 11.94 9. Kleidung aus Häuten animal skin clothinig 24 11.94 10. Prärie the Great Plains 20 9.95 11. Nomaden nomads 18 8.96 12. Kämpfen fighting 17 8.46 13. Fischen fishing 17 8.46 14. Südamerika Sout America 15 7.46 15. Höhlen caves 15 7.46

Table 4 is about how Native Americans lived in the past. “Teepee” has the largest percentage with 90.05%. “Hunt/hunterers” has the second largest percentage at 65.17%. They make follow with “leather clothing” (36.32%), “fur clothing” (33.83%), and “U.S.A./North America” (32.34%).

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Question 5: Welche Eigenschaften haben, Ihrer Meinung nach, Indianer? (In your opin- ion, which character traits do Native Americans have?)

201= 100%

Table 5: Character traits

n % - % n

hardworking 190 94.53 5.47 11 lazy brave 198 98.51 1.49 3 cowardly honest 172 85.57 14.43 29 dishonest civilised 96 47.76 52.24 105 uncivilised peaceful 145 72.14 27.86 56 aggressive sympathetic 150 74.63 25.37 51 cruel friendly 138 68.66 31.34 63 unfriendly harmless 127 63.18 36.82 74 dangerous

positive char- negative char- 1216 392 acteristics acteristics

positive char- negative char- 75.62 24.38 acteristics acteristics

Table 5 compares which character traits respondents attribute with American Indians. Respond- ents were asked to choose for each word pair (e.g. hardworking-lazy) the characteristics which best applied. Two character traits received more than 90%: “hardworking” (94.53%) and “brave” (98.51%). “Brave” was also the highest percentage of any of the character traits. In the comparison between “honest” and “dishonest, “honest” was selected by 172 respondents (85.57%) and “dishonest” by 29 respondents (14.43%). The only negative characteristic that accumulated a higher percentage than the positive one was “uncivilised” with 52.24% or 105 respondents. “Peaceful” (72.14%), “sympathetic” (74.63%), “friendly“ (68.66%), and “harm- less” (63.18%) were more often indicated than their opposites, which were “aggressive” (27.86%), “cruel” (25.37%), “unfriendly” (31.34%), and “dangerous” (36.82%).

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Question 6: Aus welchen Gründen, glauben Sie, mussten Indianer kämpfen? (In your opinion, what reasons caused Native Americans to fight?)

201= 100%

Table 6: Causes to fight - defensive

Defensive causes n % 1. Verteidigung von Land, Wohngebiet, Dorf defending land, living area, village 68 33.83 2. Verteidigung allgemein, Selbstverteidigung defending in general, self-defence 54 26.87 3. Zum Schutz to protect themselves 28 13.93 4. Kämpfe um Essensvorräte fight for food 24 11.94 5. Überlebenskampf fighting for survival 23 11.44 6. Vertreibung against removal 18 8.96 7. Wenn sie angegriffen werden when being attacked 10 4.98 8. Landraub against land grab 6 2.99 9. Gegen Tiere against animals 5 2.49 10. Bedrohung durch Siedler threats by settlers 3 1.49 11. Wegnahme von Land removal of land 4 1.99 12. Ressourcen schützen to protect ressources 4 1.99 13. Sicherheit for saftey 3 1.49 14. Zugang zu Wasser fighting for water 2 1.00 15. gegen Unterdrückung fighting against oppession 2 1.00

Table 7: Causes to fight - offensive

Offensive causes n % 1. Kämpfe gegen Siedler fighting against settlers 35 17.41 2. Stammeskämpfe against other tribes 33 16.42 3. Neue Gebiete for new property and land 19 9.45 4. Jagdgebiete for huntingrounds 11 5.47 5. Um die Ehre und Anerkennung for pride and acknowledgement 9 4.48 6. Machtbehauptung innerhalb der Stämme to assert one’s authority within 8 3.98 7. Umthe tribe ihre Kultur for their culture 8 3.98 8. Konflikte mit Weißen conflicts with whites 6 2.99 9. Interne Konflikte internal conflicts 2 1.00 10. Mutprobe manhood 2 1.00 11. Gegen Soldaten/Cowboys against soldiers/cowboys 2 1.00 12. Ausrottung extinction 2 1.00 13. Wettkampf competitions 1 0.50 14. Um Ihre Rechte for their rights 1 0.50 15. Um Ihre Freiheit for freedom 1 0.50

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The tables for question 6 are divided into two parts: “defensive causes to fight” (table 6), and “offensive causes to fight” (table 7). As for table 6, 68 participants (33.83%), the highest num- ber, indicated that Indians had to fight in order to “defend their land, living area, and village”. The second highest number was “defending in general, self-defence” with 54 respondents (26.87%). “To protect themselves”, “fighting for food”, and “fighting for survival” ranged from 13.93% to 11.44%.

In table 7, “fighting against settlers” (17.41%), “against other tribes” (16.42%), “for new prop- erty and land” (9.45%), “for hunting grounds” (5.47%), and “for pride and acknowledgement” (4.48%) captured the highest percentages.

Question 7: Wie leben Indianer, Ihrer Meinung nach, heute? (Wo? Welche Behausung? Was machen sie? Kleidung?) (In your own words, describe how Native Americans live to- day; include location, housing, standard of living, clothing, day-to-day activities, occupa- tions)

201= 100%

Table 8: How Indians live today

How Indians live today n % 1. Leben in Reservaten live on reservations 119 59.20 2. Tragen westliche Kleidung wear western clothing 83 41.29 3. Berufstätig (wie wir) have jobs (like us) 54 26.87 4. Leben in Häusern live in houses 51 25.37 5. Bestandteil der modernen Gesellschaft/Integration established and integrated 36 17.91 in modern-day society 6. Leben in Städten live in cities 29 14.42 7. Leben in Nordamerika live in North America 29 14.42 8. Leben in westlicher Behausung live in western housing 27 13.43 9. (betreiben) Casinos run casinos 20 9.95 10. Tourismus tourism 18 8.96 11. Leben in traditioneller Behausung live in traditonal housing 18 8.96 12. Lebensstil an die westliche Kultur angepasst lifestyle adjusted to modern-day 17 8.45 13. Arbeitslosigkeitculture unemployment 16 7.96 14. Alkohol alcohol 15 7.46 15. Mittellos (arm) poor 13 6.47

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Table 8 above shows how Indians live today. “Live on reservation” was the most frequent item in the table with 119 respondents, or 59.20%. Second most frequent was “wear western cloth- ing”, at 83 respondents, or 41.29%. Third highest was “have jobs just like us”, which was indi- cated by 54 respondents or 26.87%.”Live in houses” was noted down by 51 respondents, or 25.37%. ”Established and integrated in modern-day society” received 17.91%, which repre- sents 36 respondents.

Question 8: Nennen Sie Wörter aus der „Indianersprache“. (List any Native American words you may know)

121= 100%

Table 9: Native American words

Native American words n % 1. HUH/How/Hau/ 43 35.54 2. Tipi teepee 37 30.58 3. Squaw 35 28.93 4. Tomahawk 26 21.49 5. Manitu/Manitou 23 19.00 6. Moccasin 19 15.70 7. Wigwam 13 10.74 8. Marterpfahl pole 10 8.26 9. Skalp scalp 9 7.44 10. Blutsbrüder blood brothers 8 6.61 11. Tatanka 8 6.61 12. Totem 7 5.79 13. Bleichgesicht pale face 6 4.96 14. Friedenspfeife peace pipe 4 3.31 16 Watanka 4 3.31

Table 9 indicates the given Native American words. The most prevalent Native Americans words given was “Huh/How/Hau” with 35.54%. “Teeppe” has the second highest naming level, at 30.58%. “Squaw” represents 28.93% of the total. Tomahawk is 21.49%, followed by “Man- itu/Manitou” with 19.00%.

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Question 9: Kennen Sie Karl May? (Have you heard of Karl May?)

201= 100%

Have you heard of Karl May?

11,40% yes no

88,60%

Figure14: Have you heard of Karl May? Figure 14 shows if respondents have heard of Karl May. 89.60% of respondents (178) stated “yes”, 11.40% responded (23) “no”.

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Question 10: Glauben Sie, dass Karl May das Bild der Indianer beeinflusst hat? In your opinion, do you think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Americans?)

178= 100%

Do you think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Americans?

9,50%

3,40% yes no don't know 87,20%

Figure 15: Do you think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Americans?

If question 9 was answered with ‘yes’, respondents were able to answer this question. Figure 15 investigates if respondents think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Ameri- cans; they had to choose between “yes”, “no” or “don’t know”. Of the three possible answers, 87.20% indicated “yes” (156 respondents), 9,5% “don’t know” (16 respondents), and 3.4% “no” (6 respondents).

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Question 11: Kennen Sie Winnetou Filme/Bücher (Winnetou I-III, Schatz im Silbersee, Winnetou und das Halbblut Apanatschi, usw.)? (Do you know any Winnetou movies/books (Winnetou I-III, Treasure of the Silver Lake, Winnetou and the Crossbreed, etc.)?

201= 100%

Do you know any Winnetou films/books?

9,00% yes no

91,00%

Figure 16: Do you know any Winnetou films/books?

Figure 16 shows if respondents know any Winnetou films or books – “yes” or “no” could be chosen. 91.00% or 183 respondents said “yes”, 9.00% or 18 respondents said “no”.

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Question 12: Haben Sie Winnetou Filme/Bücher gesehen/gelesen? (Have you ever watched any Winnetou movies or read any Winnetou books?)

183= 100%

Have you ever watched any Winnetou movies or read any Winnetou books?

15,30%

yes no

84,70%

Figure 17: Have you ever watched any Winnetou movies or read any Winnetou books? Figure 17 deals with the question of respondents have ever watch any Winnetou movies or read any Winnetou books? “Yes” or “no” could be answered. A majority with 84.70% answered “yes”, which represents 155 respondents. 15.30% stated “no”, representing 28 respondents.

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Question 13: Kennen Sie James Fenimore Cooper? (Have you heard of James Fenimore Cooper?)

200= 100%

Have you heard of James Fenimore Cooper?

21,50% yes no

78,50%

Figure 18: Have you heard of James Fenimore Cooper?

Figure 18 is about if respondents have heard of James Fenimore Cooper. Here again, respond- ents could choose between “yes” or “no”. “Yes” was indicated by 43 respondents (21.50%). “No” was indicated by 157 respondents (78.50%).

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Question 14: Kennen Sie Buffalo Bill? (Have you heard of Buffalo Bill?)

201= 100%

Have you heard of Buffalo Bill?

17,90% yes no

82,10%

Figure 19: Have you heard of Buffalo Bill? The pie chart above (fig. 19) shows if respondents have heard of Buffalo Bill. Participants had to choose between “yes” or “no”. “Yes” received 82.10%, which represents 165 respondents. 36 respondents indicated “no”, which is 17.90%.

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Question 15: Woher beziehen Sie Ihr Wissen über Indianer? (Where have you acquired your knowledge about Native Americans?)

201= 100%

Where have you acquired your knowledge about Native Americans?

92,00%

58,70% 53,20% 51,20% 38,80% 35,30% 32,80% 14,90% 10,00% 9,50%

Figure 20: Sources of acquired knowledge about Native Americans

The bar chart in figure 20 shows ten sources where respondents have acquired their knowledge about Native Americans. “Films/TV” was the most common source item, as indicated by nearly 92.00% or 185 respondents. Second most common was “documentaries” with 58.70% or 118 respondents. Third highest was “pictures/photographs” with 53.20% or 107 respondents. Books was stated by 103 respondents or 51.20%. Respondents indicated “school” (38.80%), “narra- tions” 35.30%” and “museums/exhibitions” (32.80%) as their source for their acquired knowledge. The other three categories all received less than 15% by respondents. In order from highest to lowest, these were: “comics” (14.90%), “college/university” (10.00%), and “others” (9.50%).

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Question 16: Durch welche Filme, Bücher und Unterhaltungsmedien entstand Ihr India- nerwissen? (Through which movies, books, and entertainment media have you developed your knowledge about Native Americans?)

201= 100%

Through which movies, books, and entertainment media have you developed your knowledge about Native Americans?

72,70% 65,20%

53,20% 52,20% 41,80%

29,90% 28,40%

14,40% 11,90% 8,50% 6,50% 4,00%

Figure 21: Movies, books, and entertainment media which have developed knowledge about Native Americans This bar chart above depicts the movies, books, and entertainment media through which partic- ipants developed their knowledge about Native Americans. “Winnetou” was the highest source for knowledge development with 72.70% or 146 respondents. Second highest source was “Shoe of Manitou” at 131 respondents representing 65.2% of the total. With over 50%, “Pocahontas” (53.20%, 107 respondents) and “Dances with Wolves” (52.20%, 105 respondents) followed. ”Last of the Mohicans”’s share of knowledge base was 41.80% or 84 respondents. “ Conquers America” received 29.90% (60 respondents) and was followed by “John Wayne mov- ies” at 28.40% (57 respondents). The smallest groups with regard to movies, books, and enter- tainment with under 15% are as follows: “others” (14.40%, 31 respondents), “” (11.90%, 24 respondents), “Yakari” (8.50%, 17 respondents), “Assassin’s Creed” (6.50%, 13 respondents), and “none” (4.00%, 8 respondents).

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Question 17: Wie oft sehen sie Indianerfilme und/oder lesen Sie Indianergeschichten? (How often do you watch Native American movies and/ or read Native American books?)

201= 100%

How often do you watch Native American movies and/ or read Native American books?) 1,50%

4,00%

13,90% 18,40% never (0 times per year) seldom (1-2 times per year) sometimes (3-4 times per year) regularly (5-6 times per year) often (7 times or more per year) 62,20%

Figure 22: Frequency of watching and/or reading Native Americans movies/books This pie chart in figure 22 shows the regularity of which books about Native Americans are being read and/or movies about Native Americans are watched. Respondents fell into each of five categories ranging from “never (0 times per year)” to “often (7 times or more per year)”. 125 respondents representing 62.20% indicated that they “seldom” watch or read something about Native Americans. The second largest category was “sometimes”. It received 37 re- sponses or 18.40%. “Never” was indicated by 13.90% or 28 respondents. Both categories “reg- ularly” and “often” received under 5%: “regularly” at 4% (8 respondents), and “often” at 1.5% (3 respondents).

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Question 18: Wann haben Sie den letzten Indianerfilm gesehen bzw. das letzte Indianer- buch gelesen? (When did you last watch a Native American movie or read a Native American book?)

201= 100%

When did you last watch a Native American movie or read a Native American book?

2,50%

9,50%

within the last month

22,40% within the last half year 45,30% within the last year more than a year ago never 20,40%

Figure 23: Last time watching a Native American movie or reading a Native American book Figure 23 deals with the last time respondents watched a Native American movie or read a Native American book. Possible answers ranged from “within the last month” to “never”. Most respondents (91), 45.30%, indicated “more than a year ago.” 45 respondents, which represented 22.4%, accounted for “within the last half year”; 41 respondents, 20.4%, for “within the last year.” 9.50% or 19 respondents stated “within the last month” and 2.50% or 5 respondents stated “never.

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Question 19: Was würden Sie noch gerne über Indianer wissen? (Is there anything you would like to know more about Native Americans?)

128= 100%

Table 10: What respondents would like to know more

Interested in… n % 1. Wie leben Indianer (wirklich) heute? How do Indians (really) live to- 42 32.81 day? 2. Wie lebten Indianer (wirklich) früher? How did they (really) live in 16 12.5 the past? 3. Wissen über Medizin medicine knowledge 9 7.03 4. Kultur der Indianer Indians‘ culture 7 5.47 5. Welche Rechte haben Indianer? What rights do Indians have? 6 4.69 7. Lebensweise der Indianer allgemein the general lifestyle of Native 6 4.69 Americans 8. Geschichte der Indianer history of Native Americans 6 4.69 9. Bräuche/Rituale customs and rituals 5 3.91 10. Familienstruktur family structure 5 3.91 11. Entwicklung der Indianer devolopment of Indians 5 3.91 12. Wieviel Indianer/Stämme gibt es heute noch? How many Indians and 5 3.91 how many tribes are there today? 13. Sprachen languages 4 3.13 14. Situation heute allgemein situation today 4 3.13 15. Wie kamen die Indianer nach Amerika? How did Native Americans 4 2.34 get to America?

Table 10 illustrates what respondents would like to know more about Native Americans. 32.81% of respondents (=42) are most interested in “How do Indians (really) live today?” 12.5% (16) in “How did they (really) live)”, and 7.03% (9) in “medicine knowledge.” The “In- dians’ culture’s” share of interested is 5.47% (7), and then “What rights do Indians have?” at 4.69%.

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Question 20: Wie stellen Sie sich Indianer vor? Machen Sie eine Beschreibung. (What do you think do Native Americans look like? Please list a few descriptors.)

201= 100%

Table 11: What American Indians look like

What American Indians look like n % 1. Lange Haare long hair 77 38.31 2. Dunklere Hautfarbe (rot, braun) dark skin (red, brown) 69 34.33 3. Dunkle Haare dark hair 65 32.34 4. Federschmuck feather bonnet 59 29.35 5. Lederkleidung leather clothing 34 16.92 6. Naturverbundenheit close to nature 32 15.92 7. Kriegsbemalung war body painting 25 12.44 8. Groß tall 20 9.95 9. Moccasins 18 8.96 10. So wie Winnetou like Winnetou 18 8.96 11. Pferd horse 17 8.46 12. Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 17 8.46 13. Traditioneller Schmuck traditional jewellery 16 7.96 14. Traditionelle Kleidung traditonal clothing 16 7.96 15. Stark und muskulös strong and muscular 14 6.97

Alternatively, on the photocopied questionnaire, respondents were also invited to draw a picture of what Native Americans look like. If a drawing was made, the author of the study included the features seen in the drawing to the table.

Table 11 tracks what respondents think Native Americans look like. With over 30%, 38.31% or 77 respondents indicated “long hair”, 34.33% or 67 respondents stated “dark skin (red, brown)”, and 32.34% or 65 respondents identified “dark hair.” “Feather bonnet” received 29.35% (59 respondents), and “leather clothing” was selected by 29.35% or 34 respondents.

Question 21-24 concerned demographic inquiries which were discussed earlier.

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4.4. Discussion of results

This quantitative study applied qualitative research techniques. Its objective was to find out the prevalent images of Native Americans in German-speaking Europe. In this part of the thesis, I will discuss the results of study above to find out whether my formulated hypotheses can be proven or must be rejected.

The primary expected outcome, hypothesis 1, anticipated respondents to have a stereotypical Plains Indians appearance representing the Indian. As table 12 shows, the predominant believe what Native Americans look like is a “tall” man with “long dark hair”, “dark skin” wearing a “feather bonnet”, “leather clothing”, “moccasins”, and having “war body painting”; just “like Winnetou.” Furthermore, the image of Indians living in a “close relationship with nature” re- lated to the May’s and Buffalo Bill’s romantic representation. The fact that Karl May (88.60%) and Buffalo Bill (82.10%) are well known, see figure 12 and17, indicates their influence. Since Winnetou books haven been read and movies have been watched (see figure 15) by a majority of respondents, and Winnnetou is the highest-rated primary source (see figure 19), it can be claimed Karl May’s impact is greater than Cody’s. Throughout all age groups, the predominant image of Native Americans appears to be similar.

The following three figures (fig. 22-24) summarise the stereotypical image of Native Amer- icans. They were drawn when respondents were asked what American Indians look like (see table 12)

Figure 24: A respondent’s drawing for question 20; what American Indians look like

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Figure 25: A respondent’s drawing for question 20; what American Indians look like

Figure 26: A respondent’s drawing for question 20; what American Indians look like Considering question 1 in which respondents were asked about their associations with Ameri- can Indians, I can be argued that while “Native (American)” refers to knowledge, “teepee”, “feather bonnet”, “Winnetou”, and “horse” also allude to Karl May and a preoccupied image. It can be concluded that hypothesis 1 has proven to be true.

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Hypothesis 2 expected an overall positive attitude towards American Indians. Question 5 and 6, see table 6-8, examined this hypothesis. It needs to be noted that question 5 is racist in its nature because it requires to attribute certain characteristics to a biologically-geographically defined group, Native Americans, as a race. Some respondents point this out and remarked that this question was aiming at stereotypes. The question was asked, however, since its objective was to identify stereotypical visions. Therefore, the result of this question needs to be consid- ered as tendency rather than a fixed image.

An overwhelming majority of respondents associated positive character traits with Native Americans. Table 6 shows the positive tendency towards American Indians. Furthermore, ques- tion 6 shows that American Indians fought as defenders rather than attackers. 64% of respond- ents opted for defensive causes. Since there is the tendency towards protection and self-defence, it can be claimed that participants considered them viewed them in a rather positive light since the Indians were not the attackers.

Moreover, question 7, table 9, indicates a majority of positive aspects as far as today’s Indi- ans are concerned. They are described as “established and integrated in modern-day society”, or to “have jobs.” Negative attributions such as “unemployment”, “alcohol”, and “poor” are to be found, yet, “unemployment” was the highest rated negative trait receiving slightly below 8%.

Not only has hypothesis 2 has proven to be true, it also comforts the positive perceptions and enthusiasm cited in literature and throughout this paper.

The third hypothesis deals with how well know Karl May is and the awareness about his impact in German-speaking Europe. A vast majority (at least 90%) of respondents knowing him and knowing about his significant impact is expected.

In the conducted study, it was asked about the acquaintance of Karl May, Buffalo Bill, and James Fenimore Cooper. Out of these three, Karl May turned out to be the best known. As could be learned from figure 12, nearly 89% of respondents are familiar with Karl May and over 90% do know Winnetou films and/or books. In comparison, 82.10% of respondents have heard of Buffalo Bill and 78.50% of Cooper. When taking a closer look at figure 12 and 14, it can be found out that 100% of respondents belong to age group 51+ have heard of Karl May, and all of them have watched a film based on book or read a book by May. Results for this age group also show that 94.60% have heard of Buffalo Bill, and 59.50% have heard of Cooper. It can be claimed that this high awareness of May and Cody is due to the fact that the Winnetou films

88

came out in the 1960s and the films were in their prime at that time. It also must be considered that there are annual reruns of the films.

In contrary to 51+ age group, 86% respondents younger this age have heard of Karl May and 82.20% have watch his films or read his books. When considering the largest proportion of respondents, age group 20-30, 79.65% have heard of Karl May and 76.35% have watched a Karl May film or read a Karl May book. Interestingly, 75% have heard of Buffalo Bill but only 13.90% have heard of James Fenimore Cooper. There seems to be a decrease in interest among the younger generation.

This decrease in interest is also reflected in the frequency in which Native American films are watched and Native American books are read. Taking into account all age groups, a large majority (62.20%, see fig. 20) of respondents seldom watch a film or read a book dealing with Native Americans. As for Age groups below 30 and 51+, the majority for both groups stated that they watch/read Native American related films or books once or twice a year, the only difference can be found in when the last film was watched or book was read. The under 30s, last did so “more than a year ago” and 51+ age group stated “within the last half year.”

As for the respondents’ awareness of the influence Karl May has had on the perception of Native Americans, 87.20% indicated they would know about his impact. There is no consider- able difference between the age groups.

It can be concluded that hypothesis has proven mainly true. A vast majority of at least 90%, for both Karl May’s awareness level and his impact on modern-day vison of Native Americans in Germany and Austria, could not be reached, yet, it was only missed by under two per cent.

As for hypothesis 4, Winnetou is expected to be the best-known Native Americans and the Apaches the best-known tribe. Table 4 shows that Winnetou is the best known American Indian with 44.28% among respondents. Karl May’s fictional chief seemed to be better remember than real chiefs such as Sitting Bull (41.79%), Geronimo (41.79%), and Crazy Horse (14.43%). This result made Karl’s May’s impact evident. Interestingly, among the 44 named known Native Americans in total, there were two female American Indians: Disney’s fictional Pocahontas, and Sacajawea. Generally speaking, there seems to be a tendency towards associating Native Americans with males. Karl May appeared to be right when he stated in Winnetou III that “Win- netou is the most famous Indian.”413

413 May, Winnetou III, kindle file, pos. 704.

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Karl May’s considerable influence can also be found in the result in table 3. The table shows that the Apaches are the best known tribe among survey participants (74.63%). When examin- ing the German editions of Winnetou I-III, Apache, Comanche, and Kiowa are the three mostly named tribes.414 May’s influence can certainly be explained that the vast majority, 92% of re- spondents, have acquired their knowledge about American Indians through films and television. When asked about the films, books and entertainment media, respondents stated that Winnetou was the primary source of knowledge. It was followed by Show of Manitou, which as stated earlier, is a spoof based on Winnetou films.

It can be concluded that hypothesis 4 has been confirmed: Winnetou and the Apache people are better known than any other Native American or tribe.

Lastly, the fifth hypothesis deals with modern-day Native Americans. It is expected that, when asked explicitly about Indians of today, least 75% of respondents indicated that American Indians live in tepees on reservations.

Table 9 rejects this hypothesis. Even though nearly 60% of respondents state that modern- day American Indians do live on reservation, they seems to be well aware that the no longer live in teppees but “in houses”. Respondents showed that Native Americans “wear western clothing”, have “western housing”, and are “established and integrated into modern-day soci- ety.” There was no considerable difference between the age groups. Only nearly 9% stated that American Indians would “live in traditional housing.”

When asked about if there is anything they would like to know more about Native Americans (table 10), respondents mostly replied “how Indians (really) live today” (32.81%) and “how Indians (really) lived in the past” (12.5%). From these two questions, it can be assumed re- spondents feel that they have a stereotyped image of the appearance of Native Americans and their lifestyle (today and in the past). This also underlines the fact that great many a respondents stated really when giving their answers.

It can be concluded that hypothesis 5 has been half rejected. While the survey data supported that respondents do live on reservations, it failed to confirm that they also still live in tepees.

Overall, no significant differences were to be observed in the highest level education when it came to stereotypical depictions.

414 cf. Winnetou I-III.

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5. Conclusion

In this thesis, I have examined the image of Native Americans in German-speaking Europe and the origins of the German and Austrian fascination for American Indians. Opinions about how to most appropriately address indigenous inhabitants of the North American continent vary among researchers, historians and American Indians. It was recommended to utilise the tribal affiliation.415 A term that must be avoided is redskin. Having examined early occurrences, it was found the expression redskin is Native American origin and was unbiased in meaning in the very beginning. It, at first, was a translation of how American Indians living in a certain area differentiated themselves from colonists. The term was then brought to a wide audience by James Fenimore Coopers’ novels. The English word Indian and the German word Indianer have Persian and Sanskrit origins and have found their way to European languages through Christopher Columbus’ mistake when he fought he had discovered India.

Stereotypes are “fixed or unvarying images”416 and become problematic when they are “con- sensually shared within a society.”417 By applying Maxwell Suffi’s extended phase model, an example illustrated how stereotypes develop in a society.

The main theoretical part investigated Carl Hagenbeck’s, Buffalo Bill’s and Karl May’s con- tributions to creating and reinforcing a stereotypical image of Native Americans among Ger- man-speaking Europeans. From 1875, Carl Hagenböck imported and displayed Native Ameri- cans in various cities in Germany in the so-called Völkerschauen, a public display of alien peo- ples. By means of displays, he massively contributed to the stereotypical image of Native Indi- ans. Hagenbeck’s most successful Völkerschau was in 1910 when he exhibited 42 Sioux in his zoo in Hamburg

Buffalo Bill, a former army scout, toured Europe twice – in 1890/1891 and 1902-1906. He was the vital part of his own Wild West shows. Native Americans were in great demand to be employed by impresarios. Many Indians considered these shows as great opportunity to dis- cover the world. Furthermore, such employments secured superior income, which could have never been earned on reservations. Buffalo Bill included real historical events and adapted them to even further promote his and the show’s reputations.

415 cf. Utter, American; Marshall, The day. 416 Utter, American, 74. 417 Stagnor / Schaller, Stereotypes, 8.

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Karl May was identified as the “single most important molder of German views of the Amer- ican Indian”418 and he, therefore, vastly shaped our perception of Native Americans. He sold over 200 million copies and generations of people have read his works. He established the firm images of the real Indian and in this way, he contributed to this widely held romantic stereo- types of Native Americans as noble savages as well as perpetuate colonial stereotypes. His books and later films based on his work, however, lack historical accuracy. German Indian- thusiam, Karl-May festivals, hobbyists, and the Karl-May-Museum prove his success.

Hagenbeck, Buffalo Bill and May achieved their successes in the same era. All of them refused any similarities with their competitors’ works. The paper showed that they all benefited from each other. Each of them had his specialties to attract vast audience. What they had in common was to fascinate people and use stereotypical representations to promote their shows/books and satisfy their consumers’ deeply-psychological desire for authentic American Indians. Until today, their created visions of Native Americans have been prevalent in modern- day Austrian and German culture.

The conducted non-probability sample survey showed the Austrians’ and Germans’ percep- tions of Native Americans. Due to recruiting techniques and sample size, the study does not fulfil the required criteria to be valid and reliable. The responses of 201 respondents were ana- lysed. In total, 25 items were asked in the survey. I proposed five hypotheses; while four have been confirmed, one has been half rejected. The study results illustrated a predominantly stere- otypical vision of Native Americans, which were clearly created by Buffalo Bill and Karl May – most respondents are well aware of this fact. In particular, May’s impact can be found in Winnetou being the most famous American Indian and the Apache people the best known tribe. Even though a stereotypical image is prevalent such as long black hair, dark skin colour, war paintings, and leather clothing, the overall perception is positively valued. It could be observed that people older than 51 would more frequently watch and Native American films and books than people under this age. Furthermore, 51+ age group more recently watch a Native American film or read a Native American book. It could be argued that people over 50 are more interested since they more likely grew up at a time when the Winnetou films experienced their heydays. Even though a fascination for American Indians was observed, there simply are less American Native films on television, which is the main source respondents acquire their knowledge about Indians.

418 Robert Rydell/ Rob Kroes, 112.

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It can be concluded that Carl Hagenbeck, Buffalo Bill and Karl May have perpetuated a stereotypical vision of Native Americans over the last century. German-speaking Europeans are still fascinated with American Indians but a downtrend in interest could be observed.

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Figures:

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Fig. 4: Raymond CORBEY, Ethnographic Showcases, 1870-1930, in: Cultural Anthropology 8/3 (1993), 356.

Fig. 5: (1.10.2017)

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Fig. 8: (1.10.2017)

Fig. 9: Hanfstaengl, Hitler in der Karikatur der Welt (Berlin: Verlag Braune Bücher, 1933), 33.

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Appendices

Appendix A: Results

Question 1:

Begriff n % 1 Ureinwohner Native [American] 56 27.86 2 Zelt/Tipi tent/teeppee 55 27.36 3 Federschmuck feather bonnet 53 26.37 4 Winnetou 38 18.91 5 Pferd horse 36 17.91 6 Naturreligion/Naturverbundenheit nature reli- 30 14.93 7 USA/Amerikagon/relationship U .withS.A/ natureAmerica 30 14.93 8 Rothaut redskin 28 13.93 9 Stamm tribe 27 13.43 10 Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 21 10.45 11 Reservat reservation 21 10.45 12 Kopfschmuck headdress 20 9.95 13 Lange (schwarze) Haare long (black) hair 18 8.96 14 Friedenspfeife peace pipe 18 8.96 15 Tomahawk 18 8.96 16 Karl May 17 8.46 17 Vertreibung Indian removal 17 8.46 18 Häuptlinge chief 16 7.96 19 Marterpfahl pole 16 7.96 20 Kriegsbemalung war painting 15 7.46 21 Schamane shaman 14 6.97 22 (beinahe) Ausrottung near extincion 12 5.97 23 Skalp scalp 12 5.97 24 Der Schuh des Manitu Shoe of Manitou 12 5.97 25 Lederkleidung leather clothing 11 5.47 26 Bison buffalo 11 5.47 27 Jagen hunt 10 4.98 28 Cowboy 9 4.48 29 Unterdrückung oppresion 9 4.48 30 Apachen Apache 8 3.98 31 Reiten (ohne Sattel) riding 8 3.98 32 Ritual ritual 7 3.48 33 Lagerfeuer bonefire 7 3.48 34 Western(filme) Western films 7 3.48 35 Krieg war 7 3.48

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36 Columbus 7 3.48 37 Pocahontas 7 3.48 38 Genozid genocide 7 3.48 39 Glücksspiel/Casino gambling 7 3.48 40 Wilder Westen Wild West 7 3.48 41 Tradition 6 2.99 42 Rauchzeichen smoke signals 6 2.99 43 Abwertender Begriff/politisch inkorrekt dero- 5 2.49 gating term/ politically incorrect 44 Kultur culture 5 2.49 45 Sioux 5 2.49 46 Alkoholsucht alchol addiction 5 2.49 47 Tänze dances 5 2.49 48 Manitu Manitou 4 1.99 49 Little Big Horn 4 1.99 50 Ausbeutung exploitation 4 1.99 51 Stolz pride 4 1.99 52 Spiritualität spirituality 3 1.49 53 Totems totems 3 1.49 54 Trail of Tears 3 1.49 55 Fell fur 3 1.49 56 Irokese Mohawks 3 1.49 57 Ölpipeline oil pipeline 3 1.49 58 Mann man 3 1.49 59 Indianerkostüm canrival dress 3 1.49 60 Squaw 3 1.49 61 Prärie the Great Plains 3 1.49 62 Traumfänger dream catcher 2 1.00 63 Waterloo (Austrian singer, who is dressed 2 1.00 like a Plains Indian) 64 Standing Rock 2 1.00 65 Kein Bart beardless 2 1.00 66 Blutsbrüder blood brother 2 1.00 67 Sitting Bull 2 1.00 68 Dunkelhäutig dark skinned 2 1.00 69 Klischee cliché 2 1.00 70 Indianerfilme Indian movies 2 1.00 71 Tattoo 2 1.00 72 Moccasin 2 1.00 73 Musik music 2 1.00 74 General Custor 2 1.00 75 Kolonisation colonisation 1 0.50

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76 Wüste dessert 1 0.50 77 Strohballen bale of straw 1 0.50 78 Cowboy und Indianer spielen play Cowboy 1 0.50 and Indian 79 Pfadfinder scout 1 0.50 80 Gewalt der Weißen violence of the whites 1 0.50 81 Indianer kenne keinen Schmerz Indian does 1 0.50 not know any pain (German saying) 82 Diskriminierung discrimination 1 0.50 83 Yakari 1 0.50 84 Romantisierung romanticising 1 0.50 85 Mandan 1 0.50 86 Wounded Knee 1 0.50 87 Chief Joseph 1 0.50 88 Geronimo 1 0.50 90 Cherokee 1 0.50 91 Azteken Aztecs 1 0.50 92 Maya 1 0.50 93 Inkas Incas 1 0.50 94 Pueblos 1 0.50 95 Navajo 1 0.50 96 Pocken smallpox 1 0.50 97 Tabak tobacco 1 0.50 98 Sklaven slaves 1 0.50 99 Tiernamen aninmal names 1 0.50 100 Marketing marketing 1 0.50 101 Run to the hills [a song by Iron Maiden] 1 0.50

Question 2:

Stämme n % 1 Apachen Apache 150 74.63 2 Sioux 111 55.22 3 Cherokee 44 21.89 4 Irokesen Mohawks 42 20.90 5 Komantschen Comanches 38 18.91 6 Cheyenne 31 15.42 7 Schoschonen Shosones 25 12.44 8 Mohikaner Mohicans 20 9.95 9 Navajo 16 7.96 10 Schwarzfuß Blackfoot 15 7.46 11 Lakota 14 6.97

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12 Dakota 14 6.97 13 Kiowa 10 4.98 14 Huronen Hurons 10 4.98 15 Aborigines 8 3.98 16 Inka Incas 8 3.98 17 Maya 8 3.98 18 Crow 7 3.48 19 Inuit 7 3.48 20 Cree 7 3.48 21 Hopi 7 3.48 22 Azteken Aztec 7 3.48 23 Pawnees 5 2.49 24 Nez Perce 4 1.99 25 Olmeken 3 1.49 26 Chinook 3 1.49 27 Pueblos 3 1.49 28 Han 2 1.00 29 Chippewa (Ojibwe) 2 1.00 30 Eskimo 2 1.00 31 Quechan 1 0.50 32 Tupi 1 0.50 33 Guaraní 1 0.50 34 Shuar 1 0.50 35 Ahtna 1 0.50 36 Kolchan 1 0.50 37 Takelma 1 0.50 38 Yuma 1 0.50 39 Illini (Illinois Confederation) 1 0.50 40 Maori 1 0.50 41 Oglala 1 0.50 42 Chiricahua 1 0.50 43 Aleut 1 0.50 44 Miami 1 0.50 45 Lumbee 1 0.50 46 Ottawa 1 0.50 47 Omaha 1 0.50 48 Wichita 1 0.50 49 Minnesota 1 0.50 50 Pohatawn 1 0.50 51 Alsea 1 0.50 52 Delaware 1 0.50

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Question 3:

Berühmte Indianer n % 1 Winnetou 89 44.28 2 Sitting Bull 84 41.79 3 Geronimo 32 15.92 4 Crazy Horse 29 14.43 5 Pocahontas * 15 7.46 6 Chief Big Foot 12 5.97 7 Abahatschi 7 3.48 8 Cochise 6 2.99 9 Spotted Elk (later known as Big Foot) 6 2.99 10 Winnetouch 5 2.49 11 Sacajawea * 5 2.49 12 Tonto 4 1.99 13 Chief Joseph 3 1.49 14 Manitu Manitou 3 1.49 15 Red Cloud 3 1.49 16 Old Shatterhand 3 1.49 17 Chief Seattle 2 1.00 18 Little Wolf 2 1.00 19 Red Horse 2 1.00 20 Pablo Neruda 2 1.00 21 Dull Knife (Morning Star) 2 1.00 22 Big Elk 1 0.50 23 Black Hawk 1 0.50 24 Pontiac (Obwandiyag) 1 0.50 25 Black Elk 1 0.50 26 Yakari 1 0.50 27 Tecumseh 1 0.50 28 Red Bear 1 0.50 29 Two Moon 1 0.50 30 Dull Knife (Morning Star) 1 0.50 31 Hiawatha 1 0.50 32 Chato 1 0.50 33 Bloody Hand 1 0.50 34 White Buffalo 1 0.50 35 Ely Parker 1 0.50 36 Chingachgook 1 0.50 37 Großer Wolf Big Wolf 1 0.50 38 Tatanka 1 0.50 39 Big Tree 1 0.50

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40 Big Bear 1 0.50 41 Tecumseh 1 0.50 42 Yakari 1 0.50 43 Sitzender Bär Sitting Bear 1 0.50 44 Fliegender Adler Flying Eagle 1 0.50 *female

Question 4:

Begriffe n % 1 Zelt/Tipi tent/teeppee 181 90.05 2 Jagd/Jäger 131 65.17 3 Leder(kleidung) 73 36.32 4 Kleidung aus Fell leather clothing 68 33.83 5 USA/Nordamerika U.S.A./Northamerica 65 32.34 6 Sammler gatherer 53 26.37 7 Federschmuck feather bonnet 30 14.93 8 Naturverbundenheit/Naturvolk closeness to nature/peo- 24 11.94 9 Kleidungples living aus in natureHäuten animal skin clothnig 24 11.94 10 Prärie the Great Plains 20 9.95 11 Nomaden nomads 18 8.96 12 Kämpfen fighting 17 8.46 13 Fischen fishing 17 8.46 14 Südamerika Sout America 15 7.46 15 Höhlen caves 15 7.46 16 Herstellung von Werkzeug, Kleidung, Schmuck made 15 7.46 17 Ackerbauown tools, agricultureclothes, jewellery 14 6.97 18 Hütten cottages/huts 14 6.97 19 Viehzucht livestock breeding 13 6.47 20 Tradition/Rituale traditons/rituals 12 5.97 21 Kinder groß ziehen raise children 11 5.47 22 Stamm tribe 11 5.47 23 Lendenschurz breechloth 11 5.47 24 Handel trade 11 5.47 25 Lehmhaus clay houses (Adobe houses) 10 4.98 26 Leinenkleidung 9 4.48 27 Moccasin 9 4.48 28 Pferde/Reiten horses/riding 8 3.98 29 Mittelamerika Central America 8 3.98 30 Frauen kümmern sich um Haushalt und Kochen women 7 3.48 31 Körperbemalungwere in charge of bodythe home painting and cooking 7 3.48

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32 An Gewässer near waters 7 3.48 33 Steppe steppe 7 3.48 34 Beschützen des Stammes protecting the tribe 6 2.99 35 Einfache Behausung simple housing 5 2.49 36 Lagerfeuer bonefire 5 2.49 37 Handwerkskunst craftsmanship 5 2.49 38 Friedenspfeife peace pipe 5 2.49 39 Kaum bekleidet barely clothed 5 2.49 40 Wolle wool 5 2.49 41 Bunt colourful 5 2.49 42 Schnitzen carving 5 2.49 43 Selbstversorger self supporter 5 2.49 44 Steinhaus stone houses 4 1.99 45 Wilder Westen wild west 4 1.99 46 Tanzen dancing 4 1.99 47 Erdhaus earthen houses 4 1.99 48 Iglu igloos 3 1.49 49 Versorgung des Stammes to provide for the tribe 3 1.49 50 Siedlungen settlements 3 1.49 51 Leben in Reservaten on reservations 3 1.49 52 Langhaus longhouses 3 1.49 53 Rauchzeichen smoke signals 2 1.00 54 Kanada Canada 2 1.00 55 Sesshaft settled 2 1.00 56 Arktis Arctica 2 1.00 57 Pferdezucht horse breeding 2 1.00 58 Leggings leggings 2 1.00 59 Kartoffelsack potato bag 1 0.50 60 Australien Australia 1 0.50 61 Heilen healing 1 0.50 62 Arizona Arizona 1 0.50 63 Rocky Mountains 1 0.50 64 Barfuß barefoot 1 0.50

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Question 6:

Defensive Gründe n % 1 Verteidigung von Land, Wohngebiet, Dorf defending 68 33,83 land, living area, village 2 Verteidigung allgemein, Selbstverteidigung defending in 54 26,87 general, self-defence 3 Zum Schutz to protect themselves 28 13,93 4 Kämpfe um Essensvorräte fight for food 24 11,94 5 Überlebenskampf fighting for survival 23 11,44 6 Vertreibung against removal 18 8,96 7 Wenn sie angegriffen werden when being attacked 10 4,98 8 Landraub against land grab 6 2,99 9 Gegen Tiere against animals 5 2,49 10 Bedrohung durch Siedler threats by settlers 3 1,49 11 Wegnahme von Land removal of land 4 1,99 12 Ressourcen schützen to protect ressources 4 1,99 13 Sicherheit for saftey 3 1,49 14 Zugang zu Wasser fighting for water 2 1,00 15 gegen Unterdrückung fighting against oppession 2 1,00 16 gegen die Zerstörung der Natur against the destruction of 1 0,50 nature 17 Diebstahl raids 1 0,50

Offensiv n % 1 Kämpfe gegen Siedler fighting against settlers 35 17.41 2 Stammeskämpfe against other tribes 33 16.42 3 Neue Gebiete for new property and land 19 9.45 4 Jagdgebiete for huntingrounds 11 5.47 5 Um die Ehre und Anerkennung for pride and acknowled- 9 4.48 6 Machtbehauptunggement innerhalb der Stämme to assert one’s 8 3.98 authority within the tribe 7 Um ihre Kultur for their culture 8 3.98 8 Konflikte mit Weißen conflicts with whites 6 2.99 9 Interne Konflikte internal conflicts 2 1.00 10 Mutprobe manhood 2 1.00 11 Gegen Soldaten/Cowboys against soldiers/cowboys 2 1.00 12 Ausrottung 2 1.00 13 Wettkampf competions 1 0.50 14 Um Ihre Rechte for their rights 1 0.50 15 Um Ihre Freiheit for freedom 1 0.50 16 Misstrauen/Feinde/Hass fight distrust/enemies/hatred 1 0.50 17 Unterwerfung fight oppression 1 0.50 18 Verfolgung prosecution 1 0.50

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Question 7:

Begriffe n % 1 Leben in Reservaten live on reservations 119 59.20 2 Tragen westliche Kleidung wear western clothing 83 41.29 3 Berufstätig (wie wir) have jobs (like us) 54 26.87 4 Leben in Häusern live in houses 51 25.37 5 Bestandteil der modernen Gesellschaft/Integration estab- 36 17.91 6 Lebenlished andin Städten integrated live in citiesmodern -day society 29 14.42 7 Leben in Nordamerika live in North America 29 14.42 8 Leben in westlicher Behausung live in western housing 27 13.43 9 (betreiben) Casinos run casinos 20 9.95 10 Tourismus tourism 18 8.96 11 Leben in traditioneller Behausung live in traditonal hous- 18 8.96 12 Lebensstiling an die westliche Kultur angepasst lifestyle ad- 17 8.45 13 Arbeitslosigkeitjusted to modern unemployment-day culture 16 7.96 14 Alkohol alcohol 15 7.46 15 Mittellos (arm) poor 13 6.47 16 Jeans jeans 12 5.97 17 Traditionelle Kleidung bei Anlässen traditonal clothing 12 5.97 18 Einfachefor occasions Behausung simple housing 11 5.47 19 Wohnwagen trailers 10 4.98 20 Außerhalb der Zivilisation live beyond civilisation 9 4.48 21 Diskriminierung discriminatin 9 4.48 22 Wohnen wie früher/traditionell live like in the past 8 3.98 23 Karohemd check shirts 7 3.48 24 In eigenen Siedlungen in their own settlements 7 3.48 25 Westliche Lebensweise western lifestyle 6 2.99 26 Traditionelle Kleidung traditional clothing 5 2.49 27 Erzwungene Anpassung forced adjustment 5 2.49 28 Handwerk craftmanship 5 2.49 29 Schmuck/Leder jewellery/leather 5 2.49 30 Schlechte Lebensumstände poor living conditons 4 1.99 31 Unterdrückt oppressed 4 1.99 32 Ländlich rural 4 1.99 33 Jagen hunt 4 1.99 34 T-shirt t-shirt 4 1.99 35 Soziale Probleme social problems 3 1.49 36 Selten traditionelle Kleidung barely traditonal clothing 3 1.49 37 Südamerika South America 3 1.49 38 Drogen drugs 3 1.49 39 Stolz pride 3 1.49

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40 Schwierigkeiten in die Majoritätsgesellschaft einzufügen 2 1.00 41 Festerhave problems Wohnsitz to permanent integrate themselves home in the majority so- 2 1.00 42 Naturverbundenciety close to nature 2 1.00 43 Auf der ganzen Welt verstreut scattered across the globe 2 1.00 44 Um Ihre Rechte kämpfend fighting for their rights 2 1.00 45 Rituale rituals 2 1.00 46 Randgesellschaft marginal societies 2 1.00 47 Vorurteile prejudice/stereotypes 1 0.50 48 Moccasins moccasins 1 0.50 49 Leben in Stämmen live in tribes 1 0.50 50 Kinder gehen zur Schule children to go school 1 0.50 51 Australien Australia 1 0.50 52 Minderheit minorities 1 0.50 53 Bauern farmers 1 0.50 54 Auto car 1 0.50 55 Missverstanden missunderstood 1 0.50 56 Kriminalität criminality 1 0.50 57 Pferdeschwanz ponytail 1 0.50 58 Wohnungslos homeless 1 0.50 59 Familie/Kinder family/children 1 0.50 60 Essen Fast Food eat fast food 1 0.50 62 Ausgestorben extinct 1 0.50 62 Mexiko Mexico 1 0.50 63 Schlechte bzw. kaum Bildung hardly or poor education 1 0.50

64 Keine Antwort no response 5 2.49

Question 8:

Begriffe Anzahl Anzahl der 1 HUH/How/Hau/ der43 TN TN35.54 in % 2 Tipi teepee 37 30.58 3 Squaw 35 28.93 4 Tomahawk 26 21.49 5 Manitou 23 19.00 6 Moccasin 19 15.70 7 Wigwam 13 10.74 8 Marterpfahl pole 10 8.26 9 Skalp scalp 9 7.44 10 Blutsbrüder blood brothers 8 6.61 11 Tatanka 8 6.61

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12 Totem 7 5.79 13 Bleichgesicht pale face 6 4.96 14 Friedenspfeife peace pipe 4 3.31 15 Watanka 4 3.31 16 Dakota 3 2.48 17 Hau Kola (meaning: Hello friend) 3 2.48 18 Feuerwasser fire-water 3 2.48 19 Ina 3 2.48 20 Maka 3 2.48 21 Rauchzeichen smoke signals 2 1.65 22 Kanu canoe 2 1.65 23 Mississippi 2 1.65 24 Rothaut redskin 2 1.65 25 Howgh ich habe gesprochen Howgh/How I have spoken 2 1.65 26 Indianerehrenwort honest injun 1 0.83 27 Reservate reservation 1 0.83 28 Kriegsbemalung war body painting 1 0.83 29 Washoe 1 0.83 30 Lacrosse 1 0.83 31 Maiz 1 0.83 32 Cacao 1 0.83 33 Hamaca 1 0.83 34 Oglala 1 0.83 35 Yakari 1 0.83 36 Ottawa 1 0.83 37 Shumani 1 0.83 38 Tutonka 1 0.83 39 Ana 1 0.83 40 Wingapo 1 0.83 41 Irokese 1 0.83 42 Pila Maye 1 0.83 43 Seattle 1 0.83 44 Wastete Yo 1 0.83 45 Mani 1 0.83 46 Ceton 1 0.83 47 Minnesota 1 0.83 48 Kajak 1 0.83 49 Inipi 1 0.83 50 Huka 1 0.83 51 Anorak 1 0.83 52 Kalumet 1 0.83 53 Pemikaon 1 0.83

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54 Sunkmanitu Tanka Ob Wací (meaning Dances with 1 0.83 Wolves) 55 Weißer Mann white man 1 0.83 56 Mato 1 0.83 57 Tonka 1 0.83 58 Denali (meaning The High one) 1 0.83 59 Anahe 1 0.83 60 Mohawk 1 0.83 61 Initi 1 0.83 62 Ahte 1 0.83 63 Ho 1 0.83 64 Tekihila 1 0.83 65 Ya-Te 1 0.83 66 Sioux 1 0.83 67 Mentaque 1 0.83 68 Sunka Wakan (meaning Sacred Horse) 1 0.83 69 Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 1 0.83 70 Akita Mani Yo (meaning "Observe everything as you 1 0.83 71 Einwalk Indianer your path kennt [in life])keinen Schmerz An Indian does not 1 0.83 know any pain. Keine Antwort/Leer no response 30

Question 19:

Wissenswertes n % 1 Wie leben Indianer (wirklich) heute? How do Indians 42 32,81 2 Wie(really) lebten live Indianer today? (wirklich) früher? How did they (re- 16 12,5 3 Wissenally) live über in the Medizin past? knowledge about medicine 9 7,03 4 Kultur der Indianer Indians‘ culture 7 5,47 5 Welche Rechte haben Indianer? What rights do Indians 6 4,69 7 Lebensweisehave? der Indianer allgemein the general lifestyle of 6 4,69 8 GeschichteNative Americans der Indianer history of Native Americans 6 4,69 9 Bräuche/Rituale customs and rituals 5 3,91 10 Familienstruktur family structure 5 3,91 11 Entwicklung der Indianer devolopment of Indians 5 3,91 12 Wieviel Indianer/Stämme gibt es heute noch? How many 5 3,91 13 SprachenIndians and langues how many tribes are there today? 4 3,13 14 Situation heute allgemein situation today 4 3,13 15 Wie kamen die Indianer nach Amerika? How did Native 4 2,34 16 WoAmericans leben Indianer get to America? heute? Where do Indinas live today? 3 2,34 17 Unterschied zwischen den Stämmen Differences between 3 2,34 18 Stämmethe trives heute tribes heute 3 2,34

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19 Wie ist das heutige Leben in den Reservaten? What life like 3 2,34 20 Bildung/Gesundheitssystemon reservations? eduction and health care sys- 3 2,34 21 Welchetem Berufe üben Indianer heutzutage aus? What jobs 3 2,34 22 Handwerkdo Indians craftsmanshiphave? 2 1,56 23 Drogen/Alkohol/Casino drugs/alcohol/casinos 2 1,56 24 Wie war das Leben vor den ersten Siedlern? What had been 2 1,56 25 Feindschaftenlife like before the zwischen settlers den arrived? Stämmen hostility between 2 1,56 26 Religion/Spiritualitätthe tribes religion/spirituality 2 1,56 27 Sagen und Fabeln von Indianer tales of Indians 2 1,56 28 Eigene Wahrnehmung own perception 2 1,56 29 Lebensraum habitat 2 1,56 30 Stämme damals tribes in the past 2 1,56 31 Unterschied Realität und Darstellung in Filmen differences 2 1,56 32 Entwicklungof reailty and der representation Indianer heute in developmentfilms of Indians to- 2 1,56 33 dieday Wahrheit the truth 34 Akzeptanz acceptancy 1 0,78 35 Derzeitige Probleme current issues 1 0,78 36 Bedeutung der Kriegsbemalung meaning of war body 1 0,78 37 Sportartenpainting types of sports 1 0,78 38 Überlebenstipps survival tipps 1 0,78 39 Lebensweisheiten worldly wisdom 1 0,78 40 Kriegsführung warfare 1 0,78 41 Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 1 0,78 42 Wo kommen die Indianer her? Where do Indians have their 1 0,78 43 Technischeorigins? Fortschritte vor Eintreffen der Europäer tech- 1 0,78 44 Warumnicals advancements man den Status before der Europeans Indianer arrived nicht anerkennen 1 0,78 45 Werwill? ist Why ein the Indianer? status of Who Indians is an is Indian? not acknowleged? 1 0,78 46 Gab es den stolzen Indianer? Was there ever the proud In- 1 0,78 47 Gibtdian? es noch einen stolzen Indianer? Is there still a proud 1 0,78 48 BrachteIndian? die Präsidentschaft von D. Trump eine Änderung? 1 0,78 49 GibtHas Trumpses Indianer presidency in Österreich? brought Are any there change? Native Americans 1 0,78 50 Schrift?in Austria? Do Indians have a script? 1 0,78 51 Jagdverhalten hunting behaviour 1 0,78 52 Deren Meinung über Leben außerhalb der Reservaten their 1 0,78 53 Wasopinion ist miton life den outside Jagdrevieren the reservation? passiert? 1 0,78 54 Hat es wirklich die Blutsbrüderschaft gegeben? 1 0,78 55 Wie wurden früher die Waffen der Indianer hergestellt? 1 0,78 56 Ursprünge der Stämme origins of tribes 1 0,78 57 Umgang mit Klischees handling of stereotypes 1 0,78 58 Lebenseinstellung heute today’s attitude of life 1 0,78 59 Ernährung nutrition 1 0,78 60 Soziale Haltung social attitude 1 0,78

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61 Behausung housing 1 0,78 62 Wie geht es den Indianern heutzutage in der Zivilisation? 1 0,78 63 Wievielhow do IndiansIndianer feel leben in moderntraditionell?-day civilisation?How many Indians live 1 0,78 64 Wiethe traditional groß ist die way? Anzahl erfolgreicher Indianer? How many 1 0,78 Leersuccess/left Native blank Americans are there? 6 4,69

Question 20:

Begriffe n % 1 Lange Haare long hair 77 38.31 2 Dunklere Hautfarbe (rot, braun) dark skin (red, brown) 69 34.33 3 Dunkle Haare dark hair 65 32.34 4 Federschmuck feather bonnet 59 29.35 5 Lederkleidung leather clothing 34 16.92 6 Naturverbundenheit close to nature 32 15.92 7 Kriegsbemalung war body painting 25 12.44 8 Groß tall 20 9.95 9 Moccasins 18 8.96 10 So wie Winnetou like Winnetou 18 8.96 11 Pferd horse 17 8.46 12 Pfeil und Bogen bow and arrow 17 8.46 13 Traditioneller Schmuck traditional jewellery 16 7.96 14 Traditionelle Kleidung traditonal clothing 16 7.96 15 Stark und muskulös strong and muscualr 14 6.97 16 Lendenschurz breechcloth 13 6.47 17 Markante Gesichtszüge prominent facial traits 13 6.47 18 Dunkle Augenfarbe dark eye colour 12 5.97 19 Sportlich und schlanke Figur athletic and slight figure 12 5.97 20 Stolz pride 11 5.47 21 Haarband headband 10 4.98 22 Leben in Stammeskulturen live in tribes 10 4.98 23 Wie jeder andere auch like any other 9 4.48 24 Moderne Kleidung modern clothing 8 3.98 25 Spirituell spritual 7 3.48 26 Braun gekleidet brown clothing 7 3.48 27 Mutig brave 7 3.48 28 Friedlich peaceful 7 3.48 29 Tattoo 7 3.48 30 Barfuß barefoot 6 2.99 31 Tomahawk 6 2.99 32 Speer spear 6 2.99

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33 Wild wild 5 2.49 34 Dünn thin 5 2.49 35 Messer knife 5 2.49 36 Genügsam/einfach modest 5 2.49 37 Tipi teepee 5 2.49 38 Zopf hair in a braid 5 2.49 39 civilised/modern lifestyle 5 2.49 40 Freundlich friendly 4 1.99 41 Kein Bart beardless 4 1.99 42 Kleiner Körperbau short 4 1.99 43 Kleidung aus Tierhaut animal skin clothing 4 1.99 44 Um ein Lagerfeuer sitzend or tanzend sitting or dancing 4 1.99 45 Kriegeraround awarrior bonefire 4 1.99 46 Wortkarg reticent 4 1.99 47 Arbeitend working 3 1.49 48 Interessant interesting 3 1.49 49 Nackter Oberkörper bare-chested 3 1.49 50 Traditionelle Lebensweise traditional lifestyle 3 1.49 51 Friedenspfeife peace pipe 3 1.49 52 Gewehr rifle 3 1.49 53 Büffel buffalo 2 1.00 54 Grimmiges Gesicht grim facial expression 2 1.00 55 Prärie Plains 2 1.00 56 Loyal loyal 2 1.00 57 Ehrlich honest 2 1.00 58 Fröhlich happy 2 1.00 59 Unzivilisiert uncivilised 2 1.00 60 Herstellung von Schmuck, Werkzeug und Kleidung make 2 1.00 61 Stämmigtheir own sturdilyjewellery, built tools and clothes 2 1.00 62 Bodenständig down-to-earth 2 1.00 63 Ernst serious 2 1.00 64 Flink swift 2 1.00 65 Bunt colourful 2 1.00 66 Sozial social 2 1.00 67 Unterdrückt oppresed 2 1.00 68 Felle fur 2 1.00 69 In Reservaten on reservations 2 1.00 70 Klug smart 2 1.00 71 Mann man 1 0.50 72 Wie aus der Schuh des Manitu like in The Shoe of Mani- 1 0.50 73 Eisenbahnschienentou railway tracks 1 0.50 74 WUUUH schreiend shouting Wuuuuh 1 0.50

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75 Geschichten erzählend telling stories and tales 1 0.50 76 Nomaden nomads 1 0.50 77 Im Indianerkostüm in a carneval dress 1 0.50 78 Häuptling chief 1 0.50 79 Irokesen Haarschnitt Mohawk haircut 1 0.50 80 Traditionelle Kleidung bei Anlässen traditonal clohtes at 1 0.50 81 Entwurzeltoccasions uprooted 1 0.50 82 Kreativ creative 1 0.50 83 Stiefel boots 1 0.50 84 Höflich polite 1 0.50 85 Kultur verbunden close to their culture 1 0.50 86 Männer in Leggings men in leggings 1 0.50 87 Frauen in Fransenkleider women in fringe dresses 1 0.50 88 Wissender Blick knowing look 1 0.50 89 Leise quiet 1 0.50 90 So wie Mexikaner like Mexicans 1 0.50 91 Waffen weapons 1 0.50 92 Martapfahl pole 1 0.50

Keine Angaben no response 18 8.96

Appendix B: Questionnaire German

Das Indianerbild im deutschsprachigen Raum

1. Was fällt Ihnen spontan zum Begriff „Indianer“ ein? (Stichworte reichen)

2. Welche Indianerstämme kennen Sie? (Rechtschreibung unwichtig)

3. Nennen Sie, wenn möglich, einige berühmte Indianer. (Rechtschreibung unwichtig)

4. Wie lebten, Ihrer Meinung nach, Indianer früher? (Wo? Welche Behausung? Was machten sie? Kleidung?)

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5. Welche Eigenschaften haben, Ihrer Meinung nach, Indianer? Kreuzen Sie bei jedem Wortpaar jeweils ein Kästchen an.

trifft trifft trifft trifft

sehr zu eher zu eher zu sehr zu   fleißig - faul     tapfer - feig     ehrlich - heimtückisch     zivilisiert - wild     friedlich - angriffslustig     mitfühlend - grausam     freundlich - unzugänglich     harmlos - gefährlich  

6. Aus welchen Gründen, glauben Sie, mussten Indianer kämpfen? (Stichworte reichen)

7. Wie leben Indianer, Ihrer Meinung nach, heute? (Wo? Welche Behausung? Was ma- chen sie? Kleidung?)

8. Nennen Sie Wörter aus der „Indianersprache“. (Rechtschreibung unwichtig)

9. Kennen Sie Karl May?

 ja

 nein

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10. Wenn ja, glauben Sie, dass Karl May das Bild der Indianer beeinflusst hat?

 ja

 nein

 weiß nicht

11. Kennen Sie Winnetou Filme/Bücher (Winnetou I-III, Schatz im Silbersee, Winnetou und das Halbblut Apanatschi, usw.)?

 ja

 nein

12. Haben Sie Winnetou Filme/Bücher gesehen/gelesen?

 ja

 nein

13. Kennen Sie James Fenimore Cooper?

 ja

 nein

14. Kennen Sie Buffalo Bill?

 ja

 nein

15. Woher beziehen Sie Ihr Wissen über Indianer? (Mehrfachnennung möglich)

 Film/Fernsehen  Museen/Ausstellungen  Bilder/Fotografien  Dokumentationen  Bücher  Schule  Comics  Universität  Erzählungen  Sonstiges:

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16. Durch welche Filme, Bücher und Unterhaltungsmedien entstand Ihr Indianerwis- sen? (Mehrfachnennung möglich)

 Schuh des Manitu  Lone Ranger  Pocahontas  Asterix in Amerika  Der letzte Mohikaner  Yakiri  John Wayne Filme  Assassin’s Creed III  Winnetou  keine  Der mit dem Wolf tanzt  weitere (bitte angeben):

17. Wie oft sehen sie Indianerfilme und/oder lesen Sie Indianergeschichten? (Filme + Ge- schichten)

 nie (0mal)

 selten (1-2mal im Jahr)

 manchmal (3-4mal im Jahr)

 regelmäßig (5-6mal im Jahr)

 häufig (7mal oder öfters im Jahr)

18. Wann haben Sie den letzten Indianerfilm gesehen bzw. das letzte Indianerbuch gele- sen?

 im letzten Monat

 im letzten halben Jahr

 im letzten Jahr

 länger als ein Jahr

 noch nie

19. Was würden Sie noch gerne über Indianer wissen?

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20. Wie stellen Sie sich Indianer vor? Machen Sie eine Beschreibung (Stichwörter rei- chen) ODER malen Sie ein Bild auf der Rückseite.

Soziodemographische Daten

Abschließend möchte ich Sie noch bitten, einige Daten zu Ihrer Person anzugeben.

Sie sind…

 männlich

 weiblich

Wie alt sind Sie?

 <20 Jahre

 20-30 Jahre

 31-40 Jahre

 41-50 Jahre

 51-64 Jahre

 >65 Jahre

Was ist Ihr höchster Abschluss?

 Pflichtschule / Hauptschule / Realschule

 Lehre / Ausbildung

 Matura / Abitur

 Hochschule / Studium

 Sonstiges:

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Welche Nationalität haben Sie?

 Österreich

 Deutschland

 U.S.A.

 Sonstige:

Geben Sie hier Ihre E-Mail-Adresse an, um an dem Gewinnspiel teilzunehmen. (Ihre E- Mail-Adresse dient ausschließlich der Gewinnbenachrichtigung)

Vielen Dank für die Teilnahme an meiner Studie!

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Appendix C: Questionnaire English

1. What keywords do you associate with Native Americans?

2. What Native American tribes do you know?

3. List the names of any famous Native Americans you may know.

4. In your own words, describe how Native Americans lived. (include location, hous- ing, clothing and day-to-day activities)

5. In your opinion, which character traits do Native Americans have? For each word pair choose what best applies.

strongly rather ag- rather ag- strongly agree ree ree agree   hardworking - lazy     brave - cowardly     honest - dishonest     civilized - uncivilized     peaceful - aggressive     sympathetic - cruel     friendly - unfriendly     harmless - dangerous  

6. In your opinion, what reasons caused Native Americans to fight? (keywords)

7. In your own words, describe how Native Americans live today. (include location, housing, clothing and day-to-day activities)

125

8. List any Native American words you may know.

9. Have you heard of Karl May?

 yes

 no

10. If yes, in your opinion, do you think Karl May has influenced the perception of Native Americans?

 yes

 no

 don’t know

11. Do you know any Winnetou movies/books (Winnetou I-III, Treasure of the Silver Lake, Winnetou and the Crossbreed, etc.)?

 yes

 no

12. Have you ever watched any Winnetou movies or read any Winnetou books?

 yes

 no

13. Have you heard of James Fenimore Cooper?

 yes

 no

126

14. Have you heard of Buffalo Bill?

 yes

 no

15. Where have you acquired your knowledge about Native Americans? Choose all that apply.

 movies/TV  museums/exhibitions  images/photographs  documentaries  books  school  comic strips  college/universtiy  narrations  other:

16. Through which movies, books, and entertainment media have you developed your knowledge about Native Americans? Choose all that apply.

 The Shoe of Manitou  Lone Ranger  Pocahontas  Asterix Conquers America  Last oft he Mohicans  Yakiri  John Wayne movies  Assassin’s Creed III  Winnetou  none  Dances with Wolves  others (please state):

17. How often do you watch Native American movies and/ or read Native American books?

 never (0 times per year)

 seldom (1-2 times per year)

 sometimes (3-4 times per year)

 regularly (5-6 times per year)

 often (7 times or more per year)

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18. When did you last watch a Native American movie or read a Native American book?

19.  last month 20.  within the last half year 21.  within the last year 22.  more than a year ago 23.  never

24. Is there anything you would like to know more about Native Americans?

25. What do you think do Native Americans look like? Please list a few descriptors.

Thank you for your participation until this point. To conclude, I would like to ask you to pro- vide some general and statistical information to support my data analysis.

26. What is your gender?

 male

 female

27. How old are you?

 under 20 years old

 20-30 years old

 31-40 years old

 41-50 years old

 51-64 years old

 over 65 years old

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28. What is the highest level of education you have completed?

 less than High School

 High School / GED

 some College

 2-year College Degree

 4 year College Master’s Degree

 Doctoral Degree

 Professional Degree (JD, MD)

 others

29. What's your nationality?

 Austria

 Germany

 America

 Canada

 Other:

30. Please enter your email address to be considered to win one of three Amazon gift vouchers. (Your email address will be only used to send your winner's notification.)

Thank you for completing this survey!

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