Edwardian London Through Japanese Eyes: the Art and Writings of Yoshio Markino, 1897–1915

edwardian london through japanese eyes: the art and writings of yoshio markino, 1897–1915

jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd i 25-10-11 18:16 japanese visual culture

Volume 4

Managing Editor John T. Carpenter

jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd ii 25-10-11 18:16 Edwardian London through Japanese Eyes: The Art and Writings of Yoshio Markino, 1897–1915

by william s. rodner

with a foreword by sir hugh cortazzi

Leiden – Boston 2012

jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd iii 25-10-11 18:16 Published by Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, BRILL The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the Plantijnstraat 2 imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC 2321 JC Leiden Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. The Netherlands brill.nl/jvc All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or Text editing transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, John T. Carpenter with Alfred Haft mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Design Studio Berry Slok, Amsterdam, The Netherlands (cover) Brill has made all reasonable eff orts to trace all right SPi, Tamilnadu, India holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these eff orts have not been successful the Production publisher welcomes communications from copyright High Trade BV, Zwolle, The Netherlands holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be Printed in Hungary made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. ISBN 978-90-04-22039-3 Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Rodner, William S., 1948- Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, Edwardian London through Japanese eyes : MA 01923, USA. the art and writings of Yoshio Markino, 1897-1915 / by Fees are subject to change. William S. Rodner ; with a foreword by Hugh Cortazzi. p. cm. -- (Japanese visual culture ; v. 4) Financial support, editorial and logistical assistance was Includes bibliographical references and index. provided by: ISBN 978-90-04-22039-3 (hardback : alk. paper) Sainsbury Institute for the Study of Japanese 1. Makino, Yoshio, b. 1874--Criticism and Arts and Cultures, UK interpretation. 2. London (England)--In art. 3. City and town life--England--London--History--20th century. Cover image: 4. London (England)--Description and travel. 5. London Markino. Autumn, in The Studio, 33 (1904). (England)--Social life and customs--20th century. I. Makino, Yoshio, b. 1874. II. Title. III. Title: Art and writings of Yoshio Markino, 1897-1915. NX584.Z9M337 2011 759.952--dc23 2011037333

jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd iv 25-10-11 18:16 For Lorraine

jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd v 25-10-11 18:16 jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd vi 25-10-11 18:16 Contents

Foreword Sir Hugh Cortazzi xi Acknowledgments xiv

introduction 1 Japan and the British Imagination 4 Japanese in Britain 6 Markino the Artist: Context and Sources 8 Structure of the Book 10

1 japan in britain 15 Engaging with Japan: Exhibitions, Books and Articles 15 The Lure of Japanese Art 17 Laurence Binyon and East Asian Civilization 19 Collectors 21 The Japan Society and Japanese Voices 22 Periodicals and Japanese Art 24 Reaching a Wide Audience 25 Authenticity and Darling of the Gods 26 Markino Speaks for Japan 29 The Japan-British Exhibition 31

2 “heiji of london fog” 35 A Noxious Atmosphere 35 The Lover of Fog 39 Grey Days 43 Lighting the Mist 45 Glimpses of Transport 56 Walking the Shrouded Streets 60

3 “between two stools” 67 An Alien Witness 68 The Hybrid Style 73 Early Engagement with the West 82

4 “a mirror of unknown genre” 93 Categories of Perception 95 London’s Parks 111 Theaters and the Ballet 116

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jvc4_p001_220_HT.indd vii 25-10-11 18:16 5 my idealed john bullesses 121 Women Friends 123 A Taste for Fashion 126 Shopping 134 Women’s Rights 137

6 making a career 143 Colour Books 143 Struggling for Recognition 144 M. H. Spielmann 146 Publishing in Color 148 The Colour of London 150 Douglas Sladen 154

7 the chelsea conservative 165 Kensington Pride 168 Decline 172 A Changed Atmosphere 176 Conclusion 177

Endnotes 178

Yoshio Markino: Chronology of His Life and Work 195

Bibliography 199 Index 208

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oshio markino (1869–1956) was a tal- He was born in Komoro, now Toyota city, the ented Japanese artist and eccentric writer headquarters of the giant Japanese car company, Ywho fell in love with London. He lived in Toyota Motor Corporation. His family was of London for most of the time between his fi rst ar- samurai stock. Like many other samurai who had rival in 1897 and his enforced return to Japan in lost their privileged status with the downfall of the 1942 following the outbreak of war between Japan Tokugawa shogunate and the beginning of the and Britain. Markino’s best paintings, drawings Meiji period (1868–1912), they no longer had a fi xed and writings were done in the Edwardian era and role in Japanese society and were poor. As a child the years up to the beginning of the First World he was anxious to learn and studied English with War in 1914. The 1920s and 1930s when Anglo- narrow-minded Protestant missionaries. He man- Japanese relations changed from friendship to hos- aged to get himself to the West Coast of the United tility saw a decline in his popularity and output. States where he tried to train as an artist. He was He was an artist with a fi ne sense of colour who unhappy there both because of the anti-Japanese combined Japanese and Western traditions in his feeling which he encountered and because of his paintings and drawings. His impressionistic water- hand-to-mouth existence. colours were infl uenced more by J. M. W. Turner’s He decided to move to Britain where he arrived paintings, which he saw in British galleries, than by in 1897. In A Japanese Artist in London, published the works of the French Impressionists and Post- in London in 1910, he described his arrival from Impressionists, which he criticized stridently. He France at Newhaven in Sussex: “From the very fi rst walked the London streets tirelessly and sketched it seemed to me to be a New Heaven; I had such wherever he went and anything which attracted a good impression with England.” His love of him. Yet, he had a Japanese sensitivity to nature England did not fade despite the poverty and hard and a Japanese understanding of the beauty of times which he suff ered during his early years in mists and rain. “London without mists would,” he London. He often went without meals and tramped thought, “be like a bride without a trousseau.” To everywhere around London as he could not aff ord him, “the wet pavements refl ect everything as if the bus or tram fares. He found London landladies whole city was built on a lake.” Mountains in cloud kind and friendly. Seeing him going hungry they of- and mists were a favorite theme of traditional Japa- ten shared their family meals with him. nese artists and many Japanese think that fl owers His eff orts to fi nd buyers for his sketches proved and landscapes are more beautiful in the rain than largely fruitless until 1902 when he met Marion in sunlight. Harry Spielmann, editor of The Magazine of Art. He Makino Yoshio, as he was called in the Japanese then met Douglas Sladen who had been the fi rst name order of surname followed by given name, editor of Who’s Who and who became his best added an “r” to make his surname easier for English friend and his agent. people to pronounce correctly. Markino made friends easily and became a true Anglophile. His friendship with Sladen and with his Japanese compatriots Yoné Noguchi, the art and literary critic, and with Bushō Hara, another Markino. The Embankment, London (1929). Signed woodblock print presented by the artist to Professor Japanese artist in London, helped to make him not Carmen Blacker. Collection of Sir Hugh and Lady only a successful artist and illustrator but also hap- Cortazzi. pier than he had ever been. Sladen in a foreword

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Markino. The Embankment, London (1929). Signed woodblock print presented by the artist to Professor Carmen Blacker. Collection of Sir Hugh and Lady Cortazzi.

to A Japanese Artist in London wrote of his friend: she saw, he was too busy to have much time to help “Yoshio Markino is more like a spirit than most her but that if she thought it would do any good he of the spirits clothed in fl esh which we call hu- would marry her. They duly got married, but in man beings. At houses where he opens his heart 1927 they had an amicable divorce, the marriage not to their inmates and feels intimate, he fl utters in having apparently been consummated. bubbling over with news and excitement—he al- As war between Britain and Japan approached ways has news even if he has met them an hour Markino was invited by the Japanese ambassador ago—he counts his friends as it were, to see if Mamoru Shigemitsu to stay in the Japanese embas- they are all there, gathers each to himself with some sy in London. During and after the war, even while little private touch, and then sits down on the he was serving his prison sentence from the Tokyo fl oor….” International War Crimes Tribunal, Shigemitsu His admiration for English women, his “idealed provided Markino with accommodation in Kam- John Bullesses,” was almost certainly platonic. Un- akura. Life for Japanese people in the years follow- like so many Edwardian men he supported the suf- ing Japan’s defeat in 1945 was hard, and Markino fragette movement. In 1922 a French girl wrote to shared the privations which aff ected most of his him to say that she had read his book A Japanese compatriots. Artist in London, and that she was suff ering from an Carmen Blacker, in her brief biographical por- unkind step-mother. She felt that he was the only trait of Yoshio Markino in Britain and Japan: Bio- person who could help. He suggested that she graphical Portraits Volume I (Japan Library, 1994), should call upon him, but he would not have much recalls how while she was living and studying in time as he was working on a picture. She came and Kamakura in 1952 by chance she ran into Markino for a couple of hours, while he continued to paint, when he was climbing slowly up the stone steps to a bemoaned her fate. Finally he said to her that, as temple in Kamakura. She saw “an old man in a

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battered panama hat, a shirt covered in smears of Sadly I did not see him again before he died in 1956. blue and green paint, and long white hair coming He was never able to make that return visit to Lon- down to his shoulders…. He carried a sketchbook don for which he so much yearned. We have one in his hand, and frequently paused for breath as he woodblock print of the Thames embankment in climbed….”After Carmen had learnt who he was, winter by Yoshio Markino, bequeathed to us by he “continued to talk torrentially for three and a Carmen Blacker (reproduced here). half hours, now in English, now in Japanese. He Yoshio Markino’s works as an artist and writer would rush at full speed up more fl ights of steep have been neglected for too long. His writings in his steps to look at the famous graves in the temple eccentric and idiosyncratic English which were and then be too intent on what he was saying to largely autobiographical have a peculiar charm notice who was buried there. He told me how hap- which should still appeal to a twenty-fi rst-century py he had been in London, and that he had never reader. William S. Rodner’s account of the art and wanted to leave. He had so many friends, and was writing of Yoshio Markino is the fi rst full-length never tired of sketching the people and painting study of his works. This copiously illustrated book the mists.” is based on careful scholarly research and does full I only met Markino once when with two other justice to an artist and writer who deserves much young secretaries in the British embassy in 1952 we greater recognition and who felt so much at home gave a party for Carmen whom I had known for in Edwardian London. some years and her new Japanese friends. Markino came up to Tokyo from Kamakura and his eccen- Sir Hugh Cortazzi tric personality helped to make the party go well. Former British Ambassador to Japan

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y interest in markino’s London I would be remiss if I did not recognize the as- pictures had its origin in a lecture deliv- sistance of librarians and staff of numerous institu- Mered by Stanley Weintraub on the early tions in Britain and the United States. At Tidewater career of George Bernard Shaw, a fascinating talk Community College I am indebted to Jacquelyn A. that was accompanied by unforgettable images Dessino, who helped with identifying and securing from A Japanese Artist in London. Stan encouraged often very obscure source materials, and to Chris- me to investigate Markino’s career and this book is tina M. Jordan who tirelessly printed numerous the result. I also owe a debt of gratitude of Winston versions of my manuscript. Mona E. Farrow of the M. Arzú, Pennsylvania State University, for assis- Old Dominion University Perry Library’s micro- tance with an important French commentary on forms department placed numerous early twenti- Markino, and to Christopher W. A. Szpilman, Ky- eth century periodicals at my disposal. I wish to ushu Sangyo University, Japan, for expert help with also thank Philippa Bassett of the University of Bir- Japanese sources. mingham for supplying me with a letter from Preliminary results of my Markino research Markino to M. H. Spielmann, and to Richard High, formed the basis of a talk at the 1999 meeting of Brotherton Collection, Leeds University Library, the Carolinas Symposium on British Studies and a for allowing me to use a letter from Markino to Ar- 2004 paper on Markino and J. M. W. Turner deliv- thur Ransome. I am especially grateful to Jo Watt of ered at the “Impressionism and the Aesthetics of the Random House Group for permission to quote Pollution Symposium,” in conjunction with the from materials in the Chatto & Windus Archives Turner, Whistler, Monet: Impressionist Visions exhi- and to Carol Davies Foster, Local Studies, London bition, at the Art Gallery of Ontario. I am indebted Borough of Richmond upon Thames Library, for to Katharine A. Lochnan for inviting me to Toron- allowing me to use items from the Douglas Sladen to to participate in this conference. I also wish to Papers for this book. acknowledge Robin Simon, editor of the British Thanks are also due to those who assisted me Art Journal, for publishing my article “The Making at the following institutions: the Library, Freer of a London Samurai: Yoshio Markino and the Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Illustrated Press in Edwardian Britain,” and for Smithsonian Institution; the National Gallery of permitting me to draw upon that essay for parts of Art Library and the Library of Congress, Washing- this book. ton, D.C.; the Marquand Library of Art and Ar- Numerous individuals have been especially chaeology and the Firestone Library, Princeton helpful over many years of research and writing. University; the Ryerson and Burnham Libraries, I thank Michael Bott, University of Reading; Lew Art Institute of Chicago; Museum of Fine Arts, Radbourne and Captain Robert Guy of London’s Boston and the Boston Public Library; the National Japan Society; Mireille Galinou, Museum of Lon- Art Library and the Victoria and Albert Museum, don; and Sarah Cuthill, Theatre Collection, Uni- the British Library, and the British Museum; the versity of Bristol. S. I. Tsunematsu supplied in- Toyota Municipal Museum of Art, Japan; the Jean valuable information on Markino’s career and Outland Chrysler Library, Chrysler Museum of welcomed me into his home to see his collection of Art, Norfolk, Virginia. original Makino paintings and memorabilia. Ross I am also obliged to John Blazejewski of Prince- S. Kilpatrick, Queen’s University, Canada, gener- ton University and Helen Anrod Jones, Norfolk, ously lent me important items from his library. Virginia, for photographing Markino works and to

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Lajos Vermesi, High Trade BV, for expert scanning host of issues involved in the preparation of my of dozens of Markino images. Alfred Haft edited manuscript. His attention to detail, patience, and my manuscript with remarkable thoroughness, and encouragement is greatly appreciated. Eriko Tomi- Karen Vaughan (Perry Library) rendered invalua- zawa-Kay has supplied invaluable assistance in ble help with additional scanning. tracking down materials in Japan and in helping Generous assistance for this project has come with a variety of often vexing research and editorial from a Tidewater Community College Interna- matters. At Brill I wish to thank Inge Klompmakers tional Education Grant and Professional Deve- and Nozomi Goto for shepherding this book lopment Grants from the Virginia Community through the many stages of production. Finally, College System. In 2002 I was awarded a Chancel- I am honored that Sir Hugh Cortazzi, a longtime lor’s Commonwealth Professorship for research admirer of Markino’s work, has graciously contrib- on Markino’s British career. I owe a special note uted the Foreword to this book. of gratitude to President Deborah M. DiCroce of As always, my warmest thanks are accorded to Tidewater Community College for her consistent my wife, Lorraine M. Lees. Without her consistent support. I also wish to acknowledge the help of the and patient encouragement this book would never Sainsbury Institute for the Study of Japanese Arts have been possible. I am more grateful to her than and Cultures. these words can express. John Carpenter, editor of the Japanese Visual Culture series, has been of enormous help with a W. S. R.

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apan is indeed knocking at the gates body of art and writing (often rendered in imper- of London,” wrote the art critic Charles fect English), he demonstrated a pleasing ability to “JLewis Hind in the summer of 1902 as he re- successfully fuse the styles of east and west while at viewed an ambitious exhibition on the art and cul- the same time instructing Britons with authentic ture of Japan that had just opened at London’s Wh- knowledge about Japan (fi g.2). Markino’s enthusi- itechapel Gallery. Japan had already captured the asm for life in the west, coupled with his singular public’s attention with the recently concluded An- outsider’s perspective, gave his work immediate ap- glo-Japanese treaty of alliance, a momentous event peal in a land seeking serious engagement with Ja- that recognized the East Asian nation’s elevation to pan. Taking a fresh look at the Edwardian scene, he great power status and its diplomatic equality with discovered what were for him its defi ning elements. Britain. A few days after Hind’s piece appeared a Nothing, for instance, captured his interest more visiting Japanese naval squadron participated in than the famous London fogs. For Markino, that King Edward VII’s coronation naval review by fi r- modern, noxious phenomenon muffl ed the city’s ing a loyal salute. “From the Chrysanthemum to the crowded immensity and endowed it with aesthetic Rose,” ran the approving headline in The Illustrated meaning. “I like thick fogs as well as autumn mists. London News. But it was in the arts that Hind en- Even on a summer day I see some covering veils…. countered a more unexpected instance of Japan’s December is my favourite month in London. The new visibility. Upon “opening an illustrated journal volume of thick mist which covers the whole town I fi nd, a picture, by a Japanese artist,” he remarked. mystifi es every view in a most picturesque way,” he This individual was not a talent toiling way in far wrote in the preface to his fi rst book.2 away Tokyo but instead a “Japanese artist who is Following some training in Japan during his working at the present moment in London, and formative years, when he was exposed to both “lit- who has come under the domination of our illus- erati” painting (nanga) as well painting in the west- trated press….”1 There can be little doubt that Hind ern style (yōga), Markino embarked on a somewhat was speaking of Yoshio Markino (fi g. 1). diverse program of art study in California and Eng- A struggling young painter in Edwardian Lon- land, fi rst at the Hopkins Art School in San Fran- don, newly arrived from Japan by way of the United cisco and later at several London venues.3 Working States, Markino (1869–956) would attain the status initially as an illustrator for periodicals and books, of a minor celebrity by decade’s end. In a notable Markino also published brief articles on his homeland along with journalistic accounts of his life in the west. Soon he was invited to contribute essays Fig. 3: Night: Lights in Piccadilly and visual material to several attractive picture and

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1 Portrait of Yoshio Markino. Photograph, frontispiece, When I Was a Child (1912).

travel volumes, all prior to bringing out his aptly titled 1910 autobiography, A Japanese Artist in Lon- don. Markino fi rst attracted sustained critical and public attention in 1907 with The Colour of London, an elegant book for which he supplied forty-eight color illustrations recording his impressions of this quintessentially western metropolis (fi g. 3). In a sympathetic review, the Asian art specialist Laurence Binyon identifi ed the essential elements of Markino’s varied manner, making special note of his outsider’s portrayal of the teeming, smoky city, which, he maintained, would “reveal to many a Londoner beauties he had never noticed….”4 But most telling was its obvious mix of east and west, announced on the book’s front cover where a striking silhouette of the shining rays of the Japanese “rising sun” was set behind London’s Brompton Oratory (fi g. 4). Anticipating the practice in his two later autobiographies, Markino’s name appeared here in English and in Japanese characters. His British audience could not help being intrigued by what they saw as Markino’s exoticism as well as his particular Asian approach to European subjects. A writer for The Athenaeum was struck in a 1910 review of another Markino book, writing of its illustrations, by “an exotic fragrance that hangs 2 Markino. Autumn, in The Studio, 33 (1904). about these pictures…. The pose of a fi gure here is

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3 Markino. Night: Lights in Piccadilly Circus, in 4 Markino. Cover, W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). (1907).

Oriental; the diff used light of a gas-lamp there sug- he “made quite a name for himself as a speaker of gests a Japanese lantern; the very shop windows considerable wit” at various London gatherings. seem to have been dressed in Tokio.”5 Success in publishing gave him a congenial air. Markino appeared every inch the consummate Once he was overheard at a restaurant asking “a representative of a modern and friendly Japan, the charming and unmarried woman whether she had genial embodiment of an allied nation striving to many grandsons. ‘I mean,’ he said, ‘what books of progress in the western manner. Certainly he pos- yours have gone into edition number two?’” The sessed many qualities which endeared him to his Japanese diplomat Mamoru Shigemitsu noticed, western hosts, namely, an eagerness to adapt his tal- around the time of the outbreak of the First Word ent to British taste and fashion, a generally conserv- War, how Markino had “charmed” British women, ative approach to visual representation (he once especially those in “society.”8 published a diatribe against some contemporary Markino, the man, intrigued his British ac- trends in painting),6 a determination to master the quaintances, especially those who recognized the English language and a marked aff ability which in- Japanese as a proud and noble people. Hind found cluded adding an “r” to his surname so that Britons him courteously diffi dent at the exhibition of his could ﬁ nd it easier to pronounce.7 The journalist Colour of London watercolors, recalling that “while Frank Harris noted his “very considerable com- I was studying his pictures … I was conscious of a mand … of English[,] …. his pronunciation is excel- small, dark-haired ﬁ gure standing in a corner, smil- lent,” while his friend Betty Shephard recalled how ing, and seeming just about as happy as a son of

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Adam can be…. [H]is outlook as an artist is as hap- British reviewer learned fi rst-hand from the artist py and childlike as his appearance.” The arts writer about Japan’s recent metamorphosis when taken M. H. Spielmann, a key Markino benefactor, was “down to Tilbury Dock to see a Japanese ship. We “struck with his quiet dignity, his air of self-respect, expected yellow sails emblazoned with the rising his lustrous, intelligent eyes.” The artist’s friend sun in scarlet, and a captain in a Kimono stuck with and agent Douglas Sladen hit on a point that re- Samurai swords; and we found a Clyde steamer, fl ected a popular British attitude when he recalled with nothing Japanese about it but the crew and the “his chivalry, his warmth of heart … all one has directions on the post-box”11(fi g. 5). The distin- read of the Bushido of the Samurai class….” This guished French critic and Orientalist Léonce Bé- was especially evident, Sladen believed, during that nédite found in Markino a natural personifi cation time when Markino experienced the greatest ad- of the new assimilative Japan, a country that had versity in his struggle to fashion a career in the “exchanged the vividness of their sumptuous dress west, when, with characteristic bravery, he “always for sheep wool jackets and serge coats, not to men- kept his starvation and hardships concealed….” tion the derby and the top hat.”12 Japan’s rapid in- Harris, who interviewed Markino over lunch in dustrial and commercial development, its martial 1910, was able to probe the nature of this particular prowess in the successful war against China in expression of “Bushido.” He found the artist “ex- 1895, its prominent role in joining with Europe and traordinarily intelligent” and a personality through American in suppressing the 1900 Boxer Rebellion whom it was possible “to know something of that (in the process helping to rescue British subjects elusive spirit, the soul of Japan.” Moreover, there trapped in Beijing), could not fail to impress. De- was also steel beneath the serene facade, which feat of Russia in 1905 earned Japan even greater re- Markino expressed as the true spirit of his nation, spect in Britain, long an opponent of Tsarist ambi- as its “Bussidó” (as spelled by Harris). As he ex- tions. A reviewer alluded to this event, and to the plained to an impressed Harris, “Bussidó is beauti- admitted Japanese strength of character, when ful; that gives us the sense of honour and contempt complimenting Markino for his own successful of consequences, courage to bear and dare all things struggle with privation, so movingly recounted in to death and beyond. Bussidó is the soul of Japan.”9 his 1910 autobiography, calling it “an account of true heroism in a humble life—such heroism as is connected with that Japanese ideal of Bushido japan and the british which led the whole nation to sacrifi ce of wealth imagination and life in the recent great struggle with the armed power of Russia.”13 “Bushido” was the bold-faced title of The Observ- While Britain remained neutral in that confl ict, er’s review of A Japanese Artist in London. The word there was no secret about the need to sustain her registered forcefully with chivalric-minded Brit- ally. Naval matters took center stage, and “Japanese ons, helping them to explain Japan’s single-minded sailors trained by the British fought in ships built determination to modernize, not to mention her by the British….”14 (Markino, coincidently, worked recent economic and military successes.10 At the for the Japanese Naval Offi ce in Victoria Street same time, they came to realize that contempo- soon after his arrival in London). Throughout rary Japan was far diff erent from the Romantic this period Japan’s new prominence received rec- feudatory of mid-Victorian memory, from the “at- ognition at the highest levels of British society, titudes queer and quaint” proclaimed in The Mika- including attention from the monarch himself. do. Markino himself signaled the shift in emphasis, King Edward VII, while initially dubious about especially in his penchant for painting the face a relationship with “a yellow race,” came to believe of twentieth-century London. One anonymous it “most essential that we give Japan our hearty

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5 Markino. A Japanese Liner at the Albert Docks, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

support on all occasions when it is possible to do embassy—“Ambassadors were assigned only to so.” Speaking to the German Chancellor in 1904, great powers.”16 he noted how the Japanese “were distinguishing The Edwardians also developed a keen and in- themselves in every direction. Moreover, they were creasingly profound appreciation of Japanese civili- normally in the right.” In the years immediately zation and culture. The previous Victorian era’s following the conclusion of the Anglo-Japanese exhilaration surrounding its ﬁ rst contact with the Alliance, dignitaries traveled back and forth be- strange, yet enchanting, Asian nation had matured tween London and Tokyo. Members of the Japa- in the early 1900s to the degree that Japan had be- nese Imperial family visited Britain in 1905 and come familiar to a wide audience and the subject of 1907 and were welcomed at Edward VII’s court authoritative scholarship.17 When the journalist while in 1906 Prince Arthur of Connaught, the A. M. Thompson made his brief journey to Japan at King’s nephew, went to Japan to invest the Emper- the end of the new century’s ﬁ rst decade, he could or Mutsuhito (the Meiji emperor) with the Order draw on the writing of several of his contemporar- of the Garter, an event that, in the words of Sir ies for useful insights into the character of this East Hugh Cortazzi, “marked the high point in Anglo- Asian power, notably, the works of Arthur Diósy of Japanese relations.”15 Economic ties were also the Japan Society, the traveler Sir Henry Norman tightened. The British Empire was the chief ex- and the editor Alfred Stead. Stead proved particu- porter to Japan and London banks did a great deal larly energetic in advocating Japan’s cause in a se- of business with its ally. Following Japan’s war with ries of books published in Britain between 1902 Russia, Britain upgraded its Tokyo legation to an and 1906.18 Also during these years Japanese-style

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fabrics could be readily purchased at Liberty’s “Mecca of the commercial and producing world,” a Regent Street shop and Japanese prints acquired at site of unrivaled cultural and intellectual appeal, Messrs Yamanaka & Co., also in the West End. Jap- London played host to a multitude of nationalities,25 anese gardens became “all the rage” and it even with the Japanese now occupying a privileged posi- “became the thing to use genuine Japanese garden- tion. For Ford Maddox Hueff er (Ford), “London is ers.”19 Avid readers of Arthur Conan Doyle’s the world town, not because of its vastness; it is vast mysteries in 1903 would not have been entirely sur- because of its assimilative powers …” making it prised that Sherlock Holmes could out-maneuver “the meeting place of all Occidentals and such of the fi endish Professor Moriarty at the Reichen- the Easterners as can come, however remotely, into bach Falls, because he had “some knowledge … of touch with the Western spirit.” Because of the fa- baritsu, or the Japanese system of wrestling….”20 miliarity of this foreign infl ux no one, it seemed, Japanese words such as Samurai and Geisha, in “lifts an eyelid and turns a hair neither for the blue addition to Bushido, acquired broad familiarity silk gown of an Asiatic, [nor for] the white robes of while the, by then, well-known Japanese custom a Moor….”26 of ritual suicide, had earned suffi cient currency to Markino found this degree of indiff erence more be used as a leader for a newspaper article on an than a little curious. In his autobiography he re- incident in Parliament—“From the Cross Benches. called asking a shop keeper if he was interested Hara Kiri.”21 in the fact that he was Japanese, to which the shopkeeper replied, “No, sir.You see, sir, we ‘ave our colonies all hover the world sir—white men, japanese in britain yellow men, brown men and black men are forming parts of the British nation, so I am no curious Markino, like numerous other Japanese at this time, of a Japanese gentleman at all.”27 One Japanese benefi tted from this warm relationship to travel traveler remembered London during the period and take up residence in friendly Britain. “It was just before the First World War for its crowded lucky for me that it happened that our countries streets of white-faced citizens, “streams of two- were allied when I chose London as my home. Not footed creatures, slightly and occasionally tinged only my intimate friends, but all good Britons have by rare splashes of colour in the form of Chinese, such sympathy towards me,” he recollected.22 The Hindus, Africans, and Japanese.”28 In Markino’s artist fl ourished in this congenial setting despite time the number of Japanese residents had in- some early set-backs. His autobiography records creased to include students, diplomats and enter- the many kindnesses and tolerant marks of aff ec- tainers, all of whom had taken advantage of the tion he received from Britons. Remembering the quickened pace of travel from the east that had overt prejudice and hostility he experienced in anti- commenced in the mid-nineteenth century.29 Rob- Asian California, he felt comfortable in Britain be- ert Machray’s light-hearted survey of London cause there (as he said in his vivid way) “Nobody nightlife of 1902 even reported that in the grill- shouted me…. Nobody spat on me!” He especially room of a Piccadilly Circus café “you may per- admired London constables who “are very good- chance see a gay little Jap (four foot six) following natured and very kind to strangers” like himself.23 two pavement ladies (each fi ve foot eight) down to For Markino and many of his countrymen, London supper….” The accompanying illustration, by the understandably became the focus of any British popular artist Tom Browne, recorded the scene visit. It mirrored the “three kingdoms” at large, with good-natured playfulness (fi g. 6).30 The writer what had become, in the words of Antoinette Bur- Arthur Ransome took pride in the friendship of ton, “a multiethnic nation and a site of diasporic Japanese such as Markino and the poet Yone movement….”24 The vast imperial capital, the Noguchi (fi g. 7),31 and in his Bohemia in London

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6 Tom Browne (1870–1910). A Gay Little Jap, in Robert Machray, The Night Side of London (1902).

he thought it not at all unusual that a Japanese artist he knew in Chelsea shared a room with an aspiring British actor.32 Many of Markino’s countrymen similarly prof- ited from a British sojourn. Their number included, in addition to Noguchi, the (admittedly unhappy) novelist Natsume Soseki and painters Busho Hara, Chuzo Matsuyama and Wakun (Kazukuni) Ishibashi (an eager student at the Royal Academy), to name but a few.33 While A Japanese Artist in London is justly famous, others left accounts of their experiences, like Noguchi and Gonnoske Komai and one K. Sugimura, who wrote short pieces with titles like “A Stranger in England” and “A Japanese in England” for The Daily Mail, which were reprinted in Tokyo by the Eng- lish language The Japan Times and paralleled Markino’s similar, but more famous, commentar- ies begun several years earlier in the pages of The Magazine of Art and The English Illustrated Magazine.34 Markino spoke in his autobiography of 7 Markino. Yone Noguchi, in Yone Noguchi, The Story of various Japanese visitors who came through Lon- Yone Noguchi (1914). don around this time, and in a chapter entitled

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“My Japanese Friends,” he remembered joining ertt, Spencer Gore, Harold Gilman, Wyndham student-countrymen who would congregate to Lewis and the Bloomsbury artists Roger Fry, Va- talk or to cook Japanese meals, despite the availa- nessa Bell and Duncan Grant, the Edwardian bility of Japanese restaurants in the vicinity of years were more often identifi ed with the beguil- Bloomsbury and in Soho.35 While Britons could ing opulence of painters like John Singer Sargent generally look with favor on their new Japanese or Giovanni Boldini.38 At this time, also, the infl u- allies, and appreciate in measured increments ence of the recently deceased James A. McNeil their unusual appearance and reserved manner, Whistler was still strong, especially through his their welcoming attitude was frequently tinged atmospheric urban landscapes, as was that of with the insularity and reserve born of long the even older giant, J.M.W. Turner, whose work years of economic superiority and imperial was consistently before the public, especially after dominance. One British periodical caught this 1901, the fi ftieth anniversary of his death.39 Marki- mood by referring to the Japanese Emperor as no’s style, representational and atmospheric, fi t “England’s new junior partner.” In his turn, Marki- the era’s sensibilities exactly (fi g. 8). A perceived no, despite his deep and abiding aff ection for Brit- eastern exoticism, gently applied with Japanese ain, cultivated a cautious attitude towards his new “restraint and suggestion,”40 only augmented its home, fueled as much by innate reticence as by the charm in the minds of a British public already need to balance change and tradition. Conse- accustomed to the attractions of fashionable quently, he was not above off ering measured criti- Japonisme. cism of what he considered less desirable western Edwardian London through Japanese Eyes exam- practices, such as the inordinate prominence given ines Yoshio Markino’s London career as a Japanese to business matters in Britain. “For ‘business’ artist/author whose published illustrations and laughter gets serious, drunkards get sober, friends drawings, along with his critical and autobio- quarrel, and lovers depart each other,” he once ob- graphical writings, off er an exceptional outsider’s served.36 insight into early twentieth-century British life and the new relationship with Japan. Shaped by markino the artist: the reformist orientation of the Japan of his youth, context and sources Markino took advantage of the Edwardians’ deep curiosity about Japanese culture and society as Markino was not an adventurous artist, but this well as their respect for what Alicia Volk has de- could be an advantage in London’s conservative scribed as “a non-Western yet modernized na- art environment. At the time of his arrival, the tion.”41 With work conspicuous for its accessibility British capital had come to be viewed as less artisti- and contemporary relevance, he bridged the cul- cally advanced than contemporary Paris and by tures of Asia and Europe while underscoring 1912 its artists “were already a generation or so be- the nuanced British-Japanese relationship in a fresh hind the European scene” and slow to appreciate way.42 continental developments. This could have star- Yet despite the popularity of his art and writ- tling results, such as what has been described as the ing, and the success he had in evoking the reality Edwardian era’s dismissal of Claude Monet and his and beauty of the distinctly modern urban environ- school. Anna Gruetzner Robins has pointed out ment, his brief career in London between the that “beyond enlightened circles … the British time of Queen Victoria’s death and the First World art establishment was either openly hostile or War has not received sustained investigation. at best indiff erent to French Impressionist paint- Occasionally, his name has surfaced in studies on ing.”37 While the period did see innovative work by London and its famous fogs. Peter Ackroyd, for Augustus John, William Nicholson, Walter Sick- example, followed a discussion of Dickens’ and

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8 Markino. Chelsea Bridge: Early Evening, in W. J. Loftie, The Col- our of London (1907).

Whistler’s admiration of the city’s peculiar atmos- S. Kilpatrick, a Canadian classicist, produced a phere with a pointed reference to Markino, whom small book on Markino’s paintings of Italian sub- he correctly believed “saw the fog as London’s jects as well as a separate, short appreciation of greatest attribute.”43 Brief overviews of his life and his London pictures. More substantial was Kilpat- connections by Carmen Blacker and John Clark rick’s close investigation of the artist’s 1907 hospi- have appeared as part of larger projects dealing tal conﬁ nement, the subject of two memorable with the history of Anglo-Japanese interaction. Ap- chapters in A Japanese Artist in London.46 But the propriately, his work received some scrutiny in the most important recent student of Markino and his 1991 exhibition Japan and Britain. An Aesthetic Dia- work is Sammy Ikuo Tsunematsu, who has amassed logue 1850–1930.44 Mireille Galinou made Markino a splendid collection of original Markino water- the centerpiece of an article on representative art- colors, oils, letters, books and other materials relat- ists of Edwardian London and cited his fascination ing to the artist’s career. He restored Markino’s with fog in her book on paintings of the city.45 Ross reputation by reprinting A Japanese Artist in London,

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to which he appended a highly useful introduc- In the fi nal analysis, however, some of the best tion to Markino’s career and his life in London. material on Markino, in addition to his art, is the In Alone In This World, Tsunematsu gathered to- sizeable body of his own writing in English. Not gether a number of Markino’s published essays and only did he publish frequently on subjects ranging a neglected memoir by Markino’s friend Betty from the Japanese and English theater, London’s Shephard.47 Most recently, my 2004 article “The social fabric, and Japanese children’s games, to cur- Making of a London Samurai: Yoshio Markino and rent events in the Far East and observations on the Illustrated Press in Edwardian Britain,” off ered modern western art, but he also left a considerable a new evaluation of Markino’s early art and career, amount of autobiographical writing which candid- placing it within the context of early twentieth- ly chronicled his ambitions and achievements from century British culture and Japanese studies.48 the standpoint of an Asian seeking his fortune in The present study makes new and extensive the west. From his fi rst article recounting his early use of documents and other primary sources in- life in Britain in a 1903 number of The Magazine of dispensable for any full appreciation of Markino’s Art, through “Essays by the Artist,” a regular fea- art and its reception in the west. While Markino’s ture of the travel books he illustrated, to his famous letters have been widely dispersed, a good deal A Japanese Artist in London, the fi rst of three vol- of his correspondence and related materials are umes of autobiography, Markino left a detailed available in two signifi cant collections. The copi- record of a proud and cultivated Japanese whose ous fi les of Markino’s publisher, Chatto & Windus delight with Edwardian Britain and its endlessly (Chatto & Windus Archives, The Random House intriguing capital adds signifi cantly to our under- Group Ltd.), contain letters to and from the artist standing of Japan’s interaction with Britain in the and his two editors, Philip Henry Lee Warner and key period of their relationship. Percy Spalding. Of even greater value are the papers of Markino’s agent and friend Douglas Slad- en (London Borough of Richmond upon Thames structure of the book Local Studies Collection). The Sladen collection is conspicuous for its large number of Markino The fi rst chapter of Edwardian London through items relating to the two men’s close personal rela- Japanese Eyes, “Japan in Britain,” sets out the intel- tionship as well as the more mundane matters lectual context of British interest in Japan. Building associated with the business of placing essays and on the early contacts with Japan during the Victo- illustrations. Also essential are the numerous no- rian period, Britons, by the turn-of-the-century, tices by British critics that greeted his work in a had begun to fashion an authoritative picture of wide array of period newspapers and periodicals, Japanese civilization. Scholars such as Basil Hall ranging from The Daily Telegraph and The Times Chamberlain, Frank Brinkley and Binyon height- Literary Supplement to the The Saturday Review ened understanding, as did the lectures and printed and The Academy, not to mention those specifi c to proceedings of London’s Japan Society. Japanese the arts like The Studio, The Magazine of Art and opinion, too, was welcomed in Britain, with the The Burlington Magazine. These publications com- writings of such luminaries as Kakuzo Okakura, plimented the many books and essays on Japan and Sei-Ichi Taki and Noguchi readily available in Eng- its culture available to Edwardian readers from lish in books and articles. Appealing to a wider both western experts and Japanese writers who public, popular books on Japan carrying the ac- produced monographs and articles in English, counts of travelers or reports of “unusual” customs some in the respected Japanese magazine Kokka came out with regularity, as did theatrical enter- and others in the proceedings of the Japan Society tainments with a Japanese theme. Markino con- of London. tributed to this British awareness by explaining

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9 Markino. Hyde Park Corner, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910).

Japan and its culture in word, picture and in fre- west. Chapter 3, “Between Two Stools,” studies the quent public talks. artist as synthesizer, one whose attempt to fuse the The second chapter explores Markino’s favorite methods of east and west carried both benefi ts and subject, London’s notorious choking, grey atmos- disadvantages (the chapter title is taken from a re- phere (fi g. 9). Markino loved fog for its aesthetic view unhappy with Markino’s attempt to mix cul- and emotive qualities as well as for its association, tures) (see fi g. 2). This “hybridity” had its origins in in his outsider’s mind, with practical, western mo- the Japan of the artist’s childhood and youth, a set- dernity. He was also fascinated by the way gas and ting from where he watched with curiosity and sat- electric light interacted with this grey envelope and isfaction his country’s opening to European and would have appreciated Ackroyd’s observation that American infl uence. Markino’s outsider’s insights the London fogs “conjured up images of immensi- into the nature of contemporary London, its hu- ty” while making the city’s inhabitants feel “part of man and built environment, forms the theme of a vast process which they themselves [could] hardly Chapter 4. Taking its title from the French writer understand.”49 Léonce Bénédite’s remark about Markino’s unique From the outset, critics of Markino’s work approach to western life—“the mirror of unknown enjoyed analyzing his hybrid style, expending con- genre,” it examines how Markino’s approach to siderable energy separating its Japanese character- London subjects stressed the modern rather the istics from those elements he had absorbed in the celebratory, the information-laden view from the

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street rather than the more customary wide pano- leisure activities (ﬁ g. 11), the issue of female rama (ﬁ g. 10). independence and the struggle for the franchise Markino possessed a deep admiration for Brit- (Markino studied the women’s suff rage movement ish women, prompting him to coin the aff ectionate closely and gave it his full support). The last chap- term “John Bullesses” in their honor. Chapter 5, ter, “Making a Career,” recounts Markino’s eff orts “My Idealed John Bullesses” illuminates his fasci- to forge his vocation as a successful artist/writer. nation with Edwardian women through discus- He assiduously cultivated the support of friends sions of western fashions, shopping and various and patrons in working to master the business of

10 Markino. The Flower-Women at Piccadilly Circus, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

11 Markino. Roller Skating, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

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serves as the conclusion. At this time he was preparing the illustrations for Douglas Sladen’s autobiography, published the following year, while enjoying the satisfaction of having become a minor celebrity in Britain. Yet this success and the com- forts it provided proved but temporary. The outbreak of the First World War signaled a major curtailment of professional opportunities in the arts and publishing. This had devastating consequences for Markino’s fortunes from which he never recovered. When the Indian visitor Behramji Malabari’s The Indian Eye on English Life appeared in 1893, the reviewer for The Times received it favorably: “[He] observes with a friendly, but not uncritical, eye, and he comments on our ways and institutions with the unsophisticated candour of one bred in the East, and imbued with its sentiments and traditions…. [He] gives us a rare opportunity of seeing ourselves as others see us.”50 A decade later Markino would give enhanced resonance to these sentiments. As one American writer observed, 12 Markino. Fulham Road, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910). Markino “seems to know all parts of his beloved London, and to have observed it with the stranger’s open-mindedness and the artist’s sensitive- ness to eff ect.” In picture and word, this gentle exhibiting and publishing. Finally, an account of individual charmed the British, becoming the Markino’s settled life in Kensington (ﬁ g. 12) in the “well-known Japanese author and artist,” the Japa- immediate period up through the summer of 1914 nese Artist in London.51

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hen charles lewis Hind re- by off ering, in the opinion of Laurence Binyon, “a marked on Markino’s burgeoning Lon- sympathetic glimpse into the daily life and land- Wdon career in his August 1902 review of scape surroundings of our new allies.” There was the Whitechapel Japanese exhibition, he also point- certainly much on display: paintings, ukiyo-e prints, ed to some other manifestations of the Japanese sculptures, books, musical instruments, furniture, presence in Britain, such as the recent appearance “a reconstructed … Japanese room, a model of a tea of the ﬁ rst issue of the English language Anglo-Jap- house and a temple….” The fashionable venue add- anese Gazette and the publication of an erudite arti- ed to the show’s appeal. The newly opened gallery, cle on Japanese painting by the well-known author conceived in the latest Art Nouveau fashion by and journalist Arthur Morrison. Unmentioned by C. Harrison Townsend, with an entryway mosaic Hind, probably because it needed no mention, was by painter-designer Walter Crane, mounted exhib- the newly concluded Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Alli- its on provocative movements in western art ance, a major event in the international relations while also off ering insights into “non-Christian of the period that excited British opinion. Much of culture.” The previous year saw an exhibit on Chi- the groundwork for this crucial connection had na and later in the decade the gallery’s patrons were been prepared earlier in the year with the timely introduced to the art of India and several Islamic visit of the Japanese statesman Itō Hirobumi, the countries. Located in a polyglot neighborhood of prime minister responsible for the Meiji constitu- recent immigrants, merchant seamen and foreign tion. An article in Black & White entitled “The Wise laborers, the gallery quickly became a success, no Man From the East,” brimmed with admiration for more so than in August 1902, when Hind reported “the maker of modern Japan,” a nation which had that, “as I write the East-end public are ﬂ ocking to recently seen “established before the eyes of the the Japanese exhibition.”2 world her complete equality with the rest of the Powers.” The piece noted that Itō, “who, of course, speaks perfect English,” merited the highest re- engaging with japan: spect and was “the welcome guest of King Edward” exhibitions, books and during his time in London.1 articles Within this context, the Whitechapel exhibition further enhanced Japan’s visibility in Britain Britons had already seen displays of articles associated with Japanese civilization in the 1850s and, most notably, at the 1862 International Exhibi- Fig. 14: Sir Herbert Beerbohlm Tree at Rehearsal tion held in London.3 This coincided with the

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inauguration of formal relations between Britain by someone “who knows the country better than and Japan, solemnized in the 1858 Treaty of Edo. most Japanese.”9 In a reversal of her long policy of isolation, Japan While in Japan, Chamberlain had met and be- under the reformist Meiji (1868–1912) government friended another expatriate, the American Lafca- soon sought to actively engage with progressive na- dio Hearn, so renowned in the west for his deep tions of the west, in what has been described as engagement with Japanese civilization as to prompt “the collective drive towards modernization.”4 one Edwardian reviewer to observe that he “knew Japan took part in exhibitions in London in 1874, almost by intuition” the “world of Hokusai … the 1883, 1884, 1885, in Edinburgh in1884 and Glasgow world of home, street, and village….”10 Hearn in 1901, culminating in the lavish Japan-British Ex- wrote with eloquence about the timeless traditions hibition of 1910.5 She imported experts in a variety of his adopted home in such works as Gleanings in of fi elds from the United States and Europe to as- Buddha-Fields (1897) and Japan: An Attempt at In- sist with development while sending her own stu- terpretation (1904), published in the year of his dents and offi cials abroad to ascertain the secrets death. To one Japanese, his writing was a welcome of western power. Britons in the late nineteenth- antidote to “the frivolous, and often vulgar, pro- century could, in turn, learn about Japan from the ductions of globe-trotters and other superfi cial reports of travelers and diplomats, and through writers, who regard Japan merely as a land of fan- art and crafts acquired in the east and available for tastic amusements….” But, unlike Chamberlain, sale in Europe and America. Books on Japanese who welcomed Japan’s recent modernization, culture added to this knowledge, such as Sir Ru- Hearn “believed that the Westernization of Japan therford Alcock’s Art and Art Industries in Japan was regressive socially and morally”11 because it (1878), Christopher Dresser’s Japan, its Architec- threatened a uniquely indigenous cultural heritage. ture, Art and Art Manufacturers (1882) and Marcus Also during these years William G. Aston added to Bourne Huish’s Japan and Its Art (1892, serialized in his renown as a specialist in Japanese language and 1888) while Victorian journals such as Blackwood’s literature with a book on Japanese religion, Shinto Edinburgh Magazine, The Art Journal, The Magazine (The Way of the Gods) (1905), and Robert Percival of Art, and The Cornhill Magazine brought knowl- Porter bought out his Full Recognition of Japan edge about Japan to a wider audience through arti- (1911). cles and reviews.6 Captain Frank Brinkley fi nished his multi- By the fi rst years of the twentieth-century inter- volume Japan and China (1904) in addition to writ- est in Japan was fi rmly established and, in the words ing much of the Japan article for the esteemed 11th of one writer at the time, “English books about Ja- edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica (1911). The pan abound.”7 Basil Hall Chamberlain stood out as journalist and traveler to the Far East Sir Henry a leading authority. A long-time resident of Japan Norman left a glowing tribute to Brinkley in his The and professor at Tokyo University who only re- Real Japan (1908): turned to Europe in 1911, he was justly admired for his Handbook of Colloquial Japanese (1888), consid- Captain Brinkley is truly a remarkable man…. His ered a “major contribution” to the study of the Jap- knowledge of the Japanese language, certainly so far as anese language.8 The Edwardian period saw the it is spoken, is much beyond that of any other foreigner; publication of his Practical Guide to the Study of its modern history, its politics, its fi nance, and its for- Japanese Writing (1905) in addition to new editions eign relations, he knows on the whole, it is hardly too of his popular Things Japanese (orig. ed., 1890), and much to say, as well as any Japanese living; as an author- Murray’s Hand-Book to Japan (with W.B. Mason, ity on Chinese and Japanese porcelain and faience he orig. ed., 1890), an indispensable resource that one has no equal, and his collections are famous among con- grateful Edwardian visitor believed was compiled noisseurs everywhere; he is on intimate personal terms

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with the Japanese ministers and the foreign representa- troubled Britons, there were few instances of tives alike….12 palpable tension save for mild annoyance with the offi cial Japanese objections to British military Newspapers, too, kept the British public informed bands playing tunes from The Mikado at offi cial on a wide variety of issues relating to Japan includ- functions.15 ing visits of Japanese dignitaries, relations with Britain, and of course, the progress of the 1904–5 war with Russia. The Anglo-Japanese Gazette (1902- the lure of japanese art 1909), cited by Hind and billed as “a monthly review devoted to the commercial, fi nancial and so- Britons acquired a special fondness for the arts cial interests of the British Empire and Japan,” of Japan. Japonisme, the casual fashion for things supplemented its commercial coverage with arti- Japanese established by the Victorians, lingered cles on art, the activities of British groups such as into the Edwardian period. From the items for the Japan Society, and the latest news about Japan sale at Liberty’s Regent Street shop to the work of and its foreign policy.13 The Times Literary Supple- well known designers Walter Crane and Charles ment, launched in 1902, reported on Japanese and Rennie Mackintosh, the impact of Japan remained East Asian topics by utilizing the services of such strong. Artists of the late nineteenth-century, such learned authorities as Binyon, Charles J. Holmes as Dante Gabriel Rossetti, Aubrey Beardsley and and Brinkley as well as former British diplomats in Whistler, drew signifi cant inspiration from Japan Japan John Harington Gubbins and, most famous, and collected its art. Whistler’s infl uence was Lord Redesdale (Bertram Mitford). Added cover- particularly signifi cant, not only for the Japanese age came from the era’s multitudinous periodicals. elements in his paintings but for his laudatory The venerable Quarterly Review presented extend- acknowledgment of the painting and print master ed essays on current publications relating to Japan Katsushika Hokusai in his 1885 Ten O’Clock Lec- that revealed aspects of the country’s distant past as ture.16 Japanese arts and crafts were acquired by well as the implications of its more recent turn to London museums, a program that accelerated after the west. The Athenaeum reviewed Japan-related the turn-of-the-century. The Victoria & Albert books and gallery exhibitions on a regular basis. (then the South Kensington) Museum purchased Black & White also ran numerous pieces on Japan— examples of Japanese ceramics in 1878 and in 1881 its social life, its topography and (in addition to the and soon added thousands of Japanese prints. Not notable piece on Itō), its leaders. At the same time, to be outdone, the British Museum bought paint- scholars of the east could take pride in the availabil- ings and prints amassed during his time in Japan ity of Japanese studies at London University in 1903 by Dr.William Anderson, author of The Pictorial and, six years later, Gubbins’ lectures on the Japa- Arts of Japan (1886). By the new century both the nese language at Oxford. There were occasional Victoria and Albert and the British Museums would notes of discord, however, in this otherwise harmo- benefi t from the guidance of two Asian experts, nious relationship. Trade rivalry in the Far East Edward Fairbrother Strange and Laurence Binyon could not be ignored but at least one writer saw ad- respectively.17 vantage in competition from an able challenger Artists with careers extending into this peri- which would compel “the west to set its industrial od, such as Frank Brangwyn, Edmund Dulac, and fabric in order.” Talk of a “Yellow Peril,” the notion William Orpen, continued to be infl uenced by the trumpeted by German Kaiser Wilhelm II of a po- east. Some British painters added to their knowl- tential East Asian menace, had little resonance in edge through a visit to Japan. Making the journey Britain, with most agreeing that his worry was were Alfred East, the two “Glasgow Boys,” George “hopelessly absurd.”14 Whatever anxieties may have Henry and Edward Atkinson Hornel, and the

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Australian-born artist Mortimer Menpes.18 Menpes Rembrandt, mixed art with journalism and litera- exhibited his Japanese inspired works in London in ture. He recorded incidents from his life and cul- 1887 and 1897, decorated the interior of his Cadog- tural connections in Art and I and Authors and I, an Gardens home with Japanese objects and, in an both 1921. Reviewing the former, Arthur Clutton- eff ort to reach a wide public, published his book Ja- Brock praised Hind’s “ready interest in all kinds of pan. A Record in Colour in 1901. Notable for its sev- art,” but noted a certain superfi ciality of tone in a enty-fi ve reproductions of his watercolors of writer for whom “art remains an amusement ….”22 traditional and picturesque Japanese life, the ac- Hind’s obituary advanced a kinder assessment, companying text, written by this daughter, took praising his brand of criticism which “served its pri- an aff ectionate line by lauding “that lovely flower- mary purpose of interesting the general public in land of the Far East, which my father has here so art ….”23 Briefl y editor of The Studio, which was his charmingly memorialised in colour.”19 Yet review- “brainchild,” and then of The Pall Mall Budget and ers more familiar with recent developments in The Academy,24 he contributed reviews to The Dai- Japan gently hinted that they wanted more than ly Chronicle where he twice wrote about Markino’s charm when it came to a book on the great emerg- blossoming career. His comments about the Wh- ing power of the east. Menpes, like his two Scottish itechapel Exhibition displayed enthusiasm without contemporaries, had sidestepped the reality of being authoritative, relying as they did on the re- Meiji advancement by communicating a view of search of Arthur Morrison who had “arranged” “an uncorrupted and, above all, unwesternised Ja- the art.25 pan.”20 Early in 1902 a writer for The Speaker ques- Binyon, on the other hand, was far more dis- tioned the omission of “cotton-spinning and other cerning. Terming the exhibition “a rather meagre mills … electric dynamos … the factory chimneys and miscellaneous aff air,” he lamented the empha- of Osaka” in the book, while The Times Literary sis on the ever-popular color prints, “best known Supplement chided Menpes for being seduced by and most prized in Europe, while … the least val- the picturesque, “with nothing here said of those ued in Japan” and the absence of important paint- other sides of Japanese life and civilization which ings which would be “to the Japanese what Giotto, have become so prominent of late, and of which we Mantegna, Leonardo, Titian are to us.” Binyon are destined to hear so much more ….” The well- thought that the true greatness and originality of known exoticism of Menpes’ London home added Japanese art needed to be fully appreciated as noth- to the perception of fancy, confi rming “a suspicion ing less than an aesthetic “which claims a universal that the golden haze of distance has somewhat standard.” With words foreshadowing a future transformed the writer’s experiences in the inter- campaign of educating his countrymen about this val between undergoing them in Kioto and record- formidable and sophisticated nation, he also aimed ing them in Chelsea.”21 to dispel “the current notion of the Japanese as a Yet there were more insightful Edwardians ea- merry childish people, amused at everything, ger to provide a more authoritative picture of Japan, whose art concerns itself only with fans and fl ow- especially its art. Building on recent advances in ers, gaily-attired women, and ferociously squinting scholarship and connoisseurship, they revealed the actors.” Binyon hoped that “some day a loan exhibi- rich artistic heritage of Britain’s newest ally. No one tion may be formed which shall at least adumbrate better exemplifi ed this approach than Binyon, a the range and history of that [Japanese] art—an art sensitive and dedicated student not only of Japan which has maintained its activity and traditions for but of all East Asian civilization. The contrast with more than 1,000 years. Of what European nation Hind was noticeable. Hind, a well-known critic can so much be said?”26 who wrote engagingly on a wide range of subjects, Binyon was one of the era’s most dedicated stu- from J.M.W. Turner to Post-Impressionism and dents of East Asian art. From his base at the British

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Museum, this poet (his famous verses For the Fall- introduction to the Edwardian literary world, en appeared in the early part of the First World members of which included, in addition to Binyon, War), playwright, critic and art historian, investi- Thomas Sturge Moore, W.B. Yeats and Robert gated Japan’s indigenous culture as well its relation- Bridges. “They are so good; they invite me almost ship to China. A Chinese artist later recalled his everyday. They are jolly companions,” wrote Nogu- subdued energy—“his calm, meditative eyes were chi. (In 1913 the American photographer Alvin arresting.”27 Current political realities infl uenced Langdon Coburn produced a striking portrait of Binyon as they had Hind. “Now that Japan has the poet in confi dent profi le that he would use later emerged into a World-Power, it is of great impor- in his book of tributes to the era’s intelligentsia, tance that we should understand her,” he wrote.28 More Men of Mark. He photographed Binyon Marked as “a brilliant … expert” by Redesdale, the around the same time).35 Binyon’s biographer sug- well-known British diplomat in early Meiji Japan, gests that Noguchi was “one of Binyon’s fi rst Japa- now retired and busy completing his memoirs,29 nese friends.”36 Certainly he admired Noguchi’s Binyon served as a frequent commentator for The verse, especially for its modern expression of time- Saturday Review and the The Times Literary Supple- less truth particular to Japan, “the same attitude ment. One newspaper complimented him for “how that we fi nd in the old singers of his country, the delicately and well he analyses the Oriental spirit…. same feeling of the impermanence of things, the He is a writer whose work is never careless and al- same cherishing of elusive and transitory beauty.”37 ways interesting.”30 Binyon’s Painting in the Far East elicited from his friend Holmes, himself the author of works on Jap- laurence binyon and east anese print artists, not simply praise for a work of asian civilization art history but, more important, applause for displaying a broad and informed cultural understand- Binyon contributed signifi cantly to the study of ing of the east in general, an “intimate sympathy Japanese and East Asian civilization. In addition to with Oriental thought and the knowledge of Orien- extensive reviewing duties, he published books tal history and religion which are essential if East- which advanced western understanding of eastern ern art is to be introduced to Western minds.”31 culture, including Pictures by Japanese Artists (1908), From the time of his immersion in the intense Painting in the Far East: An Introduction to the His- Japonisme of the 1890s, he developed an abiding tory of Pictorial Art in Asia, Especially China and love for this far off civilization. As he revealed in a Japan (1908; revised ed. 1913), Japanese Art (1909) 1903 letter, “I have got so much from the East—it and The Flight of the Dragon: An Essay in the Theory has opened a new world of beauty for me.”32 The il- and Practice of Art in China and Japan, Based on lustrator Edmund Dulac, himself an admirer of Original Sources (1911). Building on the earlier col- Japanese art, underscored this deep devotion by ex- lecting of Japanese objects at the British Museum ecuting an amusing caricature of Binyon dressed as by A.W. Franks, Binyon took charge of Oriental a kabuki actor.33 An intellectual and cultural leader paintings and drawings, a sub-department at the during these years, he joined with fi gures such as museum, in 1913, and produced a catalogue of its Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis and William Roth- Japanese and Chinese woodcuts three years later. enstein in the “British Museum Circle,” for art and He believed that East Asian art “impresses us as a literary discussions at restaurants in Soho and whole by its cohesion, solidarity, order, and harmo- along Oxford Street.34 Markino’s comrade Yone ny” and argued for the superiority of eastern per- Noguchi naturally sent him a copy of From the ception.38 “It is the besetting vice of our Western Eastern Sea and this led to lunch and dinner invita- life as a whole, so complex and entangled in materi- tions from Binyon. The poet was delighted by this als, that we do not see things clearly….”39 From this

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emerged a comprehensive theory of characteristics creative art through which both those races have found specifi c to east and west that Binyon’s Painting in so continuous and direct an expression. the Far East attempted to elucidate. In its fi rst chapter, “The Art of the East and the Art of the West” Britain’s imperial role, especially in India, made Binyon set out the essential qualities governing this imperative. “Of all the nations of Europe it is each continent’s artistic outlook. Asian art, in this we who should be most concerned to study and to case the art produced by China and Japan, stood understand the intellectual and spiritual forces out for its emphasis on “linear designs” which “aim which have moulded and remoulded the life of at no illusion of relief, and ignore cast shadows.” Eastern Asia.”42 His commitment to the proper un- Rather than a defect in execution, this approach derstanding of the Japanese made him impatient aimed at deeper meaning. “We fi nd that painting in with anything superfi cial or second-rate, and, in at- the East has carefully eschewed all emphasis on the tacking “fallacies of contented ignorance” about solidity of materials; it ever tends to absorb object Japan, he mobilized his energies in the service of in idea….” Binyon noted how the diff ering western enlightenment.43 tradition, grounded in the Italian Renaissance pro- When Markino’s work appeared in The Colour ject of “the glorifi cation of man,” failed to appeal of London, Binyon took a predictable interest, greet- to the east. In an elegant passage he summed up ing it favorably in a short review brimming with the Asian response: “Not the glory of the naked hu- analytical insight on its east-west character. (Artist man form … not the proud and conscious asser- and critic probably met around this time, no doubt tion of human personality; but, instead of these, all through their mutual friend Noguchi. “I hope thoughts that lead us out from ourselves into the Mr. Markino will come tomorrow or another day,” universal life, hints of the infi nite, whispers from wrote Binyon to Noguchi, probably referring to an secret sources—mountains, waters, mists, fl ower- off er to see some of the British Museum’s holding trees, whatever tells of powers and presences ings).44 Binyon became one of the ranking experts mightier than ourselves….”40 Binyon’s passionate in Britain on Asian art and culture during this pe- devotion to his subject may have gone too far for riod. One review caught the essence of his wide- some, however, with The Edinburgh Review charg- ranging expertise. ing him with attempting “to exaggerate and enhance out of all proportion the merits which orien- Mr. Binyon, in writing of the painting of China and Japan, tal art may actually contain.” The Athenaeum is able to interest and instruct us not only because of his noticed how in his work,“the superiority of the expert knowledge. He is able, again, to bring to bear on Orientals is discreetly insinuated from beginning his subject a wide and sympathetic acquaintance with Eu- to end.”41 ropean art. Thus his book [Painting in the Far East] is not Yet Binyon’s purpose, according to his biogra- merely a history of schools and individual painters, but pher, was essentially to combat “Eurocentrism.” In also a reasoned inquiry into the fundamental principles a telling review of Ernest Fenollosa’s Epochs of Chi- which both separate and unite the art of East and West.45 nese and Japanese Art, Binyon underscored the necessity of this purpose. The infl uential avant-garde critic Roger Fry picked up this theme in his laudatory review of the same China and Japan have begun to impinge on the world of book for The Quarterly Review, observing how our experience, and will aff ect the life of Europe in who Binyon “points the moral, for Western minds, of knows what ways. We shall be foolish if we think to un- Eastern art as an outcome of Eastern life, of life derstand them merely through the material contact of more ordered, more harmonious, a life that does politics and commerce. Their inner life, the secret genius not divorce so completely as ours its ideals from its of their civilization, reveals itself to us above all in the practice.”46

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Like Binyon, Fry joined in an ever widening dis- Japanese art in London.” Rossetti, who wrote on cussion of Orient and Occident that resulted from Japanese art in the 1860s, revisited the subject in his the reality of Edwardian globalization, British im- 1906 memoir where he discussed its “enormous de- perialism and the special relationship with Japan. fects,” especially in contrast to something like the That dismissive characterization identifi ed by Ed- western conception of accurate drawing. He did ward Said as the Oriental “Other,” embracing such not intend this as a reproach, however, but rather an qualities as “irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike, indication of the essential honesty inherent in sim- ‘diff erent,’”47 might not apply to the admired, pro- plicity of approach. “There are enormous defects in gressive Japan. Stead, for instance, wrote approv- Giotto, Fra Angelico, Van Eyck, Mantegna, and Pe- ingly about the special case Japan posed. “Japan has rugino,” he said of European painters often found the advantage that her people can think as thor- wanting in refi nement. Rossetti saw Japanese art as oughly as do the Orientals and act on the result of embodying a primitive directness which could be her thoughts as decisively as do the Occidentals.”48 seen as diff erent from European practice but cer- On one level, the popular fashion for Japonisme, tainly not inferior. “Japanese art has nothing to specifi cally, the “interest in Japanese motifs or ob- ask of European attainment or models; it is an inte- jects because of their exotic or fantastic qualities,”49 gral organism,” he declared. It was the creation of refl ected a popular British view. “semi-barbarians … more instinctive than the art- For Arthur Morrison, however, the Oriental/ ists of other races….” Fittingly, he generously Occidental dichotomy involved a diff erence in over- loaned items from his holdings to the Whitechapel all outlook, so that “in the eye of the Western man- exhibition52 as did an even more determined collec- kind is the centre of the universe, and the chief sub- tor, Arthur Morrison. ject of his art, the rest of creation making little more A writer best known not as an art connoisseur than the background to man; while for the Eastern but as a journalist and novelist of the coarse life of the universe itself is the subject, in which man holds London’s East End, Morrison had acquired, often a place, and no more, with the rest of creation.” Fry from “some dingy marine-store in Wapping or believed that eastern art “is more perceptual and Limehouse,” splendid examples of Japanese art, less conceptual” than that of the west.50 Markino, “probably the richest and fi nest private collection from the perspective of his London base, explained of Japanese painting in Europe,” which was consid- the diff erence of perception by quoting one of his ered at the time “a synopsis, wonderfully complete, Japanese art teachers: “If you want to paint out the of the whole history and development of Japanese reality you had better learn the Western art, or pho- painting.”53 “On the face of it there is small connec- tography…. Our aim in the art is that of aesthetic tion between the Art of Japan, and the Tales of Mean and poetic feeling which conveys our emotion….”51 Streets of London,” wrote Hind recalling Morri- son’s most famous book, but he “found the study so absorbing that he has become one of the few ex- collectors perts on Japanese Art in this country.”54 Possessed of what one critic called “a unique knowledge and The scholarship championed by Binyon and others understanding of the principles of Japanese and complimented the activities of British collectors of Chinese art,”55 his numerous articles culminated in Japanese art. The noted authority William Michael 1911 in a large, elaborately illustrated, two volume Rossetti had shared his brother Dante Gabriel’s af- study, The Painters of Japan. Markino reviewed fection for Japan and, as a consequence, proudly Morrison’s magnum opus for The English Review acquired numerous examples of its art. In the fa- and visited the author’s suburban Loughton home mous words of Arthur Lasenby Liberty, Rossetti to see his admired collection of original works used had become nothing less than “the fi rst pioneer of for the book’s plates. To his mind these “exquisite

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books” set “the standard for the Westerners to Study of the Japanese Language, Literature, Histo- study Japanese Art” and were the creation of a ry and Folk-lore, of Japanese Art, Science and In- scholar whose thorough understanding of the sub- dustries, of the Social Life and Economic Condi- ject made him “more Japanese than most Japa- tion of the Japanese People, past and present, and of nese.”56 Like other serious students of Japanese all Japanese matters.”63 Notable members were Ar- culture, Morrison strove to expose westerners to thur Diósy, later author of The New Far East (1898), the best in Japanese art, too long misunderstood, he who, with Daigoro Goh, of the Japanese Consulate, believed, because of a superfi cial acquaintance with became an honorary secretary, Liberty, the dealer “knick-knacks” and the popularity of eighteenth- in eastern textiles, the painter Alfred East and Hu- and nineteenth-century prints. He aimed high, ish. Honorary members included Chamberlain, revealing “the greater arts of the Far East—the Brinkley, Gubbins and Okakura.64 Its meetings fea- sculpture and painting, as distinguished from the tured lectures by British scholars and those with subordinate departments which for so long repre- some personal experience of Japan as well as talks sented eastern art among Western amateurs….”57 by Japanese experts and diplomats. One reviewer speculated on Morrison’s develop- Most of the presentations refl ected serious ment as a connoisseur: “Mr. Morrison probably be- learning, with titles like “Sword Ornaments of the gan by sharing in the fashionable interest in Japa- Goto Shirobei Family” or the “Pottery of the Cha- nese colour-prints which was noticeable some no-yu.” Others were more in line with Diósy’s dic- twenty years ago. But when once interest was tum that “one of the chief aims of the Japan Society aroused it became impossible not to go further, and was to stimulate and encourage an interest in things so the student with a genuine taste must be led Japanese on the part of those who had not hitherto backwards to the foundations of Japanese art.”58 been brought within the magic circle of the stu- Yet Morrison believed he was simply countering dents of Japan-lore; the Society, therefore, wel- what he called “a certain Caucasian arrogance of comed in their midst many such who were having view,” which found it diffi cult to believe that a coun- their attention drawn to Japanese matters perhaps try as small as Japan could produce such a range of for the fi rst time.”65 Nevertheless, the society main- great art.59 Binyon used his close friendship with tained high standards in aiming to present a true Morrison to eventually enable the British Museum and correct picture of Japan. Talks were edited and to buy the writer’s collection, fi rst with the acquisi- published regularly under the title Transactions and tion of more than a thousand ukiyo-e prints in 1906 Proceedings of the Japan Society, London. From 1896 and then over six-hundred paintings in 1913.60 to 1910 Huish served as its editor, a tenure which saw a discernable improvement in British appreciation of Japan and its culture.66 Articles on Japanese the japan society and art became a regular feature. Although Japanese japanese voices visitors submitted contributions, British writers took the lead in essays which confi rmed their ever Adding to informed knowledge about Japan was more sophisticated critical expertise. Huish wrote one of the “most energetic of the learned Societies on the reception of Japanese art in England, Strange of Great Britain,” the Japan Society.61 Mindful of its on Toyokuni I, Hiroshige and Kyosai, Stuart Dick importance, Markino took care to bring his Colour on the Kano school of painting, and Samuel Tuke of London to its attention as soon as it came out, and on the selection of Japanese prints. Insights on the when his friend Noguchi fi rst circulated his poems, history of Japanese painting came from none other the society’s library received an advance copy.62 than Binyon. From the time of its inaugural meeting 1892, the This British enthusiasm extended to seeking Japan Society aimed at “the Encouragement of the out the latest opinions from Japan. Markino’s

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successful publishing career only confi rmed the concerned about the eff ect of westernization on Edwardian appetite for Japanese writing in Eng- traditional Japanese art, “the mighty tide of West- lish. The Proceedings of the Japan Society carried es- ern ideas” as he put it in Awakening, he believed says on Japanese art by Kosaburo Itō and Noguchi, that his people must continue to “choose in West- as did many of the more notable London periodi- ern institutions only what was consistent with our cals. The Studio took the lead in facilitating cultural Eastern nature.”68 Another prominent Japanese exchange by publishing several articles on Japanese expert whose work appeared in English at this time painting and design by Japanese authorities intent was Sei-Ichi Taki, Professor at Tokyo Imperial Uni- on illuminating the true character of their nation’s versity. He shared some of Okakrua’s views on cul- art. For example, Okakura, president of Tokyo’s In- tural identity, writing in 1905 of the “especially stitute of Fine Arts (Yanaka Bijitsu-in or Nihon Bi- marked … diff erence between the styles of the East jutsu-in) presented an overview of “the state of and the West,” with the result that to the “Occiden- Japanese art at the present day.” He achieved con- tal” viewer “Japanese painting naturally strike the siderable renown in the west through articles and unaccustomed eye as something very quaint and his books Ideals of the East (1903), praised by Binyon fanciful….” Holding that the “wide gulf dividing for its “extraordinary interest” as well as its “per- national tastes is but the inevitable outcome of dif- fectly accurate, idiomatic, and even eloquent Eng- ferences in racial character, habits, customs, histo- lish,”67 and The Awakening of Japan (1904). Okaku- ry and traditions,” he identifi ed what he believed ra’s fame in Britain was matched in the United was a crucial disparity when he accused western States where he catalogued the Japanese collection painters of expressing their own reaction to the ob- at Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts and organized ex- ject depicted rather than, as with the eastern artist, hibits of his followers’ art in New York and Wash- “the idea inherent in the object itself.” Taki consid- ington, D.C. ered the “objectivity” of the former responsible for At the beginning of Awakening Okakura ob- the western love of portraiture, “as though it were served how the “sudden development of Japan has nobler and grander than other themes.” By con- been more or less of an enigma to foreign observ- trast, the Japanese artist could probe and reveal the ers…. In spite of the vast sources of information at spiritual essence in such mundane things as stones, the command of the West, it is sad to realize to-day animals and foliage.69Taki was a prolifi c writer dur- how many misconceptions are still entertained con- ing this period and an important spokesman for cerning us.” Crucial was an understanding of Ja- Japanese art. In 1910, the year two of his articles ap- pan’s unique ability to synthesize: peared in The Studio, he published his Three Essays on Oriental Painting. His infl uence grew with his Japan has … assimilated whatever ministered to her connection to the prominent Japanese art periodi- mental needs, incorporating the gift as an integral part cal Kokka. Called by Morrison “splendid” for its of her thought-inheritance. The hearth of our ancient revelations of the “secrets of the great collections,” ideals was ever guarded by a careful eclecticism, while Binyon considered it “absolutely indispensable” the broad fi elds of our national life, enriched by the fer- for the foreign student.70 With Okakura as one of tile deposits of each successive inundation, burst forth its founders, Kokka. An Illustrated Monthly Journal into fresher verdure. The expenditure of thought in- of the Fine and Applied Arts of Japan and the other volved in synthesizing the diff erent elements of Asiatic Eastern Countries, published in Tokyo in 1889, with culture has given to Japanese philosophy and art a free- an English edition in 1905, understandably empha- dom and virility unknown to India and China. sized Japan and the need to satisfy “the growing interest taken by Occidentals in Japanese arts….” This facility likewise applied to the current im- Its fi rst English issue, moreover, addressed a timely pact of Europe and America. Understandably point dear to Okakura, one which cautioned that

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while Japan had recently “borrowed” much from portraits … reminiscent of a Japanese kakemo- the west, “she has cultured institutions peculiarly no.”76 In 1908 Burlington published a long essay on her own, pre-eminently the arts in which our peo- an important American collection of Japanese ple have, in the course of centuries, evolved quali- color prints and the following year an article by ties of sterling merit.”71 Taki served as editor during Morrison on painting in China and Japan.77 the Edwardian period, the time marked by a com- Periodicals geared to a wider audience also car- mitment “to present such ideas as may lead for- ried short pieces on a variety of Japan-related top- eigners to an intelligent appreciation of Japanese ics, usually supplemented with abundant original painting.”72 art and photographs. A 1904 article in The English Illustrated Magazine admitted, “It is diffi cult for the Western mind to rightly estimate the true value of periodicals and japanese art Japanese art…. [T]he majority of persons still cher- ish a secret contempt for the bizarre eff ects pro- British art periodicals also took a lively interest in duced by the Oriental artist,” despite its many Japan and its culture. In the 1890s Spielmann’s merits. But, as a 1911 essay by one Baron Orbeck Magazine of Art presented its readers with some in- proclaimed, when it came to an artist like Hokusai, sights into the art of Hokusai by Siegfried Bing, a “the best known to us of all the Japanese artists,” leading Parisian collector, dealer and writer on Japan had produced someone on the level of Japanese art and the founder, in 1888, of the sort- England’s foremost painter, J.M.W. Turner, “with lived journal Le Japon Artistique.73At the beginning whom he rightly shares the fame of being the great- of the new century the Magazine of Art ran articles est landscape painter of the world.”78 Black & White, not only on Okakura’s innovative approach to Japa- one of the “great illustrated news-weeklies,” pub- nese art education but also on a then relatively un- lished articles about Whistler and his debt to Japan known Japanese artist in London, Yoshio Marki- but also about the less known artist Morley Fletch- no.74 The Studio, as has been seen, also regularly er, Professor of Art at Reading University, who featured important material on the art of the east executed wood-cuts in the Japanese manner and in by a range of English and Japanese authorities. The the process “gives a hand of honest welcome not elegant Burlington Magazine, conspicuous for its only to the fresh fancy and ideal imagination of the large format, profuse illustrations and distin- land of chrysanthemums, but also to the practical guished contributors, had as its managing director hints given by those deft little yellow fi ngers of and co-editor a devoted student of Japanese art, Hiroshige and his fellow-craftsmen.” The article’s Charles J. Holmes. Many of its articles during this author also took pains to point out that Fletcher period explored Japan or its infl uence on the west. was British and “not a Jap.”79 Reviewing a major Whistler exhibition in London The use of the word “Jap” by Britons and its soon after the artist’s death in 1903, Bernhard Sick- gradual disappearance from genteel discourse ert, brother to Walter Sickert and also a painter of points to a further instance of growing respect for “talent and taste,”75 highlighted for the Burlington’s Japan during the Edwardian period. From Robert readers the great American’s connection with Ja- Machray’s “gay little Jap” of 1902 (see fi g. 6) saun- pan, from his status as “one of the fi rst collectors of tering in Piccadilly Circus to Pugh’s 1912 depiction Japanese prints and pottery,” to his models in Ori- of “Japs” living among the other foreign multitudes ental costume, to his placing of “a spray of fl owers in the East End, the word, while often tinged with or a branch from the edge of the canvas … the gen- xenophobic prejudice refl ective of the discomfi ture eral placing and composition involving the very which surrounded the entry of Asian and eastern bold device of a high horizon and the cutting off European immigrants at this time (the 1905 Aliens of fi gures” to the “extreme length of most of his Act was largely directed at Russian Jews),80 in truth

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more often denoted merely an earthy familiarity Egyptians liked to compare themselves to the Japa- with the Japanese. Indeed, the Black & White article nese, “as an example of an Oriental people ready to on Fletcher brimmed with admiration for the “great take its place among the Western nations” but in little Jap” doing his part in helping the western truth when they encountered the west their civili- powers suppress the Boxer Rebellion, then raging zation was in decline at the same time when Japan, in China. Markino’s friend Douglas Sladen claimed which had “never been conquered,” was “fl ourish- that in his 1892 Japs at Home he had “enriched the ing in full vigor.”84 English language with a word—Japs…. Some The publication of Japs at Home, the fi rst of thought it was undignifi ed; some thought it would several books based on his Japanese experienc- incense the Japanese.” But in his memoirs he noted es, marked Sladen’s “laying the foundation of my with pleasure that “Japan’s great poet, Yone Nogu- career as a travel-book writer.” His novel, A Japa- chi, and the Japanese publicist, T.G. Komai, use it nese Marriage, appeared in 1895 followed a few in their books, which are written in English” so he years later by a sequel, Playing the Game, which felt no regret in his creation, although he neglected contained a character whose altered attitude to note that Diósy had already condemned “this towards Japan mirrored that of Britain itself. Slad- slipshod vulgarity.”81 The use of the word again in en wrote, “When he [ex-Grenadier Sir Randolph Sladen’s Queer Things about Japan fueled Binyon’s Rich] went to Japan in 1894 he regarded them [the negative assessment of the book—“the view of the Japanese] as a nation of conceited monkeys, and ‘Japs,’ as the writer loves to call them”— seemed treated them with the utmost arrogance and con- particularly inappropriate given the recent course tempt. In 1904 he thought them the fi nest foreign- of world events,82 wrote Binyon. ers in the world.”85 The year 1903 saw Sladen’s Japanese short story “Place aux Dames” (with two illustrations by Markino) and the publication of reaching a wide audience Queer Things about Japan, a book in which Sladen openly disclaimed any pretension to probing in- Sladen embodied a more casual and popular con- sight. “Here I am only chronicling the sight of nection to Japan, one which may have infl uenced Japan. I am putting off , until I have visited Japan his friend Markino’s gentle approach to cross cul- again, the book which I mean to write about the tural understanding. For Sladen, Japan was noth- proud history, the glorious art, and the national ing less than a life-long love, especially after a stay life of the great people who have, without any par- of nearly a year in that country. His excitement at allel in the annals of Asia, made themselves one fi rst approaching the coast of Japan was memora- of the Eight Civilized Powers.” It combined chap- ble. “The East, the Far East, which I had heard ‘a- ters on religion, festivals and the great cities Tokyo calling’ all my life, was right within my grasp. In a and Yokohama, with sketches on the historical few hours’ time I should be standing on the shores English visitor Will Adams, “The Founder of the of fanciful and mysterious Japan ….” When it came Japanese Navy,” on “The Humour of Japanese Ho- time to return to England, there was more than a tels,” “The Smiling Riksha Man” and “The Chi- hint of regret. “We were truly sorry to leave Japan. nese Men-Dressmakers of Japan.” It went through I should be quite content to be living there still ….” four editions by 1913.86 The experience was evidently transforming for As already noted, the serious-minded Binyon his career as a writer, making him “the author who gave Sladen’s book a short, scathing review, ob- has been to Japan” and whose books on that coun- serving how it “disclaims all pretensions to seri- try would sell in large numbers.83 His reaction to ousness,” save for the “serious” mis-attribution of Japan colored many of his other books such as several illustrations to Hokusai. “For audacity of Egypt and the English where he noted how the innocence this is hard to beat,” he wrote.87 Towards

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the close of Queer Things Sladen included a chapter authenticity and darling about his collection of Japanese objects (see of the gods fi g. 149) and a miniature garden he set up in his London home, “the fl at in Kensington, where I Despite its invitation to Sladen, the Japan Society keep my Japanese treasures, none of which interest and most of its members actively challenged casual my friends more than my Japanese toy-garden … Edwardian perceptions of Japanese civilization. which has been the envy of the Japan Society it- This stance was underscored when Diósy, its self.” Lovingly, he enumerated its various orna- Chairman by 1901, became involved in a minor ments: “the beautiful little Japanese farm-house, controversy over the authenticity of the Japanese- with a steep-pitched, thatched roof, with one of the themed play Darling of the Gods, which opened in distorted Japanese fi r-trees growing up it … a fi ve- London in 1903. What appeared on the stage was storied pagoda … one of the rainbow ark bridges important, although The Times may have overstat- so typical of Japan….” Plantings presented a speed its infl uence when writing that “it is only cial challenge. “The attempt to introduce dwarf through the theatre that most of us can know our trees gave me a great deal of trouble…. The trees Japan ….”92 The London theater had indeed invariably died, so I had to cast about for substi- brought to Britons the delights of Japan beginning tutes. Violets in their season I found very good— with the incomparable Mikado and continuing perhaps the size of the buildings can best be with Sidney Jones’ The Geisha of 1896, which ran brought out by saying that the violet leaves towered for 760 performances. Both were enthusiastically over them.”88 More Queer Things about Japan, revived by the Edwardians. which followed in 1904, proved to be more of a By the turn-of-the-century the Japanese actress pastiche, with authorship shared with his friend Sada Yacco would captivate British audiences as Norma Lorimer and the inclusion of early seven- would the drama Madama Butterfl y. Giacomo Puc- teenth-century letters from the navigator Adams cini, inspired by seeing a London production of the and, most curiously, an early nineteenth-century play, went on to write his famous opera which Japanese account of Napoleon, Alexander the opened at Covent Garden in the summer of 1905. Great and other western notables— translated for David Belasco and John Luther Long, creators of Sladen by Markino.89 The same year saw the publi- the original play, followed up their success with a cation of his Japan in Pictures. In 1911 Sladen ad- second piece inspired by Japan, Darling of the Gods, dressed a meeting of the Japan Society with the produced by Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree at His topic, “The Japanese, As I Have Known Them.” Majesty’s Theatre at the very end of 1903. By this Although billed as a “great authority” able to dis- time westerners had become more discerning when course about Japan “their glories in the past and it came to depictions of the east. A letter to The their vitality at the present day,”90 such words owed Times pointed out, for instance, that Britons were more to fl attery, hospitality and a recognition of now suffi ciently familiar with the Japanese lan- Sladen’s fruitful time in Japan then to any depth of guage so as to readily spot errors in such things as scholarly expertise. Sladen made no secret of his stage dialogue.93 Diósy, who had not been entirely lack of sophistication when it came to such “sub- satisfi ed with the results of the small amount of ad- jects like the wonderful Japanese porcelain, or the vice he had tendered during the production of the solemn Japanese tea-ceremony,” topics which were light-hearted Geisha, felt obliged to criticize Dar- usually the mainstay of the Society’s meetings. ling of the Gods for some of the costumes, parts of Instead he appeared “before you as a writer of the dialogue and a number of historical errors and, many books of travel, to give you the impressions as a result, got into a public quarrel with Tree.94 I formed of the Japanese themselves during my Yet Darling’s producer had his own expert advi- long and happy stay in the country.”91 sor, none other than the Japanese-born Markino.

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Spielmann had arranged the connection. Markino instruction to the leading actress, Lena Ashwell, recalled hearing from Spielmann that Tree “was go- who played the part of Yo-San. She deeply appreci- ing to reproduce a Japanese play … I might be use- ated his help with “the movements and manners ful to help for him.”95 Tree no doubt thought that it and make-up.”101 Responding to criticism that her would be good publicity to involve a Japanese. As it face was still “too European,” he pointed out a entered production, this eff ort at authenticity won western misconception about Japan which would approval from an increasingly discerning press. have been very prevalent in this period, based on “‘Japanese’ plays in England have not always, to put people “who look only on Japanese prints, conven- it kindly, been mounted in a manner at all satisfac- tional pictures, and have not been in Japan, and so tory to those who know Japan, but in the present think all Japanese eyes are like the fox’s; but his is instance accuracy will be secured, as Mr. Tree has not so.” To get the right eff ect “Miss Ashwell stud- asked the assistance and advice of a well-known ied my face—and I am pure Japanese blood—so if Japanese artist, now resident in London,” wrote I show my sister’s photo, people could hardly tell The Academy, with other papers picking up the which is Miss Ashwell and which is my sister.” He same refrain.96 Tree made much of this connection also “gave a few hints to the chief artistes as to ges- and later publicly thanked Markino for his help. tures” which seemed to work well especially “when “Sir Herbert Tree is indebted to Mr. Yoshio Marki- Prince Kara spills the hot tea on his hand Princess no for his supervision of Japanese manners and Yo San wipes his hand with her sleeve, this is very customs.”97 For the 100th performance (March 23, Japanese.” He praised Ashwell’s “snakey move- 1904) Tree commissioned a souvenir program with ment, which is very Japanese” and reminiscent of lavish color illustrations of incidents in the play, “Kikugoro, a famous actor who played so well “specially drawn” in the Japanese style by Markino, woman part, for in Japan we have not women ac- based on pictures he had already published in The tors….” The amorous aspect of the play also evoked Queen98 (fi g. 13). Markino also immortalized Tree’s a comment: “the English love-making on stage is to “Japanese” persona in a sketch for The Academy, my mind like ‘toff y’—too sticky. In Japan it is more presenting the actor draped in a black cape, gestur- delicate, more like “wisky-and-soda” but “the love ing with an open fan in his hand (fi g. 14). scene in the third act of this play is now perfect. Markino’s help with authenticity, the experi- Japanese have a heart like Englishmen, but religion ence of the “real Japan,” extended to taking Tree prohibited love and that made us hypocrites.” and some other theatrical friends to one of Markino was most satisfi ed with the play’s fi fth act London’s Japanese restaurants where the party “sat because it demonstrated the historic “‘bushido’ or on the cushions and ate Japanese food with chop- ‘Samurai’ spirit, to live and to die for glory….” sticks.”99 Tree said to Markino “‘Now I feel my- While he admitted, “[i]t is not a Japanese play,” self quite Japanese.” One task Markino undertook there was much in it reminiscent of Japanese was to work with “‘extra’ ladies and supers” to theater. “Those who love Japan will go to Mr. Tree’s “make them ‘real Japanese ….” He was instructed theatre and will recognize with some satisfaction ‘‘to be very particular for everything, and not a many features that belong to my beloved native bit of mercy for that.’” The task was diffi cult for country,” he wrote.102 Yet despite Markino’s eff orts, these women. “Every word of mine was the rule the question of authenticity, which Diósy had raised for them… [T]hey were so wonderful the way but later modifi ed when he praised the sets and cos- every one of them caught the real spirit of Japan.” tumes while suggesting that the play’s problems His duties were varied and arduous. “Besides the were “defects of the authors,” resonated else- daily rehearsal, I had to look after costumes, coif- where.103 The critic for The Academy, in a review fure, and scenery paintings, to see if all the details which appeared opposite Markino’s description of were correct.”100 He also provided knowledgeable the production, summed up Darling wonder fully.

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13 Markino. “The Darling of the Gods,” at His Majesty’s Theatre, in The Queen (January 2, 1903). © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

“Mr. Gilbert’s ‘The Mikado’ has made the path no that local detail, we must leave to the Japanese [sic] easy one for the dramatist who would write a seri- Society; no such questions are likely to trouble the ous play of Japanese life,” read the notice, conclud- playgoer ….”104 Tree revived the play in 1914 and ing that despite its Japanese “adornments, which again called on Markino whose singular authority are, in truth, gorgeous,” the play itself seemed less was recognized at the very outset in one light- eastern and more like Shakespeare or Victorin Sar- hearted review: “We must ‘wish,’ in the language of dou, still remembered for La Tosca (1887). The the play, ‘to honourably acknowledge’ (for in this Times agreed but felt that current expertise about Japan, while you may not crush butterﬂ ies, you may Japan should not interfere with enjoyment of the freely split inﬁ nitives) Mr. Yoshio Markino’s super- play. “Questions as to the correctness of this and vision of Japanese manners and customs in the

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a friend that he had just seen “a very interesting Japanese play called Typhoon.” 106

markino speaks for japan

Markino took other opportunities to instruct Britons eager to enhance their knowledge of Ja- pan. One of the full-page illustrations he executed for The Queen in 1904 had the descriptive title “Sho-Bu-Kwan” School of Fencing in Japan (fi g. 15). Although his name was only credited to the drawing, he may also have advised on the descriptive text which appeared below it. Earlier, he had both written and illustrated two articles for The English Illustrated Magazine: the 1902 “How Japanese Children Celebrate the New Year” (fi g. 16), and the following year “The True Story of the Geisha” (fi g. 17). “Some Thoughts on Old Japanese Art” appeared in The Fortnightly Review in 1910 and was later included in his Recollections and Refl ections of a Japanese Artist. Autobiographical essays, appearing in The Magazine of Art in 1903 and The Colour of London and Oxford from Within, set the stage for his most celebrated work, A Japanese Art- ist in London, with its memorable “impressions”107 of England. Similar insights could be read in Markino’s 1912 articles in The Daily Mail and The Evening News, on such topics as “The Five O’Clock. Some Impressions of London at Tea,” “Kew Gardens through Japanese Eyes,” writings which emphasized the reactions of an Asian 14 Markino. Sir Herbert Beerbohlm Tree at Rehearsal, in visitor to some representative aspects of British The Academy (January 2, 1904). life. Markino also did not neglect his role as interpreter of Japan for a British audience. When the Meiji Emperor died, a piece called “Our dead Mi- present revival … It is a comfort to have all the airs kado,” appeared with details of the imperial life and graces of this engaging country thus certifi ed as and its peculiar nature. “First of all, you must un- correct—a collection of curios not merely beautiful derstand what the Mikado means to his nation. but authentic.”105 When Laurence Irving mounted He is quite divine,” wrote Markino.” Other arti- Melchior Lengyel’s Typhoon in 1913, its Japanese cles from “the well-known Japanese author and theme made it natural for him too to call Markino artist,”108 added to his renown as did his books, in for the kind of advice which may have contribut- most of which included autobiographical refer- ed to the production’s success, as noted by The ences to his life in Japan. Most instructive was his Times and at least one Japanese visitor who wrote to 1912 When I Was a Child which not only supplied

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15 Markino. “Sho-Bu-Kwan” School of Fencing in Japan, in The Queen (June 4, 1904). ©Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

details of Markino’s early years, such as his dili- I so often meet with the English peoples who express gence with his lessons (fi g. 18), but also revealed their mad admiration of Japan. Of course there are sev- fascinating glimpses of Japan’s fi rst steps towards eral who really understand everything Japanese, but in a engaging with the western world. The journalist greater majority they make me quite disappointed. May Harold Hannyngton Child found it informative I call those peoples curio-lovers? … I am much afraid and useful, for “explaining … much of the Japa- these peoples shall get tired of Japan sooner or later.110 nese mind and the Japanese education which may yet be dark even to students of Japanese life.” An Often Britons, in their enthusiasm, betrayed unin- American reviewer thought it satisfi ed an impor- tended ignorance. When he had western friends in tant need. “Books about the Japanese and their to admire his new rooms in Redcliff e Road he was country are frequent enough, but they are usually amused when they pointed to a non-existent exoti- written by anyone except a Japanese. Therefore, a cism. To one visitor who exclaimed of the fl at “Oh Japanese autobiography written in English for an how Japanese!” he replied everything was English English-speaking public is surely rare enough in save a fi gurine on the mantlepiece. “But, Mr. Marki- itself to be desirable….”109 no, you have chosen the colours quite Japanese!” Markino realized its utility as he continually In fact the choice was aided by “a pure Englishman” strove to improve British knowledge about Japan: in Wigmore Street, was his reply.

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16 Markino. Koma, in “How Japanese Children Celebrate the New Year,” The English Illustrated Magazine (December, 1902).

the japan-british exhibition Ancient Treasures.” Remarkable things were there to be seen and admired. As The Daily Express put The appearance of A Japanese Artist coincided with it, “Japan has sent the treasures of a thousand an event of major importance to Britain’s engage- years to London to give her British friends some ment with Japan, the Japan-British Exhibition, conception of the wondrous art of the East, and the which opened on May 14, 1910. Billed as the “Great- enthusiasm of the people who viewed them for est Exhibition in History” on the two nations, the the ﬁ rst time made their custodians fairly wriggle chief interest, despite the inclusion of a selection of with satisfaction.”112 The Japan Society participated British paintings, was Japan, and the desire “to give with predictable delight and “in response to their the public in this country a clear idea both of old application a space was allotted to them by the and of new Japan.”111 Going far beyond what had promoters, which the Japanese Commission most been mounted at Whitechapel eight years earlier, courteously undertook to decorate as a mark of there were “Japanese Scenic Halls,” “Horticultural their esteem for the Society’s eff orts towards the Marvels,” artisans (“Japan’s Famous Wares in the rapprochement of the two empires.” The painter Making”) at work, wrestlers and theaters and per- and writer Charles Ricketts declared, “it would be haps most important, a “Unique Display of Japan’s almost impossible to overestimate the importance

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17 Markino. The Modern Geisha Dancing at an Entertainment, in “The True Story of the Geisha,” The English Illustrated Magazine (December, 1903).

18 Markino. I Used to Sit Down all Day and Read, in When I Was a Child (1912).

of the exhibition of Japanese masterpieces of sculp- hand study hitherto unknown in Europe….” A ture and painting now on view” Huish considered writer for The Athenaeum appreciated the “invalu- the art section an exceptional occasion, “a display able” opportunity to examine older paintings “so so large that a portion only could be shown on the rarely seen in England” while a counterpart at The walls at one time,” and which “may never be repeat- Art Journal praised the overall quality of what was ed, certainly not for many years.” The sentiment displayed.113 was echoed by Binyon who saw this and other re- This excitement led to greater reﬂ ection on the cent exhibits as “aff ording opportunities of rst-ﬁ inestimable value of the Japanese vision and the

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ability of Britons to fully value its worth. Writing Ogata Kōrin, “well represented … with his gor- for The New Age, Cicely Marshall wondered if ordi- geous decorative art…. Perhaps he was the most nary citizens, with what she considered their gener- original artist in Japan to begin to think about ally low level of artistic appreciation, could ade- broad eff ect,” and the popular ukiyo-e artists quately “appreciate to the full the artistic wonders Hokusai and Kitagawa Utamaro.116 His words, which have been displayed,” and especially the while often fi lled with descriptive richness and overriding concept of “the universal in art” inher- some keen judgements, did not approach the eru- ent in the Japanese aesthetic. Binyon had earlier dite depth of the criticism of such a leading fi gure voiced similar skepticism, thinking the art displayed as Binyon. Consider the latter’s praise of a work by at Shepherd’s Bush “wonderful” and yet questioned Iwasa Matabei (Shōi) shown at the exhibition: it “if the English public appreciated the extraordinary “has the quality of Greek work, in innate power of compliment which Japan has paid it” by sharing style which can take a group of men and women “the fi nest examples of their greatest masters of all and seize their natural pose and gesture and yet periods.”114 leave us with a sense of being admitted to a world Markino attempted to help his British friends of choice and beauty.”117 understand the treasures which had been made Markino freely admitted his own limitations. available from a generous ally. He greeted the “I confess I am not an ‘expert,’” he once wrote, opening of the exhibition with excited expectation, agreeing with Morrison that it would be a mistake keen interest and deep national pride. From Japan to assume “that any Japanese, merely by virtue of his friend Busho Hara had written to remind him nationality, must be a critic trained in the judgment to take special note of how Britons responded to of Japanese picture….”118 And yet he was an in- the displays. Markino probably visited the exhibi- formed and thoughtful writer who could contrib- tion many times. He took particular interest in the ute to western understanding of Japan at a time simple, unaff ected Japanese artisans who were in when Britons were eager for such knowledge, and residence for the event, the “Soul of Japan” as he would have taken an understandable pride in the called them, and escorted these non-English speak- knowledge that by the time the Japan-British Exhi- ers on a tour of London.115 The examples of fi ne art, bition closed it had attracted over eight-million visi- however, probably interested him the most. In an tors, making it one of the most successful displays article for The Fortnightly Review he discoursed on of this type in recent memory119 and the high point the work of Maruyama Okyō, Sesshū Tōyō and of cultural exchange between the two allies.

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am going to do some illustrations appearance of the familiar. The Serpentine: Autumn while we are having fogs,” Markino once Evening conveyed a feeling of quiet isolation with its wrote to his friend and agent Douglas white cloud resting on the placid water; the Hotel “I1 Sladen. The notorious London atmosphere, felt by Entrance, Knightsbridge: Night suggested a building many to be a particularly annoying aspect of mod- of limitless height as its upper facade disappeared ern life, gripped the artist and its depiction became into misty infi nity (fi gs. 22, 23). The book’s frontis- one of the hallmarks of his work (fi g. 19). He be- piece, Night: Lights in Piccadilly (see fi g. 3), was as lieved that fog was an essential ingredient of the much about the eff ects of fog as it was about the at- city’s character, especially its western modernism, tempt of modern illumination to break the fog’s confi rming Bénédite’s dictum that “a Japanese hold on the city’s gay nightlife. Markino’s other must seek in London things most representative of publications demonstrated this subject’s contin- London….”2 Fog and mist, along with the eff ect of ued appeal. In London Fog introduced My Idealed artifi cial lighting designed to mitigate its gloom, John Bullesses with a stylish young woman advanc- distinguished a large number of his illustrations for ing from a vaporous background into clear view articles and books. In his introductory essay for the (fi g. 24) while in A Japanese Artist in London no less 1907 Colour of London, Markino confi rmed the lure than six of the book’s eight color illustrations ex- of this urban atmosphere. “I must say London in ploited the visual and evocative qualities of fog, of- mist is far above my own ideal…. The colour and its ten marked by commercial lighting. If Markino’s eff ect are most wonderful. I think London without mission was to convince his readers of the merit of mists would be like a bride without a trousseau.”3 this peculiar aura, what M.H. Spielmann termed Small wonder that Markino would be known by “eff ects,” he would have been gratifi ed with one the aff ectionate moniker (born of his childhood prescient review of Colour of London, bearing the name)— “Heiji of London Fog.”4 caption “Fog and Beauty.”5 Pictures from The Colour of London with titles like Fog: Ladies crossing Piccadilly or Spring Mist: Westminster Bridge left no doubt about Markino’s a noxious atmosphere point of view (fi gs. 20, 21). Many more simply relied on visual information to drive home the point What the Edwardian critic Wynford Dewhurst that fog could embellish rather than impair the wrote of Claude Monet’s attraction to fogs could easily apply to Markino as well: “to the foreigner London’s greatest charm, although to the inhabit- Fig. 19: Old Brompton Road ant they are a deadly infl iction.”6 Markino’s art of

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invisible—at ten o’clock in the morning.”9 Things had only worsened since the not-too-distant time when Max O’Rell had complained of “darkness complete and intense at midday.”10 The Edwardian author and journalist Edward Verrall Lucas, writing in his A Wanderer in London, singled out the “black fog” as the worst, “the fog that chokes and blinds, and the fog that shrouds. The fog that enters into every corner of the house and coats all the metal work with a dark slime, and sets us coughing and rubbing our eyes.”11 The Illustrated London News described this fog as a mixture of pollution and weather, when, “in the cold, damp days of Winter, when the air is full of moisture, the minute particles of soot of which the smoke is composed mingle with the moisture to produce a fog which becomes blacker and blacker as more and more smoke enters into its composition.”12 Small wonder then that black umbrellas became so ubiquitous as a way of dealing with the rain-carried dirt. Sir Edward Grey left a memorable picture of 19 Markino. Old Brompton Road, in Alfred H. Hyatt, fog at its most disorienting. On the afternoon of compiler, The Charm of London (1912). December 11, 1905 when leaving Buckingham Pal- ace by carriage after receiving his seals of offi ce as “eff ects” coincided with a wide ranging discus- Foreign Secretary from King Edward VII, Grey sion among Edwardians on the nature and impli- saw how the fog took hold. cations of fogs. Londoners, especially, knew full well their peculiar characteristics and their hold We got but little way from the gates when the brougham over everyday existence. “The town dweller of came to a stand, completely lost in the fog. Thinking to-day has in fact ceased to expect to live in sun- I could do better on my feet, I left the brougham; in a few shine,” wrote one expert.7 With fogs more the steps I had lost my way and sense of direction. I walked consequence of human agency than of naturally into the head of a horse, and felt my way along its side, occurring phenomena, the city’s residents were till I found a hansom-cab attached to it. The driver, when mindful of the detrimental consequences of a gen- asked if he could ﬁ nd his way to Birdcage Walk [the eral “thickening of the urban atmosphere from street leading to Whitehall], said he had just come from burning coal in gas plants and heating ﬁ res.”8 it and would try; he succeeded after some time, and it At the time Markino was revealing its beauty in was then easy to follow the kerb at a foot’s pace to the published watercolors, The Academy published a Foreign Offi ce….13 cheerless article on London pollution entitled “The Black Fog” which condemned the “envelope One writer remembered “a midnight London fog” of sulphureous gloom,” capable of plunging the as an even more bewildering experience. day-lit city into a “deep brown” In this setting pedestrians felt helpless and confused. “It is as As I made my way… stepping like the blind, caressing though one walked at the bottom of a muddy sea. the corners of the houses, seeing nothing, hearing noth- The farther wall of this chamber is almost ing, but shouts and cries from the roadway, where

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20 Markino. Fog: Ladies crossing Piccadilly, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

21 Markino. Spring Mist: Westminster Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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22 Markino. The Serpentine: Autumn Evening, in W. J. Loftie, The Col- our of London (1907).

23 Markino. Hotel Entrance, Knights- bridge: Night, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907)

viewless vehicles had collided, I felt the sympathy of a A smut is absolutely sure common desire with the shrouded, bent ﬁ gures that To settle on your nose, passed me. We were all, somehow, for home. That is the While if a gust of wind comes by rule in a dense fog.14 It ﬁ xes something in your eye. …. Lucas even found it appropriate to include the sub- But here, sometimes, for days and days ject of this London fog in verses for a children’s There isn’t any light; book: A fog envelopes everything And makes it dark as night In London, in the winter time, It’s partly mist and partly smoke, Which ever way one goes, And every time you breathe you choke.15

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“yellow fog, that the English call pea-soup. This one gets down your throat and seems to choke you. You have to cover your mouth with a respirator if you do not wish to be choked or seized with an attack of blood spitting.”16 Markino had initially taken this very precaution but after hearing reassur- ances from those who had learned to cope in this environment, he changed his attitude, writing in his autobiography “this ‘dreadful fog’ has become my greatest fascination….”17 Contributing to this enchantment was the associations produced by smell. “London has its own smelling and very strong one, too. It is that of the coal. I think it is partly from the world-famous smoke,” he wrote. This odor evoked childhood memories of Ameri- can missionaries in Japan burning coal in their home: “I, or we, all the Japanese, were worshiping the Americans as the great civilized nation. That was why when I smelt the coal in London, my impression went back to those old days, and I felt very civilized.”18 To Markino, London’s smoke-laden fogs testiﬁ ed to the kind of progress to which Asians like himself aspired.

the lover of fog

Markino was also sensitive to the fog’s emotive qualities. They “have mystery in them” he told Frank Harris,19 employing a favorite description which also echoed the sentiments of past admirers 24 Markino. In London Fog, in My Idealed John Bullesses of London fog. Early in the previous century the (1912). Romantic painter Robert Haydon had called fog the “sublime canopy that shrouds the City of the World,“a cover that casts a “gloomy grandeur over Francis Bedford’s somber illustration In a London the vastness of our Babylon.”20 Around that time Fog accompanying the poem showed a crowded J.M.W. Turner had used the city’s fog and smoke as street of grey silhouettes in which the gloom is re- the subject for his Thames above Waterloo Bridge lieved only by a dull street lamp and a boy carrying (c. 1830–1835, Tate Gallery).21 Whistler had made a burning torch. the famous case for appreciating London’s fogs in London’s choking atmosphere initially made his 1885 Ten O’Clock lecture when he spoke of how Markino more than a little anxious. “At ﬁ rst I was “the evening mist clothes the riverside with poetry, so frightened … I thought, if I live in such dreadful as with a veil….” Oscar Wilde, writing four years fog I will soon become consumptive.” He would later in his essay “The Decay of Lying,” realized have appreciated O’Rell’s earlier description of the how his American friend’s point of view could have

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wider, cultural implications. “At present,” he wrote, mist.” The emotional impact was inescapable: “people see fogs, not because there are fogs, but “Where else could such a romantic view be seen?”27 because poets and painters have taught them the Probably not back in Japan if his memories had mysterious loveliness of such eff ects.” The result, not played him false. “When I came to London fi rst, according to a recent writer, was the creation of I thought the buildings, fi gures, and everything in “an aesthetic of the ‘eff ect’” which saw “London’s the distance, looked comparatively large, because fogs as something worthy of being seen in them- in Japan the atmosphere is so clear that you can selves, and not just as an impediment to seeing the see everything small detail in the distance, while objects which lay behind them.”22 here your background is mystifi ed abruptly….”28 Many Edwardians would have found little to Romantic secrets, things hidden or altered in ap- dispute in this view, especially if, like Lucas, they pearance, sharp familiarity partially or completely distinguished between “the fog that veils but does transformed, streets becoming indistinct grey not obliterate, [and] the fog that softens but does blocks or rectangles, the close, abrupt destruction not soil, the fog whose beautifying properties of distance and perspective, the feeling of intimacy Whistler may be said to have discovered…. Seen produced by restricted, opaque space, were all con- through this gentle mist London becomes a city of sequences of the fog. Appropriately, Markino’s romance.”23 In his introduction to Hanslip Fletch- many atmospheric watercolors were described er’s elegant picture of London’s physical transfor- by one newspaper as “turbulent with mist and mations, Arthur P. Nicholson questioned those mystery … like dreams come true upon paper.”29 London critics “to whom smoke and grime are al- Markino eagerly sought the fog’s full eff ect. ways an evil….” Rather for him “the smoke and “I used to wander about the streets day and night. vapours exhaled by this strange overgrowth of Lon- Sometimes twelve hours in a day. I was quite in a don … create now the most gorgeous, now the most dream… One evening I started my place about nine delicate eff ects of atmosphere…. On a summer o’clock and enjoyed myself in fogs until I felt my feet night outlines are blurred…the honey-coloured so tired that I came back to my conscience.” With moon hangs low in heaven, a lantern at a carnival. his friend Yone Noguchi he took evening strolls The city is phantasmal.”24 E.T. Cook, in her popular along the Thames Embankment, “to enjoy London study of London, concurred although with slightly fogs” and, in the process, fi nding several subjects more muted enthusiasm. “This … blue-grey mist of for some of his most memorable watercolors.30 He London ….[i]n its own place and way … is beauti- became ever more discerning in his approach and, ful.” Imagination enhanced beauty, adding “the in- unlike most Londoners who longed for clear, sunny describable charm of mystery.” Yet there was a cost. weather, Markino looked ahead to shorter and “The heresy has before now been ventured, that greyer days when fogs would become more fre- London would not be half so picturesque if it were quent. In November 1911 he wrote of his prepara- cleaner.”25 The poet Arthur Symons, writing in tions for the approach of the time of “beautiful 1908, praised a view of the Thames “because the mist.” “My water-colour papers are ready on the mist is always changing its shapes and colours, stretchers, the paint-tubes are in rows on my desk, always making its light mysterious, and building the water and the brushes are ready. Now let me palaces of cloud out of mere Parliament Houses study. I went out to the streets to choose the sub- with their jags and turrets.”26 Markino saw similar jects every day.”31 On this subject he resolved to transforming eff ects in this kind of fog while stand- concentrate his artistic energies on rendering its ef- ing near the Palace of Westminster. Looking out fects to the exclusion of the commercial illustra- over the placid water he saw distant buildings “sil- tions which had earlier been the mainstay of his houetted up and down against the soft, misty sky” career. “I quite decided not to do pot-boilers any bridges and river traffi c “all in one tone of greyish longer…. I refused to do any of those uninteresting

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designs for a few pounds. I went into the study of this Westminster landmark, so he learned from his London mists.”32 landlady, proved to be the Tate Gallery.37 When he He struggled to create tonal eff ects “with a sin- drew The Tower Bridge against the mist, he avoided gle wash” and to even out his colors, a method the what one critic called the “picture postcard’s four- critic Amelia Defries thought he did admirably by square presentment,” familiar in numerous period laying “very carefully … one color over another” illustrations, including that which Nelson Dawson (see fi g. 19). He enlivened an atmospheric drawing produced a year earlier for Lucas’ A Wanderer in of a statue near the Houses of Parliament, “by mix- London. Markino’s view pictured the massive struc- ing, in varying degrees, the color of the sky with ture close at hand, as a “bastion, a mist, a suggestion the colors of pavement, stone and bronze.” For of height and immobility”38 (fi g. 25). A similar sug- Bénédite the choice of the watercolor medium gestion of height appears in the Hotel Entrance, proved essential, for it facilitated a necessary fl exi- Knightsbridge: Night where thebuilding ascends up- bility and rapidity of execution which would have ward into seemingly limitless space because of the been lacking had Markino worked in oils, with its eff ect of the fog (see fi g. 23). Markino felt that Brit- “opacity, its thickness … harsh colors….”33 Cook ons unjustly disparaged their persistent fogs be- had written in Highways and Byways in London of cause they thought only of its eff ect on comfort and the unique visual qualities presented by London’s health. “If the Londoners forget all their other sens- atmosphere. “The faint blue-grey mist of the great city often gives to London scenes something of the quality of dissolving views. Seldom is a vista perfectly clear; rather does it often suggest a vague intensity of misty glory.”34 But translating this aura into art could prove daunting, which may have been why her book’s illustrators avoided it. Markino too noted the problem. “It is so diffi cult to get the real eff ect. I have never done it right yet,” Markino complained. Success seemed to elude him, at least initially. “The more I observed the mists the more I fell into love. But it was most disappointing thing when I tried to put my impression on paper. I could never paint London fogs as I saw. I cursed my stupid hand.”35 A similar frustration preoccupied Monet working on his famous series of London pictures around this same time. “My practiced eye has found,” wrote the French master, “that objects change in appearance in a London fog more and quicker than in any other atmosphere, and the diffi culty is to get every change down on canvas.”36 Shape and volume usually metamorphosed in a sea of grey. Once, on a walk along the Thames at Millbank, Markino remarked on the “large stone building in a peculiar shape, the Britannia on the top of the roof … dead silent like a ghost in the evening mist.” But 25 Markino. The Tower Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour rather than “a mausoleum of some ancient kings” of London (1907).

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Markino of injecting too much “rheumatism” into his pictures of Oxford (Oxford From Within, 1910) which, admittedly he had the bad luck to visit during a season of incessant rain (ﬁ g. 26). “When they are not full of dampness they are charged with smoke. The attempt to get certain heavy atmospheric eff ects into illustrations is all very well when not carried to excess; but, unfortunately, Mr. Markino has a tendency to overdo things….”41 More often Markino was credited for a fresh and imaginative viewpoint. A writer in The Times called attention to his understanding of “the shades of meaning in a moist atmosphere” in the university city.42 The Academy’s reviewer of Colour of London grasped the diffi culty of Markino’s task, of realizing “to some extent this misty phantasmago- ric” city and of authenticating the mundane and in- convenient: “When the medium of this strange and ever-changing beauty is called fog, mist, or damp, it becomes a mere meteorological fact, suggesting colds and discomfort. Yet to the properly attuned eye of the artist it provides London with its great distinctive charm….”43 Another writer sensed something deeper, more intuitive. “Fancy is always 26 Markino. Magdalen in the Rain, in Hugh de Sélincourt, within them [Markino’s illustrations], but a fancy Oxford from Within (1910). which is perpetually revealing facts. And that, after all, is the whole duty of art, to irradiate fact with imagination, and to attune imagination to fact.” For es and look at the fog with their eyes only, surely the author Clarence Rook, Markino was able to everyone of them would appreciate that beautiful evoke “that mysterious background behind the mist grey colour,” he told a Japanese friend.39 Markino’s that casts a magic spell about the London out- watercolors and writings aimed to speed this jour- look.”44 But Spielmann saw that Markino had a ney of recognition and discernment both for him- knack for understanding the ambience of this city, self, as an artist, and for the British audience he “whose greyness is built up of every colour of the hoped to educate. rainbow, whose murkiness gives quality to the sil- Markino’s success in capturing this facet of very greys, and tinges the yellow fog with auburn modern urbanism can be gauged by the positive re- gold, whose mists and moisture lend height and sponse of the critics. Not that there were those who added dignity to the buildings, and close in the found it hard to understand the artist’s infatuation shortened vistas with poetic mystery.”45 Laurence with what a writer for The Living Age termed “our Binyon too noticed the artist’s interest in “the dark and cheerless city” and indeed the whole king- many-coloured atmosphere of London” and ap- dom, “our own querulous land which takes its plauded his ability to capture “the charm which the pleasures sadly, and has darkened with its spleen all changing atmosphere of the season and the lights that broad band of empire on which the night never of day and evening cast over the commonplace and sets?”40 A critic for The New Age even accused the ugly.”46

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grey days

Daytime fog may have been the cruelest blow to Londoners who, unlike Markino, yearned for any interlude of sunlight, especially during the short days of autumn and winter. Symons reported that “On a winter afternoon every street in London becomes mysterious. You see even the shops through a veil, people are no longer distinguishable as persons, but are a nimble fl ock of shadows.” The artist- author Rose Barton recalled this fog as “dense and black, shutting out all light from the sun—when the gas and electric lights rapidly shine out and one can almost fancy that midnight is over us, whereas it is only 10 or 11 a.m.”47 Markino, with the open- minded insight of an outsider, considered such conditions an opportunity. Like his contemporary Monet, who had observed that “fog in London assumed all sorts of colors; there are black, brown, yellow, green, purple fogs, and the interest in painting is to get the objects as seen through all these fogs,”48 Markino also studied the fog’s nuances. The Daily Telegraph spoke of the way he captured “the orange mystery of an autumn fog,” a reference which could easily apply to Early Autumn, Hyde Park, which Spielmann cited for its rendering of mist “which fl oats among the trees in red and russet autumn, and heightens by contrast the colours of the leaves as they lie upon the ground, and throws into strong relief the branches that hang across the top …” as well as Grosvenor Gate, Hyde Park: Au- tumn, where the fog takes on a slight amber tone 27 Markino. Early Autumn, Hyde Park, in W. J. Loftie, The amongst the trees in the middle and far distance Colour of London (1907). (fi gs. 27, 28). Hyde Park, for Markino, seemed to resonate under such conditions and another favorite for curving pathway on the right. Markino saw fog as his critics was The Serpentine, Autumn Evening (see diminishing the city’s limitlessness by throwing up fi g. 22), wrapped in “pearly” atmosphere and muted grey borders which confi ned or shaped objects. “with a gossamer of mist.”49 (The Daily Telegraph This simple view conveyed the impression not of a misidentifi ed this view as “in April,” perhaps con- crowded metropolis but rather of a quiet, bucolic fusing it with Spring Mist: Westminster Bridge). refuge in which the fog dropped like a blank curtain Here a dense wall of white fog, rising over the lake, to exclude all distraction. A similar fog-bank cov- formed a cool contrast to the clarity of the brown- ered the far end of the rail bridge in Winter Light- ish gold clumps of warm foliage, extendingoff Eff ect: Grosvenor Road Station Bridge, and at the the cropped paper in the Japanese manner, on the same time slipped under distant arches which seem

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28 Markino. Grosvenor Gate, Hyde Park: Autumn, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

to spring into the infi nity of adjacent Battersea (fi g. 29). As so often happened in Markino’s atmospheric paintings, the mood created is one of unusual isolation on a river ordinarily busy with commercial traffi c. A neutral backdrop created by fog allowed Markino to stress volume and detail in the foreground. Rook paid special attention to a sauntering female fi gure coming “clear from the mist …” in Early Autumn, Hyde Park, probably for this very reason.50 Markino would further refi ne this device for his My Idealed John Bullesses frontispiece (see fi g. 24), with its young woman, turned out in the latest form-clinging fashion, isolated and yet accented as she approaches from a nebulous area of solid grey. Markino had done something similar in an earlier, full-page color illustration entitled, Au- tumn (see fi g. 2), which used the mist-covered distance to concentrate attention on an approaching woman struggling with her umbrella on a London sidewalk. Her pale facial features and the clear, fl at patterns of her clothing foreshadowed the more elegant fi gures in Fog: Ladies Crossing Piccadilly (see fi g. 20). Indeterminate distance, thick and grey, faintly marked by ghostly silhouettes of pedestrians and advancing carriages, provided the ideal backdrop for exposing these two women’s sharply detailed, un-modeled faces and their colorfully pat- 29 Markino. Winter Light-Eff ect: Grosvenor Road Station terned garments. Watercolors like these, with their Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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strongly articulated foreground shapes, prompted The Burlington Magazine to credit Markino as one who “understands thoroughly the advantage of the vague background provided by the atmosphere of London….”51 Markino also exploited the fog to stress his love of color. Britons at the time, familiar with the bright tones of Japanese prints, naturally looked for these qualities in Markino’s works. The Daily Telegraph praised him for “bringing to our greyer shores the sense of colour born under his own more brilliant sun.”52 But while the fog could place a picture’s foreground in relief, it also produced its own collection of subtle hues and transformations when it settled over distant objects. One newspaper complimented Markino for the way he “softens the outlines of the great city and takes all garish- ness out of her high tints.”53 Study enabled him to appreciate the subtleties of this type of visual al- teration. Fog could mute gaudy or unsightly color in a particular way, as Lucas had noted when he wrote, “All that is ugly and hard in her [London’s] architecture, all that is dingy and repellent in her 30 Markino. Gale Street, Chelsea, in Snow, in W. J. Loftie, colour, disappears.”54 Markino singled out, for The Colour of London (1907). example, a house near where he lived, conspicuous for its “ugly” black and yellow facade, but when “the winter fogs cover it … the harmony of its we see many beautiful colours, they are the colours colour is most wonderful.”55 He was most likely re- you can fi nd ready on your palate,” he wrote in the ferring to what eventually became Gale Street, 1908 The Colour of Paris.57 Chelsea, in Snow (fi g. 30), probably meaning Cale Street, which he could have seen from the window lighting the mist of his Sydney Street lodging, a street which featured a variety of buildings whose reds and greens Street lamps and illuminated shop windows also were muted in the light fog that nearly eff aced eve- took on a new look because of the fog. Daytime rything beyond the middle distance. Markino be- fog gave them an unmistakably dull appearance. lieved that “London looks ten times nicer if you see In Spring Mist: Westminster Bridge (see fi g. 21), the her through the mist. Then no matter what ugly yellow-toned lamps on the crossing’s parapets act colours you may make your houses, if they pass less as providers of illumination than as pallid through only one winter, the London fogs would so markers on a neutral horizon. One of Markino’s nicely greyfy them always!”56 How diff erent, to his representations of Trafalgar Square betrayed a eye, was the city of Paris, which he studied after similar feeling, a murky view which confi rms the completing The Colour of London. “In London all subdued day-to-day reality of what its residents objects are mystifi ed into indescribable grey tones would have preferred to think of as”one of the fi n- which need great study from those who wish to est open places in London and a great centre of mix colours to paint them; while in Paris, though attraction….”58 Trafalgar Square (fi g. 31) eschewed

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32 Markino. Sightseeing in Trafalgar Square, detail from Impressions of London by a Japanese Artist, in The King (May 10, 1902). British Library.

during the night,” recalled another Japanese visitor.59 Then the crowded, noisy city seemed to re- cede, with darkness marked here and there by spar- 31 Markino. Trafalgar Square, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of kling bits of light, as if to confi rm the still pulsating London (1907). life beneath. Charles Dickens had noted similar ef- fects over seventy years earlier when looking at a the sunny panoramas of Edwardian illustrators London street on which there was “just enough such as Barton, Herbert Marshall and Markino’s damp gently stealing down to make the pavement own 1902 submission to The King (fi g. 32). The Jap- greasy” and where “the heavy lazy mist, which anese artist’s sole concession to the famed locale hangs over every object, makes the gas-lamps look was the inclusion of the dark head of one of Sir brighter, and the brilliantly-lighted shops more Edwin Landseer’s four, 22-foot high bronze lions splendid, from the contrast they present to the standing out against a dull background. Otherwise, darkness around.”60 Markino’s night scenes attract- his concern was for the pallid fl ashes of light which ed notice, especially those which combined fog strain to break the monotony of the pale afternoon: with gas and electric lighting, aspects of the Ed- a single street lamp, three rectangles of street- wardian city that had already sparked comment. level plate glass, and a yellow disc just below a Symons summed up the prevailing view when he peaked roof. wrote of London’s characteristic combination of Light acquired more arresting qualities as the evening light and atmosphere as a work of art: atmosphere of this mammoth city thickened in the “When the mist collaborates with night and rain, late afternoon or evening. “London is as dark the masterpiece is created.” But, he also wrote, as night during the daytime and as bright as day an essential element was added by a variety of

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illumination: “A city is characterised by its lights, lamps. But now a much more wonderful sight is and it is to its lights, acting on its continual mist, that of the great globes of electric light, which turn that London owes much of the mystery of its beau- night into day.”66 Arthur Beavan, in his Imperial ty.”61 Markino shared this sensibility. He told Frank London of 1901, called attention to a section of the Harris how much he loved it when, in the evening Thames Embankment where “electric light is eve- fogs, “lights stream through them like jewels haloed rywhere around us….” 67 Yet despite the seemingly with colour.”62 The Daily Telegraph appreciated relentless march of electricity, gas continued to his way with night images, where “colour is so share the streets throughout the period, a situation radiant … and at the same time so elusive: where which worked to Markino’s advantage, imparting the ‘great fl ower that opens but at night’ shows its an added element of variety to his pictures. The blossoms of fi re in full and iridescent opulence.” Daily Telegraph, in praising certain of his pictures For The Saturday Review no English artist had got- “turbulent with mist and mystery … like dreams ten “so well the atmosphere of London by night.” come true upon paper,” remarked that they were Defries would later praise his ability to represent often “seen in the lamp and electric light….”68 “the very mystery of London at night—the hesitat- Markino found the Thames Embankment an ing mist, the lamplight thrown on the scene….”63 ideal locale for studying light eff ects in the fog. The Markino recognized the fi ne points of the Ed- Embankment, a relatively recent improvement to wardian darkness and the ways the familiar gas and the river’s edge, had been described in 1902 as a the newer electric power shaped and managed it by vast expanse which “shines with lamps all a-glitter, illuminating ever more eff ectively store fronts, side- and behind them the myriad and deceitful ‘lights walks, roads and vehicular traffi c. When it came to of London,’ twinkle like a magician’s enchanted the latest technological innovation, the American palace.”69 Stretching from Chelsea to the edge of critic Percy F. Bicknell found Markino “particularly the City, the Embankment earned considerable successful … in giving the glimmer of electric lights popularity with Londoners and tourists for creat- through fog….”64 The era marked the widespread ing broad vistas and a welcome sense of space for a adoption of electric lighting, continuing a process city of choked streets and crowded sidewalks. that had begun in the 1880s. Many commentators Termed “our only boulevard” by one Londoner and at the time remarked on its character and eff ect, of- “perhaps the fi nest prospect that London can ten lamenting replacement of the yellowish glow of boast” by an admiring artist-author, this clear, open gas with the dazzling intensity of electricity. The promenade also had the eff ect of streamlining and writer Edwin Pugh, during a nighttime walk in the sanitizing what had charitably been called the Fleet Street area, betrayed some annoyance with waterside’s former “busy life,” in reality a chaotic the new technology, when he remarked on “the array of jetties, piers, and assorted landings for pitiless rays of the electric lamps [burning] with a travelers and goods which had marked the area for pallid blue fl are that mocks the darkness and yet generations in the past.70 The several illustrations renders all things ghost-like….” At another loca- Markino executed of the Embankment and the tion “the livid glare of the electric light” revealed bridges which intersected it, from Battersea to the scampering forms of London’s “degraded be- Blackfriars, underscored order and effi ciency. They ings,” its homeless street people.65 Loftie observed also confi rmed an acquaintance born of countless in The Colour of London how the technological ad- hours spent on its walkways, either traveling be- vance of what he called “good light” had begun to tween his lodgings in Chelsea to the business and transform London for the better. “A few years ago, entertainment centers of Westminster and the say twenty, it was thought to be one of the most as- City, or simply loitering at the river’s edge where he tonishing things in the world to look along Picca- watched the passing boats, studied the light playing dilly, just after sundown, and see the lines of gas on the water’s surface, delighted in the spectacle of

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33 Markino. A Winter Afternoon, Chelsea Embankment, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

people feeding fl ocks of gulls or, most often, observed London’s smoke mingling with the mist rising up over the wide Thames. Like others, he found its stone border intriguing, especially in the late- day mist. It gave the river bank a new precision, something that was further accented by a uniform line of tall, black iron lamps marking the parapet and emitting patterns of light. A Winter Afternoon, Chelsea Embankment (fi g. 33) captured this aspect at one location, Cheyne Walk, directly down river from Sir Joseph W. Bazal- gette’s Battersea Bridge of 1886–90 (with two of its 34 Rose Barton (1856–1929), The Last Lamp, Thames fi ve cast iron arches just visible in the distance), the Embankment, in Familiar London (1904). replacement for the old bridge famously portrayed by Whistler in Nocturne: Blue and Gold—Old Bat- tersea Bridge (c. 1872–1875; Tate Gallery).71 A link to Last Lamp, Thames Embankment (fi g. 34) which pic- the vague Battersea neighborhood at the left, the tured the great, black iron lamps, their gas brought bridge curves downward to join the Chelsea river- to life by a lamplighter, “a familiar sight,” not reced- bank opposite, at a nebulous spot of dull orange ing into a nebulous fog bank, but instead connect- mist into which the street lamps seem to disappear. ing to a seemingly infi nite line of lights marking a Barton’s slightly earlier description of the “fog that bend in the river in the opposite direction. Beavan turns the end of a London Street as you look down loved the “beautiful curving chain of illumination” on it, into mystery and beauty …” shared the mood along the Embankment, as did Pugh who spoke ad- of Markino’s watercolor as did her own illustration miringly of its “magnifi cent glittering arc….”72

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35 Markino. The River from Waterloo Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

Markino too noticed this pattern, but as a subordinate element in his The River from Waterloo Bridge (fi g. 35), also published in The Colour of Lon- don.73 He fi rst captured the area’s twilight charm in a full page illustration for a 1905 issue of The Studio. The Clock Tower, Westminster (fi g. 36), placed a line of globe lamps at the left, leading the eye back to the Parliament building, with the clock-face of Big Ben acting as a backdrop and a balancing light source. But by the time of Winter Afternoon he had come to display more interest in lamps not as merely tall sentinels but as a crucial source of light aff ecting their surroundings, in this case specifying that special time described by one historian as the “transition from day to night, and light to dark.”74 The lights of the city always attracted Markino, especially, according to Spielmann, “warm gaslight on the Chelsea Embankment….”75 Winter Afternoon revealed a broad expanse of sidewalk and the lamps with their tops cropped or partly obscured by the enveloping afternoon mist. Signifi cantly, Markino emphasized not the structural elements but the ef- fect of lighting, its diff usion and how it cast a greyish, orange glow. Such illumination of sidewalk and parapet testify to what Wolfgang Schivelbusch, a historian of light, has called “public lighting,” characterized by lamps whose “beams increasingly be- 36 Markino. Clock Tower, Westminster, in The Studio, 35 gan to spread outward“to cover common space: (1905).

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“As technology became more sophisticated [in pedestrians in the distance, their fi gures muted by the nineteenth-century], the pools of light around the encroaching fog, add to the feeling of quiet and solitary lanterns grew ever larger and fi nally isolation yet also of carefree access. merged, creating one vast sea of light.”76 The illus- Away from the river, Markino found many com- tration also contains, in contrast, a bright white ex- pelling light and fog eff ects throughout London. panse produced by the unseen electric illumination Leicester Square: The Alhambra, Night (fi g. 37) on the roadway off to the right, probably electric presents a busy entertainment district where the arc lights whose novel intensity necessitated plac- opaque lights of street lamps and illuminated building them higher than was customary. This strong ings strike out with veiled energy through the light plays off against the adjacent trees, with one evening mist. At right is the theater of the title, almost turned a white grey from direct exposure occupying a conspicuous spot on the east side of while another becomes a somber black shape, Leicester Square. Although its vaguely exotic standing between the viewer and the electric lamps. Moorish facade is hardly discernable in the fog, its The overall feeling parallels Arthur Ransome’s long awninged entrance appears brightly lit below fond memory of walking these same pavements, of- two stories of blazing windows and, higher up, an ten with Noguchi and perhaps with Markino as electric sign.78 Electricity’s light also pours into the well, of the “favorite promenade … where the street to refl ect off the row of carriages on the edge lamps shining among the leaves of the trees cast wa- of the square, pictured immobile in what Spiel- vering shadows on the pavements.”77 The groups of mann termed a “temporary quiescence,” as they

37 Markino. Leicester Square: The Alhambra, Night, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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wait for their fares to emerge from the evening’s performance. Symons remembered just such a late evening scene, the feeling of “expectancy all along the road,” how “the cabs shift slightly on the ranks; the cabmen take the nose-bags off the horses’ heads and climb up on their perches … cabs crawl out of side streets and fi le slowly towards the theatres; the footmen cluster about the theatre-doors….”79 Winter’s bare trees line the side of the square, with one a stark silhouette marked with curved cat- erpillar-shaped branches tilting towards the open center of the picture. Dull spots of diff used evening lights help to defi ne the area. At left, in the slightly pallid distance, stood the famous Empire Ballet. Although Markino regularly patronized its highly popular performances, he may have chosen to pay it less attention on this occasion, because other artists had already made it into something of an icon of London night-life. Its classical facade had been pictured on the cover of Robert Machray’s Night Side of London of 1902, and it was the subject of Alvin Langdon Colburn’s misty evening view of 1908, The Empire Theatre (fi g. 38), presented as a 38 Alvin Langdon Coburn (1882–1966), The Empire photogravure, a photograph with a soft, print-like Theatre, photograph, in Ralph Nevill and Charles quality.80 Potent electric lighting characterized this Edward Jerningham, Piccadilly to Pall Mall (1908). image as it did Markino’s illustration. Spielmann, always sensitive to what he considered electricity’s Telegraph reviewer, therefore, The Alhambra was strident eff ects (he would probably have agreed not just a record of a music hall in a busy London with his contemporary George Sims in longing for square, but a vision of a higher order, “turbulent the previous era when there was “no blazing elec- with mist and mystery …” becoming a dream “come tric light in Theatreland … but the gas fl ared gaily true upon paper.”84 above the portals of the playhouse …”),81 realized The “diff usion of light” in this view of Leicester that Markino felt diff erently, being “happiest when Square, the brightness softened so eff ectively in the night in Leicester Square is made like day by the the evening fog, one writer credited to Markino’s glare of the lights outside the Alhambra and the practice of “wash drawing,” a technique in which Empire.”82 he had become increasingly adept at the time.85 Spielmann probably overstated Markino’s con- This manipulation of broad, consistent tones, a cern with this evening luminescence; it was always quality characteristic of many of Whistler’s Lon- the eff ect of fog which held the artist’s interest. The don nocturnes,86 also showed in The Carlton Porch Academy’s reviewer recognized this when he wrote at Night (fi g. 39) where, according to Spielmann, of the “fl ood of ineff ectual light cast on the great Markino’s “method of wash lends itself admirably murk of the square …” in the illustration. Yet the to the suggestion of artifi cial light….”87 This small combination of the garish light necessary for theat- essay on a familiar aspect of elegant London night- rical enticement and the fog’s unrelenting assault life, situated not far from Leicester Square, had as on clarity could stimulate refl ection.83 For The Daily its subject Cesar Ritz’s posh eating establishment,

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as a cosmopolitan city,” wrote the author of Impe- rial London. The fi gures pictured emerging could have been coming from a fi ne meal, since the Carl- ton boasted “a restaurant of the highest class.”90 Exposing these refi ned details, electric lights sparkle amidst a fog-induced penumbra. They line the iron awning, revealing clearly its intricate, diapha- nous Art Nouveau design. The four solid, uniformed doormen, in defi ned, dark angular coats punctuated by gold buttons and piping, contrast strongly with the fl owing white and pink costumes of the two women about to enter a cab. Markino, the nocturnal stroller, savored the array of lighting that marked London’s dark thoroughfares, gaining what cultural historian Joachim Schlör identifi ed as “insights into the essence of the nocturnal city that remain hidden from the hurried driver” as well as taking advantage of the greater freedom night off ered to the pedestrian.91 Walking along the Embankment, on Piccadilly or in the Haymarket in the fog and rain, he would have noticed lighted windows and doorways as well as lanterns of various shapes and sizes, which were 39 Markino. The Carlton Porch at Night, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). reminiscent of lines from Noguchi’s The Japanese Night:

…. opened in 1899 in the same block as His Majesty’s The hundred lanterns burning in love and prayer, Theatre, where Markino’s friend H. Beerbohm Float on the streets like haunting memories Tree preformed.88 Henry James Forman, refl ecting ….. on elegant associations from the past, wrote that Lamps attached to gas lines or electric cables, pro- the hotel “brought the magnifi cence of Carlton ducing a white or yellow glow, cast long shadows or House and the Regent within reach of all of us, and refl ections on wet paving while revealing isolated its palm-room and dining rooms, doubtless exceed sections of adjacent buildings and monuments.92 the Regent’s splendor,” while Machray claimed, Markino found such lighting not only intriguing “it may be questioned if there is any place in the but also one of the distinguishing features of the world where anything is better done than at the Edwardian city. As he told Harris, “A gaslight shin- Carlton….”89 Markino’s incessant street wandering on a wet pavement in a fog is a miracle of beau- ings would have easily carried him past this famous ty; it is like a pool of molten gold set in gun-metal.”93 establishment where he could linger to admire In Paris he had noticed how “street-lamps spread fashionable London passing through its doors. His out very powerful lights—too strong for my eyes illustration underscores the building’s outward re- to describe their colours—and their refl ections fi nement, especially its muted walls so admired at on the house-walls, pavement, half-parts of the the time: “[I]ts facade of Portland stone is a distinct trunks of the boulevard trees, gave a greenish-grey and welcome addition to the attractions of London colour….”94 But in London he seemed to have an

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easier time studying these lights, their design and colors of the street lighting that most concerned the interesting eff ects they created. Markino. Looking up Cromwell Road, the artist One memorable example was Hyde Park Corner saw isolated bursts of light and, in the distance, (see fi g. 9) from A Japanese Artist, a nighttime illus- street lights that seem to bend together into straight tration which one reviewer simply termed “exqui- and sharply angled lines. Two lantern-topped lamp- site.”95 A precise line of golden-topped lamps which posts at the center foreground mark the edge of the seem to grow out of the grey gateposts identifi es roadway and draw the eye away from the subdued the entrance to the park and adds a certain stiff ness golden glow from the museum’s great rectangular beneath the free fl owing mist. More irregularly windows. Nearby, smaller, white-tipped street placed at the left stand a medley of tall lampposts, lamps cast just enough illumination to reveal a cor- with white, circular bulbs emitting intense, white ner of the building’s red-brick wall while leaving light. Below, on the street itself, can been seen a col- the rest of its massive bulk a vague form towering in lection of yellow and red lights coming from han- the distance. In the same book, Old Brompton Road som cabs and omnibuses. The overall eff ect is less (see fi g. 19) was turned into a misty night scene of of information about a familiar locale than of this two lines of white-topped street lamps converging particular Asian visitor’s delight in the various at an indistinct distance where a reddish-orange types of urban lighting noticed on a misty night. glow indicates shops or perhaps a pub. The light In The Victoria and Albert Museum (fi g. 40) from refl ects off the pavement and stone gateposts, while Charm of London, it was the varied pattern and rendering vehicles as little more than anonymous

40 Markino. The Victoria and Albert Museum, in Alfred H. Hyatt, compiler, The Charm of London (1912).

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silhouettes. Several trees to the right have been turned into a sort of lattice-work screen. When published in an anthology of writing about Lon- don, this illustration was placed, appropriately, opposite the Edwardian writer Alice Meynell’s short piece, London Lamps:

I have seen a grey-blue sky at the earliest moment when streets were alight at all, and radiant against the light grey of its invisible and equal clouds an electric lamp has been reared: an electric lamp of cold white light, pure and keen, and armed with intense and splendid arrows that would pierce day itself. Light grey sky and thrilling lamp together make—or so it seems to me—one of the most beautiful sights that eyes can see—the most refi ned, most severe, and most exquisite. This carbon electric light was so much disliked because, no doubt, it was fi rst seen under the glass and iron of a railway station. Seen with the sky it cannot but be seen to be most beautiful. The golden lights—electric lamps or gas lamps— have the beauty of fi re, but the white lamp has the beauty of light. The golden, too however, cannot be seen at their best but in one picture with the sky.96 41 Markino. Thistle Grove, in Recollections and Refl ections Not far from Brompton Road Markino recorded of a Japanese Artist (1913). the light eff ects on a less frequented walkway. This- tle Grove (fi g. 41), from Recollections and Refl ections, uses street lamps to defi ne and focus attention on (fi g. 42) which uses a solitary street lamp to accent what for most people would be an unremarkable and defi ne an odd, restricted space between two location. But for Markino, the spot was also emo- massive fragments of Roman architecture. But no- tionally associated with his friend, the Japanese art- where was a single lamp’s power to defi ne and ist Busho Hara. In Recollections he recalled walking transform a setting established with greater eff ect home with Hara one evening towards the Fulham than in Iffl ey Road (fi g. 43), from the 1910 Oxford Road. “We came out to the Thistle Grove. It was re- from Within. This soft, atmospheric, watercolor ally our ideal. We both shouted out at the same concentrates on one bright lamp standing on the moment, ‘Oh, let me sketch!’” Both loved fogs,97 but curb of an unremarkable street. Casting a wide halo here the fog casts only a light grey covering over on the ground, it also exposes the soaring tree the scene. What most stands out is the line of trunks lurking in the shadows at the left, in the pro- lamps at the center of the path, a series of yellow- cess turning them into an arrangement of fl attened white markers which light the pavement and the vertical and horizontal patterns that suggest a sort adjoining walls so that at the right we see the light of Symbolist quality. Markino briefl y lived in the pink brick. In other views he refi ned his attention, adjacent neighborhood and developed an aff ection occasionally concentrating on nothing but a simple for its natural allurements, especially the trees near lamp. In his 1909 The Colour of Rome he includ- his lodgings. “During my ten weeks’ stay in Oxford ed an evening view entitled The Forum of Nerva those trees were my only friends. I had nobody to

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42 Markino. The Forum of Nerva, in Olave Potter, The 43 Markino. Iffl ey Road, in Hugh de Sélincourt, Oxford Colour of Rome (1909). From Within (1910).

talk to, so it was consolation to look at those trees, lake.” Writing for The Daily Telegraph on A Japanese and I have quite fallen in love with them after all.”98 Artist, W. L. Courtney, journalist and editor, re- The contrast of light and dark, of the transforming marked on how many of Markino’s misty nocturnes power of illumination to shape abstract designs captured the “eff ects of rain on the dripping streets, and to concentrate attention, to create a “Romantic the look of the umbrellas, the grey, monotonous love of the ephemeral and unpredictable,”99 all re- colour of the sky, the strange refl ected glimmer of sulted in an overall sense of mystery and imagina- the lamps on the wet pavements….”100 Courtney tion equal to the best of Markino’s fog-enveloped probably had in mind Outside St. George’s Hospital illustrations. (fi g. 44), where streetlights also create a sort of Markino’s skill with such images did not go un- backlighting which silhouettes various fi gures on noticed. Writing in The Daily Chronicle in praise of the sidewalk as it does the more distant equestrian The Colour of London, Rook drew special attention stature of the Duke of Wellington at top right. The to the marvelous way the artist captured “the lights light of the lamps also refl ects off the surrounding that repeat themselves in the roadways on a wet fog, producing one wide area of light grey along night …” and how he made the “wet pavements re- with long vertical patterns on the familiar street fl ect everything as if the whole city was built on a and sidewalk.

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44 Markino. Outside St. George’s Hospital, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910).

bright artifi cial lighting. Its thin wheels, its horse’s glimpses of transport head are just glimpsed along with the silhouetted outline of passengers exposed on its upper deck to In this image Outside St. George’s Hospital Markino the moisture-laden air. A tiny oil lamp hangs off the pictured a distant omnibus approaching from the back, serving little purpose other than to mark the left towards a group of expectant fi gures. It carried vehicle’s presence on the roadway. Modernity dom- a small lamp emitting a faint yellow glow below a inates the right of the composition. A low-slung broad crimson advertising placard which shines automobile advances on wide rubber tires, its three under the electric street lights. Vehicular traffi c, capped occupants silouetted and seated above two particularly motor transport, injected another bold yellow-brown headlamps. Street lights cast source of recent street illumination which Markino discs of “cold electric rays,” to used Spielmann’s noticed in a number of illustrations. Schor ob- phrase,103 onto the pavement and sidewalks. At the served how “the rapid succession of inventions im- right they turn an approaching man’s somber outfi t merses the city in an ever brighter light, generating into a blanched surface,, while the woman at the the sensation of living ‘fast’….” For walkers this bottom foreground, grabbing her skirt in a manner also meant contesting for space with the latest in- Markino loved to record, moves into a glare that novations in locomotion.101 Technological change licks the top of her hat and bits of her shoulder also heralded the demise of horse-drawn transport, while casting a dramatic shadow on the walkway. which was rapidly being replaced by motor vehicles Behind the motorcar, approaching the crown of using powerful electric lighting. Markino’s Evening this slightly arched bridge, appears a double-decked Scene on Vauxhall Bridge (fi g. 45) recorded this tran- tram, its illuminated interior compartments a pow- sition. On his innumerable walks along the Em- erful contrast to the faint glimmer coming from the bankment, he would of necessity have cautiously somber omnibus. crossed the busy Vauxhall Road at the Pimlico end The relatively new London trams marked and of this 80-foot-wide bridge, recently opened in managed the foggy darkness in an innovative way 1906 and boasting the latest steel construction, ele- which would have easily attracted Markino’s atten- ments of which are clearly visible in the grates of tion. Interior electric lighting, especially evident on the parapet at the center left of the watercolor.102 the top decks, turned them into large, moving Markino used a horse-drawn omnibus as a sort of blocks of luminance. To expectant passengers out blank, fl attened focus amidst numerous areas of on a misty night, an approaching brightly-lit tram

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45 Markino. Evening Scene on Vauxhall Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

46 Markino. The Tram Terminus, Westminster Bridge Road, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

would have been a welcome sight. Markino made Tram Terminus, Westminster Bridge Road (ﬁ g. 46). frequent use of trams on his travels around the city, One of the more striking examples of Markino’s in- especially during his early residency in Brixton,104 terest in Edwardian genre, the watercolor presents and would have known the major south London the wide street busy with traffi c and groups of transportation hub that became the subject of The people. It is also a vivid record of early twentieth-

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century urban lighting. Radiant shop fronts throw Entering Victoria Railway Station (fi g. 47) does not out light onto the crowded sidewalk with a glare show the massive structure itself, the interior of strong enough to reveal details of the clothing on which Markino had illustrated in 1902 for The King one couple in the left foreground. Above them (fi g. 48), no doubt because it was being renovated at hangs an exotic array of lanterns which may have the time he was preparing his book.106 The only in- reminded Markino of similar lamps suspended dication of the specifi c location is the illuminated over Japanese doorways. Here they illuminate and pedestal clock, known as “Little Ben” (because of also advertise, in one case for an oyster restaurant. its resemblance to its larger Westminster proto- Tramcars bring forth another source of light in this type). This was a popular meeting spot for travel- foggy setting, just as they did on Vauxhall Bridge. ers.107 As in so many of Markino’s London views, Recently electrifi ed in 1903, the cars were double- the misty evening leaves people and architecture decked and usually roofed in. Markino showed oddly muted while at the same time communicat- three cars, one in the foreground clearly lit from ing a feeling of crowds and movement. Facing within with power supplied by overhead cables, buildings are indicated only by square, illuminated moving up and down on tracks along what was shop windows at street level, which give forth a sub- known as one of south London’s “broad thorough- dued golden glow in contrast to the two hanging fares radiating fanwise from St George’s Circus.” lanterns at left, which emit a brighter, white light Markino’s likely vantage-point may have been the near the station entrance. People rushing off to the point near the Westminster Road Station where the southern suburbs appear as a collection of dark tram met the tube of the recently opened Bakerloo shapes, with the notable exception of the woman Underground line.105 accented in a pearl-white wrap at the center of the London was a giant hub for all sorts of rapid composition. transport. Trams connected the city’s center to out- The Evening Exodus, East End: In Liverpool Street lying regions as did trains from London’s great rail- Station (fi g. 49) took London’s migratory pattern way stations, two of which were featured in The indoors. Although one of Markino’s rare interior Colour of London. The Evening Exodus, West End: views, the space depicted is so cavernous that it

47 Markino. The Evening Exodus, West End: Entering Victoria Rail- way Station, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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seems little diff erent from the foggy streets out- omitting details of the ceiling supports. Thomas side, from where mist has probably seeped in to Burke’s description of the inside of the Cannon mingle with smoke and vapor rising from unseen Street Station shares the mood of Markino’s view: locomotives. Using a high vantage point popular “A huge vault of lilac shadow, pierced by innumer- with Japanese artists, Markino exaggerated this ill- able pallid arc lights.”108 Lines of globe lights mark defi ned, murky space of steam and atmosphere by out the extent of the vast enclosure but do little to disperse the blue-grey gloom. To the left in the illustration the artist has indicated, with touches of black silhouette on clothing and especially hats, a huge crowd evidently pressing towards the left plat- forms and the trains out of town. The area to the right is less crowded, with couples or smaller groups of people visible under the electric lights. From this terminus near the City commuters could reach such suburban destinations as Bethnal Green, Hackney Downs, Tottenham and Waltham Cross while travelers could get to the docks of east Lon- don. In Earl’s Court Station (fi g. 50) Markino conveyed the bustle of a less cavernous building. Small- er than Liverpool Street or Victoria, Earl’s Court station stood out as a site of heightened innovation. It accommodated trains serving central London with a “shallow underground line,” recently electrifi ed in 1905–1906, and the newer “deep” tube railway. Earl’s Court was one of the system’s covered “open sites” with a glass roof and suspended 109 48 Markino. At Victoria Station, detail from Impressions of lights. A section of its light, iron truss-work roof London by a Japanese Artist, in The King (May 10, 1902). support, exposed by small, distant attached lights, British Library. enlivens the top of Markino’s illustration. Below,

49 Markino. Evening Exodus, East End: In Liverpool Street Station, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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50 Markino. Earl’s Court Station, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910).

on the crowded platform, more lights sparkle yel- re-visited the river’s edge for the watercolor Chel- low or white as they hang in various arrangements. sea Embankment (fi g. 51). Here the focus was not the Information met the public at almost every turn. inviting riverside walkway he had depicted earlier Suspended from the ceiling are colorful and bright- but instead a simple coff ee stall. Markino, the noc- ly illuminated signs for the Olympia amphitheater turnal peripatetic, would have no doubt been drawn in nearby Addison Road, conveniently accessible to the light of this popular, utilitarian London by train from Earl’s Court. Placed obliquely at the amenity, what Machray had called one of the “most center right is a well-lit notice over a bench and, at prominent features of the Night Side of the London almost the center of the composition, is what one streets….”111 The stall’s rectangular open front, ra- guidebook called “the somewhat inconspicuous diating amber intensity, takes on the appearance of telegraph-board on which the destination of the a picture framed by foggy darkness. Earlier Marki- ‘next train’ is indicated.”110 Three fi gures in the fore- no had created a similar nighttime scene, but on a ground—a man in a top hat talking to two women, Japanese theme. An Evening View of the Geisha one in pink and the other in a blue wrap—might Quarters (fi g. 52) concentrates on indirect lighting have been coming from the nearby Earl’s Court from a paper lantern and an open doorway, to cre- Exhibition Grounds, one of Markino’s favorite ate a dramatic eff ect reminiscent of the Meiji era haunts. At left an electric-powered train approach- printmaker Kobayashi Kiyochika (fi g. 53), whose es, its large windows lit from within by a dull yellow work Markino could have known.112 Within the glow. In the murky distance signal lights and a clock Chelsea coff ee stall stands a jacket-less proprietor face prove a dull contrast to the spotlighted area at working below a row of cups and other assorted ar- the right, and a reminder that London’s thick air ticles of a business which could off er a surprising was never far away. variety of refreshments on a damp, cheerless night. Donald Maxwell later recalled a similar establishment in the Euston Road, operated by a “gentle- walking the shrouded streets eyed” soul who could be seen,

Markino found London’s foggy nights alive with breathing a benison upon the thick, white cups, to polish other fascinating displays of light, often in some of them lovingly with the hem of his white apron … behind the most prosaic settings. In A Japanese Artist he him shining cups and plates and saucers, ranged in

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51 Markino. Chelsea Embankment, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910).

platoons…. Piles of ‘doorsteps,’ think white clumps of Another coff ee stall attracted the wandering bread with a mere mention of butter—seductive ‘tiddler’ Markino in the West End. After-hours explorers of gleaming metallically upon the thick hunches—pyra- London streets had been advised by Machray to mids of cake, bilious and spotted like a new variety of start at Hyde Park Corner because there one could erysipelas….113 “have a talk and a cup of coff ee at the stall which you will notice hard by one of the gates …”115 which, like Markino studied this mundane structure intently, its counterpart at the end of Battersea Bridge, was noting how the surrounding tones of grey or black something of a refuge in an area conspicuous for its contributed to its isolation and how, simultaneous- imposing buildings but defi cient when it came to ly, balance and context derived from the eff erves- places for inexpensive refreshment. The familiar cent area of nearby illumination. Four lampposts welcoming light of the coff ee stall, what a later au- cast beacons of white on the left side of the bridge thor would liken to “a lighthouse in a November and create a focus for the center of the composition fog,”116 became the central element in Markino’s while several lamps at the distant right mark Bat- The Night Coff ee-Stall, Hyde Park Corner (fi g. 54). tersea Bridge, recognizable by its singular stone- Markino pictured it as described by Machray, set work parapet. The street lamps drop long white re- between the gated entrance to the park and the fl ections on the wet pavement, turning it into adjacent Hyde Park underground station. One of something akin to a shimmering plane of ice. This the columns fl anking the west gateway of Decimus glowing coff ee oasis, anchoring the composition, Burton’s imposing 1828 screen is visible at the was probably the very same “small untidy box on right, its fl uting directing the eye upward into the the Embankment” where Ransome would, of an nebulous nighttime fog. Behind this, the smooth, evening, “spend a happy twenty minutes among the grey stone of the unadorned wall provides a neu- loafers by the stall.”114 tral backdrop for the clearly bordered, orange-lit

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52 Markino. An Evening View of the Geisha Quarters, in “The True Story of the Geisha,” The English Illustrated Magazine (December, 1903).

53 Kobayashi Kiyochika (1847–1915). Shinbashi Station (1881). Wood- block print: 8 x 12 ¼ © Trustees of the British Museum

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behind it or before, to mingle and interlace with other pyramids. Darting hither and thither above this rippling river are the fi refi les from which the fl ashes emanate, moving to and fro, crossing and recrossing in a mystic maze. There and there their continuity is broken by a broad band of startling colour as an omnibus heaves itself into the wide refl ection of the electric lights of a gay shop-window—a band or colour seen an instant and gone.117

The late-Victorian painter Atikson Grimshaw had specialized in studying how gas-lit windows cast a golden glow onto wet cobblestones,118 although usually under clear, moonlit skies. Markino may not have known much about Grimshaw’s work, which was not widely exhibited at the time,119 but he would have been aware of the popularity of brightly-lit interiors viewed from outside, such as the mysteri- ously luminescent windows of Staple Inn which appeared in The Studio in June 1905. Markino illustrated one such evening scene in Christmas Shop- ping: Regent Street (fi g. 55). The setting was likely 54 Markino. The Night Coff ee-Stall, Hyde Park Corner, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). the corner of Regent Street, just off the Circus and near the spot where Swan and Edgar, drapers and “silk mercers” sold a wide range of goods.120 enterprise, complete with mustached proprietor. A large window set between two columns is bright- Its strong illumination silhouettes two soldiers at ly illuminated from within, through the wide ex- the left, while to their right the brightness has the panse of glass, in a way described by Shivelbusch eff ect of modeling and detailing the features of a as an “uninterrupted, transparently sparkling sur- man and a woman. Further to the right, away from face [which] acted rather like glass on a framed the light, a second couple seems poised to dissolve painting.”121 Added light is provided by the electric into foggy darkness. globe lamp attached by an encased power line from Along London’s great thoroughfares Markino across the half-open transom.122 The light seems to noticed nighttime illumination taking on a more draw people toward it. Sims claimed to have con- generalized and brilliant appearance. Here the tributed to the dramatic appearance of this kind of ever-present street lamps joined innumerable shop sidewalk radiance near the end of the previous cen- windows pouring great swaths of light onto the tury. “Thirty years ago I remember a Regent Street walkways. The Edwardian writer Geraldine Mit- that was … dark at night…. But even before the ton recalled this play of light on Regent Street, coming of the arc lamp some of us had started where, ‘A League of Light,’ and asked the shopkeepers to keep their shops unshuttered and their lights going the lights fl ash on the wet harness of the brown-fl anked to make a brighter London by night….”123 Outlined horses…. The very roadway is a living river of light by architecture and the surrounding dull-grey and colour, for each swiftly moving lamp, be it yellow or atmosphere, the window reveals a blurred, but radi- red or white or green, sends a fl ashing, swaying pyramid ant, play of yellow and red objects. Schievelbush

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55 Markino. Christmas Shopping: Regent Street, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

has described the “illuminated window as stage, the the site’s essentials,125 and to go beyond the bright street as theatre and the passers-by as audience— 1901 illustration Piccadilly Circus for The Studio this is the scene of big-city night life.”124 (see ﬁ g. 67), with its overabundance of detail and Night: Lights in Piccadilly (see ﬁ g. 3) brought to- incident. That inveterate chronicler of London, gether the illumination, atmosphere and vitality of E. Beresford Chancellor, seemed to love its sugges- the Edwaridan metropolis for the frontispiece for tiveness, as it evoked that special time when “the The Colour of London. This arresting image com- lamps from the Trocadero or the Criterion are dim- bined dulling fog, pierced in places by powerful ly perceived through a fog, or are almost indecently electric lights or muted gas globes, with crowds of glaring in a clear sky above it….”126 Largely hidden pedestrians and assorted vehicles moving in and in the background of Markino’s watercolor, the out of visibility. Using the grey mist as both a scrim Trocadero and the Criterion were two of the many and backdrop, Markino exploited what one critic restaurants which prompted Rook to declare, called “the great glare of Piccadilly” to suggest “[H]ere undoubtedly is the centre, the stomach of

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London.” A famous dinner at the former in 1909, places. Crowds of heavily-dressed people, men in hosted by the management of The Burlington top hats and overcoats, women in long wraps Magazine, brought together many leading fi gures and holding muff s, suggest a cold evening, as they from the art world and students of Japan, includ- mass around the base of Alfred Gilbert’s sculp- ing M. H. Spielmann, Laurence Binyon, Edward ture. The Hansom cab approaching at the left, its Strange, Arthur Morrison and Roger Fry.127 Sy- driver and passengers barely discernable, carries a mons’ 1908 description of the spot is even more hanging lantern, a faint echo of the golden color appropriate to the mood of Markino’s illustration: covering the theater’s portico. The three powerful “The Circus is like a whirlpool, streams pour stead- electric bulbs on the Pavilion’s pediment add a ily outward from the centre, where the fountain majestic, dramatic eff ect in contrast to the dull, stands for a symbol. The lights glitter outside thea- tempered gold refl ected off the mist in the middle tres and music-halls and restaurants; lights corus- background and the hazy, grey glow of the street cate, fl ash from the walls, dart from the vehicles; a lights below. dark tangle of roofs and horses knots itself together Markino, the enthusiastic foreigner, may have and swiftly separates at every moment; all the pave- wished to accentuate these lights of western mod- ments are as warm with people hurrying.”128 ernism, or at least that was the opinion of the critic Machray had emphasized a few years earlier the who claimed, “he sees the lights in our darkness location’s essential role in London’s nightlife: with an intensity impossible to a native. London for him glitters with brilliancy.”131 Three years later the A humming centre truly Piccadilly Circus is from eleven English painter Arthur Hacker, whom Markino to one at night—it is the centre of the Night Side of knew, executed an oil painting, A Wet Night at Pic- London…. As the theatres and music-halls of London cadilly Circus (Royal Academy of Arts), of the inter- empty themselves into the streets, the Circus is full of section and the Pavilion which shared something of the fl ashing and twinkling of the multitudinous light of the Japanese artist’s sensibility although presented hurrying hansoms … of streams of people, men and in a more generalized diff usion of golden, blurred women, mostly in evening dress walking along … [y]ou light.132 Spielmann said of Night: Lights in Piccadilly catch charming glimpses in the softening electric light of that “it notably succeeds in setting before us vivid- sylph-like forms, pink-fl ushed happy faces, snowy shoul- ly, yet with suffi cient restraint, the contending ders half-hidden in lace or chiff on, or cloaks of silk and qualities of the lights, and realizes in remarkable satin ….129 fashion the hurried movement of the crowd that palpitates, as it were, with life in this real centre of Markino’s illustration gives a prominent place to the great pleasure-loving city.” He went on to make the London Pavilion, brilliantly lit, commanding an observation which summed up Markino’s vi- attention at the left, while the Circus’ most famous sion: “It is night scenes that arouse Mr. Markino’s landmark, the Shaftsbury Memorial, acts as a greatest enthusiasm…. [T]he colour of London counterweight at the bottom right, its clearly iden- lights enchants him most of all” especially when “a tifi able form silhouetted by the theater’s bright ruddier glow awakens Piccadilly Circus to the lights. Markino created the impression that the pleasures of the evening.”133 But it was Beresford London Pavilion, resplendent with its noble classi- who acknowledged Markino’s ability to capture the cal facade, was some important public edifi ce, special London atmosphere at this famous inter- rather than simply a music hall, of the sort dis- section, when he wrote in his 1909 Wanderings in missed by Sir Walter Besant as “principally the London, “Piccadilly Circus is a sight, I always think, resort of the working classes … devoted solely to wonder at … by night, as Yoshima [sic] Markino to popular amusement….”130 Markino loved such would possibly prefer….”134

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arkino owed much of his success origins— the “Japanese treatment of the subject is to his ability to blend the stylistic ele- so apparent in some of the coloured plates as to Mments of his native Japan with those of constitute caricature.” An American critic agreed: his adopted western base. One writer who com- “His pictures are immediately to be diff erentiated mented on the admixture was Bénédite, curator at from others by their lightness and delicacy of Paris’ Luxembourg Museum and writer on Chio- touch as well as by the few colors which furnish his noiserie and Islamic art. palatte.”3 Others saw a more European aspect in pictures which were “Turneresque for colour and Mr. Yoshio Markino’s case is instructive because it is an atmospheric eff ect” or “Whistlerian in treatment” exceptionally signiﬁ cant example of this assimilation by because of the “artist’s vision seen trough mists or a Japanese artist of our Western aesthetics. It is true to at the crepuscular hour….”4 The Burlington had say that, just like most of the young Japanese ambitious little doubt that Markino “has achieved a style in to show that they could measure up to something new, which Western methods are superimposed upon Mr. Markino didn’t wait for maturity to prepare his ini- Japanese vision with a unique and very agreeable tiation into the mysteries of the aesthetics of the old result,” but a reviewer for The Daily Telegraph had European world. He belongs to a generation which more diffi culty in pinning down the essentials of found the new state of aff airs completely established, Markino’s art, writing that aside from “a slight and for whom the past, although still very recent, was no porcelain daintiness with which the ﬁ gures of longer reality, but history. For these, then, no eff ort is women are touched in, there is nothing conven- required to repress the very natural prejudices and to tionally Japanese in Mr. Markino’s art. On the conquer very legitimate obstacles. They were entirely other hand there is a diversity of delicacy which is prepared to assimilate.1 essentially un-British…. [T]here is always something alien in his artistic passion.”5 Edwardian critics, increasingly aware of what Markino ran a danger in this apparent blend- one writer termed “a mutual exchange of gifts being of styles. The New Age, disliking his Oxford tween Eastern and Western civilisations,”2 ener- illustrations “full of dampness … charged with getically dissected his work in order to expose this smoke,” ventured that “he should have understood cross-cultural approach. For The Athenaeum, his that the Japanese artist has nothing to learn from illustrations of London clearly betrayed his Asian us, and kept to his own methods of expression” especially their “Japanese joy-of-life-colour….” The Athenaeum, initially sympathetic to the novelty of Fig. 67: Piccadilly Circus Markino’s project, eventually tired of its hybridity.

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“He can in no sense be said to represent the Orien- Edwardian gentleman’s fashion (see fi g. 1), added tal outlook, and he appears to have failed to grasp to this dual image. Charles Lewis Hind noticed the spirit of art and thought in the West.” This this. When he visited Markino’s 1907 Cliff ord Gal- Japanese, in his attempt to “stand between two tra- lery exhibition he remembered the “Samurai” ditions,” had in the fi nal analysis “fallen between Markino standing in his Japanese-style garments: two stools.”6 “He was clad in a sort of Academic black gown, open at the front, and his feet were sandaled…. The little ornament on his haori (the gown) was the an alien witness family crest … a wistaria-fl ower.” Three years later he met him at Spielmann’s Cadogan Square home, From the beginning of his British career, Markino but this time found him “frock-coated and patent- had actively cultivated the persona of the alien wit- booted.”7 ness, attaching to his published work such identify- Spielmann attempted an extended analysis of ing lines as “A Japanese Artist in London,” “Eng- the “Markino style” in his introduction to The Col- land Seen by a Japanese Artist” or “Impressions of our of London. Perhaps too enamored of an idyllic London. By a Japanese Artist.” Photographs of vision of a pre-Meiji/industrial Japan, he thought Markino, in one instance clad in traditional Japa- Markino possessed a novel, albeit outsider’s, in- nese gown (fi g. 56), in another outfi tted in the latest sight. “His eyes, trained to see the loveliness of Japan, the toy-like cities and blossom-bearing gardens of Nippon, turned with joy to the muddy streets of London and its life of revelry and wealth, of sordidness, of grime and struggle, and he saw the beauty that is in them….” Several pictures seemed to demonstrate Markino’s approach. Early Autumn, Hyde Park (see fi g. 27) used London’s familiar atmosphere, “the mist, … which fl oats among the trees,” with specifi c Japanese elements, “the branches that hang across the top” of the illustration, reminiscent of earlier Japanese tradition, one associated with the ephemeral qualities of nature’s relentless cycles. Gale Street, Chelsea, in Snow (see fi g. 30), with its feeling for “crisp and fro- zen air, its well-placed, well-characterized fi gures, and its graceful snow-laden tree,” spoke to how “[s] now eff ects seem to come naturally to the artists of Japan, who have the knack of recording their impressions with singular economy of means …” while also allowing Markino to embellish the subject, to be “kinder to our London slush than stern truth seems to demand….”8 Spielmann paid special attention to two Hyde Park pictures as a way of also highlighting Marki- no’s versatility. Of Church Parade, Near Stanhope 56 Markino portrait, photograph, in The Bookman (June, Gate, July (fi g. 57), Spielmann wrote, “It may be 1910). objected that here there is too much colour, that

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57 Markino. Church Parade, Near Stanhope Gate, July, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

the scene too obviously represents a garden party, the rather high horizon, the thick, pillar-like tree splashed with the black blots of the men’s top trunks with their emphatic vertical emphasis and hats and frock coats. But the fl utter, the move- their top branches abruptly cropped. A decorative ment, the atmosphere of the parade are rendered assemblage comprised of many sharp details, the with rare skill….” He discerned a French or Amer- focus falls on the urbane pedestrians moving back ican feel and indeed there is something of the Im- and forth, rather than the absent equestrians who pressionists in the eff ervescent touches of color, would have been confi ned to the wide area at the along with suggestions of the distinctive elegance far left. For Spielmann, however, the key point of John Singer Sargent, the American painter of was the diff erence between the two illustrations: watercolors and portraits so popular with the Ed- “it is hard to believe that this Western interpreta- wardians and known to Markino. This familiar, tion of the scene is by the same man who drew the western quality, probably contributed to one no- very Japanese impression of the similar subject.”10 tice which considered it “one of the artist’s happi- The critic held that there was such a thing as a est eff orts, a really clever bit of work.”9 For Spiel- “national” manner of expression in art, a point mann it was “violently contrasted” to Morning he argued in his biography of Kate Greenaway. Parade, Rotten Row (fi g. 58), a “very Japanese im- While he would write that “little respect is de- pression” because of its “precision.” Other tell- served or received by a man who aff ects to speak tale eastern elements strengthen the composition, his language with a foreign accent,” Markino, for such as fl attened fi gures, the clear concern for line, him, evidently avoided this pitfall through his sin- the broad expanse of unblemished gravel leading cerity in embracing styles refl ective of his varying back, with a strong diagonal accentuation, towards experiences.11

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58 Markino. Morning Parade: Rotten Row, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

Binyon off ered a more scholarly assessment of But two other characteristic qualities “show the in- The Colour of London’s illustrations that struck to stinct of his race asserting itself through the over- the heart of Markino’s east/west style. “The art of lay of Western methods….” These were Markino’s Yoshio Markino is, it is true, not pure Japanese. “love of silhouette and his faculty for using em- His instincts are those of his race, his training has phatic vertical lines in composition….”13 been almost entirely occidental… Mr. Markino Vertical elements stood out in the form of shows more interest and more mastery in render- the solid, dark tree trunks in Rotten Row, and less ing the many-coloured atmosphere of London obviously in the cylindrical shape of the men’s shiny than in anything else….” His attempt to render silk top-hats of Church Parade. “the complete representation of a scene as it off ers But vertical play was most evident in Markino’s itself to our eyes,” instead of relying on the Japa- portrayals of Thames bridges. Hungerford Bridge: nese propensity for cropped views, emerged in the Evening (fi g. 59) concentrates on two lines of rigidly dreamy view of Leicester Square: The Alhambra parallel piers supporting this fl at, wide rail and pe- Square, Night (see fi g. 37).12 This preference for the destrian crossing not unlike some of Hiroshige’s transforming eff ect of grey fog would have easily prints where “great pine-trees … are superbly resonated with Britons but according to Binyon it massed into a sort of rank of giant sentinels….”14 could weaken his Japanese technique so that “in Markino devoted nearly an entire watercolor to fi gures, as in architecture, his line has little of the one massive cylindrical pier upriver in Albert power of the great artists of his own country….” Bridge, Chelesa Embankment: Running Tide (fi g. 60),

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59 Markino. Hungerford Bridge: Evening, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

60 Markino. Albert Bridge, Chelsea Embankment: Run- 61 Markino. The Strand: New Gaiety Theatre, Night, in ning Tide, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

suggestive perhaps of the dependable solidity of function, as in The Strand. New Gaiety Theatre, the tree trunks forming the supportive core of Night (ﬁ g. 61). A small, bare tree, back-lit at the edge traditional Japanese homes.15 Verticals could play a of the curb, acts as a stark visual anchor just to the less commanding but, nonetheless, discernible left of center, paralleling and enhancing the upward

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thrust of the building whose tall facade in turn rises from a brightly illuminated base to be lost in the misty darkness at the top of the paper. This vital, yet subtle element, at the same time marks off a more nebulous area to the right, suggestively denoted with more vertical shapes—another, more distant tree near the right edge, then upwards to the left a delicate lamppost refl ecting the glare of its harsh electric bulb and fi nally, just behind, the soft- ly lit steeple of St. Mary-le-Strand. These dark objects are treated in such a way as to contribute form and solidity to this scene while also adding a sense of quiet mystery, as did the second Japanese characteristic (conspicuous in silk paintings and prints) noted by Binyon, the silhouette. Some of Markino’s more ethereal nocturnes used silhouettes as a device to identify notable objects which might otherwise have receded from view. Night: Lights in Piccadilly Circus (see fi g. 3) showed Alfred Gilbert’s statue of Eros as a fl at, black presence, back-lit from the street and the fl ood lights of the London Pavilion to the left. Ear- lier, in a 1903 illustration for Black & White, Marki- no had used the silhouette in the clear light of day to accent the statue of Achilles at the edge Hyde Park as a black, abstract shape perched on a white pedestal (fi g. 62). By the time of Colour of London Marki- no’s daytime silhouettes had become softer under a covering of greyish atmosphere. Spring Mist. West- minster Bridge (see fi g. 21) used the cropped, grey silhouette of the horse drawing Boudicca’s chariot not only to identify the location but also to act as an asymmetrical counterpoise to the black, vertical lamppost at the right. In Hungerford Bridge (see fi g. 59), I. K. Brunel’s railway crossing took the attention to the opposite bank and the fl at shape of the Lion Brewery, with its smokestack and name- sake silhouetted on the parapet. Markino’s most inventive use of silhouette, however, was the outline of the Brompton Oratory on the cover of the English printing of The Colour of London, rendered, depending on the edition, either as red over tan or gold over ivory. The books on Paris and Rome had 62 Markino. Points of View–No. 2: In Hyde Park, in Black covers which used local scenes in a similar manner & White (March 21, 1903). © Victoria and Albert (see fi g. 4; fi gs. 63, 64). Museum.

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63 Markino. Cover, Lucien Descaves, ed., The Colour of 64 Markino. Cover, Olave Potter, The Colour of Rome Paris (1908). (1909).

the hybrid style publication but it also included the critical fi rst analysis of his Japanese style and its connection When Binyon commented on Markino’s weak use to British art and culture. Contained in a regular of line, he may have been inadvertently exposing feature entitled “Studio-Talk,” the remarks were the eff ects of the artist’s stylistic journey towards a possibly written by its editor Charles Holme, more western manner. When A Japanese Artist in a passionate admirer of Japan. They noted that the London appeared with an early, detailed sketch, artist’s “character-sketching … attracts by reason Opening Day at Earl’s Court (The First Sketch the of its humour and its vivacity,” a noted charac- Artist Struggled to Sell) (fi g. 65), included in com- teristic of Japanese art. A favorite was Earl’s Court pany with a number of atmospheric watercolors, Exhibition (fi g. 66), probably a companion to the Courtney wrote that its crowd of accurately drawn, drawing published later in the artist’s autobiogra- two-dimensional fi gures was “more like Japanese phy, a good example of the “light, gay studies” art than anything else contained within these which so eff ectively captured “the outdoor life of covers.”16 Markino had used similarly styled illus- London,” with its concentration on crowds, hu- trations of busy crowds, fi lled with abundant morous incident and precise drawing of un-mod- movement and action but rendered with economy, eled fi gures set against a white background. Its con- for a piece published in The Studio at the end of fi dent handling of space and proportion was 1901. Not only was this Markino’s fi rst important conspicuously absent in Piccadilly Circus (fi g. 67).

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65 Markino. Opening Day at Earl’s Court, in A Japanese Artist in London (1910).

66 Markino. Earl’s Court Exhibition , in The Studio, 24 (1901). Mar- quand Library of Art and Ar- chaeology, Princeton University. Photograph: John Blazejewski, Princeton University.

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67 Markino. Piccadilly Circus, in The Studio, 24 (1901). Marquand Library of Art and Archaeol- ogy, Princeton University. Photograph: John Blazejewski, Princeton University.

Here the perspective is awkward and the scene is ﬁ xture in the foreground, the ﬂ ower-sellers with crowded in a way which seems almost comical in baskets of blooms and sticks for reaching custom- its attempt to compress as large a cross-section ers atop double-deck omnibuses.17 Much in the of London humanity as possible into the view. composition points to the Japanese print tradition. Yet “Studio-Talk” complimented it for including Charles J. Holmes’ observation in his contempo- “plenty of movement and character in the croquis rary book on the great Japanese artist Hokusai made at Piccadilly circus, near Mr. Gilbert’s foun- could apply here equally to Markino: “The human- tain.” Included in this social panorama are police, a ity he really loves is for the most part a busy newsboy, a bicyclist, sandwich-men, a man having humanity.”18 Characteristic features of Japanese his boots shined, carriages and the most famous art emerge throughout, from the abrupt change

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between foreground and background to the strong- Markino’s art who could appreciate its “pleasing ly silhouetted “Eros” and the overall absence of ‘cross’ in aestheticism, a hybrid in artistic prac- modeling and shadow. The Studio thought that in tice….” Parallels in recent western art loomed general Markino’s national origins showed in his large, especially among “Europeans who have been drawings of people who seemed “too slender in emulative students of Japanese methods and form to be typically British.” Perhaps there was a styles.” Specifi cally, The Studio avowed that Marki- combination of stylistic elements at work. “Lon- no’s pictures carried “a very remarkable and near doners we recognize them to be, though the bodies resemblance to the sketches done by Vallaton hidden by their clothes are Anglo-Japanese.” [sic]….” The contemporary Félix Vallotton had In fact The Studio found the mixture of east and been experimenting, since the 1890s, with wood- west in Markino’s work both obvious and admira- cuts of crowd scenes containing monochrome fi g- ble, demonstrating “clearly the infl uence of Euro- ures heavily infl uenced by the fl at patterns of Japa- pean methods on the traditions of style which he nese prints (fi g. 68). But the ultimate consequence, acquired in his native country and brought with both for Vallotton and Markino, of “this hybridiz- him to England.” The rich stylistic blend in- ing of their birthright traditions” might be prob- trigued this writer as it would many other critics of lematic, continued the article. Would it result in

68 Félix Vallotton (1865–1925). The Demonstration (La Manifestation), from the portfolio. The Original Print (L’Estampe originale), no. 1 (1893). Woodcut, block: 8 x 12 5/8” (20.3 x 32 cm); sheet: 9 3/16 x 13 3/8” (23.3 x 33.9 cm). Gift of Victor S. Riesenfeld. Digital Image ©Museum of Modern Art/Licensed by SCALA/Art Resource, NY The Museum of Modern Art, New York, NY, USA.

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anything more than “interesting fashions,” incapa- ble of creating any meaningful new artistic departure? Was it not a valid criticism to see this “hybrid” as “altogether at variance with the conservatism of the East and of the West,” doomed in the end “to revert to their original stock, becoming wholly European or wholly Japanese”? Over a century and a half earlier, its readers were reminded, Sir William Chambers’ passion for Chinese art had created a brief, but ultimately uninfl uential, fashion called English Chinoiserie. Evidently it was too soon for a defi nitive appraisal but, in the meantime, “a critic cannot fail to take interest in the results produced by ‘crossing’ art traditions. An early chair by Chippendale, designed in what he described as ‘the Chinese manner,’ is as attractive historically as a later chair in his own style; and it is possible that the work of Vallaton [sic] and Yoshio Markino may have some day a similar historic interest to students of the past.”19 Spielmann expressed a more positive view of this development when almost two years later he presented “A Japanese Artist in London: Mr. Yosh- io Markino” in The Magazine of Art. “Many would 69 Markino. London Seen with Japanese Eyes: Marylebone Church, in The Magazine of Art (August, 1903). Photo- tell us that a Japanese artist should not paint or graph courtesy of the Ryerson and Burnham Libraries, study out of Japan. There is no ground for so selfi sh Art Institute of Chicago. a view,” he wrote. Spielmann published three Markino watercolors, with London Seen with Japa- nese Eyes: Marylebone Church (fi g. 69), the most hidden meaning. Here the silhouetted Landseer arresting not only by virtue of occupying a full page lions appear as grey monuments in the distance, but also because it was reproduced in color. The vaguely linked to the plinth of Nelson’s column. editor judged it “a bright and luminous drawing of Most details are muted, and light is diff used from the exterior[,] … the buildings and the atmospheric scattered, isolated sources with most details tem- eff ect altogether admirable; the fi gures, of which pered by what Spielmann would later call “the grey there were many, so simple and naive in manner as veil of mist which enshrouds the sternness of to suggest a Japanese colour-print….”20 Precisely the view….” drawn, vividly clear and fi lled with detail, its Japa- This article included a narrative by Markino nese qualities include a discernible fl atness to the about his life and his artistic aims and, most inter- people and architecture, a certain awkwardness in esting, his attempt to defl ect the charge that his art perspective and tree branches entering at the top (and, as shall be seen, his writing) tended either to left from an unseen source. A second illustration, fl it between the distinctive styles of east and west or Evening in Trafalgar Square, London (fi g. 70), while to combine the two in what could be called “hybrid- still possessing a Japanese feel, shows the artist izing,” an approach which, in the words of a later changing direction, moving towards a more west- critic, seemed “painted, as it were, in broken Eng- ern concern with atmosphere and the symbolism of lish….”21 Despite the fame of being “A Japanese

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70 Markino. Evening in Trafalgar Square, London , in The Magazine of Art (August, 1903) Reprinted as Trafalgar Square by Night, in W.J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

Artist in London,” Markino believed that the label audience that “his conscience did not allow him of “hybrid” at times hindered his progress. “Some to call himself a stranger to this country any more, publishers say my work is too much European in and now he felt that he was one of them.”24 New style; others say it is too much Japanese.” In his de- stimuli came from the city’s unique character. fense, he described his working methods which, he There were the bold, colorful advertising posters maintained, were always based on initial impres- which seemed to be pasted up everywhere (fi g. 71), sions gained in the street, some of which were which Markino admired as much for their graph- sketched in a notebook, but which were worked up ic interest as for the useful information they later from these and from memory. Sometimes the contained about the names of printers who might result “looks quite in the Japanese style, and other give him work.25 Then there were the endless, times quite European. It depends on how I am dreamy streets, blanketed by the ever-present haze. impressed.”22 In A Japanese Artist he placed part of “Gradually, as the eye became accustomed to the blame on some mistaken assumptions about English eff ects of atmosphere, the style altered,” Japan and what was considered its “otherness.” wrote Courtney, so that some of his work could There were those Britons, he believed, who “love “hardly … be distinguished from those of any Eng- Japan because anything Japanese is strange to their lish artist.”26 eyes.” What did they expect from an artist so identi- The enticing examples of western art on display fi ed? “They might be pleased,” he answered, “if in public galleries and museums also had their ef- I painted English women with one eye or three eyes, fect on the newly arrived Markino. In particular, his or if I painted London Bridge on the top of St. Paul.” visits to the Tate, the Victoria and Albert and the Even his London teachers had off ered confl icting National Gallery resulted in a pronounced admira- advice about how to make his mark. One told him tion for J.M.W. Turner. The year 1901 marked, as to emulate British illustrators, while another said has been mentioned, the fi ftieth anniversary of the that “there was an opening for my future if I did my great man’s passing, a date preceded in 1900 by Japanese style….”23 But the longer he lived in Brit- the death of his tireless champion, John Ruskin. ain the more that memories of his homeland and its The complete and still defi nitive edition of Ruskin’s culture receded. In 1911 he declared to a London writings, with its many sections on Turner, came

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Turner’s golden canvases.27 Many of Turner’s key works were readily available for study and admiration in several London museums. Markino would have seen The Fighting Temeraire, Peace—Burial at Sea and Rain, Steam and Speed at the National Gal- lery, and at the Tate the remarkably atmospheric Thames above Waterloo Bridge, a work depicting the smoke and steam of early nineteenth-century Lon- don. Engagement with Turner became a focus of Markino’s artistic education although he tended to cultivate a more subdued manner from that of his great predecessor. Markino claimed to be initially unsympathetic to Turner’s art but through the prodding of his Japanese friend Busho Hara, he come to love Britain’s favorite painter, writing, “I think I was strongly impressed by those wonderful Turners especially because I began to struggle to paint my favourite London fogs…. Those wonderful atmospheric eff ects! The colours were breathing! The tones were moving!“28 The other painter who loomed large at this time, and to whom Markino was compared, was James A. McNeill Whistler. Whistler’s infl uence eludes a clear assessment because Markino did 71 Markino. Posters in the Strand, in W. J. Loftie, The not claim a direct connection. And yet, Whistler’s Colour of London (1907). legacy pervaded the Edwardian era. The Ameri- can’s death in 1903 had produced a fl urry of commentary and retrospectives, including an out between 1903 and 1912. These years also saw extensive “memorial exhibition” in 1904 at Lon- renewed scholarly interest in Turner, especially don’s New Gallery, about which Markino could with the path-breaking work of A. J. Finberg, whose have been aware. Whistler’s aesthetic pronounce- inventory of the massive Turner Bequest appeared ments had a wide currency at the time, with writ- in 1909, followed the next year by his Turner’s ers often citing the famous phrase from his Ten Sketches and Drawings. W. G. Rawlinson’s two-vol- O’Clock lecture of 1885—“And when the evening ume examination of the engraved work emerged mist clothes the riverside with poetry, as with a between 1908 and 1913. Not only had Turner been veil, and the poor buildings lose themselves in the fi rmly established in the British art canon but his dim sky, and the tall chimneys become campanili, fame was such that his art often became a point of and the warehouses are palaces in the night….”29 reference for Edwardian discourse on the arts. Whistler was concerned with what Katherine Small wonder then that in The Scenery of London Lochnan has called an “aestheticism” in which G. E. Mitton would describe a late autumn day in “he began to seek beauty in modern life, and to de- London, when “the sky is alight with glory, shading pict these views shrouded in mist or cloaked in from orange red to palest yellow, with wisps of darkness.” Markino might have been drawn to smoky cloud fl oating against the background,” as this and to what Bernard Sickert called Whistler’s having more than a little in common with one of pictures of “the mournful twilight,” one example

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of which, Nocturne: Blue and Gold—Old Battersea would sketch eff ects of Roman colour….” For Dav- Bridge, Markino could have studied in London.30 ey, however, the result was disappointing because Perhaps he would have confronted the impres- the illustrations were “unfortunately drawn more sionist quality in Whistler’s work, the “surface ef- or less in modern European style, which is dis- fects,” which had so decided an impact on the tinctly to their detriment.” He thought that, in artistic taste of this era. As the critic Frank Rutter driving to embrace western qualities, Markino had declared, for England “impressionism meant faltered. “There is an absolute Japanese art, just Whistler.”31 as there is an absolute Italian and an absolute These infl uences would have played a part in French art, and for the life of me I cannot see why Markino’s development as an artist. By the time of Mr. Markino should not have followed the old his August 1903 article in The Magazine of Art, he Japanese lines, improving upon them. He would had demonstrated a new versatility, with Maryle- then have given us glimpses of Rome as seen bone Church possessing some predictable ele- through Japanese eyes, not through European ments from the Japanese tradition while Trafalgar glasses.” What was wanted was something like Square conveyed a discernable western feel. Writ- what the great eighteenth-century Japanese art- ing later in The Colour of London, Spielmann ists had perfected. Davey probably had examples summed up Markino’s mature painting. “That art of ukiyo-e in mind when he wrote, speculating of his has been called ‘hybrid’ by some, because he “[h]ow true and accurate the architectural drawing has quite naturally engrafted Western methods would have been, and how vivid, perhaps too vivid, and practice on to Eastern vision and Eastern the colouring!” Could Markino have been trying to taste. No one can doubt the nationality of the transfer his London atmosphere to Rome? “Rome, painter of these little pictures; yet English training even in rainy weather, is never the grey city Mr. and English subjects have necessarily modifi ed his Markino would have us believe it to be.” What natural expression.”32 Davey largely missed was the Japanese penchant Yet any move towards a western manner could for sharp detail and concern for “insignifi cant ob- invite censure. When Hind referred to Markino jects.” Occasionally Markino showed an aware- in his 1902 review of the Whitechapel Exhibition ness of such things. “Only a Japanese artist would as a “Japanese artist who is working at the present have dared to give us the exquisite sketch of the moment in London, and who has come under the Quirinal in which the enormous palace of the Ital- domination of our illustrated press,” his object was ian Kings is made subservient to the extraordinar- to contrast him with Japanese masters working in a ily minute details of a half-demolished house, traditional mode and for whom artifi ce and fame which fi lls up the great part of the picture” (fi g. 72). were anathema. While he would later warm to But such images appeared too infrequently. In the Markino’s approach, Hind maintained that when end, Markino needed to heed a simple warning. the great Hokusai depicted “a group of women on “Japanese art, to perfect itself, should move on Jap- the terrace of a pagoda gazing at Fusi-yama … [t]he anese lines … and there is nothing more likely to lines of their pretty backs, the sky, and the moun- cripple and numb its genius than an attempt to tain were motive enough for this master,” while the Europeanise it.” 34 present-day “Japanese artist” contentedly “draws a These remarks must be considered within fashionable London scene.”33 the context of a widely held British sentiment about A more extended criticism of Markino came the western contamination of Japanese culture. in a review of his Colour of Rome by Richard Davey Many Victorians had viewed Japan as a Romantic, in The Saturday Review. Davey found it remarkable unspoiled civilization that, because of the Meiji that the “Japanese have ‘progressed’” to the degree reforms, was in danger of losing its individuali- that a “Japanese artist, dressed like a European, ty and freshness, becoming little more than an

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disapproval extended to the arts. The Academy explained how, in the later nineteenth-century, Japan’s “hot desire to bring herself into line at every point with Western civilisation induced her to import Italian and French professors for her Gov- ernment art schools” with one questionable result being the emergence of native painters “who aped the art of Europe.” Edward Strange off ered “a brief appeal to Japanese artists to avoid imitations of Eu- ropean work,” as did Binyon.38 “Hard as it may be to withstand in art the Western infl uences which have transformed to so great an extent the external conditions of life, I fervently hope that those infl u- ences will be withstood, and that the artists of Ja- pan will realise how it is only by being true to its own ancient and inbred traditions that their art can worthily rival the art of Europe.”39 Nevertheless, a school of western style painting (yōga) took root, with Markino’s friend Hara as one of its more dedicated champions.40 When some good examples of western style painting were shown at the Japan-British Exhibi- tion they proved highly unpopular with the Lon- don public, with the area devoted to their display 72 Markino. The Quirinal, in Olave Potter, The Colour of “often empty of visitors.”41 A 1901 article in The Rome (1909). Magazine of Art on art education in Japan underscored the reasons for this British displeasure. It unseemly imitation of modern Europe. “How I de- called attention to “a blind rush to follow Western test the semi-European clothes of the streets,” ideas … swallowing everything Western simply be- wrote the scientist Marie Stopes of her time in Ja- cause it was Western.” George Lynch, its author, pan. She went on to observe how “even the richer hoped that “they will not lose their own artistic Japanese are casting aside the exquisite refi nement, ideas” in their drive to appear progressive: “Japa- the studied and cultured beauty of simplicity, to nese Art is a thing too delightful and unique for add a mêlée of ‘foreign’ additions and ‘luxuries’ to them to dream of infl icting such loss on the world their rooms.”35 This thinking could irritate some by abandoning its traditions.” A hopeful sign, he Japanese, causing Noguchi, for one, to complain of continued, was the emergence of a more mature Britons “whose delight and admiration are only in stance towards what the west had to off er, one in the things of old Japan.”36 Yet such views persisted. which “a discriminating selection” might be em- Reviewing a new book on Japan in 1904, a writer ployed to enhance traditional Japanese methods of for The Queen observed how “distressed one be- artistic expression.42 Ernest Fenollosa when pro- comes that the native Japanese should give up fessor at Tokyo University sought to enhance clas- their own picturesque attire to rig themselves out sic Japanese art, to establish a “tradition-based in top hats, frock coats, and the latest Paris gowns. painting that embraced innovation.” Fenollosa in- Their diminutive fi gures are so much better suit- fl uenced Okakura, that leading fi gure in the Meiji ed to the artistic garb of their native land.”37 This art world and well-known in the west through

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books and articles available in English and a propo- sequences. In one review of an exhibition of oil nent of Nihonga, a truly national Japanese art.43 paintings in Japan, he had few words of praise for Writing in The Awakening of Japan, Okakura advo- the western infl uence, declaring that “European art cated prudent borrowing,observing how “our past in Japan is no more than a grafted tree, rather sad to experience taught us to choose in Western institu- see. Or it might be a European language spoken by tions only what was consistent with our Eastern a Japanese; at best, it is uncomfortable.” For him, nature.”44 Other Japanese critics explored the pos- true Japanese art had to be indigenous, it “must be sibilities of synthesis. Sei-Ici Taki, in his capacity born from the soil,” it had to “explain … the habits as editor of Kokka, added a cautious support. of the country, or its history, or the nature which is Admittedly, “those of the Western style, both oil called Japanese.”51 Britons who were not expatri- paintings and water colours, have steadily been im- ates could have sampled Noguchi’s views on Japa- proving,” leading the author to foresee a sort of fu- nese prints at a Japan Society lecture in 1914 and in sion in styles, in which traditional Japanese paint- his Spirit of Japanese Art, which appeared the fol- ing could escape the stranglehold of outmoded lowing year, where he ventured the opinion that convention and embrace new concepts of natural- while “Japanese works of Western art are some- ism that would meet the “demand of the age….”45 times beautiful … it is at the best a borrowed art….” Nevertheless, he was concerned about Japanese And yet, Japanese artists had, he believed, learned artists who “in their eff ort to adopt western valuable lessons from the west, especially when it elements … have never got beyond the imitation came to “the mysteries of perspective” and he, like of mere superfi cialities….” For him the key was not Okakura and Taki, also saw the potential benefi ts of to “introduce elements of Western art which are fusion, “a combination of the East and West….”52 out of keeping with the fundamental principles of Just how this was to be achieved remained a chal- our native painting.”46 lenge to thoughtful Japanese as well as to interested Such a development was not without advantage. Britons. The Edinburgh Review in 1907 identifi ed Noguchi would later describe one immediate the overall dilemma: “We must remember too that benefi t: “Our artistic eye, which was only able to see while the original Japanese is thus much of a puz- everything fl at, at once opened through the foreign zle to us, the reconstituted Japanese is beginning to art to the mysteries of perspective, and though they be a puzzle even to himself. The men who have may not be the real essence of art, they were at least engineered the modern movement in Japan are not a new thing for us.”47 He was an important Japanese free from misgivings as to what may prove to be its participant in this debate, by virtue of his broad in- tendencies.”53 terests, his experience in the west and his many writings in English. Although primarily a poet and an admitted “layman” when it came to art,48 he early engagement with wrote perceptively on numerous cultural topics, in- the west cluding painting. He was a regular contributor to the Japan Times, the Tokyo publication that claimed The opportunities and tensions surrounding to be “the only English newspaper in existence ed- Japan’s engagement with western civilization were ited and conducted by Japanese … as an organ of a central feature of the Meiji period and an impor- Japanese thought and opinion….”49 Like many of tant part of Markino’s childhood and youth. He his countrymen attempting to come to terms with remembered how his father, Makino Toshimoto, Japan’s recent penchant for wholesale borrowing, a “was wandering all over the country during the subject they approached “with much greater dis- Civil War, and I was born just when Japan opened cernment during the early twentieth-century,”50 the country and was restored to peace,”54 a refer- Noguchi refl ected a common unease about its con- ence to the unrest of the 1870s surrounding the

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opposition of formerly privileged groups to the available, he studied it with eagerness “because sweeping Meiji reforms, culminating in the Satsu- I had already an ambition to come out to the west- ma uprising in 1878. Markino’s family were Samu- ern world.” His interest was further kindled when rai, a fact of lineage which would later so intrigue a visiting Japanese educator presented an illustrat- Britons.55 Markino claimed that his father had been ed lecture to the people of the village recounting a a participant in some of these political events. recent visit to Europe and America. “That made “During our civil war to make the new Japan he me quite mad with my ambition to come out to staked his life, and did a great deal for our country.” America or Europe, more than ever,” he wrote. Yet the Meiji regime, in abolishing this once privi- Already he had encountered two English works in leged warrior caste, reduced many to poverty. The translation. Signifi cantly for his later career, they straightened circumstances of Markino’s family were both written by famous nineteenth-century testifi ed to the new reality. “My father was so gen- British authors. Millicent Fawcett’s Political Econ- erous to the villagers. They often had a fl ood from omy and Henry Thomas Buckle’s The History of the river Yahagi, and he used to rescue all poor peo- Civilization. Buckle, in particular, impressed him ple. This was very well during the feudal system, because of the author’s belief in auto-didacticism when he had a revenue, but after the great change and his fi lial piety.58 No doubt he was also drawn to of New Japan he still continued in the same way Buckle’s theory of the developmental stages of civi- and soon became quite poor.” Markino’s father lized societies as his own country accelerated believed that his connection with “the victorious towards modernization. Revolutionalists” merited no reward or offi ce and During the Meiji period some of the fi rst books he contented himself with the education of young to be absorbed from the west were those from men of his community. He ended up becoming a Americans and Britons that expounded the novel village school teacher. Yet the Samurai heritage, ideas of “utilitarianism, civil liberties, natural with its Bushido code of heroic self-sacrifi ce, was rights, and rational positivism.” John Stuart Mill, not forgotten. Even when Markino encountered Jeremy Bentham and Herbert Spencer proved diffi culties in his life he”never uttered a single especially popular. This fueled the idea of hard complaint…. I concealed my tears….” From his fa- mental work that reformers like Fukuzawa Yukichi ther he learned the nuances of the modern Samu- extolled in writings promising fame and wealth rai who, mindful of the pull of age-old chivalry, had for the industrious.59 On a more emotional level, to accommodate themselves to Japan’s newly Markino came to enjoy, in his still insecure English, “democratic” society. “I think his idea was not to the American writers Washington Irving and the make Samurais into labourers, but surely he ex- very popular Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. He pected all labourers to become Samurais,” Marki- read Evangeline, not quite in the “forest primaeval” no recalled. He was taught to disdain the petty de- but in an appropriately bucolic setting, under a tree tails of economic life, to leave servants to pay for on Mount Yagoto, an experience he illustrated in a items in a store and never to pick up dropped coins, tender drawing which shows the diminutive young because “only the beggars would act such shame- student almost hidden amidst the peaceful and var- ful manners.”56 ied natural beauty (fi g. 73). Walking home, he felt The last clause in the Meiji Emperor’s famous subsumed by the transcendent experience of his Charter Oath of 1868 made Japan’s new global out- imagination—“I felt as if I was quite melted into the look clear: “Knowledge shall be sought throughout fumes of those spring fl owers which surrounded the world so as to strengthen imperial rule.”57 me!”—and inspired to think of the theme of Markino fully absorbed the prevailing pro-western Romantic love, a subject, according to Markino, orientation of early Meiji Japan. When a Japanese usually avoided in Japan. He identifi ed the west as a periodical entitled English Self-Taught became place of more uninhibited aff ection, a place where

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73 Markino. Reading “Evangeline” at Yagoto, in When I Was a Child (1912).

he thought he would thrive. He said to himself, activities in Japan in 1859. He “found that the teach- “‘Let me go to the Western countries, where they ing of English aff orded one of the best opportuni- welcome love freely.” When he later visited San ties for usefulness,” a sentiment felt by other Francisco he lost many of his Romantic illusions to Americans. The Japanese government sent several a culture seemingly consumed with materialism, young men to be taught English by missionaries in not to mention overt racial prejudice.60 1861. The Rev. John H. Ballagh performed the ﬁ rst As a youth, Markino soon saw the need for recorded baptism on Japanese soil of a Protestant more focused English instruction. This he obtained Christian in 1864.63 Ballagh had arrived with his from the growing network of American missionary wife in 1861 and quickly became one of the leading schools.61 Missionaries arrived in Japan not long Yokohama missionaries, especially after the estab- after Commodore Matthew Perry’s “opening” in lishment of the “Yokohama Band,” a prominent 1854. Protestant groups in the United States had group of Japanese Christians.64 organized their overseas’ activities with the forma- The Japanese had a long history of hostility tion of the American Board of Commissioners for to Christianity, beginning with the Tokugawa peri- Foreign Missions in 1810. Grounded in the old od, but that attitude soon changed. A Japanese Puritan concepts of “the city on the hill” and “the pamphlet of 1871 made the point that knowledge errand into the wilderness” and developed by the of western religion could help with understand- evangelical teaching of the eighteenth-century di- ing the secret of western power. Moreover, it rea- vine Jonathan Edwards, the enthusiasts of the next soned “that Japan will be despised by western na- generation embraced America’s special role in fur- tions so long as it exhibits such unreasonable thering God’s plan for humanity.62 The Rev. John hatred of Christianity; and … that Japan cannot Liggins, having worked in China, commenced make due progress without accepting that religion.”

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The essay even suggested that the Emperor himself taking a greater hand in providing a more national- be baptized.65 Protestantism, among the various ist education, one that focused on traditional Con- Christian sects, struck a responsive chord because fucian teaching and loyalty to the Emperor as the of its link with individual striving, and its “associa- head of state.68 tion with the fl owering of capitalism.”66 In 1871 an In December of 1887 Markino entered an Amer- embassy to the United States headed by Prince ican missionary school in Nagoya, the Nagoya Eng- Iwakura (Iwakura Tomoni) to revise “unequal” lish-Japanese College, chiefl y in order to learn treaties was told by Secretary of State Hamilton English from native speakers. This was a common Fish that there could be no alterations so long as practice among Japanese seeking western knowl- Japan employed a repressive religious policy. Meet- edge.69 Initially, he betrayed a typically uncritical ing with similar hostility in England and France, admiration for any vestige of the west. This extend- Itō Hirobumi, a member of this embassy, wrote his ed to the Americans he met and the religion they government “that wherever he went he was met by espoused. “I used to look upon them (American the strongest appeals in behalf of the Christian ex- missionaries) as very civilized and very honourable iles and for religious toleration. He was sure that, people, because they were from such a great coun- “unless the Government acceded … it would look try. And I thought the Christianity must be the in vain for friendly concessions on the part of the most superior ethic, because all the most civi- foreign nations.”67 The Japanese constitution of lized nations in this world belonged to it.”70 1889 granted religious liberty but already by 1873 With the same superfi cial understanding, he would the government had removed restrictions against long after associate coal burning with civiliza- Christians which could inhibit the fl ow of needed tion because the American missionaries used western knowledge. Initially missionaries played coal for fuel. He was, at the same time, somewhat a major role in “developing schools for boys and in awe of these representatives of the west. A draw- girls above the primary level” but eventually the ing from When I Was a Child entitled My First Japanese government tempered this infl uence by Meeting with an American Missionary (fi g. 74)

74 Markino. My First Meeting with an American Missionary, in When I Was a Child (1912).

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shows a humble young Markino, kneeling on the words which belied the rosy picture propagated by fl oor and facing an imposing, bearded fi gure wear- western observers like Basil Hall Chamberlain who ing a black frock coat, his hand resting on a power- would write in 1905 that the missionaries have fully constructed, western-style desk. Despite “rarely, if ever … made Japan the scene of sectarian some local hostility to anyone becoming “Yaso,” strife. The tendency has been rather to minimise what Markino translated as “‘mysterious and un- diff erences.”75 Missionaries were also accused of patriotic religion,” he went to Sunday school and parsimony in their dealing with such Japanese func- private gatherings at the missionaries’ residence. tionaries as ricksha drivers as well as exhibiting His eventual baptism seemed to combine his de- blatant insensitivity towards local mores. A newly sire to please his new friends, his eagerness to en- arrived young missionary couple off ended with gage more fully with this admired civilization what Markino called “their awfully sticky behav- and, most of all, his desire to enhance his instruc- iour.” One incident proved especially obnoxious to tion in English.71 Markino admitted to a friend local opinion. that instead of listing to the content of Bible lessons he concentrated on the way the message During the lesson hours in the classrooms the wife was translated because, he confessed, “I am so was always sitting on her husband’s lap, and they em- eager to learn the English.” He became attached braced each other and were kissing all the time, so busy to a Methodist missionary, the Rev. Frederick to kiss that the teacher could not answer to the ques- Klein and his wife but with others he had a more tions by the students. Some schoolboys were very indig- uneven relationship.72 His quick mind made him nant. They said, “It is beyond the words. They must be question aspects of Biblical teaching, to the annoy- thinking us the Japanese no more than cats or dogs, be- ance of missionaries less interested in critical cause before the humans they ought not to show such argument than in rapid acquiescence. A chapter behaviour.” in When I Was a Child bore the title “Some Mis- sionaries-Good and Bad.” Ballagh proved a But while his classmates left in disgust, Markino worthy infl uence and Markino spent a few days stayed for practical reasons: “At the present studying the New Testament under his tutelage.73 moment I myself fi nd no other way to study the Finding him a congenial teacher, not least be- English lessons, so I persevere.” Eventually he because of his long experience in Japan and his came competent enough with the language to help mastery of the Japanese language, Markino re- a cousin translate some books on dentistry.76 quested, in vain, a position in his household in Markino eventually resolved to see the west Yokohama. fi rst hand, a plan which coincided well with the es- Yet Markino realized that all were not like this tablished Meiji program of enthusiastically learn- esteemed cleric. While American commenta- ing from the outside world. 77 On October 1, 1892, tors tended generally to see their missionaries in a he left for Yokohama, the thriving port that had positive light, as “well-educated men and women, became the center of the western presence in a noble company, respected and loved by the Japan. He was “amazed” at the brightly colored Japanese,”74 Markino’s experience revealed a less buildings, less impressed with European-style glowing picture. One elderly woman responded to band music—“much too noisy and too quick”—but his incessant questioning by calling him a “‘very in- curious about “some Negro sailors, who put on red sincere’ boy” and “a descendant of pigs or don- Turkish fez and Indian turbans.”78 Soon he made keys….” Others became caught up with denomina- his way to nearby Tokyo where he had friends and tional disputes which pitted Methodists against relations. There he used the Imperial Library, a su- Baptists or Episcopalians. “They all were mocking, perb resource for a young man fi lled with curiosity fi ghting and attacking each other,” he recalled, in about his own country and the modern outside

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75 Markino. My First Promenade after Convalescence, in When I Was a Child (1912).

world. One later guidebook described it as “a (fi g. 75), marking the occasion of an outing which priceless boon to the thousands of struggling and followed a bout of infl uenza. Markino painted his impe cunious students who draw knowledge from view from a walkway opposite the Shinobazu Pond its 500,000 volumes,” slightly over ten percent of where fl owering cherry trees pointed towards which were in European languages.79 His fi rst expe- the placid water. Chamberlain had extolled this rience with such a library, Markino spent his days “uniquely beautiful sight during the brief season of within its walls, “which was such a great treat to blossom, when the air seems to be fi lled with pink me.”80 It was one of the many attractions in Ueno clouds” while Markino’s friend Douglas Sladen Park, a bucolic area established in 1873 as “another remembered it with even greater aff ection, as “the Meiji novelty introduced under the infl uence of the most famous spot for cherry-blossom in all Japan. west.”81 This park was also the site of three impor- It has also the fi nest lotus lake—an exact copy of tant industrial exhibitions in 1877, 1881 and 1890, Lake Biwa near Kyoto—with an island at its centre, events that became subjects of popular prints surmounted by a picturesque temple.” 83 In Tokyo, which were purchased as souvenirs.82 Markino left even more than in Yokohama, Markino would his own visual record of one of the park’s most have had the opportunity to fully confront the picturesque sections in an illustration for Child close proximity of eastern and western culture. His entitled My First Promenade after Convalescence early education had awakened a love of “Kojiki, Tosa

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Nikki, Genji-Monogatari … ancient Japanese clas- nese consul in San Francisco.87 This man, Suteki sics” as well as “Bunjin Ga (poetic art of the ancient Chinda and a colleague in his offi ce, convinced Chinese).” He visited shoga-kai, “‘poets’ and art- Markino to abandon an ambition to pursue a liter- ists’ gathering,” where poets wrote and artists ary career in America because “foreigners can “painted quick sketches.” In the capital he had the never become masters of any other language than opportunity to attend, on a regular basis, “Kōdan,” their own” and, instead, to take up art, a medium a traditional “entertainment … performed by ar- which was less parochial since “art is universal to tistes whose position is between that of professors every country.”88 He took this advice and attended and music-hall artistes. They recite some histories art classes in the San Francisco area and eventual- or biographies of heroes—sometimes absolutely ly in London (fi g. 76). real, sometimes more or less in fi ction.” This love Markino’s hybrid style refl ects something of of tradition amused his “proud … Westernized” this late-Meiji environment and the Japanese friends but Markino found something wise and need to fi nd a comfortable balance between the de- valuable in what he called this “Yamato Damashii mands of east and west. Although he denied the (the soul of Japan).”84 role of specifi c cultural infl uences and claimed an Tokyo also provided abundant opportunity for autonomous approach to his art, critics pointed learning about art. Although he does not mention to the innate power of nationality and training. it, he could have easily strolled from the library to Spielmann made this clear. “His [Markino’s] diver- the nearby Imperial Museum, the nation’s fi rst art gence from the canons of Western art—albeit he museum, which contained departments on histo- learned under Anglo-Saxon teachers—is clearly ry, industrial arts, natural history and the fi ne arts. owing to his nationality and ‘force of race Not far from the museum was the Tokyo School of impulsion.’”89Markino would have known of a Fine Arts which had Okakura as its principal from signifi cant fi gure like Okakura and his views. He 1889–1898. In the city’s streets he would have could have easily read Okakura’s “Notes on Con- passed shops selling colorful wood-block prints temporary Japanese Art” which appeared in The which illuminated nearly every aspect of contem- Studio in 1902, not long after the publication of porary life. The work of the artist Kobayashi his own sketches late in the previous year. He would Kiyochika may have been noticed by Markino and also have noted Arthur Morrison’s acknowledg- admired for its atmospheric and nocturnal views ment of Okakura’s work when preparing his re- of the new Japan (see fi g. 53).85 Yet at this time the view of The Painters of Japan as well as his friend future artist did not seem to think much about Noguchi’s praise of Okakura as “that able modern what would eventually become his profession. critic,” one of the “true life-restorers of Japanese Although his grandfather had been an artist art.” Noguchi also mentioned one of Okakura’s known by the name of Bai Yen, his father, who leading associates, the painter Hashimoto Gahō “had ability for drawing” and considerable knowl- who infl uenced the development of the “hazy edge of his country’s artistic heritage, found that style” (morotai) in painting.90 Markino’s creation other duties prevented him taking “the brush.” of his own manner of depicting London’s ever- Markino recalled some art instruction from his present fogs, born from a variety of western infl u- sister when he was four years old, “and I could ences, shows a parallel development to what was draw some fl owers and fi shes at that time.” In Na- going on in Japan. He could have seen the work goya he received some lessons in western-style of two of Okakura’s followers, Hishida Shunsō drawing.86 While never part of the Tokyo art com- and Yokoyama Taikan, who exhibited at London’s munity, when he left for America he was able to Graves’s Gallery in the summer of 1905 and secure a letter of introduction from Shigetaka enjoyed what one British critic described as their Shiga, the famous watercolor artist, to the Japa- “predilection for broad eff ects … for twilight

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76 Markino. A Life Class, in The Studio, 24 (1901). Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University. Photo- graph: John Blazejewski, Prince- ton University.

and evening scenes” which, together with “the brilliant in its ungrammatical precision….” When sweet but reticent colour and the exquisite balance I Was a Child earned a particular compliment of design remind one irresistibly of a Whistler for Markino’s prose: “His writing has a peculiar nocturne….”91 quality which can, we think, only be described by a Markino was also accused of a “hybrid” style in contradiction—a kind of illusive candor. His child- his writing. When A Japanese Artist in London came like transparency delights the reader, but now and out, The Spectator called attention to its prose: “It is then the latter is constrained to stop and ask a curious phenomenon, this knack of Mr. Marki- himself if he has really understood the writer, no’s for using words—sometimes rare words— who appears to be revealing himself with such with a sensitive appreciation of their value while simplicity.”92 The Athenaeum too warmed to Marki- he murders the familiar phrases of everyday life.” no’s manner. “His delicate, staccato style, his Two years later the same journal, discussing My artfully artless neologisms and inversions, are as pi- Idealed John Bullesses, lauded his “much-admired quant as the talk of a witty Parisian who knows just English, transparent in its conscious foreignness, enough of our language to make it always fresh and

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original.” Yet the appeal of such language could also sincere, and pathetic, that we print it as it stands, have limitations. This same journal took Noguchi with only such corrections as seem absolutely nec- to task for paying too little attention to “his English essary.”98 Grammatical singularity soon became a grammar” in a book of essays, using the example of hallmark of Markino’s image. One review of The Markino’s prose to make a point which the artist Colour of London made a point to praise Markino’s would certainly have resented: “We may forgive short essay, “as naive and humorous a piece of prose Mr. Markino for doing this, because his work is as has been written on London for many a day … merely amusing journalese; it can only damage the expression of his essential self, the child-like, Mr. Noguchi to play the same trivial game, for he is kindly, simple-hearted self of a Japanese….”99 an artist.”93 Britons may have come to expect Sladen wrote in his “Appreciation” to A Japanese more because of the profi ciency of Okakura, who Artist in London seven years later of the “irresistible was praised by Binyon for his “perfectly accurate, humour and the force of Yoshio Markino’s writ- idiomatic, and even eloquent English.”94 But, at ing….” When he suggested that “his quaint English the same time, they enjoyed the feeling of mastery has sometimes an arrestiveness almost equal to that came with laughing at foreigners whose inabil- Thomas Carlyle’s” he may have gone too far, but ity to correctly employ English marked them for he was closer to the mark when he credited Marki- inferiority. Even the noted Japanologist Chamber- no with constructing “a grammar of his own lain was not immune from pointing out the joke. which is strikingly eff ective.” In trying to sell one He devoted a section in his book Things Japanese of the artist’s articles he pointed out that it was to “English as she is Japped,” citing numerous “written in Markino’s adorable broken English.” examples in Japan and in England of comical usage, One critic called “his command of the English lan- not as a serious criticism perhaps, but to “solace guage … one long mutiny.”100 Some, however, ourselves by a little innocent laughter at an inno- thought this manner was only a device designed to cent foible whenever we can fi nd one to laugh at.”95 exploit his Japanese presence, a point which did While good natured, an air of superiority also lurks not please all reviewers: “His English has been behind his words, but without the venom Britons thought to be an aff ectation, and the more leveled against other Asians, such as the “Baboo successful he has been the louder grows that horrid (Babu)” characterization, based on T. A. Guthrie’s chorus which insists that … he … could write the ludicrous Indian fi gure who ineff ectually aped correctest English in the World.”101 Orlo Williams British ways.96 was probably too severe in his review of the Yet Britons consistently patronized Markino 1913 Recollections and Refl ections of a Japanese for his painting and prose with such words as Artist. “There have been times, we must confess, “innocence,” “artlessness,” “pathetic,” “naive” and when we have felt … that his peculiar language, most often, that favorite word, “quaint.”97 Early however natural it was a few years ago; has become in his career, whenever he provided text to accom- a pose, and a profi table pose.” Content suff ered pany illustrations, his eff orts were heavily correct- from a similar cultural ambiguity, with Markino’s ed. Three articles in The English Illustrated Magazine arguments “coming from a sincere mind which, from 1902 and 1903 were probably corrected by his formed as it is by an Eastern philosophy, is grop- editor since their grammar stands in marked con- ing breathlessly among Western phenomena.”102 trast to his essay for The Magazine of Art around the But he had already anticipated this brand of same time. Here Spielmann called special atten- criticism in the very book under review. In an tion to maintaining the integrity of Markino’s eloquent defense, he wrote: “hybrid” writing style: “The ‘human document’ that follows, written at our request by the artist The style of my writing is entirely my own…. Since Mr. Markino himself, is so interesting, so simple, I came to England I have learnt the English vocabulary

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and idioms, but I can never satisfy myself to follow after resource to express my emotion truthfully, and I have the English colloquial. I feel I cannot convey my own faith in it. 103 emotion enough to you by doing in that way. I could not be more than a parrot then. Therefore I construct In his writing, as in his art, Markino managed to my sentences in my own way, then I fi ll them up with successfully negotiate the pull of confl icting styles the English words which I know.I believe this is the only and to happily fi nd his own voice.

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n his 1907 colour of london, Markino A Japanese Artist in London sharpened Markino’s off ered a fresh and uncommon picture of the insights and brought similar laudatory reviews, Icapital, one that captivated his British audience with the critic of The Nation applauding its stran- with its clear departure from accepted conventions ger’s point of viewpoint, its “singular frankness” and expectations. While artistic renderings of Lon- which usefully presents “certain qualities in our don, its buildings, parks, streets and people, were race that most foreigners, and we English ourselves, plentiful during this period, pictures from the hand usually deny or overlook.”1 An American writer of a Japanese artist, recently arrived from the land later elaborated on this point, noting how Marki- of those colorful ukiyo-e prints which so charm- no’s “subjects are chosen from the most uncompro- ingly recorded the mundane incidents of daily life, mising material” and transformed in a remarkable promised new insights. A writer for The Daily Tele- way so that things “hideous to the unseeing eye, graph believed that Markino saw “something more have assumed through his mind, beauties hidden than ourselves…. [H]e sees the lights in our dark- from ordinary mortals.”2 But it was the French crit- ness with an intensity impossible to a native.” The ic Bénédite who identifi ed the essence of Markino’s Academy called him “an artist so free from the prej- appeal when he wrote, “We are caught by surprise udices of nationality that the workings of his artistic to see ourselves in a mirror of unknown genre.”3 sense are undisturbed by considerations alien to Many of Markino’s most memorable London art.” So liberated, he could create an unfettered pic- studies departed from the customary emphasis on ture of “this seething cauldron of humanity called picturesque panoramas or historic sites usually fa- London….” The editor of The English Illustrated vored by the Edwardians. Of course he could not Magazine agreed, introducing an earlier London entirely neglect such stock views as St. Paul’s soar- piece by Markino with the prediction that this “re- ing dome seen from Waterloo Bridge (see fi g. 35) or cord of impressions left upon the mind of the Japa- lurking behind the congestion of Fleet Street near nese artist, will not fail to be of considerable inter- Ludgate Hill (fi g. 77). But more often, he presented est to readers of this Magazine.” The Athenaeum an uncommon approach to the famous or historic. complimented Markino for having “given us a When he drew the famed Tower Bridge he paid London which is new” and one which had the abil- scant attention to its distinctive neo-Gothic towers. ity to display “London to Londoners themselves.” The massive Blackfriar’s Bridge appeared in another illustration not as a major Thames crossing but as a platform for pedestrians to feed fl ocks of birds. South London’s Westminster Bridge Road Fig. 82: Spring in Onslow Square (see fi g. 46) or Chelsea’s Sloan Square (fi g. 78)

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78 Markino. Sloan Square: Wet Day, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). 77 Markino. Ludgate Hill: Midday, in W. J. Loftie, 79 Markino. Early Evening, Buckingham Palace, The Colour of London (1907). in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

seemed inﬁ nitely more interesting to him than the Markino found it easy to absorb the ambience great public centers of the Mall or Whitehall. Even of his adopted city. Relative poverty meant that he Buckingham Palace (ﬁ g. 79) evidently held few at- spent a great deal of time walking the pavements, tractions, appearing in grey monochrome with only both day and night, in search of inspiration, em- its elaborate gates visible in the nighttime fog. Yet ployment or just to pass the time. “Sometimes I from the top of this iron and stone barrier, heavy started my place after midnight and walked about lanterns cast a strong light over the adjacent side- until sunrise.” On one occasion, lost in reverie, he walk, revealing another of Markino’s favorite sub- walked from Chelsea to Wimbledon!4 As his eco- jects: the people of London loitering before the seat nomic situation improved he could take advantage of royal power. For the Japanese artist the city was of such inexpensive conveyances as omnibuses, an elaborate, living, environment that, in its vast- trams and the underground railway. Public parks ness, its complexity and its mystery, epitomized the and countless streets which, conveniently lit by essence of the modern western civilization which gas and the new electricity, were almost always he so admired. open and accessible to the restless artist at all hours.

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The city’s crowded diversity provided endless opportunity to study people and things while, at the same time, allowing the observer a considerable degree of anonymity. Lost in the throng, Markino was free to study, evaluate and comment on those details of western life which resonated in the Asian mind. In some ways he was a fl ânuer, “the arche- typal occupant and observer of the public sphere” usually a man, “a loiterer, a friterer away of time … associated … with the new urban pastimes of shopping and crowd watching.” Artists were identifi ed with this type as they sought “raw material” for their creations.5 For the enthusiastic Markino—“the solitary wanderer”—the need to accurately record what he saw became a major preoccupation that once resulted in an abortive foray into the fi eld of amateur photography.6 But “Kodak is too mechanical,” he concluded. Instead quick drawing provided better results and he soon “started to sketch the people from life at restaurants, at stations, at theatres, or wherever I go. I used to fi ll up two or three sketch- books every week” (fi g. 80).7 He declared proudly that “my school is the London Streets. Every time when I go out I always watch the people’s movements, and study it.” During a visit to Paris he once 80 Markino. Pen and Ink Studies from Memory, stationed himself at one of the outdoor tables of the in A Japanese Artist in London (1910). Café Pantheon so that he could better “watch the people on the street.”8 But his silent onlooker’s fer- several times I have knocked my head against the vor could occasionally cause off ense. “When I am lamp posts. And once I ran with omnibus horses to out on the street I am so earnest studying the fi g- study the movement of their feet, and knocked ures, and I often follow after them with my sketch down a little baby, and had a great trouble with the book, and study them very carefully.” A friend no- mother. I always object to walk with friends, as they ticed this and accused Markino of impropriety, say- talk to me and disturb my study. I prefer to have the ing “it is a most vulgar thing to ‘look back’ in this promenade myself alone.”10 Appropriately, his fi rst country.” In the end, he did not think people much signed article, for a 1903 issue of The English Illus- cared. When he lived in an upstairs room above the trated Magazine, appeared under the title “What entrance to South Kensington Station, he used his I see in London Streets” accompanied by several perch to advantage. “Every day, I used to open my humorous watercolors (fi g. 81). window and watch the people on the street: it was a splendid study to sketch them. Crowds were pouring into the station every minute. But do you know categories of perception none of them looked at me?”9 Sometimes his zeal in looking and recording got out of hand. “I am always Spielmann’s preface to The Colour of London dis- quite unconscious when I am in the street, and sected Markino’s approach to London as a subject,

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81 Markino. The Tricks of the Waggish Bicyclist, in “What I see in London Streets,” The English Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903).

dividing it into three specifi c categories of percep- renderings seemed to invite adverse scrutiny. For tion. The fi rst and most evocative was “Eff ects,” the example, his attempt to evoke the details of West- interest in fog and nocturnal settings, which has minster Abbey’s Gothic interior failed to impress been discussed here in an earlier chapter. The sec- one critic who, evidently expecting more skill with ond was “Townscape simple” that is the physical this subject, concluded that it is “in the drawing nature of the built environment. Finally, there was of architecture that he most conspicuously fails.”13 the social aspect, “the class of the Life around him, He had more success with the less noticed aspects the life of the people, high and low,” what Spiel- of Edwardian London. Spielmann remarked on this mann termed the “many-faceted microcosm of when he described Posters in the Strand (see fi g. 71), London.”11 a collage of advertising adorning a wall temporal- “Next to the Eff ects of London Mr. Markino ly exposed as a result of ongoing Aldwych con- loves the Town itself,” wrote Spielmann. And in struction,14 as “patches of bright colour lighted this, added another critic, “his points of view are up against a background of purple night” which in often unusual.”12 But his eff orts at conventional Markino’s “eyes [are] almost as worthy of record as

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the interior of Westminster Abbey itself.” Likewise, Spring in Onslow Square (fi g. 82) became an essay in chromatic eff ects and geometric patterns, confi rming how much the artist “enjoyed the colour” of a nondescript South Kensington neighborhood, where the architecture was breezily dismissed by Spielmann as “among the most unromantic and most uninspired of the period it did so little to distinguish.” Yet this critic had been pleasantly surprised by how Markino had created “a pleasant picture … of repeated porticoes of conventional stucco and commonplace facades felicitously enlivened by the western sun.”15 In Winsley Street, Oxford Street, from Gilbey’s Portico (fi g. 83), Markino homed in on a section of London’s West End which, while seemingly unremarkable in itself, in fact spoke to that area’s commercial expansion. The pink and white facade of a new building on the north side of Oxford Street draws the eye to the center left, to what Markino’s literary collaborator identifi ed as the “handsome building of Messrs Waring”—Waring & Gillow’s large furniture business, which extended well to the left of the picture’s edge, to Great Titchfi eld Street. 83 Markino. Winsley Street, Oxford Street, from Gilbey’s Portico, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). Designed by R. Frank Atkinson, begun at the start of the decade and completed only in 1906, it was later described by Nikolaus Pevsner as realized “in

82 Markino. Spring in Onslow Square, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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84 Markino. The Albert Memorial, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

a riotous Hampton court Baroque. Brick and much Markino applied a singular approach to one of stone enrichment. At the corners ships’ prows and nineteenth-century London’s most prominent cornucopias.” Alistair Service placed it more in the monuments, the Albert Memorial (fi g. 84). “He has context of the time, as “swaggeringly Baroque…as pictured the steps, people—several of them de- specifi cally English a Classical style as any jingois- scending—but no Albert Memorial,” wrote a tic patriot would ask for at the time of the Boer slightly amused Clarence Rook, the journalist and War.”16 Certainly “one of the sights of Edwardian author of Hooligan Nights (1899). The Burlington London,” it powerfully exemplifi ed Edwardian Magazine also thought the illustration displayed “a commercial exuberance of the type repeated at sense of humour” about a structure which at times Harrod’s new Knightsbridge store and, opening in divided Edwardian opinion. Baedeker’s tourist 1909, Oxford Street’s grandest department store, guide described it as “a magnifi cent monument … Selfridges, also built under Atiknson’s supervi- gorgeously embellished with a profusion of bronze sion.17 Observing from under the old Tuscan Doric and marble statues, gilding, coloured stones, and portico of Messrs. W & A. Gilbey, Ltd., wine mer- mosaics” but Markino’s collaborator Loftie judged chants, who occupied what had been the site of the it unpleasing and alien, an edifi ce “which has noth- celebrated Pantheon Theater,18 Markino off ered a ing of the old English feeling about it….”20 Markino complex arrangement. Columns are pictured on ei- could also dispense with other more venerable ther side of a suspended glass lantern, creating a and less controversial buildings in a like manner. kind of proscenium, while Winsley Street becomes Whether from humor, a legacy of a traditional Japa- a sort of raked stage leading the eye to the distant, nese approach to cropping, or simply a refl ection of barely discernable steeple of All Saints Church, the pedestrian’s perspective, several of his grand Margaret Street, a recent landmark designed by the elevations appeared in decidedly truncated form. Gothic revivalist William Butterfi eld. Loftie ad- St. Paul’s Cathedral, in Tourists in Front of St. Paul’s mired this church, declaring there was “not a more (fi g. 85) stood not in its full Baroque glory, but only graceful spire in London” despite the way it lacked as a long grey backdrop of horizontal lines indicat- an “appearance of stability.” With this in mind, he ing the twenty-two marble steps surmounted by liked the way in which this perceived “fragility is fi ve of the portico’s great 50-foot columns, their well brought out in Mr Yoshio Markino’s drawing, pedestals and lower shafts supplying the only indi- where the spire … is contrasted with the solid and cation of the noble building to which they were at- handsome building of Messrs Waring….”19 tached. Admittedly the full facade was not easy to

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85 Markino. Tourists in Front of St. Paul’s, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

contemplate from the street. Baedeker had warned that the “Church is so hemmed in by streets and houses that it is diffi cult to fi nd a point of view whence the colossal proportions of the building can be properly realized,”21 and yet Herbert Mar- shall managed to get most of the front and dome in his published watercolor, St. Paul’s and Ludgate Hill (fi g. 86) for The Scenery of London (1905). While Markino may have been attempting to convey the viewpoint of the tourists of his title, he also left the impression of massiveness and of an unseen building of limitless height. One of the tourists at St. Paul’s holds the distinctive red Baedeker guidebook. In The Flower- Women at Piccadilly Circus (see fi g. 10) a woman tourist wearing a light tan coat and also carrying a Baedeker saunters past the famous monument and its water basin. The inclusion of the Baedeker was instructive since it was a commonplace item by Markino’s time. Karl Baedeker, while not originat- ing the versatile and portable reference tool for travelers, which should be traced to John Murray’s famous “Hand-books,” won prominence for the large number of countries he covered, his ability to publish in three languages and his devotion to art 86 Herbert Marshall (1841–1913). St. Paul’s and Ludgate and architecture.22 By 1908 Baedeker’s London and Hill, in G. E. Mitton, The Scenery of London (1905).

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its Environs (fi fteenth edition) boasted that it ena- rapid, and cheap communication between the most bled “the traveller so to employ his time, his money, important quarters.” An important innovation was and his energy, that he may derive the greatest pos- the utilization of electric power, fi rst introduced in sible amount of pleasure and instruction from his 1890 but waiting for “eff ective development” until, visit to the greatest city in the modern world.”23 The according to Baedeker, “the last four or fi ve years.” book was especially comprehensive, off ering not The Bakerloo Line (a hybrid term from Baker only the typical tourist information on the notable St. and Waterloo Railway) only opened in 1906 and sites such as opening times, things to see and trans- became the fi rst such link between areas north and portation details but also useful and comprehensive south of the Thames. Markino’s view of the under- descriptions of the city’s physical character. Almost side of Hungerford Bridge (see fi g. 59) featured the all of the places depicted by Markino are referenced temporary structures associated with the tunnel in Baedeker. for this tube line under the river. His Underground Markino would have noticed how an up-to-date at Baker St. would record, from the opposite plat- Baedeker made the outwardly chaotic modern city form, the artist’s ability to travel by this rapid mode manageable and accessible to visitors and residents of transportation to several sites which became the alike. A woman consults one in The Underground at subjects for illustrations in The Colour of London, Baker Street (fi g. 87) as she waits to take advantage such as Westminster Bridge Road, the Embank- of one of the most effi cient ways to travel about the ment (Hungerford Bridge), Trafalgar Square, Pic- city. The London Underground attained new levels cadilly Circus and fi nally Baker St. where he could of effi ciency during the Edwardian period, a devel- have embarked for the Regent’s Park Zoo.24 opment Markino, along with period guide books, The familiar pedestrian’s viewpoint in Marki- could not overlook. Baedeker declared in 1908 that no’s art was most noticeable in his depiction of during “the last few years the ‘intramural’ traffi c of London’s bridges. When not surveying their broad London has been practically revolutionized by the roadways from street level, he studied their under- development of the system of underground tube- side from the vantage point of the adjacent Em- railways, and London is now perhaps the best bankment. The Hungerford and Chelsea Bridges equipped city in the world in respect of convenient, (see fi g. 8) were portrayed in this way, and in an

87 Markino. The Underground at Baker Street, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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especially memorable Thames-side view, Markino constructed an entire painting around the solid, cylindrical mass of the abruptly cropped piers of the Albert Bridge (see fi g. 60). But the giant Tower Bridge (see fi g. 25), opened as recently as 1894, provided the best subject for this favored viewpoint. Markino composed his watercolor from the wide walkway just below the bridge’s suspended road and opposite the Tower of London’s outer walls. This was a popular spot, not only for its adjacent attractions but also because it marked the last convenient pedestrian access point before the river’s banks became clogged with commercial activity emanating from St. Katherine’s Docks. One illustration which reversed the arrangement by placing the viewer at the top of a bridge was Feeding the Gulls, Blackfriars Bridge (fi g. 88). Here Markino not only acknowledged a popular pastime but also es- sayed to capture a signifi cant piece of mid-Victori- an urban architecture. Against a neutral grey background, one of this bridge’s great granite piers stands solid in the river, its “leafy Portland stone capitals” and classical details clearly articulated in Markino’s monochrome view. This was not a favorite Thames crossing for those seeking aesthetic purity; one London newspaper criticized its “stunted columns of a nondescript style of art” and 88 Markino. Feeding the Gulls, Blackfriars Bridge, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). declared it “an object-lesson of the futility of attempting to give architectural expression and harmony to a structure formed of materials of an en- ever-present illuminated street lamps a small omni- tirely diverse nature….”25 Since the bridge marked bus marks the distant edge of the city’s widest the termination of the Victoria Embankment, crossing.27 In Markino’s cropped view, traffi c and Markino may have been disposed to linger on its groups of people seem insubstantial next to the parapet after one of his countless Thames-side bridge’s monumental presence. walks. From this spot the dome of St. Paul’s could Markino readily identifi ed with London’s more be “seen to advantage” although judging by the modern character, a function perhaps of his Japa- fog in the illustration, this might at times have been nese admiration for western progressivism. As diffi cult.26 Markino’s specifi c vantage point must Binyon noted, Markino often avoided the depiction have been one of the bridge’s other protruding of “old buildings and the historical side of our piers (in the manner of the two small silhouetted city.”28 One painting that was a timely concession to fi gures at the center of the drawing), placing him at twentieth-century development was the Electric a point just opposite the crown of the road and Power Works, Chelsea (fi g. 89), in the words of one walkway where he could observe a few details of perceptive reviewer, “a dramatic subject that is the crowded sidewalk, where people can be seen appealing forcibly to scores of artists.”29 Seen in all walking or looking out over the river. Behind the probability from the walkway of Battersea Bridge,

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89 Markino. Electric Power Works, Chelsea, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

it loomed as a large form to the west, caught in the life of the people, high and low,” with a decided glow of an unusually clear London sunset. One of preference for what Spielmann termed “les agre- the few buildings Markino saw fi t to treat as a full ments de la ville.”32 Perhaps Markino’s own personal elevation, this “Thames-side temple to electricity” travails and his long period of economic dis- stood where Lots Road met the end of Cheyne tress made him more than a little sympathetic to Walk, near the house where J.M.W. Turner lived his London’s poor and struggling residents. Yet he last years. Built 1902–1904, it was a remarkable tempered social criticism with his customary diffi - structure for its time. Then the largest “electric dence. His visual glimpses into London’s underside traction station in the world,” it provided power for usually possessed a muted quality with scarcely parts of the London Underground system. Its im- anything to match the often painful brushes with pressive bulk, its four giant towers of 84 meters poverty he recorded in some of his autobiographi- each dominated the skyline in a dramatic, contem- cal writings. Much of his early work, however, re- porary way.30 Arthur Ransome, who, like Markino fl ects something of the London life that the strug- frequented the Chelsea embankment at this time, gling artist knew best. In the autumn of 1902 he wrote in his autobiographical Bohemia in London of published his A Street Artist at St. Martin’s-in-the- looking beyond Battersea Bridge at the sunset and Fields Church (fi g. 90) in The King.33 It pictured a the strange colors of the London sky, especially bearded artist, on his knees, his left leg in an artifi - “the blue mists about those four tall chimneys of cial support, with arm stretched out to expose a the Electric Generating Station. I used to lean on tear at the shoulder of his coat, holding out his cap the balustrade there and watch the green and gold- to receive a coin from a woman passing to the right, en glow fade away from the sky where those great probably not a customer who wishes to buy but obelisks towered up….” Fred Taylor, Ransome’s il- rather a generous individual disposed to reward the lustrator, pictured the structure as a black silhou- man’s humble eff orts with a charitable off ering. In ette at the center of a drawing misleadingly titled keeping with Japanese practice, Markino presented The River from Battersea Bridge.31 both fi gures as somewhat fl at, drawn with little or Along with London’s built environment, Marki- no modeling. The woman’s calm, detached counte- no was drawn to its inhabitants. Spielmann called nance, her blank, almost mask-like, face, recalls a attention to his interest in “[l]ife around him, the character in a Japanese print.

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90 Markino. A Street Artist at St. Martin-in-the-Fields Church, in The King (October 10, 1902). British Library.

Edwardians would have understood the social distinction between the two ﬁ gures, one in tattered clothing and the other expensively dressed. This particular subject would also have been familiar to many of The King’s readers since street-artists were a common feature of urban life at that time. Near St. Martin’s, commented E.V. Lucas, could be found “‘screevers’—as the men are called who make pastel drawings on paving stones…. On a dry pavement the ‘screever’ must show us his pictures in the making: they must, like hot rolls, be new every day.”34 E.T. Cook, who devoted considerable attention to them in her London book published the same year, declared these “‘open air pastelists’ … a curious, unshaven, dilapidated race…. Gifted often with a fair amount of technical ability, they lead the 91 Hugh Thompson (1860–1920). The Pavement Artist, in E. T. Cook, Highways and Byways in London (1902). passer by to wonder, whether, given happier circumstances and a less vivid acquaintance with the bar of the public house, they might not be exhibit- sidewalk and leaning against a fence, hat in hand ing their eff orts on the sacred walls of the Royal opposite a colorfully dressed woman who glances Academy.” Markino may have seen Cook’s book, his way (but does not off er money) in passing. with its Hugh Thomson drawing The Pavement Art- Markino’s street artist instead uses an outdoor ist (ﬁ g. 91) picturing a lethargic artist sitting on the stone wall to display his eff orts, including a timely

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portrait of a man in uniform, possibly Herbert Kitchener, the British commander in the soon-to- be-concluded Boer War. Cook too noted the display of these portable items, but with characteristic dismay. “There is, it is true, a new and degenerate kind of Pavement Artist, who, instead of painstak- ingly bedaubing the same ‘pitch’ day after day, brings out with him a series of highly-coloured oil- pictures on cardboard; the public, however, have already discovered him to be a hollow fraud.”35 Markino’s watercolor displays greater empathy for the daily struggles facing all aspiring artists. These early illustrations almost certainly owed something to the infl uence of artists like Thomp- son and Phil May, both of whom enjoyed im- mense popularity at the time for their good-natured and humorous sketches of London social life. In February 1903 Markino published some of his own light-hearted sketches of every-day London life in The English Illustrated Magazine. Billed as “the record of impressions left upon the mind of a Japanese artist,” “What I see in London Streets” contained seven illustrations along with a written text by the artist (almost certainly heavily reworked by the magazine’s staff , probably its editor Philip Lee Warner).36 The tone was markedly jocose, with 92 Markino. A Street Refuge on a Rainy Day, in “What I see in London Streets,” The English Markino calling attention to the Londoners’ habits, Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903). foibles and social relationships. It seemed to amuse Markino to point out commonplace incidents worthy of his outsider’s attention, such as pedestrians I often went to a better-class restaurant, not who were splashed by passing carriages in A Street for the luxury of dishes, but to study better-class Refuge on a Rainy Day (fi g. 92) or a youthful people…. Here in this book I am giving some of prankster in The Tricks of the Waggish Bicyclist those sketches which I did in restaurants at the (see fi g. 81). Ordinary people eating an inexpensive time.” In A Japanese Artist in London a page of draw- meal would have been a subject he knew well. In his ings pictured men eating, smoking or just sitting at autobiography he remembered going to the A.B.C. a table (fi g. 93).38 The English Illustrated Magazine (Aërated Bread Co.)—that “godsend for the impe- article lingered over the details of food consump- cunious”—regularly for lunch and to fi nd subjects tion. “There are fl ashy offi ce boys who devour for illustrations.37 “I always took out my sketch- jam tartlets with the air of a duke, and there are book and studied the people,” he remembered. poor workwomen, occupied with the pathetically Another inexpensive destination was “Lockhart’s obvious calculation as to the manner in which an in Westminster Bridge. Steak and fried onion, six- opulent fourpence may yield the greatest possible pence a dish, was a great dinner for me then.” An sense of satiety.” The accompanying illustration, increase in personal resources meant a diff erent That Hour Which Everyman Must Sacrifi ce (fi g. 94), venue. “When I had luck to spare a few shillings, featured a variety of men at several tables, some

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93 Markino. Pencil Studies, in A Japanese Artist in 94 Markino. That Hour Which Every Man Must Sacriﬁ ce, in London (1910). “What I see in London Streets,” The English Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903).

eating alone, one reading a newspaper, several com- nasty day of rain and gloom.40 Supplementing bining dining with a game of checkers. The aproned Cook’s words, Thompson provided a happy draw- waitress carries food to the left and on the back wall ing of a jovial driver perched high on his seat, reins are signs listing prices for soup and steak. held casually in one hand, leaning to the right to An equally aff ecting view of London life from chat with two friendly women (fi g. 96). Elsewhere, this 1903 article was The ‘Bus is a Promising Field he had drawn the omnibus in full view, topped with for Him Who Seeks the Humorous (fi g. 95). The om- an assemblage of passengers, negotiating its way nibus had a range of admirers. V.I. Lenin, who on a busy London thoroughfare.41 Markino could lived in the city around this time, “loved going for have easily used this illustration for inspiration, al- long rides about town on top of an omnibus” as though his sparse drawing lacked the former’s he “studied living London.”39 Cook had pointed to sense of social interaction. By using a high perspec- the popularity of the omnibus by quoting a famed tive, looking down on the scene in a Japanese man- Victorian statesman—“What is the best way to ner, he isolated the top of the vehicle. Here, he see London? ‘From the top of a ‘bus,’ Mr. [W. E.] presented a cross section of Londoners: a young Gladstone is said to have sagely remarked”—and man in a cloth cap leaning over the left edge, a stout, featuring just such a vehicle in her book under top-hatted gentleman sitting impassively, a smiling such headings as “Omnibus Romance,” “Omnibus soldier. Baedeker noted that these “‘garden seats’ Character” and “Omnibus Tragedy,” a reference to are pleasant enough in fi ne weather and are freely fi nding the conveyance “full inside” on a particularly patronized by ladies, a fact confi rmed in Markino’s

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95 Markino. The ‘Bus is a Promising Field for Him Who Seeks the Hu- morous, in “What I see in London Streets,” The English Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903).

illustration.42 But what he found most humorous was the women’s vulnerability to a particularly noi- some hazard of this upper-deck— smoking. That two of them found it necessary to hold handker- chiefs over their faces contributed to what Markino called the “notorious occasion shown in my picture.” In the accompanying article, he explained its comical quality. “Observe the driver’s peaceful enjoyment of the shag, whose virtues his footboard so blatantly lauds; the cigarette and cigar of the two near passengers. Then imagine to yourself the feel- ings of those into whose faces this cloud of mixed smoke is wafted back.”43 He was especially intrigued by the impassive, comfortably seated, driver because of a youthful reading of Washington Ir- ving’s The Stage Coach and its fond description of the coachman: “He has commonly a broad, full face, curiously mottled with red, as if the blood had been forced by hard feeling into every vessel of the skin … his bulk is still further increased by a multi- plicity of coats, in which he is buried like a cauli- ﬂ ower”44 But so memorable was Irving’s portrayal that Markino admitted, “when I see those ‘bus drivers I feel they are old acquaintances of mine.” He added a new and timely twist in spotlighting 96 Hugh Thompson (1860–1920). ’Bus Driver, from their noxious smoking habit, informing his read- E. T. Cook, Highways and Byways in London (1902). ers “when I am on the top of a ‘bus, I always ﬂ y off

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before they start to smoke. Their tobacco is so station … along Commercial Road or Whitechapel strong that when the smoke comes over my face, it Street,” before long, you would be bound to hear goes penetrating from my nostrils to my eyes and the sounds of “a barrel organ,” which in “these drives out my tears as if I had tasted a tablespoon grimy courts and unwholesome alleys … is the full of mustard.”45 single spot of light in a weary day.” Spontaneous In the English Illustrated Magazine article Marki- dancing would often occur, as depicted in the illus- no stated a preference not for London life of the tration The Children Perform Miraculous ‘Pas Seuls’ West End and the City, but rather for that contro- which Markino described in detail (ﬁ g. 97). “Drag- versial region to the east, in and around Whitechap- gled, tired mothers gather, hand on hip, at the doors el, which so abounded in startling contrasts that of their poor little tenements, the children perform one chronicler wrote how it was “associated in miraculous ‘pas seuls’ to the admiration of them- most people’s minds with murders and hospitals selves and the beholder alike, while now and anon a and an Art Gallery [the Whitechapel Gallery] that couple of frowsy ‘Arriets,’ hastening back to un- is said to set the fashion in Old Masters to Burling- lovely work in factory or warehouse, pause for a ton House [home to the Royal Academy].”46 Marki- momentary whirl while they manfully grasp each no wrote that walking “beyond Liverpool Street other’s stalwart waists.”47 When Markino expanded on this typical Whitechapel scene in Colour of London one reviewer remarked on a rather light- hearted approach to the “low life in our streets,”48 no doubt a reference to The Barrel-Organ, London, E. (ﬁ g. 98). The somewhat patronizing Spielmann saw the girls and women dancing with “the joy that for a few moments brings relief into the sombre lives of the performers and their admirers,”49 but for Markino they symbolized an unabashed authenticity which he admired. Writing in Colour of London of his love of English children, he admitted that he was especially “fond of the poor-class children.” He particularly enjoyed seeing them “skipping on the streets. Their faces stained with

97 Markino. The Children Perform Miraculous “Pas Seuls,” in “What I see in London Streets,” The English 98 Markino. The Barrel-Organ, London, E., in W. J. Loftie, Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903). The Colour of London (1907).

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ﬁ nger-marks and their stockings pulled down to the ankle are very picturesque.”50 Yet Markino could hardly have been unaware of the details of the bleak existence these people led in London’s East End. According to one recent history, the “East End, as a collective concept meriting the use of initial capital letters, was an invention of the early 1880s,” resulting from the writings of socially conscious observers such as Walter Besant, George Sims and Andrew Mearns, the anonymous author of The Bitter Cry of Outcast London of 1883.51 Among Markino’s contemporaries there was still a lively interest in the area, both because of notorious incidents like the Jack the Ripper murders and the many eff orts at understanding and ameliorating these often wretched conditions that existed in the world’s greatest city. The artist’s acquaintance Ar- thur Morrison wrote vividly of this region in books like Tales of Mean Streets (1894) and Hole in the Wall (1902). In the former, Morrison left a memorable description of the East End which allowed little room for sentiment.

The East End is a vast city, as famous in its way as any the hand of man has made … a shocking place … an evil plexus of slums that hide human creeping things; where ﬁ lthy men and women live on penn’orths of 99 Markino. A Crowd Springs up as if by Magic to gin, where collars and clean shirts are decencies un- Champion the Victim, in “What I see in London Streets,” known, where every citizen wears a black eye, and none The English Illustrated Magazine (February, 1903). ever combs his hair.52

Markino chose to avoid such grim reality for less shows a tightly packed group of men, women and biting commentary. In a lively street scene of ten children, surging towards a man held between years later, A Crowd Springs up as if by Magic to two helmeted Bobbies. Open mouths indicate fer- Champion the Victim (fi g. 99), for The English Illus- vent cries of support for the accused, but from a trated Magazine, he showed an East End “happen- crowd which is more excited than menacing. ing” in which people protest the most legitimate of Markino may have been inspired here by Fèlix Val- police actions. Why, asked this Japanese observer, lotton, whose La Manifestation (see fi g. 68) from at “the moment that a police offi cer lays hands upon 1893 also portrays an agitated urban crowd which, a malefactor … it seems the duty of every self-re- unlike Markino’s illustration, consists of abstracted specting citizen to forthwith champion the victim participants in a chaotic scene of fl ight from some of the law’s brutality [?]” No matter, wrote Marki- unseen peril.53 no, the legitimacy of the arrest, “the greater the Markino may have gravitated to Whitechapel crime of the culprit the greater will be the solici- because it was also a neighborhood conspicuous tude of the street to make excuse.” The illustration for its foreign population. Lucas characterized it as

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“another city altogether” because here was the London of immigrants, with a “Continental bustle.” Rook called Whitechapel Road “the territory of the alien.”54 In addition to people from the far reaches of Europe, he would have delighted in the sight of a variety of fellow Asians. Cook made special mention of east London’s “Asiatics … a strange and motley crew” many of whom came to Britain as sailors, “contingents continually arriving….” She went on to remark how “strange indeed are the sights and sounds among Malays, Chinese, and Indians.”55 Edwin Pugh, “a realist, absorbed in the sordid or grotesque types of the London scene,” 100 Markino. Sunday Morning in Petticoat Lane, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). wrote of nearby Limehouse as a place where “the wayfarer may rub shoulders with the peoples … of every race and clime and shade of colour; olive, yellow, brown, and black: Siamese, Malays, Japs, with some heavy article attached to his back and se- Chinks, Persians, Armenians, Turks, Arabs, Cinga- cured around his neck by a strap. At the right goods lese, Hindoos.” Visiting a dosshouse (fl ophouse) he are arranged on a low table while behind commodi- found the foreign element represented in tradition- ties appear under cloth or canvas tents. Fenestrated al costume: “Chinamen in fl owing robes … Lascars building facades form a backdrop with one brick in dull brick-red turbans,” with one telling excep- building advertising the proprietor’s name on a rection of several in western attire, namely “Japs in tangular panel. A white, makeshift awning is pulled coarse serge suits, jaunty and dapper.”56 up to reveal items marked with an assortment of Off of Whitechapel High Street ran Middlesex white price labels. While a bearded man stands cas- Street, popularly known as Petticoat Lane, the ually leaning against a stall of hanging coats and heart of a community known for its large Jewish several folded trousers, an elderly woman in a white population, and the subject of an illustration in The apron and shawl holds aloft a piece of fabric for ex- Colour of London, Sunday Morning in Petticoat Lane amination, while carrying more cloth draped over (fi g. 100). Famous since Victorian times for the sale her arm. In the distance a top-hatted man is perched of used items, its popularity increased in the early over the throng, probably conducting an auction Edwardian period.57 It was also known as the reminiscent of an earlier photograph in The English “headquarters of the Jewish trader in Whitechap- Illustrated Magazine of a Jewish auctioneer at work, el.” Besant informed readers of his book on east an image Markino may have studied when working London that Sunday was the Jewish market day, for the same periodical.60 when “the streets are lined by a triple line of stalls, Markino sympathized with these particular on which are exposed for sale all kinds of things, but East End ethnics. “They are all Jews, many of them chiefl y garments—coats and trousers.”58 One ob- Russian Jews who undoubtedly have come here es- server found the area less than “salubrious,” be- caping the barbarous terrors in their home, and cause of “the fetid smells, the nauseous odours now they are enjoying their pastime in this peaceful from dirty shops, fried-fi sh establishments, meat- quarter. What a generous country is England!,” wrote shops, and unclean houses….”59 Markino depicted Markino.61 Britons studied these newcomers with a a crowded, dirty, street of grey cobblestones fi lled mixture of curious distaste, grudging acceptance with incident—women carrying bags and baskets and even, on occasion, admiration. A 1905 issue of and, towards the center, a man walking forward The English Illustrated Magazine carried a full page

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of rugged male faces entitled Some Types of Russian Forman thought this “swarming, busy, active Aliens, unfl attering images which paralleled Lucas’ world” was well evoked by the contemporary novel- defi nition of the East End’s “prevailing type” as a ist of the East End Jews, Israel Zangwill.64 In his person characterized by “olive skin, dark hair, hook Children of the Ghetto: A Study of a Peculiar People nose … the Jews predominate.” Elements in Sunday (1892), Zangwill explored the complexities of their Morning also match Lucas’ words: “The faces are precarious existence in Whitechapel. Zangwill was foreign; the clothes are foreign, nearly all the wom- a friend of Markino’s agent Douglas Sladen and he en being wrapped in dark red shawls….”62 But there and the artist may have met at Sladen’s home where were also words of praise for this poor but vital they could have discussed their mutual interest in populace even from some of those who complained east London. Markino’s portrait sketch of Zangwill of their questionable habits and lifestyle. The Eng- appeared in Sladen’s 1915 autobiography (fi g. 101). lish Illustrated Magazine pressed home the point. For Spielmann the scene had limited appeal, “Taken in all, this colony of the people who former- causing him to remark that Sunday Morning intro- ly inhabited the Promised Land, but who now so- duced “a touch of caricature in its treatment of Rag journ in the ‘strange country called Britain,’ is as Fair,” a reference, no doubt, to the old woman at the peaceful and prosperous a colony as one need wish. center eagerly inspecting some cheap fabric as she Warm-hearted, generous, quiet, and industrious, moves off from the large crowd of “types.” The edi- they set a good example to others in whom these tor’s dismissive words may have betrayed a certain traits are not so conspicuous.”63 Henry James ambivalence about his own more distinguished Jewishness and his wish to distance himself from these underprivileged newcomers. Yet at the time he was actively involved with various Jewish East End philanthropic groups and had recently volun- teered his expertise for the 1906 Jewish Art and An- tiquities exhibit at the Whitechapel Gallery.65 Five years later in The Charm of London Markino again surveyed a section of Whitechapel (fi g. 102) that seemed markedly less chaotic in its commercial

101 Markino. Israel Zangwill, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty 102 Markino. Whitechapel, in Alfred H. Hyatt, compiler, Years of My Life (1915). The Charm of London (1912).

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activity. “All day long and all the year round there is a constant Fair going on in Whitechapel Road. It is held upon the broad pavement, which was benevo- lently intended, no doubt, for this purpose,” wrote Besant in the short accompanying text. He went on to put a positive face on the East End, demonstrating that a district once notorious for “many free fi ghts, brave robberies, gallant murders, dauntless kickings, cudgellings, pommellings, pocket-pick- ings, shop-liftings, watch-snatchings, and assaults on constables,” had more lately “become orderly; its present condition … dull and law-abiding….”66 The perspective of Markino’s illustration allowed for a wide view down the road, towards the distant dull shapes of buildings, and at the far left a double- decker omnibus, in a grey fog. A few covered stands appear on the left, with permanent shops at the right. While there are one or two male fi gures, women occupy most of the space, one in a colorful coat at the left talking with a woman in a fur stole. At the center two women are seen carrying large bundles of laundry. Three girls play in the middle of 103 Markino. The Monkey House, Regent’s Park, in the walk, without the coats that seem so necessary W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907). to the surrounding adults. The low-keyed nature of the scene, in contrast to the exuberance Markino evoked elsewhere, may have owed something to the Zoological Gardens (fi g. 104), both for The Colour of reassuring presence of the two “Bobbies” standing London. The former facility had excited considera- in front of a shop at the far right. ble public interest. Lucas had noted the new facilities “for the larger and more horribly human Simian varieties, such as the ourang-outang, the london’s parks gorilla and the chimpanzee, who if they do not share with us the privilege of an immortal soul have More sedate settings could be found during walks too many other of our attributes to be quite com- along the Thames Embankment, a stroll in Hyde fortable to watch….”69 Markino’s illustration cap- Park or while lingering for moment to watch chil- tures the rapt attention of a crowd of spectators, dren feed the geese in St. James’s Park. For the Ed- something of a cross-section of middle and upper- wardian author Mrs. Evelyn Cecil the “parks … scale English life. All display a variety of color as form bright spots in the landscape … they appeal to they attentively observe the animals (or in the case all sections of the community, to the workers as well of those at the right side of the drawing, return the as to the idlers, to the rich as well as to the poor, to gaze of the monkey): men in black suits and Derbys, the thoughtful as well as to the careless.”67 Regent’s one elderly gentleman sporting a straw boater, Park provided not only welcome greenery but, two women in fl owing white dresses, a blond girl more important, entertainment at the zoo.68 Marki- with a pink hat carrying a straw basket standing no left two illustrations of this popular venue, The next to a boy in britches. A woman in somber Monkey House, Regent’s Park (fi g. 103) and At the black—perhaps a nurse or governess—holds up an

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every London fog kills, it is said, a few of them.”71 At the Zoological Gardens Markino’s humor resur- faced with a study of an elephant, viewed from the back, entertaining a crowd of animated Londoners. Several delighted girls ride on top, much to the admiration of the crowd of onlookers gazing upward, prompting Cecil to ask “What London child has not spent moments of supreme joy mingled with awe on the back of the forbearing elephant?”72 The richly dressed child in white at the bottom right, provides a charming balance to the animal’s grey bulk at the left. This picture may have been a fond recollection of the times Markino had taken his landlady’s children to the zoo during his fi rst years in London.73 At Regent’s Park the opportunity of being perched on the back of the elephant had become popular enough for Cook to issue a warning. “Do not be tempted, under any circumstances, to ride the Elephant. Its saddle has a knife-board seat adapted only to juveniles; those … servants who assist you to mount the beast are uncomfortably face- tious; and when you are at last safely on top, you feel positively vindictive towards the small children who, down in the depths below you, trifl e with your life by off ering your elephant a bun.”74 London’s parks provided Markino with a bucolic refuge from the city’s bustle as well as additional venues for studying people. The artist most frequented the parks of central London, especially those in Westminster and Kensington, each of 104 Markino. At the Zoological Gardens, in W. J. Loftie, which had a particular character. Lucas applied The Colour of London (1907). specifi c designations, with Regent’s Park “for bota- ny and wild beasts,” Kensington Gardens “for chil- elaborately dressed child for a better view. The dren and toy boats,” Hyde Park for “fashion and crowd’s generally refi ned appearance might be as horsemanship.”75 Markino came to enjoy these much a refl ection of the elegant Regent’s Park spaces but only after overcoming some initial trepi- neighborhood adjacent to the park as the shilling dation about whether he would be welcome. Dur- admission charge (lowered to six pence on Mon- ing his time in San Francisco he had been the brunt days).70 Markino reduced the caged monkeys to of several acts of anti-Japanese prejudice (including rather fl at, somewhat ghostly, images, set against a being pelted with small stones) which made him light grey background. Perhaps he knew that these wary of venturing into public spaces like parks. animals did not do well in captivity. Indeed Cook When he fi nally decided to mingle with Londoners advised visitors to “eschew the monkey house as enjoying the outdoors, he could not have been more much as possible” since they were often sickly: apprehensive. “Being quite ignorant of the English “Monkeys are sad victims to pulmonary disease; civilization I anticipated some pebble-showers

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every minute. I waited and waited with beating lawn. “I could not understand all those iron rail- heart, but nothing happened to me at all!”76 Chil- ings,” he remembered. “I thought they were to di- dren Feeding the Water-Birds, St. James’s Park (fi g. vide private grounds from the public ones. But I saw 105) captured his delight in this particular spot. many people on both sides. I so timidly walked in- Baedeker believed St. James’s to be “the most at- side the rail … I realised at last that I was in the coun- tractive of the London parks”77 because of its trees, try where I could enjoy my liberty quite freely.”79 shallow lake and backdrop of elegant buildings. But Markino executed large numbers of pictures of Markino concentrated on the friendly people en- central London’s most famous green area, Hyde joying the park with as much freedom and good Park, where he had the opportunity to study Lon- cheer as the happy artist, the children in the title as doners at leisure, especially wealthy people gath- well as many more adults near them. With the ex- ered for fashionable display. In 1903 he published ception of a moustached man in a coarse brown Points of View–No. 2: In Hyde Park (see fi g. 62) fea- coat and cap sounding a plebeian note near the turing an area just behind Apsley House where the center of the crowd, most of the people are elegant- Statue of Achilles stands in honor of the Duke of ly dressed and probably drawn from the affl uent Wellington. Like Mr. Verloc from Joseph Conrad’s surrounding neighborhoods. One of the women in The Secret Agent (1907), who “surveyed through the the distance wears the white apron and cap of a park railings the evidences of the town’s opulence nurse or nanny, and at least two perambulators are and luxury with an approving eye,”80 Markino stud- in evidence. ied the stylish people standing or walking near the Rose Barton recalled how children were drawn monument’s base, with men in respectable black to the lake and its fi shing possibilities— “The joy accompanying women layered in colorful fabric that the lake gives to the London children is inde- and wearing giant hats. A man in a sporting cap at scribable,” she wrote, adding that it was also “a Par- the bottom center adjusts a camera to capture a adise for wildfowl.”78 In the background is the out- snapshot of the scene. line of the suspension bridge over the lake. Markino The object of the photographer’s and artist’s at- noted the low fence dividing the walkway from the tention was likely the social gathering popularly

105 Markino. Children Feeding the Water-Birds, St. James’s Park, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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known as the Church Parade. Many writers commented on this aspect of high-life which had replaced the traditional ride or drive in the park with the “Church Parade after morning service” as a “sight well worth seeing.”81 One illustrated journal declared that “Sunday morning in the Park remains a great occasion for the meeting of prettily-frocked women and well-groomed men.”82 As seen, it became a favorite subject for Markino, and also for the American illustrator he so admired, Charles Dana Gibson, who understood the polished sobri- ety of the setting. “Sunday after Sunday these well- dressed people attend church-parade as seriously as they attend church,” ran the commentary next to Gibson’s drawing of the event.83 At the end of De- cember 1903, Markino had his illustration England Seen with Japanese Eyes: Church Parade (fi g. 106) included by Spielmann in The Magazine of Art. In a vertical arrangement recalling a traditional Japa- nese scroll painting, it featured an elegantly-dressed stroller, with a pale, expressionless face, striding forward, parasol in hand. Spielmann explained the subject: “The vision of the young girl in ‘Church Pa- rade,’ which aroused his artistic emotions in Hyde Park one Sunday morning in autumn, had immediately to be put upon paper. The treatment of the foliage and the naivete with which the passers-by have been put in are characteristic of Mr. Markino’s work.” The color scheme of “fl esh-colour and blue- black,”84 expresses a decorative quality, with the tan not on the woman’s body but on the bottom of her exposed petticoat and, slightly darker, the gravel of the path. Her open parasol blocks a view back to the Achilles. Despite the emphasis on the central female fi gure, Markino artlessly placed, in a small area over her right shoulder, a glimpse of Decimus Burton’s classical Hyde Park Corner gate, two fi nely dressed pedestrians and a group in an open carriage driving along “The Ring.” This was a perfect location for studying London society, a spot at the edge of the park just off Park Lane and convenient to Sunday morning strollers 106 Markino. England Seen with Japanese Eyes: Church from nearby Mayfair. When Markino revisited the Parade , in Magazine of Art (December, 1903). scene in The Colour of London he widened the Photograph courtesy of the Ryerson and Burnham perspective to create a freeze of people and color. Libraries, Art Institute of Chicago.

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The setting for Church Parade, Near Stanhope Gate, onlookers. “In the Row are numerous riders, who July (see fi g. 57) was another side area of this vast parade their spirited and glossy steeds before the green district. Markino used bright sunlight to cre- interested crowd sitting or walking at the sides. ate a feeling of soft eff ervescence. The women of It has lately become ‘the thing’ to walk by the Row the crowd blend into an amorphous mass of deli- on Sundays,” wrote Baedeker.87 A fur-clad woman cate white, with only a few standing out because of exudes fashionable pride while behind her, a frock- a patterned dress, a pink parasol or a headpiece coated man, a regular John Bull, with one hand in sporting a touch of yellow. By contrast, the men his trouser pocket and the other on a cane, advanc- break up this blanched scene with their uniform of es with the type of confi dence described by a con- black frock coats and top hats—“We all wore top temporary social critic as “the swagger of a citizen hats,” remembered one participant in the 1890s.85 of the world,” the manner of the perfect Edwardi- The illustration more than confi rms the words of an who “piques himself on living in the true me- the guidebook which called the Church Parade tropolis of the universe and under the one and only “one of the best displays of dress and fashion in cosmopolitan prince.”88 For refreshment, visitors London.”86 Markino’s next book, The Colour of to the park patronized “the fashionable tea place Paris, included a similar scene, 11.30 A.M., on a May near the bridge over the Serpentine,”89 which Sunday at Boulevard du Bois de Boulogne (fi g. 107) Markino included in his 1901 Studio group under but without the studied elegance which character- the title Tea House, Kensington Gardens (fi g. 108). ized Church Parade. Here an assortment of well-dressed patrons, in- Markino presented another Hyde Park prome- cluding two men in the foreground casting inter- nade located next to Rotten Row, that “track exclu- ested looks at three unattended women nearby, sit sively reserved for riders.” Although Cook re- at outdoor tables not far from the waters of the marked that “[b]eautiful women, distinguished Serpentine, just off Buck Hill Walk, the path on men, and gilded youths may be seen riding—the the right side of the drawing. Cook described best riders and the fi nest horses in the world— the area with aff ection: “In one pleasant spot of along Rotten Row at the fashionable morning greenery a welcome innovation has lately been hour,” Markino adopted the viewpoint of a stroller introduced in the summer months, in the shape for his Morning Parade, by Rotten Row (see fi g. 58), of afternoon tea al fresco, provided by an enterpris- entirely omitting the equestrian activities in or- ing club, and of late much frequented by the der to study the bedecked strollers and seated fashionable world.”90

107 Markino. 11.30 A.M. on a May Sunday at Boulevard du Bois de Boulogne, in Lucien Descaves, ed., The Colour of Paris (1908).

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108 Markino. Tea House, Kensington Gardens, in The Studio, 24 (1901). Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University. Photograph: John Blazejewski, Princeton University.

theaters and the ballet

Markino was also an inveterate patron of London’s many theaters and music halls. His eye fi xed not only on the stage action but also on the varied audiences making their way to and from these temples of popular entertainment. Spielmann noticed Markino’s perspective from the sidewalk, his “love of contrast” in two pictures, Sloan Square: Wet Day (see fi g. 78) and The “Stalls” Leaving His Majesty’s Theatre (fi g. 109). “In the drawing called ‘Sloan Square,’ he shows ‘the people’ going into the theatre on a wet evening; in another he paints a smart crowd leaving it—His Majesty’s….”91 The “people” in the former probably were those forced to walk to the lit theater entrance, perhaps from the nearby tube station, rather than the elegant woman clad in white and her male companion in full evening dress, serenely entering a cab at the door of His Majesty’s, a theater Markino knew well because of his acquaintance with its manager, Sir Herbert Beerbohlm Tree, during the production of Darling of the Gods. His Majesty’s Theatre: The ‘Pit’ Queue 109 Markino. The “Stalls” Leaving His Majesty’s Theatre, (fi g. 110) shows the less well-off seeking cheap seats, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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110 Markino. His Majesty’s Theatre: The “Pit” Queue, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

often spending “sad and weary hours of waiting in the cold, drizzled street.” Cook remembered this very spot, with its “long crowd of patient men and women waiting uncomplainingly in a long fi le till the theatre doors should open…it reaches far up towards Piccadilly Circus.”92 Markino’s rendi- tion, in a dull monotone, communicated an overall muted, somber, eff ect in contrast to the vivacious color of the exit from the “stalls.” Yet it was probably these less exalted theatergoers with whom he most identifi ed. “People waste whole days from early morning till the curtain rises up, just only to see one performance; they spend their most pre- cious time which will never come back again in their lives.”93 He produced other versions of the scene, one slightly altered to include a policeman at the far left for a biography of Tree.94 A clear, less atmospheric view (fi g. 111), with the line of patrons extending far up Charles Street, had appeared in The Studio a few years earlier with the accompany- 111 Markino. Pit Entrance of Her Majesty’s Theatre, ing editorial comment, “the crowd at the pit en- in The Studio, 24 (1907). Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University. Photograph: John trance … is characteristic in its want of comfort. Blazejewski, Princeton University. To examine it is to understand why theatre-going has been described as ‘a democracy of patience.’”95 In his Recollections and Refl ections Markino included a misty view of the end of the line at The variety of such entertainment venues—from the Pit Entrance of the New Theatre (fi g. 112) in St. Mar- New Theatre to the Alhambra; from His Majesty’s tin’s Lane. to the London Pavilion. His collaboration with Tree Markino loved the human spectacle on display and Laurence Irving, as a Japanese consultant, on at London’s theaters, as did other artists of the pe- two plays and some of his fi rst journalistic assign- riod such as Spencer Frederick Gore and Walter ments, involved attending plays in order to provide Sickert.96 Many of his illustrations deal with a illustrations. For The Academy he produced the

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striking full length profi le of Tree (see fi g. 14) and later a three-quarter length likeness of the actress Eva Moore.97 The following year (1905) he had illustrations from plays at the Adelphi and Drury Lane published in The Queen98 (fi g. 113). Many of his sketches feature music halls and ballets, such as the London Pavilion, the Alhambra and the Empire. “It was one of these idle evenings I went to the Empire Theatre to see the Ballet which my friend Mr. Wilhelm had arranged,” he remembered.99 C. Wilhelm (born William John Charles Pitcher), was a noted costume designer who had worked on the Mikado and was a mainstay at the Empire for many years.100 Markino’s connection to this infl uential character may have given him regular access to this Leicester Square theater. A pencil sketch from A Japanese Artist in London (fi g. 114) shows a performance from the wings, perhaps the 1906 hit The Debutante, which was set in the early nineteenth-century and used women in traditional ballerina skirts and men in top hats, as Markino depicted.101 At the Ballet (fi g. 115), a series 112 Markino. The Pit Entrance of the New Theatre, in Recollections and Refl ections of a Japanese of sketches in My Idealed John Bullesses, shows Artist (1913). women in various costumes—in one case in male

113 Markino. “Under Which King?” At the Adelphi Theatre, in The Queen (June 17, 1905). © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

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114 Markino. Empire Ballet, in A Japanese Artist in London 115 Markino. At the Ballet, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1910). (1912).

evening clothes—dancing in the popular Empire Markino delighted in being able to participate ballet of 1910, Ship Ahoy!, with a story by Wilhelm in these and other activities that his adopted city which Ivor Guest described as “[f]un and melodra- provided. His ability to blend into this accepting ma on the upper deck of the R.M.S. Empire….” environment, to portray it in a way which was at At the bottom right of Markino’s drawing are two once novel and familiar, enlivened his writing and women dressed as sailors, holding life preservers art. But most of all, Markino enjoyed studying the labeled “Empire.” What Markino so successfully countless things that he identiﬁ ed as giving the revealed was a timely aspect of British popular cul- modern western city its distinctive character. For ture in which “[s]pectacle and entertainment value the artist from Japan, London was a source of were the main considerations….”102 endless stimulation.

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n a japanese artist in london Markino portrait of famous English actresses in each pack- broached plans to write a tribute to British age, and I used to collect them. It was the very women, for whom he had invented a special beginning of my real appreciation of English beau- I 3 name: “I am thinking some day to write a book ex- ties.” The result was the publication of a well- clusively about my John Bulless friends. Some one received series of articles in The English Review whispered me that I out not. Why not? Why could I not write all my admiration about them? It is only pure and sincere admiration of them!” He had already confi ded specifi c ideas along these lines to his mentor M.H. Spielmann at the end of March 1910.1 In this he was building on a well-developed native tradition, given that Japanese artists had tradition- ally felt drawn to women as objects of beauty, especially in the ukiyo-e works of print makers like Kita- gawa Utamaro (fi g. 116) or Torii Kiyonaga. Markino applied this fascination to the women of his adoptive country. Spielmann had earlier remarked how the artist considered “most English women … as ‘angels’” while a reviewer of The Colour of London believed that Markino’s “artist mind is stirred most by the English girl, the poise of her head, the curves and fl ickings of her dress, and the grace of her movements.”2 Much of Markino’s career had been built around his outsider’s insights into life in the west. Now he focused on one particular aspect of British society. In his 1910 autobiography Markino traced his preoccupation with British feminine beauty to his early days in West Dulwich. He remembered buying boxes of cigarettes that “had a 116 Kitagawa Utamaro (ca. 1753–1806). Bijin jûyô: Hokkoku no zashiki (Ten Beautiful Faces: Reception Room in the Yoshiwara), ca. 1797. Woodblock print; Fig. 128: Beautiful Women in Bond Street 35.9 x 23.6 cm. © Trustees of the British Museum.

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between 1910 and 1911 which, together with some this foreigner’s acute and witty observations “can- additional text and several color illustrations, be- not fail, we think, to make John Bull restive, but the came the 1912 My Idealed John Bullesses.4 Its dark charm of the Japanese will force him to listen in green cover had a black, silhouetted group of wom- spite of himself.”5 en arranged in a kind of frieze, representing a vari- “John Bullessess,” a variation on the traditional ety professions and activities, from academic to male symbol of unaff ected and steadfast England, golfer, musician to mother, lecturer to woman of may have been a word of Markino’s invention, more fashion (ﬁ g. 117). A typically light-hearted Markino interesting than the simple “Miss Bull” which had production, the book’s text abounded with good- some currency at the time. John Bull was very natured respect. It won immediate approval. The much an Edwardian staple, from Max Beerbohm’s Athenaeum review declared that “Mr. Markino is to sketches of the character early in the decade, to the be congratulated on seeing the lovely things that he series of “Modern John Bulls” based on some of the does, and we on having him here to draw them to era’s notables published in The New Age.6 Markino us,” while The Spectator playfully suggested that confessed to having ﬁ rst encountered this male

117 Markino. Cover, My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

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moniker from a story of Washington Irving’s which secretaries, composed the text of the two books on he read while a boy in Japan. In “John Bull” the Italy illustrated by Markino, The Colour of Rome American observer had called attention to the and A Little Pilgrimage, the book they were working English propensity for “giving ludicrous appella- on at the time of Ward’s letter. She also assisted him tions, or nicknames,” and had taken this to heart with A Japanese Artist, My Idealed John Bullesses and when he examined the many positive qualities of When I Was a Child. Sladen called her Markino’s “Bull-ism.” He surmised that “a stranger who wish- Egeria and remembered how the artist would rely es to study English peculiarities” could do worse on her to translate ideas into prose, and to fi nd just than scrutinize the many images of this character.7 the correct English word. At the fi nal stage of But Markino, like Irving, went beyond the accepted publication,“she arranged the manuscript and cor- images to craft his own human portrait based on rected the proofs.”12 Markino’s easy-going man- studied observation. While he talked often of ners, his diffi dence and charm, won him many other “the big, stout John Bulls in Scotch suits with long female acquaintances in Britain. He met Sladen’s stocking and hunting caps. They bite a pipe, which friend Beatrice Harraden, the novelist and feminist, is so similar to their noses in shape as well as in col- through the intervention of a Mrs. Dryhurst. This our,”8 his prime interest lay with English women, was probably Nannie Florence Dryhurst, a writer his John Bullesses. Markino remembered how his and teacher remembered for her “great wit and youthful reading of Irving’s Sketch-Book colored charm,” who used her Hampstead home to host a his view of English women in an everlasting number of literary and academic fi gures men- way. Recalling the “innocent soul” in the Pride of tioned by Markino, including the journalist Henry the Village, he discovered that “here in England W. Nevinson (father of the painter) and Professor I am always meeting with delightfully innocent James Sully, the psychologist.13 Dryhurst and young John Bullesses. It is not too much to call them Markino could engage in friendly cultural ex- living angels.” Likewise the steadfast dignity and change. “Mrs. Dryhurst used to give her cook ‘holi- loyalty which characterized the women in Irving’s days,’ in order to make Japanese dinner. I was chief “Wife” and “Widow and her Son” made Markino cook, and she herself and her daughters and some suspicious of the American’s veracity, that is until of her guests were my assistants. It was a great fun he himself had lived in England. “To my delight that some half-dozen peoples worked whole after- I fi nd out Irving was very truthful observer.”9 As noon in her kitchen.”14 Ethel May Stevens was also he told Spielmann, “I found the English women as important to Markino. Writing to Sladen in 1907, noble and sacred as Irving described.”10 the artist asked for tickets to a meeting at the Japan Society for “Miss Stevens” and her sister. Hired earlier by Sladen as a secretary, she assisted her em- women friends ployer on his Carthage and Tunis (adding several chapters on local customs) and eventually became Markino took pleasure in his friendship with a an author in her own right and a student of Near number of English women who were benefi tting Eastern culture. She was responsible for rekindling from greater personal independence, access to Markino’s relationship with Sladen who had lost higher education and participation in a range of touch with the artist after their collaboration on professional activities.11 When H.R. Ward of Chat- More Queer Things about Japan. She had, by this to & Windus wrote to Markino in Italy with the time, been “doing work as a literary agent” and, no words “I hope you & Miss Potter are quite well” he doubt to further Markino’s career, “invited us to recognized one of the most important women meet him at her Club,” recalled Sladen.15 in the artist’s professional life. Olave Muriel Potter, Markino’s experiences as a traveler allowed a writer and one of Douglas Sladen’s former him to draw comparisons with women of various

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nationalities and to measure what he saw in the Oh what a life in them!” His countryman Gonnoske west against his experiences at home. Speaking to Komai, writing of London prior to the First World Frank Harris in 1910 he observed that in contrast to War, applauded the “enormous amount of free- French and Italian women, who were “always con- dom ladies enjoy here on this side of our globe.” scious of their sex” and the undercurrent of implied He especially approved their stimulating intellec- “admiration and love,” it was possible to “be friends tual self-awareness. “Nothing is more delightful with an English girl—just good friends and nothing than the pleasure of personally exchanging our more; they will not misunderstand you.” The situa- views and ideas with charming ladies who are thor- tion reminded him of relations between the sexes in oughly conversant with the current topics of the his homeland where he had “friends … among my world, whether political, social, scientifi c, industri- friends’ wives and daughters.” A “pleasant, kindly al, or artistic, a joy which we can hardly expect to relation” he thought.16 Markino shared with other experience in the East for many a long day to Japanese and Asians a curiosity about the status of come!”18 Markino blunted this view somewhat, western women. The distinguished Indian visitor drawing a comparison with Japanese women’s Behramji M. Malabari wrote in the early 1890s, “wonderfully self-sacrifi cing power,” their Bushido “the crowds of women in the streets, walking which could be seen in the west in a particularly rapidly past, pushing and elbowing every one who British form. He wrote that “John Bullessess them- stands in the way, all intent on business or pleasure, selves do the duty of house-wife, well-educated are a sight not likely to be soon forgotten. After all, scholar, as well as great entertainers,” this last qual- a woman’s place is at home rather than in the ity making them “practically geishas to their hus- street.” Yet this same observer could also come to bands,” a reference to that familiar Japanese female admire their open-minded, confi dent vitality.17 Markino earlier described as “a waitress no less Yone Noguchi, who fathered a son, the future than entertainer” who offi ciated at “entertainments sculptor Isamu Noguchi, with the American Leonie of private houses, or at great social gatherings.”19 Gilmour, quoted the equally admiring view of a Markino’s picture of one of these Asian women Japanese artist friend: “Look at the English women, practicing her music appeared in his article “The whose straight forms look even proud, as if they True Story of the Geisha,” published in The English have a personal responsibility for the universe! Illustrated Magazine in December 1903 (fi g. 118).

118 Markino. The Geisha Practising at Home, in “The True Story of the Geisha,” The English Illustrated Magazine (December, 1903).

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Markino savored the sight of his western women friends dancing. When he asked if they liked this activity, “[t]heir eyes start to shine brilliantly. Their mouths begin to break into a sweat smile.”20 With its unfamiliar intimacy and broad popularity, dancing often took Japanese visitors by surprise. The famous Japanese educator Yukichi Fukuzawa had trouble understanding what was happening when he saw American couples “hopping about the room together.”21 Markino took special note of the moral implications of dancing. Recalling his youth in Japan and how the sight of “‘half-naked women embracing the man-tightly,’” glimpsed from a magazine, had off ended him, he admitted that his experience in the west revealed the innocence of such activity. A mitigating factor, he felt, was the good judgment of English women. Not only were they taught to openly “mix with boys from their early life” but they could guard against what he called “the silliest infatuation….” In a characteristically light-hearted simile, he explained that English females “‘are just like the electric wire covered with insulating medium. Perhaps they may have a strong electricity of the passionate 119 Markino. John Bullesses Dancing, in My Idealed John love inside of their heart, but they are quite safe. Bullesses (1912). You shan’t feel their electricity by dancing. Their insulating medium is the British patent!’”22 The page of sketches he included to accompany these some of the sexual conventions and tensions of remarks, John Bullesses Dancing (ﬁ g. 119), could western life. When he was working on a poster hardly have conveyed a sense of greater inno- for a theatrical production he borrowed some cence. The various subjects are attired formally, women’s gowns which he placed over some of with the men especially elegant in white tie and the furniture in his ﬂ at, only to momentarily shock tails. Couples dance, converse, come and go. And his landlady: ‘“Oh, Mr. Markino, I was so fright- everything seems highly respectable. Matters of ened with those dresses, although I knew so well love and sexuality did not entirely escape Markino’s that you are really a gentleman!’” He once recalled artistic scrutiny. how men attempted to make unwanted advances His books abound with accounts of his friend- to one of his female companions. At a café in Paris ships with English women but only occasionally three men who had been following them “took does the subject of sexual desire surface. He dis- the seats very near us. They began to make very closed that during his years in London he “fell in vulgar remarks on us” which forced a hurried love with some John Bullesses. Unfortunately departure.23 The subject of prostitution also none of them could love me.” One can only specu- arose. While never far below the surface in the late whether the reason involved cultural rather hedonistic Edwardian era, open references to this than personality diff erences. Yet he was intimate vice did not usually win favor. A writer for The enough with some women to observe closely Athenaeum proved especially sensitive when it

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came to some of the female fi gures lurking in a solution better than the familiar alternative of Markino’s London nocturnes, criticizing him for “sauntering, soliciting, and elbowing one aside in “his interest in the nightly unfortunate women the city’s thoroughfares; from ogling and enmesh- wanderers in our streets” (see fi g. 70).24 ing strangers; and from fl aunting immodesty and Westerners, while fascinated with eastern lewdness in the faces of those who are not looking sexual practices, at the same time did not hesitate for it and who might otherwise remain uncon- to condemn what they believed to be immoral be- scious of it.”26 Markino concurred, writing of his havior. In My Idealed John Bullesses Markino men- experience in Britain, with words that echoed tioned the prostitute’s district in Tokyo, the Yoshi- Chamberlain, “I don’t see any better results here. wara. Its existence raised eyebrows in the west Whenever I pass Piccadilly or Regent Street in mid- and he recalled how its open acceptance had been night I hear the police shouting, ‘Pass on, please; exploited by an opponent of the 1902 Anglo- pass on!’” to the many unescorted women on the Japanese Treaty who had implied that Japan’s pubic sidewalks.27 acceptance of such sexual license rendered her an unfi t ally. Western moralists caused an uproar over the subject. Arthur Diósy, one of the found- a taste for fashion ers of the Japan Society, was publically and unfair- ly criticized for daring to visit “a well-known Markino’s western travels encouraged commen- house of ill-fame in the Yoshiwara….”25 Sladen tary on the women he met and especially their devoted a chapter of More Queer Things about modes of dress. Italian women earned his approval, Japan to the spot, despite his coyly admitted although with one or two exceptions he avoid- “[w]ant of familiarity with the subject….” Like ed making them the subject of sketches or water- many in the west, Sladen was interested in such colors. They had “generally very good fi gures, and “Oriental” mores and later he would include a chap- they carry themselves so well. They understand ter on a harem in his book on Tunis. He based his the colours and styles for themselves; they follow observations on the Japanese district on the writ- faithfully after the French fashions, and quite ings of several experts, the most important being right thing, too. Seeing some Italian society ladies Basil Hall Chamberlain. Chamberlain had de- in the French fashion, our old proverb came into scribed the Yoshiwara in his popular guidebook as my mind: ‘This is blue, but bluer than blue grass.’” “the principal quarter inhabited by the licensed he- In Paris, whose women also failed to inspire tairae of the metropolis” in which is presented “in his brush, he could not help but noticing “those the evening … a spectacle probably unparalleled in French ladies who carry themselves wonderfully any other country” of houses “palatial in appear- well, while their hats, their dresses, their boots—in ance” whose “unfortunate inmates, decked out shape as well as in colours—are most perfect ….” in gorgeous raiment, sit in rows with gold screens But it could be too much, “to dress up so neat behind….” In Things Japanese he noted how and so chic, something like powder pigeons …” these women had been segregated and regulated and perhaps unseemly to be “too anxious to from the time of the early seventeenth-century. show themselves….” This diminished their “self- To his mind the system “had at least one excel- dignity,” a quality, in contrast, “which seems to lent result:—the Japanese streets at night exhibit me the speciality of the Anglo-Saxon women none of those scenes of brazen-faced solicitation from their birth.” He declared that the English to vice which disgrace our Western cities.” T. Philip women who avoided the most advanced French Terry agreed, writing approvingly in his 1914 guide fashions produced “some indescribable delight how the Japanese handled a universal problem in their graceful refi nement, avoiding all sorts of of sexual “incontinence” with benefi cial results, vulgarity.”28

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Markino used part of his introductory essay in The Colour of London to give his ﬁ rst sustained appreciation of English women.

I am a great admirer of English ladies. To me those willowy fi gures seem more graceful than the fi rst crescent moon, while those well-built fi gures seem more elegant than peony fl owers. Their complexion represents their own national fl ower—the rose—either in white or pink. The cherry blossom would be too shy to appear before their complexions. These golden hairs are fairer than chrysanthemum fl owers, and the contrast of the dark hair with milky-white complexions is more beautiful than the pear blossom on a moonlight night; while no fl owers upon this world could match with the choco- late hair.29

Markino complemented these words with images emphasizing the prominence of British women in the life of the city (see fi gs. 20 and 27). Not that Eng- lish women were unsophisticated in their approach to creating just the right appearance. In a series of sketches for Bullesses entitled Natural History of John Bullesses (fi g. 120), one 120 Markino. Natural History on John Bullesses, drawing depicts a woman bundled up in coat, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912). scarf, and hat and holding a muff . Its “Mino Mushi” label, Markino explained in his text, referred to the Japanese “Overcoat Insect,” so-named because reveal a light, form-fi tting gown. Markino claimed its “heavy overcoat” hid a “beautiful butterfl y.” This that English women concerned themselves pri- is how many fashionable English women struck marily with the overall eff ect of their appearance. the artist. “It seems to me that they never care for small details as long as they look ‘all right’ from distance.” Some John Bullesses bury themselves into such thick He cited the example of several female friends who fur overcoats in winter. You can hardly see their eyes; would go out with poorly stitched or detailed gar- all other parts are covered with foxes’ tails, minks’ ments in the belief that “it doesn’t show at all….” heads, seal’s back skin, a whole bird [another sketch The contrast with Japanese women was marked, in presented a front and back view of a woman with a his estimation, since their clothes are usually of sizable white-feathered bird adorning her hat!], snake’s “the best quality silk … woven most carefully by skin, etc. etc. They make their size twice or three times hand” and yet “from the distance they look nothing larger. But when they get into a house and take off all but indiff erent grey.”30 Many of the illustrations in those heavy wearings, such a light and charming butter- Bullesses illuminated the splendor of Edwardian fl y comes out. women’s fashions. Some of My John Bulless Friends (fi g. 121) record- A second drawing, Butterfl y Inside, showed this ed the taste for large fur muff s, coats either fur- transformation as a woman drops her heavy coat to edged or plain, and huge hats, often with fl owers or

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121 Markino. Some of My John Bulless Friends, 122 Markino. At the Dressmaker’s and Millenary, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912). in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

feathers. At the Dress Makers and Millenary (fi g. 122) corsets which he deemed “very ugly … [cutting] showed a broad display of garments and accesso- their fi gure into two by tightening their waist.”31 ries, from hats perched on slender poles to coats Confessed Markino, the inveterate fl ânuer, “Every and high-necked dresses. Markino’s Bullesses time when I go out I always watch the people’s adopted an amusing approach to accessorizing: movements, and study it. There is no more interest- “the John Bullesses want to wear everything— ing thing in my life than to do that—especially to metals, stones, animals’ skins, dead leaves, and dead watch how the ladies carry their skirts.” His friend birds. I would not be surprised if they picked up a Noguchi owned to a similar obsession. “It is cer- dead snake on a fi eld and wore it one themselves.” tainly a great treat to see them [English women] Markino later remarked that “English women are at tastefully dressed. I often walk down the streets their best when they are in teagowns or in English with one purpose, and that is to look at them.”32 overcoat,” because then they exhibit “graceful re- Markino admired women occupying the modern fi nement, avoiding all sorts of vulgarity.” He could urban space with increased freedom, such as when be quite particular when it came to some of the he painted female tourists carrying the red Baede- cross-currents in fashion. He believed English kers which gave them the confi dence to explore and women made a mistake in copying French taste, enjoy the metropolis. In this sense the Japanese out- which encouraged women to “dress up so neat and sider could approach what Gresilda Pollock called so chic … like powter pigeons,” or to apply severe the “freedom to look, appraise and possess,” in his

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case, not as a person of social superiority, but as an ordinary, Asian man able to take advantage of western freedom of movement and interaction, if not to possess, then at least to “look” and “appraise” all classes of women.33 Markino honed his skills as an observer of women in his 1903 article What I see in London Streets. He used one illustration (see fi g. 81) to show how a woman manipulated her garments as she passed near a curb. It seemed odd, he thought, that “a woman who is being splashed by a passing carriage will always make a point of exposing the greatest obtainable surface to desecration.” While she may turn her body away “as surely as her name is woman, her skirts will be gathered in a bunch…. [O]nly when a fi ne surface of outer skirt with lining in proportion, with petticoat, stocking, and per- chance a second fringe of petticoat, have been willingly off ered up, does she seem really content.” He continued in the same vein four years later in The Colour of London: “On rainy days I often notice some old ladies pick up their skirts all round, showing nothing but the lining of the skirt and the petticoat. I am so glad that young ladies generally don’t 123 Markino. Reading in Kensington Gardens, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912). do that. Perhaps the old ladies are more sensible of economy than appearance.” This brought a gentle rejoinder from one of his female readers, an her hat to her hair. Reading in Kensington Gardens Irish woman whose letter he quoted in A Japanese (fi g. 123) from My Idealed John Bullesses glimpsed Artist. “I am an old lady, but remember, I never another private moment as a solitary, relaxed wom- show the linings all round my skirt on wet days, so an, with eyes cast down, sits deeply absorbed in I hope you would not be shocked at me.”34 her open book, confi rming a new middle-class Markino was capable of even more intimate independence, that more and more saw women observation. The sepia illustration Evening in “focused on their own purposes.”37 But more often Trafalgar Square (see fi g. 70) became what one re- he drew the women he saw passing on London’s viewer saw as “just a girl tying a garter without a busy streets, as in Fog: Ladies Crossing Piccadilly suspicion of a Japanese artist wandering through (see fi g. 20), with its “two golden-haired ladies … the mist that he loves.”35 Early Autumn, Hyde Park garbed in the latest European fashions” of 1906— (see fi g. 27) contained a similarly furtive view, layers of colorful outer clothing, thick petticoats, not just of the young woman walking towards the striking hats.38 viewer who, in the words of Spielmann “holds her Markino had taken pains to study British wom- skirt … in the way, presumably, which he tells us en’s clothing choices: “Some dresses are most ad- stirs his admiration so deeply,”36 but of the woman mirable, in shape as well as in colour, and those in the left, middle distance, slightly obscured by a ladies who are well accustomed to the fashions, large tree, sitting with her arms raised behind her put on their hats very wonderfully. Whatever the head, probably adjusting the long pins anchoring shape is, it looks as if it is a part of her own body.”39

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A colossal hat became a defi ning element in Roller There is much of the self-assured “Gibson Girl” Skating (see fi g. 11), whose subject, like the Picca- (fi g. 124) about this woman, with her “picture” hat dilly women, appears in stark profi le. Realistic fa- and the “sweeping lines” of her dress. Markino cial details help to create the image of a poised and once recalled how he and a friend would pour over serene woman, her hand buried in a large brown contemporary illustrated magazines to improve the muff , gliding eff ortlessly over the shiny fl oor in a marketability of their art. “[W]e admired Dana sporting activity that had become increasingly Gibson very much,” he wrote. Spielmann once de- popular for women by the end of the nineteenth- scribed the ingredients of this admittedly Ameri- century, when, according to The English Magazine, can type: “Statuesque and divinely tall without “halls for roller skating multiplied rapidly through- exception, with brows like Juno; and lovely heads out the country….”40 While the muted green coat, perfectly poised on throats Aphrodite might envy; with black collar leaves room for exposing only a with mouths exquisitely cut, and noses such as were few folds of white blouse, the prodigious black hat among the loveliest features of the Italian Renais- garners attention, wrapped in translucent green sance: and beautiful eyes, with half-wistful lids … fabric, to match the rest of the ensemble, and their Venus-like forms are decked out in almost crowned by a long spray of white feathers. perfect taste ….” His only objections to their

124 Charles Dana Gibson (1867–1944). A Constitutional in the Park, in London as seen by Charles Dana Gibson (1897).

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appearance, which could also apply to many of show women sewing, painting, reading, writing Markino’s women, were that the “faces are com- and, at the center, cutting a piece of fabric on a monly too clear-cut, as clear-cut as crystal; and the wide, fl at table. gentlepeople are all good-looking, if they are nice; But there was steel behind the genteel facade. and everybody is somebody.” For Londoners, the The poet Robert Bridges had observed of the actress Camille Cliff ord captured the “Gibson” Gibson Girl that “under her coat she had a pair of look in the mid-decade play The Belle of Mayfair. In shoulders able to drive an oar or put a hunter to a Colour of London Markino had been complimented fence.”43 Markino’s women confi rmed this. While for his innovative, Asian, approach to the depiction the subject of Roller Skating proclaims seemingly of British women and for avoiding “the dreary eff ortless, controlled movement, he found many abominations of the ‘Gibson girl’….”41 By the time examples of more intense feminine exertion. “No of Bullesses he had, alas, decided to substitute popu- woman in this world is so fond of the outdoor larity for originality. While Gibson’s women set sports as the John Bullesses,” he observed, a point the standard for feminine beauty during this time, echoed in the contemporary Women of all Nations they also exuded an appealing authority. Spielmann which pointed out that some present-day English had commented that “they know how to make the females could be found “mountaineering, balloon- most of themselves,”42 a quality Markino explored ing, curling, tabogganing, fencing”—with “jiu-jitsu” in Industrious John Bullesses (fi g. 125), sketches which a timely addition to their varied activities.44 Marki- no believed that British women, unlike their Japa- nese counterparts, had developed superior physical skills. “They looked to me bigger than the Japanese women, of course … their fi gures are more well built. Their muscles are perfectly developed” or in the words of one of his Japanese compatriots, their “‘meat looks much harder.’” This he attributed to “their daily exercises outdoors,” so diff erent from the “better-class girls” in Japan who stayed indoors to “write poetries, or do tea-ceremonies, fl ower- arrangement, etc. etc.,” leaving them with “paler and more delicate” features. In Britain “the daughters of good families have all sorts of outdoor exercises….”45 The page of sketches, John Bullesses Playing (fi g. 126), showed women taking part in fi eld hockey, tennis, crocquet, ice-skating and swim- ming. One woman, viewed from the back, adroitly swings a golf club. Hind loved some of these sketches, writing that when Markino “paints sport such as a girl driving at gold (so magnifi cent an end of a swing I have never seen), and school girls playing hockey, the Samurai blood quickens. The actions of these English girls are as fi erce as those of his own brave countrymen storming a Russian height,”46 a timely reference to the recently concluded Russo- 125 Markino. Industrious John Bullesses, in My Idealed John Japanese War. Are they the incarnations of Ibexes? Bullesses (1912). (fi g. 127) pictured women rock climbing and

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126 Markino. John Bullesses Playing, in My Idealed John 127 Markino. Are they the incarnations of Ibexes? in Bullesses (1912). My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

walking up and down steep hills. Some are dressed on the body and tapered toward the feet. Markino as if out for a stroll others, more serious, carry was not reticent about this “new-fashioned dress” walking sticks and binoculars. The energetic move- which he called the “mermaid dress.” “It is very nice ments over the rough terrain along with the distinc- to see one in this dress from front. Indeed, it is very tive Edwardian hats may have prompted the asso- pretty to see tiny shoes peeping out from very tight ciation with the title’s Alpine goats, conspicuous and small bottom of the skirt. The back view is not for their prominent horns. Markino no doubt re- absolutely bad, and the side view is rather too stiff . membered a recent trip to Italy with Sladen and It is not quite ugly when they are sitting. But about several women, which included traveling “the dancing, I dislike it.” The spirit of the new fashion is mountain heights of Arezzo and Cortona” and oth- evident in the color frontispiece to the book, In er sites which inspired the illustrations for Olave London Fog (see fi g. 24), portraying a young women Potter’s A Litttle Pilgrimage in Italy of 1911.47 walking forward wearing, under a broad circular While The Colour of London gloried in featuring hat, a simple, wrapped, short-sleeved, green sum- women clad in long, fl owing skirts secured tightly mer dress, tied “Empire” style high above the waist about the waist, below which were revealed the and short enough to expose foot and ankle. Unlike ends of their petticoats, Bullesses confi rmed the most of Markino’s other illustrations of women, change of fashion after 1910 marked by less layered which are typically Edwardian as they take account clothing and more delicate fabrics, draped loosely of the era’s elaborate tastes, here there is a modern

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economical feel which Markino again noticed a few years later in Beautiful Women in Bond Street (fi g. 128), from the 1914 Story of Yone Noguchi, where the central female displays a sharp, angular look in her black wrap and fl ower-pot hat.48 Despite his love of female elegance, Markino did not shrink from commenting on the social distinctions in women’s fashions. The “Stalls” Leaving His Majesty’s Theatre (see fi g. 109) in The Colour of London presented the spectacle of colorfully and elaborately dressed women, in shiny silks and priceless furs, attended by top-hatted male escorts. In one illustration in Bullesses entitled Outside the Theatres at 11.15 p.m. (fi g. 129), the top and middle groups are studies in elegance, with the women wrapped in richly patterned cloaks. Yet at the bottom appear two rows of women (and one child) in the large, utilitarian hats and long skirts of outdated

129 Markino. Outside the Theatre at 11:15 P.M., in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

fashion, plebeians gaping at the evening’s patrician spectacle. Women from the lower walks of life, from the “Mean Streets” of east London, were far diff erent from those Markino encountered elsewhere. Two illustrations for The Colour of London spoke to their style of living. The Barrel Organ, Lon- don, E. (see ﬁ g. 98) was a study in spontaneity with poor women and girls, many in simple one-piece dresses and black hats, a child wearing a white smock, dancing in the middle of the street while a small crowd watches. Sunday Morning in Petticoat Lane (see ﬁ g. 100) placed women in the forefront, one at the left, seen from the back, clad in a nondescript grey coat and black hat and carrying a bag laden with provisions, and another, to the right, with a shawl draped over her head and extend- 128 Markino. Beautiful Women in Bond Street, in Yone ing down to a soiled apron. At the center an older Noguchi, The Story of Yone Noguchi (1914). woman, wearing a white apron and a checked shawl

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over her shoulders, steps into the light to examine a piece of cloth. But it was in the West End that class distinctions were more evident. The Flower-Women at Piccadilly Circus (see ﬁ g. 10) concentrated on a humble female group sitting immobile in the open air behind their baskets, bundled in dull garments and wearing simple straw hats. Robert Machray of- fered an unﬂ attering assessment of these women in his book on Edwardian night-life:

These female shapes, maybe, are the forms of women who once numbered themselves amongst the night- blooming plants of the town; anyway, there they are now! Time, was, who knows, when they and love were well acquainted—and now “Only a penny, sir, only a penny for a bokay!”49

In contrast, the woman at the left, a tourist perhaps, holding her Baedeker, presents a more refi ned image as she leisurely surveys the scene, walking in a comfortable touring outfi t of white shirt waist, black skirt and a yellow duster, open to that cooling air which seems to aff ect her diff erently than it does the less-fortunate, huddled fi gures opposite whom 130 Markino. Saturday Evening at Greenwich and Kensal she seems not to notice as she looks upwards to- Rise, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912). wards the statue of Eros.

somewhat less chaotic than what he saw in crowded shopping Petticoat Lane. Elsewhere on this page are single women and a girl, two with small straw hats, all car- Shopping was an activity Markino most associated rying shopping bags and parcels. Markino remem- with women. During his lean years living in inex- bered, “It was one of my greatest pleasures then to pensive neighborhoods of Greenwich and Kensal take a basket or bag and follow after them to shop- Rise, Markino observed what shopping meant for ping some Sunday provisions.”50 Yet it was Lon- ordinary people, how his beloved “John Bullesses don’s affl uent districts that provided Markino with are making suffi ciently sweet home with insuffi - the greatest amount of material on women and the cient wage for their husbands.” Like his excursions high degree of retail consumption that had come to later with Dryhurst in middle-class Hampstead, characterize western society. The West End was here his “landladies used to take me to Saturday the shopper’s Mecca, at least for those with suffi - night markets.” In Bullesses he recalled these events cient disposable income. In the words of a recent in several sketches including Saturday Evening at study, it was “an especially pleasurable place for Greenwich and Kensal Rise (ﬁ g. 130). At the top bourgeois women” who could not only freely move are crowds of mostly women in front of covered about but also easily gratify a desire to select and stalls where men seem to be displaying clothing, to consume. Shopping had become, according to some of which hangs at the side. The atmosphere is social historian Rachel Bowlby, “a new bourgeois

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leisure activity—a way of pleasantly passing the time, like going to a play or visiting a museum.” Bond Street was perhaps underestimated by the Baedeker guide when it merely declared, “this thoroughfare contains numerous attractive and fashionable shops….” In fact it was the pinnacle of fashion. According to a 1906 guide, “Regent Street is for wealthy suburbans and Bayswater, Oxford Street is for the world, but Bond Street is for princ- es and Park Lane.”51 Markino knew this area well. “I often go the West End and look at those show- windows to study the ladies’ latest fashion. One afternoon I took one of my Japanese friends [probably Noguchi] to this study-tour in Bond Street. We saw many dresses, evening cloaks, and then diamonds and other jeweled head-gears….”52 In Bullesses he attempted to learn something of the psychology of shopping from British females. He asked one friend what would be the consequences of having a fortune and the means to purchase any conceivable thing. He recorded her reply:

No, no, no. If I can buy everything I want I may be easily spoilt. Where is my happiness then? You cannot imagine 131 Markino. Shopping, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912). how much my brain is working every time when I go shopping. All these excitements make me feel worth while my living. For instance, sometimes I intend to buy in the same book Walking in the Street (fi g. 132) must a dress for £10 or £15. But when I go to my dressmaker I depict London shopping, possibly Regent Street. see some dress exactly suits me, and it is £20. After a In the background are awnings extending over what great hesitation I buy it. On all the way home my mind is looks like plate glass windows. An elegant woman very busy—half happy and the other half unhappy. Then in profi le strides from the street to the curb. The when my dress is fi nished I put it on, and if all my friends people around her, with the exception of one admire me in this dress I am turned into perfect happi- vague male fi gure at the extreme right, are women, ness. Being much encouraged by this kind of happiness, either walking or stopped facing the shops. This I try to save more money for the next dress.53 central fi gure exudes confi dence and purpose, appropriate to the Edwardian woman’s sense of In Bullesses the illustration Shopping (fi g. 131) pic- independence and ability to exploit public space tures fashionable women in broad hats and furs in for her own pleasure and without the need of a pairs or as solitary fi gures. Two carry sizable bags. male chaperone.54 Markino’s illustrations noted Natural History of John Bullesses (see fi g. 120) showed this development towards greater female independ- a hatted woman sitting at a table laden with what ence with Shopping standing in marked contrast to must be the remains of a tea which would have a watercolor he published in 1903, Points of View– been a welcome respite from shopping. Yet further No. 1: Regent Street (fi g. 133),55 in which fi nely dressed adventures were being planned. “Must try on pedestrians are almost equally men and women, every things [sic]” reads the caption. A watercolor conveying the feeling that the women, at this earlier

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132 Markino. Walking in the Street, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

date, while participants in walking, looking and shopping, were nonetheless supervised and pro- tected by a male presence. In The Colour of London there was a suggestive image of the bustle of urban shopping in Christmas Shopping: Regent Street (see ﬁ g. 55), again with a crowd made up almost entirely of women who congregate around the large, illuminated shop window, possibly belonging to the Swan and Edger store at the corner of Regent Street and Piccadilly Circus. Markino especially enjoyed watching this Christmas enthusiasm. “Just during a few days before this great festivity, all the 133 Markino. Points of View–No. 1: Regent Street, in Black & shops open till late in the evening. The crowds on White (March 21, 1903). © Victoria and Albert Museum, London. the street are more large than usual. Their movements are more active and their expressions are happier, too.” 56 The illustration, with its groups of mostly women, gazing with fascinated interest on Bonheur des Dames where, admiring the windows what was presented behind the shop glass, recalls “warm and vibrating with the activity within,” Èmile Zola’s description of the great store in Au there was “a crowd … looking at them, groups of

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women were crushing each other in front of them, a the status of women in Japan in Things Japanese real mob, made brutal by covetousness.”57 The fash- with a further acknowledgment of the “new wom- ionably attired women in Fog: Ladies Crossing Pic- an” whose “name fi gures on committees; she may cadilly (see fi g. 20) were most likely shoppers mak- be seen riding the ‘bike,’ and more usefully em- ing the most of the West End, what one recent ployed in some of the printing-offi ces and telephone writer has termed “that pleasurable place for bour- exchanges.” He was at pains to add that “[s]uch de- geois women” which not only provided a vast velopments, however, aff ect but a small percentage wealth of good things to scrutinize and purchase, of the nation,” an assessment echoed by Ernest but also was easy to access, and, because of such Clement’s guide to Japan.60 facilities as clubs, lavatories and tea rooms, to enjoy Markino welcomed the advances British wom- in a leisurely manner.58 en had made but not without a slight bow to convention. He wrote in Bullesses of a woman friend who possessed “pluckiness and progressiveness” women’s rights but not to the point of becoming “unbearable” like “some sort of advanced woman.” Knowing that The publication of the English Review articles and there were “quite many ablest John Bullesses,” he My Idealed John Bullesses coincided with an active hoped convention “would not prevent them doing period in the struggle for women’s rights in Britain, some great works together with men.”61 Markino a movement which Markino supported. The Wom- supported votes for women and maintained con- en’s Social and Political Union (W.S.P.U) had been nections with the women’s suff rage movement. formed in 1903 and the demonstrations and acts Sladen, when soliciting work for him with the edi- of civil disobedience it sponsored often resulted in tors of periodicals, noted cautiously that Markino prison sentences for its leaders. A large rally in “would write pro-Suff ragette things though he Hyde Park in 1908 was followed later that year by doesn’t approve of the outrages.”62 Sladen himself the arrest of its chief organizers, Emmeline and guardedly encouraged the women’s cause. As he Christabel Pankhurst, for their subsequent role in said in his autobiography, “I … have always desired causing disruptions at Parliament Square. The year to give the vote to women with the proper qualifi ca- 1911 saw a lull in serious disturbances, but vio- tions.” As to tactics, Sladen preferred reasoned lence marked the following year with incidents of argument which he believed “would be diffi cult to window smashing in some of London’s most fash- resist.” But the more active stance was another mat- ionable shopping districts and, in June 1913, Emily ter. “The weak point of the militant suff ragettes is Davison’s death on the track of the Epson Derby.59 that they not only do things of which moderate peo- The American edition of Markino’s book, entitled ple cannot approve, to attract public attention, but Miss John Bull, appeared also at a time of increased they have no consideration for your commonsense; activity for the fi ght for women’s suff rage in the they talk to us like Socialists talk to a mob in Trafal- United States. Markino held enlightened views on gar Square, not as a great Scientist … would ad- the emancipation of women. Harris had asked him dress the British Association.” This observation if in Japan they had the so-called “new woman,” un- was sparked by a recollection of a dinner Sladen conventional, independent, serious, and unhappy attended at which Christabel Pankhurst was the with the constraints of tradition. Yes, he respond- “guest of the evening.” His luke-warm response to ed, and for good reason. “There are women who her talk did not hide an undercurrent of character- say they will no longer be pinned to the home; they istic generosity. “I do not know if Miss Pankhurst will live their own lives; they want liberty and made may converts to the cause that night; she cer- rule….” Others in the west had observed this phe- tainly made many personal friends” and yet he im- nomenon. Chamberlain concluded his chapter on plied that her famous militancy could disappear in

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less formal settings, when she was “off duty.” hunger strike.67 She “told me all about her prison Markino may have attended the same dinner, which life—especially about that awful feeding pro- he mentions in Bullesses along with his enthusiasm cess,” reported Markino. Mrs. Emmeline Pethick- for the speaker. “Every word come out from her Lawrence was also there, working on her book sincere heart. I felt as if she was talking personally Votes for Women: “She had a pen in her hand. She to myself alone…. I sincerely felt from the bottom seemed extremely busy, but she was kind enough to of my heart that it is a great shame that such a splen- greet me, and we had a very pleasant chat for sev- did compatriot has not vote while many ignorant eral minutes.” A few days earlier he had attended a Little Englanders have!”63 Yet he was not above suff rage meeting at Albert Hall, sketch-book in making a light-hearted comment on strident femi- hand. The series of drawings which became At the nism, feigning some anxiety when he received an Albert Hall (fi g. 134), included one of the younger invitation from a group of “militant suff ragettes.” Pankhurst, at the center holding her arms behind “To tell the truth I was a little bit nervous,” he coyly her back in what The Athenaeum believed “the best remarked. “If they could box the policeman they portrait of Miss Christabel Pankhurst that has yet could easily throw me on the air!”64 been done.”68 Pethick-Lawrence spoke as well and Markino’s reasons for supporting women’s suf- the composer Ethel Smyth, who appears at the top frage were not atypical. He wrote that “the distinc- left, conducted her new “‘March of the Women,’ tion between the voters and non-voters must not be the words written by Miss Cicely Hamilton.”69 But made by the diff erence of the sexes…. [M]any well- educated and most refi ned John Bullesses with full sense in every respect cannot vote, only because they are women.” He perceptively noted how the lack of suff rage refl ected other inequalities. One was “under-payment for women,” a practice he noticed even in the art world where “lady-artists” often worked for much less than men. Markino felt it terrible that such a thing could happen in a civilized country like England. “The under-payment for women might have been practised in a such a savage country where women are made as the toys of men, after the style of harem! But here in England to-day the John Bullesses are clever enough to produce excellent works, and moreover they are too serious to be men’s toys … I understand England is civilised enough to have made the law of ‘Preven- tion against the Cruelty upon Animals.’ It is splendid. But why not ‘Prevention against the Cruelty upon Women?’ ”65 Markino devoted a chapter in Bullesses to a visit to the offi ces of the Women’s Social and Political Union, the organization Emmeline Pankhurst had helped start eight years earlier.66 Here he spoke with Christabel Pankhurst who conducted him on a tour of the premises where he met Marion Wallace Dun- 134 Markino. At the Albert Hall, in My Idealed John lop, the Scottish woman who had pioneered the Bullesses (1912).

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Markino was able study a greater variety of Suff ragist activities at their Clement’s Inn headquarters, including one timely example of female independence. “I saw a motor-car at the gate…. A John Bul- less chauff eur was busy to screw that front handle. Twice or thrice, then the machine began to breathe! Now ready to go. She jumped on the car and got hold of the steering-wheel. ‘Just a moment, please. May I sketch you?’” One of the drawings on a page entitled Votes for Women (ﬁ g. 135) shows a woman working the crank while another vignette has a female passenger sitting in the back of an automobile. Other sketches in the group had supporters grouped around a large banner marked “Votes for Women.” A woman at the bottom right holds a placard with the words “Give Women the Votes This Session.” At Clement’s Inn (ﬁ g. 136) illustrates tasks explained in Markino’s text—“You see,

136 Markino. At Clement’s Inn, in My Idealed John Bullesses (1912).

everything is done by women here!” Christabel Pankurst told him. “I was much amused with the large telegraph exchanging-box at the entrance,” he wrote, perhaps so much so that he should have said “telephone” instead of “telegraph,” for one of his sketches has a long-skirted woman, perched on a high stool, speaking into a phone at a large counter. “Everywhere I found several John Bullesses were writing, typing, or collecting press cuttings,” all recorded with his pen. Several women he saw “de- signing and sewing many banners. Here they posed for me and showed me how to carry the banners.” One of the sketches featured a woman in dark costume with her hand on a large map of Britain. This 135 Markino. Votes for Women, in My Idealed John Bullesses interested Markino. “Perhaps I was most fascinated (1912). in the map-room. There was a very large map of the

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Great Britain hanged on a board. A few John Sladen wrote to a business associate later that Bullesses were pinning their colour where I sup- month.73 This volatile situation, and the anxieties it pose they have successfully invaded. How very in- produced, may have infl uenced the tenor of Marki- teresting!” A childhood love of maps prompted a no’s book, as it moved towards publication, for it thought: “If I were a girl I would ask Miss Pankhurst omitted several provocative sketches which ap- to give me that job, and I am sure I would be quite peared earlier in The English Review. In its May 1911 happy with my daily work.”70 My Idealed John issue, which carried Markino’s article subtitled Bullesses included two chapters which did not ap- Suff ragettes, the periodical included a page of sev- pear in The English Review, “Miss Fawcett” and eral sketches underscoring the militancy of the “The Suff ragette Procession of June 1911.” Millicent women’s movement (fi g. 137). The text opposite Garrett Fawcett was an early champion of women’s mentioned the “battles at Westminster and White- rights although her National Union of Women’s hall,” probably a reference to the so-called Black Suff rage Societies eschewed the militancy of the Friday disturbances of November 18, 1910, out- Pankhursts. When Markino saw her giving a dinner side Parliament, when, in the words of Emmeline speech, his respect for her courage of conviction combined with fond childhood memories of her Political Economy for Beginners (1870), much admired by him and his family in its Japanese translation. On this occasion he diffi dently resisted the urge to “shake her hand and exchange a few words,” but he did nod his “head from the distance with my sincere Banzai….” But another prominent guest, Pethick-Lawrence, not only acknowledged Markino but helped him change his seat so that he could meet and converse with the visiting Australian suf- fragist Ida Goldstein.72 The book’s fi nal chapter conveyed the excitement of the great march through London on June 17, fi ve days before the coronation of King George V and Queen Mary, what Christa- bel Pankhurst called “Suff rage Day!” The optimism of this splendid June eventually disappeared, however, with the Suff ragists feeling betrayed by continued government opposition to their cause, a state of aff airs that led to renewed demonstrations and militant acts. One newspaper reported that on March 2, 1912, “Bands of women paraded Regent Street, Piccadilly, the Strand, Ox- ford Street, and Bond Street, smashing windows with stones and hammers.” The Pethick-Lawrenc- es (Emmeline and her supportive husband Freder- ick William) were arrested a few days later and would be eventually sentenced to nine months in prison.72 Evidently Markino became close to this couple. “He heard this morning from the Pethick- 137 Markino. “My Idealed John Bullesses. IV Suff ragettes,” Lawrences in prison, he is their intimate friend,” in The English Review (May, 1911).

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Pethick-Lawrence, there erupted a “battle between prison where the Suff ragettes were held) which be- unarmed women who attempted to stand their came a proud emblem for the Suff ragists. A larger ground, and police who fought with methods of version, with one of its characteristic silver chains torture which may or may not be the tricks of their hanging at the left, appears at the top of the page calling in life.” A few days later Pethick-Lawrence of sketches, above the center of the decorative led a group that broke some of the offi ce windows banner which, if in color, would have been in the of a government insensitive to women’s demands.74 organization’s colors of purple, white and green.76 Markino’s sketch showed women confronting the Interspersed between these large fi gures are small police, including one young woman attempting to silhouettes of police and women in poses of con- pull away from the grip of a stout policeman. The frontation. One woman appears in profi le, with one willowy woman wearing a light dress and large hat, arm outstretched and a foot in the air as if she were has been drawn on a slight diagonal, as if being preparing to push at an opponent. Although not caught in movement or attempting to escape, her any more startling than period photographs of such head turned toward her larger, black-outfi tted cap- incidents, these sketches departed from Markino’s tor with a hint of surprise and determination. usually sedate and lighthearted illustrations. Most While one of Markino’s most dramatic illustra- evident in the tenor of these images is his clear dis- tions, it fails to capture the real danger inherent in approval of the way such demonstrations were han- such a confrontation. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence dled by the authorities. “The militant suff ragettes described one such scene—“the minutes before ar- are naughty enough, but the Government is so unrest that made the greatest demand on the physical sympathetic to keep silence … I am sure the Britan- courage of the suff ragettes. They were borne fornia must be weeping over this matter. At least I do, ward and backwards, often pummeled and though I am only a foreigner.”77 kicked….” His wife was more graphic, remember- In My Idealed John Bullesses Markino made a plea ing how “Women were lifted and thrown to the for gender equality, drawing a charming analogy ground and kicked—they were deliberately beaten between women and birds. Birds, he maintained, on the breasts and were subjected to such terrible were happier and friendlier when uncaged: “why violence….”75 On the right side of the page of should you cut off the wings of your woman and Markino’s drawings a woman in prison clothing cage her,” he asked? The opponents of suff rage, he sits on a stool and works with some object on her urged, should consider the advantages of liberty. lap, as she pays the price of her struggle against “I … imagine that a pretty bird is enjoying her mer- injustice. At the center of the page a woman han- ry life with or without some companion somewhere dles a “Holloway Brooch” on her lapel, a small port- in this world, and I feel still happier when she comes cullis (representing the gate of the “grim fortress” to me with her own willingness.”78

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ondon through Japanese Eyes: slightly larger than the industry standard for such A Wonderful Series of Pictures in a publications. A limited number of copies was avail- “LNew Book.,” read the admiring notice able in a special binding, with the illustrations, in The Illustrated London News in early June 1907 forty-eight in color and twelve in sepia, individual- about Markino’s role in the recently published Col- ly mounted. Markino dominated the project not our of London.1 The young, still relatively obscure only with his uniquely personal portrayal of Lon- Markino, was greeted as the “vivid and original … don but also with a revealing autobiographical es- illustrator” who seemed to outshine his venerable say sparkling with insight and wit. The Japanese collaborator, William John Loftie, long prominent artist and his work was also the focus of an “intro- for his books about “London scenery and London duction” from the hand of M.H. Spielmann. On associations….” The Athenaeum considered it no the book’s cover, beneath the outline of the Bromp- “disparagement of the interesting letterpress … if ton Oratory (see fi g. 4), Markino’s name appeared we favour the illustrations at its expense,” but The in bold Latin letters, encased in a cartouche. Its Daily Telegraph went further, stating frankly that equivalent in Japanese characters occupied the “the pictures alone” stood out, concluding that it cover’s right corner. was “clearly for their sake that the volume has been produced.”2 Colour of London represented a milestone in colour books Markino’s British career. With its publication he moved from the frantic life of an occasional illus- Books like Colour of London aimed for little beyond trator for the periodical press to that of a sought- visual display3 so it was no accident that the artist after artist playing a central role in the publication Markino took center stage. Its full-page color plates of an elegant book bearing the imprint of a promi- made it especially easy to diff erentiate art from nent fi rm. Moreover, it off ered valuable public ex- text. A. & C. Black, a pioneering fi rm in the publi- posure. Not only was Colour of London reviewed in cation of “colour books,” established the practice of the leading newspapers and magazines, but it also selecting fi rst an artist and then bringing in an au- led to a concurrent exhibition of Markino’s water- thor for such projects. This publisher indeed came colors and sketches at a Haymarket gallery. The to believe that “the text is not closely associated book’s quality showed in its large quarto page-size, with the illustrations…. The text we like is of a bright readable description…. There are so many illustrations that the reader would fi nd it diffi cult to Fig. 146: The Author hold the thread of a serious argument.”4 But at least

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one reviewer regretted this proclivity to “dissociate London illustrated press,8 commencing with a se- the author from the painter, to mingle their work ries for The Studio in 1901. One watercolor in the with no precise aim….”5 Words and pictures group, A Life Class (see fi g. 76), showed a group of merged easiest in a book such as Rose Barton’s Fa- students and their instructor working from a nude miliar London in which author and artist were one model. This was probably a reference to Markino’s in the same. When Markino was working on Col- own rather haphazard training in art, beginning our of London there was a half-hearted attempt at with some rudimentary lessons in Japan, followed some interaction with Loftie. On one occasion his by several years of intermittent instruction in San editor, Philip Henry Lee Warner, suggested an en- Francisco and continuing in London with design counter, writing to Markino: “Mr. Loftie, who is and life class at Goldsmiths’ College. In February going to write your book, will be here [presumably 1901, he entered the Central School of Art and De- the fi rm’s offi ce] at 12 o’clock tomorrow about it; if sign where he came to the attention of one of its it is not too far out of your way, come round then instructors, Henry Wilson, whose interest in Japa- and meet him.” Lee Warner believed that the au- nese art would have made him a sympathetic men- thor’s advice on the choice of subjects might assist tor. Wilson encouraged Markino in his “Japanese Markino in planning his approach. “I think that style,” purchased a number of his drawings, gave you had better consult with Mr. Loftie … and make him private instruction, supplied him with letters out a list of as nearly 40 subjects as you can….”6 of introduction and presented him to Charles Hol- Yet this attempt at teamwork does not seem to me, editor of The Studio.9 Holme agreed to publish have gone beyond the perfunctory. Loftie’s long “a few sketches” in what would become the Octo- familiarity with London and its past made him a ber 1901 issue. Markino benefi tted from Holme’s useful resource but it is hard to see any direct infl u- accessibility, his interest in helping “newcomers” ence on Markino’s thematic choices. The artist and, perhaps most of all, his profound interest in concentrated on atmosphere, people and those Japan.10 things which struck this outsider as representative As gratifying as it was to be published in The of the west, while Loftie stressed history, place Studio, Markino still had to labor for professional names and the city’s most famous landmarks, such survival. He occupied much of his time in carrying as the Tower of London—a venerable structure his drawings to countless editors, more often than Markino never once felt inspired to sketch. Art and not with scant success. He recalled one incident writing did come together, however, on the subject which underscored the diffi culties of the strug- of some of London’s parks, which Loftie fondly de- gling, and often hungry, artist. “For my starving scribed as producing “one of the most brilliant of time I called on Harper’s Magazine at Albemarle the pigments which go to make up the Colour of Street several time. The manager said, ‘You must London, namely, the connected ring of green and be getting on quite prosperous. You look always so open spaces….”7 This salient feature of natural happy.’ How lucky he had no X-ray apparatus to beauty in the dense urban environment also ap- see my empty stomach!”11 Such publishers were pealed to Markino who loved painting solitary usually more approachable then their counter- walkways, quiet ponds or peaceful gravel paths parts in the book trade because their need for il- shaded by vaulted trees. lustrations “was virtually limitless.”12 In the early century a host of periodicals made prominent use of visual material and, despite the recent inroads struggling for recognition of photography, off ered causal employment to aspiring artists like Markino. Some of the most Up until this point, Markino’s career had been popular aimed at a wide readership, such as The tied to the uncertain and competitive world of the Graphic, The Queen, Black & White, The English

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138 Markino. Impressions of London by a Japanese Artist, in The King (May 10, 1902). British Library.

Illustrated Magazine, The Illustrated London News issue for four scenes under the caption “Impres- and The King. Markino had been advised to emu- sions of London. By a Japanese Artist” (ﬁ g. 138). late what he saw in such publications by Frederick His watercolor, again taking up a single page, Marriott, his teacher at Goldsmiths’ College who A Street Artist at St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields Church, evidently placed less store in the novelty of a “Jap- appeared on October 18 (see ﬁ g. 90). Gordon anese style” favored by Wilson, than in pure prac- Home, The King’s art editor, evidently thought ticality. “You go downstairs to our library and see enough of Markino to commission sketches of all those monthly or weekly magazines. You must Edward VII’s upcoming coronation festivities, but try to do something like those illustrations” he the project had to be abandoned because of the was told.13 He succeeded in selling sketches to The king’s operation for appendicitis and the post- King which gave him a full page in its May 10, 1902 ponement of the event.14

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m. h. spielmann carried three of his illustrations as part of an article entitled “A Japanese Artist in London: It was around this time that Markino formed an es- Mr. Yoshio Markino.” Although Markino had been pecially valuable connection to the infl uential edi- introduced to the public by The Studio, Spielmann tor and critic Marion Harry Spielmann. A leading evidently felt it expedient to reiterate the novelty fi gure in the late-Victorian and Edwardian art of an Asian artist working in Britain. Markino world, he had for seventeen years edited The Maga- recalled being asked to “write a sketch of my life- zine of Art, an inexpensive periodical which catered story….” The artist had composed narratives be- to middle-class taste. Markino thought it “such a fore, on both Britain and Japan, to accompany his high art magazine” and Spielmann a “great critic.” illustrations, but these had been heavily edited to Spielmann’s views on art tended towards the main- correct his rudimentary English.18 By contrast, stream with occasional nods at the adventuresome. Spielmann saw value in retaining something of the He had a special interest in popular illustrators, fl avor of the immigrant’s idiomatic style, explain- championing the “nostalgic” art of his close friend ing: “The “human document” that follows … is so Kate Greenaway and the widely disseminated interesting, so simple, sincere, and pathetic, that sketches of Phil May and Hugh Thompson. At the we print it as it stands, with only such correc- same time his writing on contemporary sculpture tions as seem absolutely necessary.”19 Spielmann’s included approval for the provocative work of Al- words made the most of Markino’s Japanese ori- fred Gilbert.15 In keeping with the temper of the gins while, perhaps inadvertently, laying the times, he was attracted as well to Japanese art, a fact groundwork for his career as an artist-writer. Their that no doubt piqued his interest in Markino. Spiel- somewhat patronizing tone was typical of a gen- mann became a valuable supporter, with Markino eralized British feeling of superiority towards writing to him appreciatively, “I shall never forget non-westerners. No doubt it owed as much to the how kind you have been to me, and I assure you fact of Markino’s humble circumstances as to the I could never be treated more kindly even in my feeling that this exotic and diffi dent outsider was own country. I feel I am the luckiest one among ‘be- somehow a noble innocent when it came to em- ginning artists.’”16 Their fi rst meeting proved deci- bracing the complicated and sophisticated ways of sive. Still desperate for work despite his success Europe. Spielmann, like most critics of Markino’s with The Studio and The King, Markino called unan- work, routinely used subtle words of condescen- nounced at The Magazine of Art offi ce where Spiel- sion, such as innocence, artlessness, pathetic, na- mann looked over his portfolio and then, according ive and most often quaint (a Victorian holdover). to the artist, “promised … to buy some of them and Markino was evidently prepared to maintain a publish all my sketches.” Spielmann too remem- deferential manner when it came to a respected bered the meeting: fi gure like Spielmann. He recalled, with characteristic lack of irony, once taking his friend Hara A few years ago there appeared in the doorway of my to meet the great editor who “was kind enough room a young Japanese with a portfolio under his arm. to give us a lecture in his ‘study’ for more than He looked tired and pale, but as he smiled and bowed, an hour.”20 with diffi culty keeping his hands from his knees in Japa- Markino’s friendship with Spielmann led to nese salutation, I was struck with his quiet dignity, his air other opportunities. Douglas Sladen, who met of self-respect, his lustrous, intelligent eyes. Would I look Markino through Spielmann, got him work with at his drawings of London? Of London?—yes willingly.17 that fashionable women’s magazine The Queen. The Lady’s Newspaper & Court Chronicle. Between This encounter resulted in quick publication. early 1904 and the fall of 1905 he supplied a variety The August 1903 issue of The Magazine of Art of illustrations for its ample pages, including

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139 Markino. “The Prodigal Son” at the Drury Lane Theatre, in The Queen (September 16, 1905). © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

sketches of Japanese subjects and scenes from plays What The Queen published on September 16, 1905 which were then running in London. He recalled was Markino’s unremarkable record of the play’s the hectic nature of this work. last three acts arranged as a full page illustration with two small inserts on opposite corners (fi g. 139). I remember … when Mr. George Alexander pro- Spielmann also put the artist in contact with The duced “The Prodigal Son” at the Drury Lane, I got a wire Academy, the “middlebrow” literary magazine ed- from The Queen—“Go to Drury Lane and make ited, from 1903 to 1905, by the prose writer and full page sketch.” Alas! I had no penny for bus fare. newspaper man W. Teignmouth Shore. It published I had to walk all the way from Sydney Street (Chelsea) drawings and articles about Markino’s “impres- to the Drury Lane. It was such a hot summer day. When sions of the English stage,” including material on I reached there I was quite bathed in perspiration. The Darling of the Gods, the play he had worked on as a play was already going on the standing room. At fi rst result of Spielmann’s intervention.22 The magazine I thought I would refuse this job! But I was so afraid Black & White, noted for the quality of its illustra- The Queen might have to be published with a blank tions, carried two colored drawings, by “A Japanese page, that I stretched my feet and peeped through Artist in London,” in its issue of March 21, 1903, the people’s shoulders, and I made a sketch from my one which surveyed well-dressed pedestrians memory.21 in London’s West End (see fi g. 133). Spielmann

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probably helped with this commission as well, since publishing in color he had once served as the journal’s art editor. But Markino credited another friend with introducing But when it came to color, it was The Studio that him to Black & White’s proprietor. This was Lee produced the best result for Markino. In 1904 Warner.23 Then the art editor of The English Illus- this magazine published one of his more arrest- trated Magazine, he brought out three articles writing works, a splendid color plate entitled Autumn ten and illustrated by Markino. As will be seen, Lee (see fi g. 2) which appeared opposite the admiring Warner played a major role in advancing Markino’s words that it was by “Mr. Yoshio Markino, the clev- career when he directed the publication of The er Japanese artist who has been residing and work- Colour of London and other projects. ing in England for some time.” Its deep, rich tones Although Markino had two color illustrations refl ected Charles Holme’s commitment to utilizing in Black & White, Spielmann gave him an additional the latest and most satisfying reproduction tech- opportunity to exploit the possibilities of color and niques.27 More than in his previous work, Autumn to take advantage of some of the new reproduction demonstrated Markino’s native aff ection for atfl technologies that The Magazine of Art had pio- patterns of color, especially the brown-red of the neered since the late 1890s.24 The August 1903 is- woman’s blouse which was so eff ectively set off sue of The Magazine of Art carried a full page, color by her dark grey cloak and white apron, sharply illustration, London Seen with Japanese Eyes: Mar- outlined like a Japanese print against the neutral ylebone Church (see fi g. 69). Spielmann praised it as background. The publication of Autumn came at a “a bright and luminous drawing … on a warm, propitious time for Markino, since The Magazine of moist day, the buildings and the atmospheric eff ect Art ceased publication in 1904. Autumn’s striking altogether admirable; the fi gures, of which there display of color, its deft handling of east-west ele- were many, so simple and naive in manner as to ments, combined with its London setting, laid suggest a Japanese colour-print. I was charmed the groundwork for Markino’s transition from with the combination so artlessly and sincerely periodicals to illustrated books. evolved….”25 The colors of Marylebone Church re- The recent innovations in color reproduction, vealed a new vitality in Markino’s work, with dark exploited with such enthusiasm by The Magazine of green trees protruding from the right and balanced Art and The Studio had an even bigger impact on by brownish orange on the overhanging branches book production. Monochrome illustration could to the left. This color is picked up on the clothing of still provide visual interest, especially in the line several of the pedestrians, especially on the smock drawings from Hugh Thompson for E.T. Cook’s and hat of the child holding onto the hand of a Highways and Byways in London (1902) or Tom white-aproned nurse at the bottom of the composi- Browne’s watercolors for Robert Machray’s The tion. A subtle touch of green accents the coat of a Night Side of London (1902). For Arthur Ransome’s woman placed just behind the policeman and the Bohemia in London (1907) Fred Taylor composed black railings of the iron fence. Soft tan tones cover fl at black images on a tan background. Photography the street and the building to the right, while the off ered inexpensive competition and, occasionally, church stands solid in light grey with patches of an artistic challenge. Two, dreamy, full page photo- darker stone breaking up its facade. In December graphs by the American Alvin Langdon Coburn 1903, Spielmann followed up with Markino’s graced Ralph Nevill and Charles Edward Jerning- England Seen with Japanese Eyes: Church Parade ham’s Piccadilly to Pall Mall (1908), illustrating how (see fi g. 106), a full-page portrait of a fashionably this process could compete with the work of the dressed woman strolling in Hyde Park, which, as ubiquitous painters and draftsmen despite the limi- discussed earlier, exploited the decorative qualities tations of black and white (see fi g. 38). The follow- of blue-black and tan tones.26 ing year Coburn brought out his elaborate London,

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a book of twenty, hand-pulled gravure plates, intro- Color,” on such popular locales as the Rhine, Lis- duced by Hilare Belloc. But such an expensive en- bon, Switzerland and Devon. Markino’s books terprise could reach only a select audience. Most brought the word “colour” into their titles. London people still agreed with E.T. Dalton of The Times was followed by The Colour of Paris and The Colour Literary Supplement that color illustrations “have a of Rome. His editors suggested that he might illus- special virtue in that they display, as a monochrome trate books on Berlin, Cambridge and Japan but cannot do, the unrealized beauties of familiar these projects never came to fruition.32 Two more scenes.”28 modestly illustrated eff orts were his Oxford from Color soon made a signifi cant impact on the Within and The Charm of London. book trade, with numerous volumes for which “the Why “colour” of London? For the reviewer pictures are intended to be the most important Clarence Rook it was fairly straightforward. “Col- part….” A. & C. Black lead the fi eld.29 Its sparkling our, there is always colour in London, though it 1901 book on Japan, illustrated by Mortimer changes with the changes of sunshine and rain and Menpes, was judged a “most admirable example of fog and hail….”33 Spielmann, in his introduction, the process-printing in colour; so admirable indeed said it was “color that moves him always—the as to suggest the probability of a great future for Color of London.” It was often subtle—“the mist this method of book illustration.” The Speaker en- … which fl oats among the trees in red and russet thused over the “exquisitely skillful reproductions autumn” or the “color of fog … the color of London of Mr. Menpes’ beautiful paintings … [which] leave lights.” What Spielmann saw as color was Marki- absolutely nothing to be desired.”30 The fi rm went no’s ability to see colorful beauty in the ordinary on to advertise “Black’s Beautiful Books,” ranging things of the dirty city, “to see with the eyes of the in price from 6 to 20 shillings, as “chiefl y distin- colourist and to keep the mud out of his picture.” guished by its exquisite illustrations in color. There For Loftie it had a social dimension, a concept of is no volume that one cannot turn to again and “local color” traits or characteristics “peculiar to again with renewed interest and delight. No ex- London.”34 To reviewers it was an element in pense has been spared in reproducing the exact col- Markino’s illustrations. One noted how his love of ourings of the artists, and the books are beautifully fog-mist gave him a “dim background” against printed and bound.” Exotic venues like Japan, Bur- which to add “touches of red and gold and mauve ma, Egypt and the “savage South Seas,” vied with which melt away into it with admirable softness continental and British topics, with books on Lon- and mystery.”35 In fact, it was a competing book, don being especially popular. Black naturally em- The Scenery of London with watercolors by Herbert ployed artists profi cient in watercolor, such as Marshall (see fi g. 86), remembered for its ability to R. Talbot Kelly, Helen Allingham, Walter Tyndale fi nd beauty “under nearly all atmospheric condi- and, most frequently, Menpes who, in addition to tions,” that earlier had considered the city’s “col- his book on Japan, illustrated volumes on India, our,” but in a diff erent way. G.E. Mitton, author of Brittany and Venice, to name but a few. 31 its letterpress, appended an entire chapter entitled Chatto and Windus off ered serious competi- “The Colour of London” in which she refuted any tion. At the front of the 1907 Venice, illustrated by idea that London lacked color, “like the brilliant Markino’s friend Reginald Barratt, there appeared tones that make harmonies of the meanest streets a list of the publisher’s “New Colour-Books” which in Japan, or such as the clear air reveals in every fab- included volumes on Cairo, Jerusalem and Damas- ric and texture in Paris.” Japan, ever present in the cus and one on the Austro-Hungarian empire enti- consciousness of this era, off ered a signifi cant point tled, Buda-Pesth, Pressburg, and Fiume. At the back of comparison for Mitton, with its “lanterns and of Colour of London four pages of advertisements paper walls … screens and fans” brought out by announced “Important New Volumes Illustrated in “the warm living atmosphere, sunlight pouring

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down in a golden fl ood”so diff erent from London’s The result is a complete picture containing all the atmosphere of a “soft ashen grey that refi nes all shades of the original…. outlines, and forbids all crude black patches.”36 Like Markino’s later book, such London colors could Advantages were in low cost and speed and often it now be captured in arresting illustrations. “produces excellent results; at its worst it is a positive confl agration of crude blues and greens and oranges that coalesce without harmony.”38 the colour of london The procedure provoked considerable discussion at the time. Marcus Huish commented in 1903 The Colour of London built on the increasingly soon how these “remarkable achievements in colour phisticated techniques of printed color reproduc- reproductions … have enabled the public to be tion involving the “three color process.” Perfected placed in possession of memorials of an artist’s towards the end of the nineteenth- century, it ena- work in a way that was not possible even so recently bled the printing of “adequate quality color illustra- as a year or two ago” but his objectivity may have tions at a reasonable cost….”37 The “three colour been clouded somewhat by his participation with process” grew out of late nineteenth-century tech- the artist Helen Allingham in the illustrated publi- nical developments which had removed “the per- cation for Black’s Happy England.39 A writer for The sonal element” in printing and replaced it with Spectator doubted that the printed images could “book illustration by purely mechanical processes,” ever be considered “objects of beauty in them- wrote Martin Hardie, of the National Art Library selves” because of several problems, including a at the Victoria and Albert Museum, in his 1906 “shiny surface, their tendency to lilac tones irre- study English Coloured Books. Hardie presented the spective of the original, and the blur of the following explanation: screen….” A more questionable objection focused on the assumption “that because it is a mechanical Once the principle is accepted that any combination of process based on photography it is therefore accu- colours, say in a painting, can be resolved into its pri- rate.” Prints compared to their source, to original mary elements, it remains only for the photographer to works of art, confi rmed the limitations especially obtain three negatives, which, as it were, automatically when it came to reproducing museum paintings and dissect the original, making three distinct photographic old masters.40A reviewer for The Speaker suggested records of reds, yellows, and blues which enter into the that illustrators working on such books gear their composition. This result is obtained by the use of trans- eff orts to the “laws and limitations” of the new print parent screens of coloured pigment or liquid, “light medium to achieve the best results. Thus originals fi lters,” … placed in front of the lens. These fi lters ad- “in which the handling is of the simplest kind make mit any two of the primary colours and absorb the oth- the best show in the reproduction.”41 The Japanese er one. Three separate screens are employed, each with qualities in Markino’s style, the affi nity for fl at the lines ruled at a diff erent angle, and when the nega- colors and wide expanses of tone, especially in his tive records of the colour analysis are obtained, the misty backgrounds, the avoidance of closely worked three photographs are converted into printing surfac- or broken surface textures, lent themselves to this es…. On the metal printing surface the separate col- process.42 His work on several book projects at- ours are impressed in ink and transferred to paper. The tuned him to the nuances of color reproduction. In block representing the yellow tones of the original is the interview with Frank Harris following publica- printed fi rst with yellow ink; over this picture the block tion of his 1910 autobiography, he spoke knowl- representing red is accurately registered and printed in edgeably about possibilities for future illustrated red; while the fi nal block representing blue is printed books, which he hoped “shall have four colours, not over the combination of the fi rst two, with blue ink. three … Indian ink … to throw over it [the London

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scenes] a grey veil … the muddy grey of the Colour of London received largely positive com- London atmosphere, which is, so to speak, a half- ment for its visual qualities. While The Studio had transparent, dirty veil. Then I want fi ner screens been cool to some of the early results of the three- [the colored light fi lters used when photographing color process, technical improvements made them images], too, in the reproductions.”43 At the time of soften their criticism and to praise The Colour of the interview the matter of more colors was much London for its “delightful illustrations that clearly discussed. Perceived defi ciencies of the three-color possessed “a delicate sense of color and tone har- process, especially in reproducing blue as well as mony…,” a judgment based, in part, on a compari- grey and black, led continental and American print- son with the watercolor originals on display at the ers to move towards types of printing with four C. E. Cliff ord & Co. Gallery. Markino’s original colors. While not popular in England, “a fourth watercolors were adroitly adapted to publication. printing in black is often resorted to….”44 This may To be sure there were compromises in tone and be what Markino was alluding to. Such an innova- defi nition, as can be judged from a comparison of tion would have enabled him to strengthen his use two versions of the frontispiece for Colour of of line and silhouette, not to mention his mist-fog London (see. fi g. 3). The watercolor (fi g. 140) is eff ects. generally sharper, with the fi gures on the street

140 Markino. Night. Lights in Piccadil- ly Circus, (1906/07). Watercolor on paper; 32.9 x 26.3 cm. Toyota Municipal Museum of Art.

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more clearly articulated. The dark areas, especial- lovingly of the Japanese method, “with its wood ly in the silhouette of Eros, are deeper and more blocks, sometimes fi fty or even a hundred in num- pronounced. Yet its brilliant back lighting is per- ber for a single print, all cut by hand and printed, haps too intense and not as evocative as the softer, not even with a hand-press, but by rubbing at the golden luminescence of the printed version. The back of the paper….” (In a later article for The Sat- Academy registered a measured approval of the urday Review, he noted the Japanese compromise published pictures. “These plates record, as faith- with modern methods, noting how they “use a pho- fully as ‘process’ reproduction will permit, the col- tographic basis for the design, but for the colour our and forms suggested by this seething cauldron employ wood-blocks.”) By contrast, the European of humanity called London….”45 Binyon wrote three-colour process could not be more diff erent. that the illustrations for Colour of London were “as “Here the camera and the printing machine do eve- good as any three-color process blocks we have rything; a marvel of scientifi c invention, certainly, seen.” This was more praise than it appeared since and a process that has merits of its own, but greater Binyon had stood out as a critic of a technology limitations than it has merits.” In his 1909 critique that, he admitted in 1906, was “now familiar to Binyon did point out some positive results in im- all of us.” His approval of Markino’s work the ages made from “delicately washed drawings, light following year—”these drawings deserve high in tone….”46 He may have had some of Markino’s praise”— did not come without some complaint: atmospheric pictures in mind when he penned “But will this process ever get rid of the tendency these words. to show, nearly always, one dominant colour or Markino credited several of his “best English other intruding where it has no business in a friends” with the publication “arrangement” for the fl ush of violet or jaundiced tinge? Will it ever do Colour of London, which he concluded with Chatto without that metallic lustre of surface, fatal to all & Windus on June 20, 1906.47 Some of the people fi ne quality colour? We doubt it….” The chief tech- he met while working for the press could have pro- nical problem, Binyon wrote in 1909, was the vided useful connections or at least inspiration to “glossy surface to the paper on which they are transfer to the world of book publishing. Gordon printed. Tint and tone may be imitated ever so Home, art editor of The King, contributed to color- exactly, but the quality of surface robs the imitation ful volumes on Yorkshire and, in 1909, London’s of complete fi delity….” Inns of Court. W. Tiegnmouth Shore composed Ironically, Binyon’s favorable review of Marki- the letterpress to picture books on Kent and Can- no’s London book came in an article entitled terbury. But two friends, in particular, would have “Colour-Reproduction in Europe and Asia” in been in a position to provide Markino with a di- which he drew an unfl attering comparison between rect connection to Chatto & Windus. Three years the technologies in the west and those used in earlier he had acknowledged the support of Regi- Japan. “With all the resource, ingenuity, and talent nald Barratt of the Royal Watercolour Society. Bar- that has been concentrated in Europe of late years ratt may have been drawn to the Japanese artist on the problem of reproduction in colour, nothing through his own affi nity for non-western subject has been achieved comparable in the beauty and ac- matter and the shared experience of working for curacy to these prints of Japan,” he wrote. He was the illustrated press. His 1907 book on Venice for speaking of the products of the Japanese Kokka Chatto & Windus could have provided him with company, including the journal of the same name, the opportunity to bring Markino to the attention which he had praised in 1904 for the “extraordi- of this important publisher. Markino also recalled nary excellence of the coloured plates….” Infl uenc- the help of Lee Warner, whose infl uence was probing his opinion was traditional Japanese color ably decisive. This one-time art editor of The Eng- printing which he greatly admired. He spoke lish Illustrated Magazine, who had used Markino

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material in that publication, became a partner at Illustrated Magazine, for The Colour of London the Chatto & Windus in 1905. His friend C. J. Holmes emphasis changed in order to appeal to a more af- remembered Lee Warner’s project of “enlarging his fl uent audience who were prepared to purchase a fi rm’s connection with the fi ne arts through books substantial book. Lee Warner stressed this new di- and colour-prints.” He naturally oversaw the even- rection when he instructed Markino on the correct tual preparation of Colour of London.48 way to approach what would become one of the art- On July 12 Markino received specifi c instruc- ists’s most elegant illustrations, Church Parade, tions as to how the book’s illustrations were to be Near Stanhope Gate, July (see fi g. 57). “When you prepared. As had been the case when working with are doing the Church Parade sketch, be careful to Spielmann, Markino’s personality and demeanor, make most of the crowd that are called ‘ladies and not to mention his alien background, evoked a ben- gentlemen;’ you can put some of your more lively evelont and at times a superior attitude from Lee ‘bounders’ on the outside,” wrote the editor. Origi- Warner, who could be a formidable mentor. Hol- nally, this watercolor was deemed too insubstantial mes remembered this editor: “Tall, frail, nervous, and freely executed, especially when compared to impetuous, his energy seemed as inexhaustible as another fashionable scene, the more minutely de- his audacity was terrifying to men of more cau- lineated and colored Morning Parade, by Rotten tious habits.”49 With Markino he adopted the role Row (see fi g. 58). The editor chided him, saying “it of the experienced and practical editor who had a is only a sketch and therefore will neither reproduce duty to guide the neophyte foreign artist in the as well nor sell as well” as the latter, a reference not production of a successful book. He could also be a only to the published book but also the planned sale hard-driving taskmaster who thought nothing of of its original watercolors. Prodding evidently bore sending Markino letters which included detailed the desired result, for Lee Warner would declare directions as well as frank criticisms. “Now I am go- later that Church Parade was “certainly one of your ing to lecture you” he wrote towards the end of July fi nest pictures.”51 1906. Some of this was of a practical nature. “You Lee Warner and others on his staff prodded the must keep your drawings cleaner, both for repro- artist relentlessly about his work—“you improved duction purposes and for the purposes of the Exhi- so much”—went one, with the caveat that “those bition which we hope you will have….” (Markino ‘beastly sketches’ you showed me yesterday” would would display his London drawings at the Cliff ord have to be re-done. At one point he was told to Gallery the following spring). Then there were in- sketch the Lord Mayor’s Show, but an illustration structions on the production of the art, from the of the event never appeared in the book.52 In the need “to get good working sketches … as regards end, Lee Warner was pleased with the fi nal result. drawing and colour” during the summer, which He was proud to report to Markino that the King could be fi nished “on rainy days during September had “accepted a copy” of the fi nished book. Morev- and October when the light is still good.” Seasonal er, he wanted Markino to continue his relationship variety was a consideration, with autumn and win- with Chatto & Windus. Lee Warner promised to ter scenes required, no doubt to take advantage of “arrange some more work” while cautioning the Markino’s love of fog. The tentative date for Marki- artist “not to do any book for anyone else at pre- no to deliver his fi nished drawings was the end of sent.”53 That summer the publishers sent Markino 1906, but there was still work being done on them to Paris for a second “Colour” book. Again encour- well into the following January.50 agement was necessary to a still-weak artist who Lee Warner had specifi c ideas about the na- had recently been discharged from a London hospi- ture of the illustrations. Although he had pub- tal following an operation—“you will do a good lished Markino’s clever insights into the everyday book there” said Lee Warner.54 He next traveled lives of London’s ordinary residents in The English to Italy to gather material for yet another book,

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The Colour of Rome. Lee Warner again sent words publication rights.60 Lee Warner informed him in of encouragement: “[Y]our drawings this time have July 1906 that “I think I have arranged a Show for been better than you have ever done before. I can your pictures about the time the book will come quite see too that you are not being lazy but are out” while reminding him when working that he working very hard….” Yet certain technical mat- had to think of not only what would look good in a ters, involving how his painting would be trans- book but what would “sell.”61 Such arrangements ferred to the printed illustrations, intruded here as were common with, for example, artists working well. In one letter the artist received instructions to for A. & C. Black, who would have exhibitions at take care in maintaining a consistent “blue” in his various London galleries linked to their books.62 By watercolors so as not to cause diffi culty for the “re- March of 1907, plans were suffi ciently advanced for producer.”55 Three years later another indication of Markino to ask Douglas Sladen to help in distribut- how color book illustrators had to stay mindful of ing “pamphlets from my book as well my exhibi- the dictates of publishing technology occurred tion” to members of the Japan Society.63 “‘The during the preparation of The Charm of London. In Colour of London’ was published on May 8, 1907, working on the illustrations Markino was told that and at the same time I had an exhibition of my orig- he had drawn “a little too much yellow on some of inal pictures at Cliff ord Gallery in Haymarket. On the fi gures in the foreground” of one of his water- the opening day so many prominent peoples came,” colors, which his publisher was able to “instruct the wrote Markino. Charles Lewis Hind visited the blockmakers to modify.”56 show on the private view day, met the artist and By March 1909 Markino’s contact at Chatto & “spent the best part of the afternoon enjoying his Windus had shifted from Lee Warner, who had left sixty-nine pictures … I hope he will sell them all.”64 the previous year to become managing director of Chatto & Windus notifi ed Markino that they had the Medici Society (the fi ne arts publishers), to received 50 pounds from Cliff ords on June 19, but Percy Spalding, an associate of the fi rm since evidently some dispute arose and although the gal- 1876.57 The relationship with the considerate and lery continued to identify buyers, the publisher tolerant Spalding proved far more agreeable for the took on the role of intermediary in the sale of Japanese artist. In contrast to Lee Warner’s often Markino’s work.65 Sales remained steady, however, harsh tone, Spalding tended to off er praise and re- with most of his original works fetching 4 or 5 assurance. A letter regarding watercolors for the pounds each. A client from New Zealand ordered a Rome book summed up the change. “Best regards London nocturne for twenty guineas. This was my dear Markino, I like your drawing so very probably the most he ever received.66 More exhibi- much….”58 The two eventually exchanged aff ections were planned and Spielmann’s advice was so- tionate nicknames. Markino was “Sonny” and licited about possible venues. Marcus Huish was Spalding “Padre.” Their relationship certainly ben- approached about a show at the Fine Arts Society. efi tted from the growing success of Markino’s Chatto & Windus hosted a further display of books. By early 1914 The Colour of London had sold Markino’s watercolors at its offi ces in late 1912.67 2,000 copies while the Paris book had reached 1,000. Markino must have been especially pleased to learn in October 1911 that his A Japanese Artist in douglas sladen London had sold 3,500 copies.59 Lee Warner had known that a book’s success By this time Douglas Sladen had taken charge of could lead to sales of its associated watercolors. Markino’s career, in the capacity of both friend and Markino’s contract for The Colour of London agent. His deep aff ection for the artist can be specifi ed that the original art works would be his gauged from remarks he made when addressing a property, with Chatto & Windus retaining the 1911 meeting of the Japan Society. There he spoke

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of his special regard for his Asian friend, a man artist’s illustrations had appeared in a 1903 issue of with whom he has “lived on terms of great intimacy The Magazine of Art. Writing to Spielmann, Sladen for years,” someone who was a frequent guest in asked for information about “the Japanese artist” Sladen’s home and a companion on visits to the and off ered “to put him in the way of some work” Continent. especially after Spielmann noted how Markino “stood in need” of employment.70 As we have seen, My friendship with Mr. Markino has been one of the Sladen had Markino illustrate a short story and great pleasures of my life. I knew him when he was very translate “A Japanese History of Napoleon,” which poor without his Buishido ever allowing me to know appeared in his 1904 More Queer Things about that he was poor. Travelling with him day after day for Japan. Markino prefaced it with a characteristically months, I formed a very high idea of the Japanese gen- modest rejoinder: “You people who read this book tleman. Markino’s gentlemanliness over every little will laugh at my translation. I am content, for the detail, his instinct for doing the right thing, were won- tragedian may play a comic part. In this book I am a derful. He never did anything that jarred. He taught me buff oon, for I have translated word for word, with- that the Bushido of the Japanese gentleman is the unfail- out thinking of your English idioms. So the more ing rule for life. you laugh the more I shall be pleased.”71 Markino came to rely on Sladen to advance his While Markino responded in a “very humerous career, especially during the period following the speech” in which, with characteristic modesty, he publication of The Colour of London. Their letters advised the audience not to “think too much of match the easy familiarity of the Markino-Spalding what Mr. Salden said about him, or accept all those correspondence, with Sladen referred to as “Lion” beautiful adjectives which he used,” he knew how and Markino signing himself “Heiji.” By this time their association had benefi tted his career as both Markino had further developed his talents not only an artist and a writer.68 The previous year there had as a painter but also as a writer. Yet he still wel- been an even more public affi rmation of the special comed Sladen’s advice and assistance. “You know relationship when Sladen supplied “An Apprecia- Lion, you yourself have worked out the next book tion” for Markino’s A Japanese Artist. entirely for me,” wrote Markino.72 Their arrange- Sladen was a fairly well-known fi gure on the ment of necessity moved from friendship to busi- Edwardian literary scene, the author of light nov- ness. “After helping Yoshio Markino … for some els, volumes of poetry and useful travel books, time with his contracts as a friend I have now be- and at the same time a busy literary agent. A recent come his regular agent,” Sladen declared on March appraisal of his career is not far off the mark: 19, 1912. “He is doing so well that I can’t give the “In many ways he was a typical product of the late time to do his work without payment….”73 Sladen’s nineteenth-century literary trade: a minor man of voluminous correspondence with publishers, edi- letters, historian, novelist, poet and literary facto- tors and agents stressed the then-popular attitudes tum.”69 While Sladen knew such notables as Au- towards Japan which Markino could exemplify, es- brey Beardsley, H.G. Wells, Arthur Conan Doyle pecially in his writings about London, which were and H. Beerbohm Tree, most of his friends were of fashioned “in his naive way….”74 At the beginning lesser rank; authors such as W.B. Maxwell and of January 1913 Sladen wrote one editor regarding Charles Garvice. His life-long interest in Japan the “quaint writing of my Japanese friend, Yoshio could be seen in his books, his connection to the Ja- Markino” which, he added later, “I think of rather pan Society and his support for the poet Noguchi unusual interest as showing so much of the Japanese and, of course, for Markino. According to A Japa- mind from the Asiatic point of view.”75 Markino’s nese Artist and Sladen’s autobiography, Twenty nationality could also be raised in the occasional Years of My Life, Markino fi rst met Sladen after the veiled reproach. About an instance of the artist’s

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apparent lack of attentiveness, J.W. Gilmer, another Sladen pointing out to Gilmer when he began literary agent who had worked with Markino, com- working on the artist’s behalf, “Markino now makes plained to Sladen, “I always thought the Japanese some hundreds a year by his writing….”80 were distinguished for their pretty manners!”76 Markino’s Asian identity had its advantages. Gilmer, however, assisted Sladen with obtain- The art editor of The Strand Magazine wrote Marki- ing commissions for the Japanese artist. The ar- no, in care of Chatto & Windus, about his illustrat- rangement commenced on March 21, 1912, and ing an upcoming issue. Markino passed the inquiry involved a 10% commission divided between the on to Sladen and a commission was arranged. The two men.77 In a letter a few days earlier, Sladen out- choice of Markino seemed to be dictated by his be- lined how Markino’s interests should be managed ing Japanese since the article in question was by one as well as the nature of the arrangement with other of his countrymen and dealt with the touching leg- agents. “From time to time I shall have things end of a female musician named Asagao. H. Gran- which he has written to sell for him, but he seldom ville Fell, the art editor of The Strand explained to writes anything without a commission, so it is in Sladen what was wanted: the direction of getting commissions that I look most to you…. If you are ingenious in getting com- I do not wish to place any restriction upon his [Marki- missions for magazine articles there is a good deal no’s] unconventionality whatever, but I would like to say to be made out of him.” Sladen stressed to Gilmer that we want the motifs taken from the enclosed MS that Markino’s nationality should be exploited: (by a Japanese author) which the decorations will illus- “There is one class of work which Markino does trate. In particular I would like the incident in the story extremely well—reviewing books which have to do of Asago on page XI brought in. I suggest too that the with Japan or books on social questions in which Japanese fi re-fl ies should be made much use of in the the Japanese standpoint is interesting.”78 They scheme, and of course Mr. Markino will know the exact were not proved wrong. The Evening News, one of appearance of these creatures and treat them appropri- Britain’s mass circulation newspapers, was eager ately. These should be either four full-page borders or for the Markino perspective on such subjects as an several decorative sketches.81 Old Bailey trial, tea drinking, and cricket. Its editor once wrote, “I have just what I think is a fi ne notion The Strand Magazine published, in its July issue, for Yoshio…. Just now we are celebrating our Eng- “The Lore and Legend of Japanese Fire-Flies,” by lish festivals…. Yoshio Markino knows all about Mock Joya, with eight substantial illustrations by the fl ower festivals of Japan,and his impressions Markino on the top and one side of each of four on fl ower festivals in England might be good.”79 pages. It had been a long time since Markino had Sladen believed that Markino’s articles about worked with a Japanese subject, so wedded had he sports might make the basis for a book. become to a western style and orientation, but his Asian origins never ceased to be an important prop I have thought of rather a good title for Markino’s book. to his career. Under Sladen’s infl uence, he found Sir Rutherford Alcock christened the Japanese A Nation himself presenting “the Japanese perspective” on at Play … it would be splendidly ironical for a Japanese various subjects.82 Sladen also promoted the work to write a book about England, calling it A Nation at Play of Markino’s friend Yone Noguchi. Markino’s help with a preface saying that England is going to the dogs with the publication of Noguchi’s 1903 From the because it will not take anything seriously except its Eastern Sea, for which he supplied cover and fron- sports. tispiece (fi g. 141) designs, confronted the artist with an early lesson in salesmanship. “About business During this period Markino appeared to have been matter he (Noguchi) was as bad as myself,” Marki- doing rather well out of his books and articles, with no remembered. “He could not ask the payment.”

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March he did so with the proviso that “Yoshio Markino will do a few drawings for it at a moderate price” adding later “I think that it is very essential that we should have illustrations by Markino….”85 Eventually Markino produced eight illustrations for Noguchi’s book, The Story of Yone Noguchi. Sladen also pressed Markino’s case in the Unit- ed States. Although Markino remembered Califor- nia as a place of prejudice and hostility, the rest of the country shared Europe’s fascination with Japan. Noguchi’s experiences there were more agreeable at a time when Americans like Ernest Fenollosa were advancing the cause of Japanese art and Frank Lloyd Wright was acquiring large numbers of Japanese prints.86 McClure’s Magazine approached Sladen for articles recalling Markino’s life in San Francisco, “written in his inimitable fashion.”87 Soon the magazine wanted more material, including the opportunity to publish autobiographical writing on his time in Europe and Japan. A July 1910 letter from S.S. McClure’s representative, brimmed with enthusiastic interest:

Mr. McClure … would, if there is suffi cient material, greatly like a second article on his [Markino’s] experiences in San Francisco. As for the book about Mr. Mar- kno’s early recollections in Japan, Mr. McClure says he feels sure he will want to serialize every word. He is also anxious to know whether “THE JAPANESE ARTIST IN LONDON” used up all of his London experiences, because if there are more to be worked up Mr. McClure would like to have them…. Yes, Mr. McClure wants 141 Markino. frontispiece, in Yone Noguchi, From the illustrations very much, in black and white, about Amer- Eastern Sea (1903). ica and London, but feels sure Mr. Markino could do some exquisite colour pictures from memory and fancy When Markino told the interested Arthur Ransone for the Japan series.88 about the two shilling charge for these poems, No- guchi ran from the room shouting “‘No, Markino. Much of the work Markino did for periodicals It is ‘lie!’ it is ‘lie.’”83 By 1914 Sladen was acting for he recycled into books, starting with the autobio- Noguchi and seeking possible publishers for his graphical sketch in The Magazine of Art which poems as well as a recent article.84 At this time emerged in altered and expanded form in the art- Markino’s success worked to Noguchi’s practical ist’s “Essay” in The Colour of London and in parts of beneﬁ t. The latter’s autobiography, for example, A Japanese Artist. The McClure’s articles became the could not be published without Markino’s partici- basis for When I Was a Child. Five pieces appeared pation. When Spalding accepted the manuscript in in November 1910, July 1911, September 1911,

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November 1911 and February 1912, all of which car- Sladen apologized and said that the publisher ried illustrations. Sladen actively worked to place would acknowledge the source of the three articles material he knew would be eventually included in while blaming Markino, the naive foreigner, for not books. He off ered the The Pall Mall Gazette an arti- mentioning the fact in his preface. “Nobody had cle also planned for inclusion in When I Was a Child anything to do with the preface except Markino and, almost simultaneously, asked The Morning himself … [who] was guilty of the omission with all Post and The Daily Telegraph to pay for a piece the innocence in the world.”92 to be used in Markino’s next book, Recollections Markino fi gured prominently in Sladen’s 1915 and Refl ections of a Japanese Artist.89 Markino also autobiography, as “one of our most intimate friends published with The Atlantic Monthly. Sladen ap- for years….” He had watched the artist grow in proached its editor whom he had learned was “an stature, from relative poverty to a position of con- admirer of the quaint writing of my Japanese friend, siderable notoriety, and had learned to understand Yoshio Markino” off ering the article “Emotion and his working methods, respect his personality and Etymology.” The editor accepted it with enthusi- appreciate his dual career as a painter and a writer. asm. “Mr Markino’s diverting little essay gives Memorable testament to their mutual aff ection, much joy in spite of its preposterousness. Of course however, were the illustrations Markino supplied I shall be glad to print it and shall be grateful if it is for Sladen’s memoir. One reviewer found them convenient for you to send me something more.” It stellar additions and Markino a “magician at once appeared in the magazine the following April, but a profound and childlike” for his pictures of the inte- subsequent submission failed to win favor: “It is sad rior of Sladen’s home. The Standard remarked on to write you that we do not think Mr. Markino’s es- how Twenty Years had been “enriched with many say on Friendship nearly so delightful as its prede- clever portraits by the Japanese artist, Yoshio cessor. Perhaps the delicious quality of the earlier Markino, of the author and some of his intimate essay has made us over-particular, but we fear our friends….”93 These images gave Markino the op- readers who have enjoyed the fi rst paper will have portunity to do some close-up human studies be- little zest for this.”90 From the end of 1910 to the yond the anonymous character sketches he had summer of 1911 much of what became My Idealed been used to. They are a record of Sladen’s friends John Bullesses was serialized in The English Review, and of people Markino may have met as a guest in whose editor also acted as intermediary with Con- his home. When he recalled his London social life, stable & Co., the book’s eventual publisher.91 Mov- the artist remembered visiting various artists in ing from periodical to book was not always this company with Arthur Ransome and meeting a easy. When Markino published Recollections and range of interesting people at Spielmann’s. But Refl ections of Japanese Artist he used three articles Sladen’s residence had a special place in his memo- that had been published earlier in The Nineteenth ry. “Perhaps I was most spoiled at Mr. Sladen’s Century. Its editor wrote indignantly to Sladen: house. Only he and Miss Lorimer [Sladen’s friend and frequent collaborator] were so cross whenever I gave a kind of implied consent to the reprinting of I spilt my cigarette ashes on the fl oor…. [A]t his “Memory and Imagination” “several months after its house I have met many jolly John Bulls and John publication in this Review”—but I cannot fi nd that I gave Bullesses.”94 It is tempting to think of Markino at a any permission for the reappearance of the articles on Sladen “at Home,” his sketchbook open, busily re- the English & Japanese drama & Post Impressionism…. cording the faces of the many guests such as writers I do not know whether the source of these chapters is Arthur Conan Doyle (fi g. 142) and Mary Elizabeth even acknowledged—but at any rate … it is obvious that Braddon (fi g. 143). But this was probably not the a serious breach of copyright has been committed…. case. While he probably drew Sladen from life— I feel altogether puzzled. “I shall sketch your portrait when you come next

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142 Markino. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, in Douglas Sladen, 143 Markino. Miss Braddon, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years Twenty Years of My Life (1915). of My Life (1915).

time,”(most likely to Markino’s London Redcliff e Markino’s portrait of Salden, capturing its sub- Road fl at)—other sketches were done from photo- ject seemingly lost in thought (fi g. 146), was more graphs. One subsequent subject, the novelist successful, as were the four colored watercolors Charles Garvice (fi g. 144) wrote Sladen that he of the author’s west Kensington home. These would be “very much honoured by a portrait of lovely studies focused on domestic intimacy and myself in your book, and I am sending you what represented a departure from Markino’s usual I think is perhaps the best portrait I have. I hope outdoor urban scenes as they celebrated the fami- Markino may be able to make use of it; but, if he ly’s collection of exotic souvenirs. One reviewer cannot, I will look up something else.” He then add- thought them outstanding in conveying “a picture ed the opinion that “portraits by Markino will be a of that scented retreat high above the thronging great addition to the book….”95 Oddly, the only street….”97 The frontispiece (fi g. 147) showed The portrait receiving even a slightly negative reaction Roof Garden and Pompeian Fountain at 32 Addison was that of Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree (fi g. 145), a Mansions, complete with greenery, large earthen- man Markino knew fairly well from their associa- ware pots and a dull red lattice screen, with an arch tion during two productions of the “Japanese” play opening reminiscent of Mughal India. This and The Darling of the Gods. “Portraits are extremely other references to Sladen’s travels to the east al- happy with the signal exception of that of Sir Her- lowed Markino, the painter of fog and mist, to let bert Tree,” wrote the Sunday Guardian,96 a refer- loose some of his brightest colors in pictures of ence to either the scowl on the actor’s face or the marked clarity. Sladen and his wife were collectors drawing’s lack of defi nition. and their abode showed it. “Into it we packed our

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144 Markino. Charles Garvice, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty 145 Markino. Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree, in Doug- Years of My Life (1915). las Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (1915).

Japanese and Chinese collections, and things which with priceless Persian and Saracenic tiles, Moorish we had bought in Constantinople…. We were en- carvings, etc.”99 amoured of the East, and tried to make ourselves an Markino’s views of the interior of Sladen’s Eastern nest in Kensington.”98 In this he was fol- home underscored the Edwardian continuation of lowing a long British tradition of acquiring objects this fashion, proving as one reviewer noted, that from abroad, of mixing the power of possession “glimpses of the East [can] … be found sometimes with cultivation of broad learning and a sincere ad- even in a London home….”100 Markino painted miration for foreign and, especially, “exotic” non- A Moorish Room at 32 Addison Mansions (fi g. 148), western art culture. Artists had brought an eclectic complete with exotic lamps and pottery, an array of fl air to such activities in the decoration of their red cushions under intricately patterned drapery. homes, with Lawrence Alma-Tadema mixing Goth- But he must have most enjoyed capturing the Japa- ic with Spanish and Japanese designs for his Re- nese room, with its many mementoes of his home- gent’s Park house, and Mortimer Menpes creating a land, and, in the process, been slightly amused as a Japanese room at Cadogan Gardens and, most fa- Japanese artist, painting a room of Japanese objects mously, Frederic Leighton in his famous house not acquired by Britons. Sladen left a description of this far from Sladen’s in Holland Park. Open to the pub- Japanese Room at 32 Addison Mansions (fi g. 149), lic after the artist’s death, it was described by Bae- noting how space constraints accounted for mov- deker as having “an exquisite Arab Hall approached ing objects from its center. “Furniture and decora- by a ‘twilight passage’ and sumptuously decorated tions were spread round the walls, which in the

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146 Markino. The Author (Douglas Sladen), in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (1915).

Japanese room were hung with really good kake- had one of the ﬁ nest collections of Japanese prints monos [hanging scrolls] representing Japanese in the country.”102 Markino’s view included all but mythological scenes. Our chief little Japanese treas- the edge of the mantle showing a small hanging ures were spread on an open Japanese cabinet, shelf with objects just to the left. The hanging which stood on the mantelpiece….”101 While these scrolls are clearly visible, forming two high borders words betray a certain conﬁ dence of taste and a to the door. The clutter of the travelers is evident knowledge of other cultures, Sladen was under no but also is the great variety of color, accented by illusion that his collection was of museum quality. light streaming in from the left and behind the When recalling the visits of the great collector of viewer. The composition is assured, with a blue Japanese art Arthur Morrison, he wrote candidly: chair anchoring the composition at the left and the “We had a bond of sympathy which used to bring mantle at the right, with a strong diagonal emphasis him to our house. We had a collection of very unu- provided by the light coming into the room from sual Japanese curios of the humble order, and he between the fabric at the doorway.

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147 Markino. The Roof Garden of 32 Addison Mansions, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (1915).

148 Markino. The Moorish Room at 32 Addison Mansions, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years Years of My Life (1915).

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149 Markino. The Japanese Room at 32 Addison Mansions, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (1915).

This commission for Sladen was Markino’s that were a consequence of the First World War. last major project. The domestic comfort and This global conﬂ ict coincided with the decline in sociability reﬂ ected in these illustrations would Markino’s fortunes in England, a downturn that soon be replaced by the privations and dislocation the artist proved unable to correct.

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japanese artist in london included 68 Sidney St. (fi g. 150), at a restaurant-hotel at the a chapter entitled “I become a Chelsea South Kensington Underground Station (the new AConservative.” 1 These words not only af- facade of which boasted “ox-blood-red glazed fi rmed Markino’s cautious temperament but, most faience” which met with his strong disapproval— of all, his desire to belong in British society. Fre- “that ugly red…is simply an eye-sore”),6 and, most quent visits to the Chelsea Conservative Club gave comfortably, at 39 Redcliff e Road. All these sites him the chance to experience a special aspect of gave Markino easy access to Kensington Gardens, true Britishness. “I was delighted to meet with those Conservative peoples because they all looked so Briton! And I felt so fl attered to be called a Chel- sea Conservative.”2 Acceptance by these established representatives of his adoptive city meant a great deal indeed, for Markino had come to feel entirely at home there, once telling the assembled members of London’s Japan Society, “[h]is conscience did not allow him to call himself a stranger to this country any more, and now he felt that he was one of them.”3 Not only had he become a Brit- on but, more specifi cally, a Londoner. “I love Lon- don so much, and if I go to any country place I get homesick for London, from the second day.”4 Most of Markino’s London years were spent in Chelsea and other neighborhoods in and around the surrounding Royal Borough of Kensington. Throughout the period up until 1918 one of the attractions of the area was, undoubtedly, aff ordable rents,5 a situation which would have been more than agreeable to the often struggling Markino. The artist lived at various times in Milner St., at

150 Markino. Our Lodgings in Sydney Street, in Recollections Fig. 165: Tulips and Reﬂ ections of a Japanese Artist (1913).

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then being immortalized in J.M. Barre’s Peter Pan to London governance and to the interests of Chel- tales, to the airy Thames Embankment and to the sea. From his home at 4 Cheyne Walk he went to many public transportation routes leading to his meetings of the London County Council or the favorite West End theaters. In the wake of the high- Metropolitan Asylums Board. He took an active ly popular Great Exhibition of 1851 house construc- part in the Survey of London project, especially the tion transformed every neighborhood and a huge parts dealing with his favorite neighborhood.11 cultural and museum complex took shape between When Markino published Colour of London, Mein- Hyde Park and Cromwell Road. As one writer de- ertzhagen bought a copy and sought out its illustra- scribed it, “throughout the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s, tor by walking “all over Chelsea,” fi nally running most of Kensington and the surrounding area was a him down through the help of a Sloan Square news vast building site.”7 Many artists, Turner, Rossetti agent. “Yes, a Japanese gentleman comes to my and Whistler, to name the most famous, had lived place every day, sir…. He always comes from the in Chelsea, an agreeable London sub-district of direction of Sydney Street,” he was told.12 Markino Kensington near the river. John Everett Millais re- soon learned that he had another link to Mein- sided farther to the north in fashionable Palace ertzhagen through his tailor’s son who worked for Gate and many of the other principal Victorian art- the Chelsea Conservative Club. J. J. Bax operated ists congregated in the neighborhood opposite as a tailor in Sloan Square and when Markino had Holland Park. Not far from Markino’s Sidney been almost penniless he had kindly agreed to sup- Street residence, off Onslow Sq., there was at vari- ply him with clothing in exchange for works of art. ous times the studios of Carlo Marochetti (who Later, the successful artist would enjoy seeing his cast the famous Trafalgar Square lions), Alfred pictures hanging in the tailor’s shop and “recollect Gilbert, John Singer Sargent and Wilson Steer.8 his kindness when I was so poor.”13 Many of Markino’s British friends and associates Markino’s removal to a studio and fl at at 39 were based in Kensington, including Douglas Slad- Redcliff e Rd. on November 27, 1912, marked the en in Addison Mansions and M. H. Spielmann in apogee of his British success. Noguchi remembered Caddogan Gardens—“only fi ve minutes’ walk from it as a “studio, fi fteen feet square; with a little bed- my place”—and near Mortimer Mempes’ home.9 room attached” but Markino evidently found it per- Then there were fellow artists who lived in The fect for his needs. It was his base of operations, as Boltons, those“strangely hidden-away studios” be- he once told Ransome. “I must be home in the hind Redcliff e Rd. Evidently Markino knew this morning, because it is my promise to all my friends location well and, in his watercolor Thistle Grove, & publishers. They often phone me in the morn- captured, as has been seen, the nocturnal beauty ing.” A chapter in his 1913 autobiography Recollec- of an adjacent lane (see fi g. 41). On one occasion tions and Refl ections of a Japanese Artist recounts his Arthur Ransome claimed that “he owed a great pride of possession. Prior to occupation, workers deal to Markino” for taking him to the studio “started to paint the walls, ceilings, etc. and the of a woman artist there, possibly the illustrator electric and gas companies to fi t the lights and Pamela Coleman Smith, where he met the poet stove.” He also had to choose carpet, select paint W. B. Yeats10 colors and buy furniture. Some of his friends ac- Markino’s informal connection to Conserva- cused him of profl igacy, with an eventual bill of up- tive politics may have been facilitated by an ac- wards of £300, seeming excessive. He installed quaintance with one especially prominent Chelsea bookshelves for classics and a selection of recent resident, Ernest Louis Meinertzhagen, chairman of novels, donated by his publishers, but his favorite the Chelsea Conservative Association’s executive possession was a coff ee maker, immortalized in his committee. Meinertzhagen, who loved travel and drawing My Coff ee Machine (fi g. 151). He rhapso- had been to Japan, dedicated much of his energies dized on its operation:

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on with much more prolonged reports as if the military manoeuvres are taking place in a distant ﬁ eld, and the pot itself swings to and fro. At the same time volumes of the steam are puffi ng out from the mouthpiece. And it makes the whole room scented with the delicious ﬂ avour.

His studio was also important for displaying his artistic talents and, after so many years in cheap ac- commodations, he welcomed the opportunity to “furnish my rooms with my own pictures.”14 A watercolor entitled, My New Studio (fi g. 152), records its domestic charm. Two fl oor-to-ceiling windows admitted abundant light, while nearby an angled stand placed before one provided an ideal work- place for the artist. Framed watercolors under glass 151 Markino. My Coff ee Machine, in Recollections and Refl ections of a Japanese Artist (1913). line the walls to the left, below which stand a row of ladder-back chairs and a seventeenth-century chest. This piece of furniture he treated with aff ectionate How very amusing to watch the pot boiling! First for a attention, as he did the small table at the center of minute or two after the lamp is lit, I hear the sound like the room. “Sometimes I polished the Jacobean cov- the gentle breeze over a vast forest, then the tide coming er or old gate leg tables with the beeswax,” he up to the shore, then the trains passing over a railway wrote.15 Binyon had observed in the Japanese char- bridge in distance. These tender musics do not last long. acter a “certain fastidiousness, a certain love of Then it begins to sound like a mouse nibbling the fl oor, scrupulous and cleanly order,”16qualities Markino next, as if someone is knocking at my door. Then it goes certainly exhibited, but with a decidedly British

152 Markino. My New Studio, in Recollections and Reﬂ ections of a Japanese Artist (1913).

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emphasis. So committed was he to being one with he would have walked from his Sidney Street lodg- this new environment that there was little room for ings to the South Kensington Station, or the pictur- anything Japanese. When asked by some British esque Chelsea Cottages (ﬁ g. 154), relics of a simpler friends why he eschewed “the Japanese way” he re- time. There were also more recent landmarks, like sponded with clear affi rmation of his commitment the Albert Memorial (see ﬁ g. 84), marking the edge to this new setting. “If I really wanted everything Japanese, I would rather go back to Japan and have them all there. Why I live in England is because I love my daily life quite English, with the English people and English things!”17

kensington pride

Markino’s delight in being a Kensington resident was further confi rmed by the many visual records he left of his life in the district. Throughout, he displayed a congenial familiarity with the streets, parks and the people, unlike the unsatisfactory experience of his compatriot Soseki, who suff ered during his time in Camberwell only a few years earlier. The titles of these published watercolors are something of a guide to the borough. Busy street scenes feature in Old Brompton Road (see fi g. 19) and Fulham Road (see fi g. 12) while crowds negotiate their way through the rain in Sloane Square: Wet Day (see fi g. 78) or enjoy the vitality of Marlborough Road, Chelsea: Saturday Night (fi g. 153). Residential areas also vied for his attention, such as the bright 154 Markino. Chelsea Cottages, in Alfred H. Hyatt, and airy Onslow Square (see fi g. 82), through which compiler, The Charm of London (1912).

153 Markino. Marlborough Road, Chelsea: Saturday Night, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

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of Kensington Gardens and adjacent to that new “Culture Centre”18 parts of which Markino recorded in watercolors of the Natural History Museum (fi g. 155), majestic behind an opaque curtain of mist, and the South Kensington Museum (Victoria and Albert), with its “lofty octagonal tower rising above the imposing principal entrance,”19 as seen, most likely, from his earlier base at the nearby Imperial Restaurant (fi g. 156). The Imperial Institute (fi g. 157) would have impressed Markino with its 280 ft. Renaissance tower, which he depicted cropped at its base, in the midst of a seemingly quiet, residential neighborhood. The Chelsea Embankment, with its broad walkways and expansive views, became a favorite subject along with its adjacent bridges. Opposite Battersea Bridge the hulking power plant (see fi g. 89) dominated the westward view, asserting modernity. The Brompton Oratory, Kensington’s most prominent religious structure,

156 Markino. South Kensington Museum, in Recollections and Reﬂ ections of A Japanese Artist (1913).

must have had a special appeal to Markino because he depicted its lit entrance (ﬁ g. 158) in The Colour of London and used its distinctive domed outline for that book’s cover. One area of Kensington Markino delighted in portraying was the popular Earl’s Court exhibition grounds, described rather uninterestedly by Baede- ker as having “elaborate annual ‘national’ exhibitions, numerous side-shows, bands, etc.” Arthur H. Beavan had found the whole enterprise a touch vulgar. “There is always an exhibition of one kind or another; each one living its brief life in a series of ugly iron-roofed buildings with innumerable side- shows….”20 But Markino must have enjoyed Earl’s 155 Markino. The Natural History Museum, in Alfred Court’s festive and varied ambience, not to men- H.Hyatt, compiler, The Charm of London (1912). tion its easy accessibility. Its location in western

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157 Markino. The Imperial Institute, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1907).

were conceived by the well-known impresario Imre Kiralfy. He was no doubt amused by what one visitor remembered as its “fl avour of the Oriental, with that sensous all-pervading perfume which are the very essential quintessence of Earl’s Court….”23 The entertainments highlighted events of current interest or of a thematic nature such as “Our Naval Victories,” “The Victorian Era” or “Greater Britain,” while others struck a more exotic note such as “Empire of India” and “China, or the Relief of the Legations” (depicting the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion), part of the exhibition of May 1901. The Japanese artist would no doubt have been 158 Markino. The Oratory, Brompton Road, in W. J. Loftie, eager to see this timely “great military spectacle” The Colour of London (1907). for its focus on China and the prominent role that Japanese troops had in the relief of “Pekin” (Bei- jing).24 A Japanese Artist contained the illustration Opening Day at Earl’s Court (The First Sketch the Kensington would have put it in easy reach of Artist Struggled to Sell) (see fi g. 65), a work similar Markino’s many residences in that part of the city stylistically to Earl’s Court Exhibition (see fi g. 66), and its proximity to the District Railway and the one of a series of London views he published in The Piccadilly Underground line provided accessibility Studio in October 1901. Remarkable as one of from other outlying areas. A large and varied enter- Markino’s rare records of a public occasion, it tainment venue, it fi rst opened in 1887 but by shows a tightly packed crowd attentively looking to- Markino’s time it had expanded to emulate the size wards a carpeted dais at the back of an enclosure, and grandeur of the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair.21 evidently waiting for a ceremony to begin. Police The complex included music pavilions, galleries, and an attendant are standing to attention in a row theaters, “restaurants and refreshment bars,” and at the left adding to the sense of occasion. Earl’s exhibition halls.22 Markino would have been a Court’s regular season ran from late spring through habitual visitor to Earl’s Court, admiring its con- “the arrival of autumn and winter”25 so Markino’s stantly changing entertainments, many of which sketch probably recorded the opening of the

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Military Exhibition on May 4, 1901. The men are or seated listening to the band, probably at the well dressed in tail coats, most wearing distinctive Music Pavilion at the center of the Imperial Court.26 black silk hats, while the women appear in long Flag-topped galleries form a border at the back of skirts with one or two donning bonnets. The fi gure the composition while the entire foreground bus- occupying a commanding spot at the center is prob- tles with activity. The detailed drawing invites close ably H.R.H. George, Duke of Cambridge, in a light inspection of the couple squeezing into a row of coat with a black mourning band on his upper left seats, a uniformed attendant at the center stroking arm in remembrance of the recent death in January his chin as he looks with interest at two fashionably of his cousin Queen Victoria. Pictures and exhibits dressed women sporting smug expressions, the two are suggested to the right, and at the left is the ticket men lounging at the bottom right who have just window for the adjoining theater. While most of overturned a wine bottle on the table, much to the the crowd is portrayed from the back, two women annoyance of the startled, open-mouthed waitress at the extreme right appear in profi le, one elderly just behind. A helmeted, mustached policeman can with a lined face and spectacles, the other younger be glimpsed, stationed at the center right of the pic- and open mouthed as she cheers the Duke with pa- ture to maintain decorum. In The Colour of London triotic exuberance. Markino presented a more serene picture of Earl’s The drawing for The Studio captured the fl avor Court. The Lake, Earl’s Court, by Night (fi g. 159) not of ceremony but of social interaction, enter- used a high horizon line, above a broad expanse of tainment and the way Londoners approached lei- shimmering water, to isolate a crowd of men and sure. The illustration had groups walking casually women at the top of the composition. Dressed in

159 Markino. The Lake, Earl’s Court, by Night, in W. J. Loftie, The Colour of London (1912).

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black and white, people walk or congregate near a published under his own name and for which he building to the right, probably the Victorian Res- supplied both text and pictures. Neither here nor in taurant or the Grill Room27 with its busy interior the memoir of the previous year, When I Was a casting a dark orange glow out through the win- Child, did the illustrations match the originality and dows. People sit by the water, slightly above a low vitality of his earlier work (fi g. 161). True, in the 1912 parapet lined with a row of electric light bulbs. The Charm of London, Markino had returned to an At the far left the illusion of far away places is con- earlier fascination with the broad face of modern tinued with a testament to the ready availability urbanism as seen by the observant eastern visitor. of “gondola trips on the Lake,” which Markino de- This compilation of various writings about the picted complete with a silhouetted gondolier.28 city, edited by Alfred H. Hyatt, included a dozen of his watercolors, a few of which matched some of the best of his earlier work, but no Markino text decline (see fi g.19). On the other hand, the majority of the eight color plates he supplied for the 1914 The Story Markino’s comfortable Chelsea life in the years just of Yone Noguchi seemed lifeless and anemic when prior to the outbreak of the First World War did not compared to what had been so arresting in The seem to have a positive eff ect on his art. Indeed, Colour of London and A Japanese Artist in London Markino’s later work, in general, proved uneven. (fi g. 162). His 1911 A Little Pilgrimage in Italy, with Recollections and Refl ections, his 1913 memoir re- text by his Rome collaborator Olave Potter and counting his halcyon days in Kensington, as well as published in a slightly smaller format from his “col- excursions to the countryside at Wedhampton, our” books, carried, in addition to eight unremark- Devizes (where he indulged in a rare experiment able color plates, dozens of line drawings and with landscape painting),29 was described by a re- pencil sketches (fi g. 163) that failed to reveal him at cent admirer as “a miscellany of thoughts on art and his best. The Saturday Review rendered a rather philosophy, spiritual wisdom and reminiscence” guarded assessment, describing them as “uncom- (fi g. 160).30 It was one of the last books Markino mon and sometimes full of suggestion….”31 This

160 Markino. “White Lady,” Wed- hampton, in Recollections and Reﬂ ections of a Japanese Artist (1913).

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161 Markino. The Back of Yokohama Bay, in When I Was a Child (1912).

162 Markino. Misty Evening in Trafal- gar Square, in Yone Noguchi, The Story of Yone Noguchi (1914).

emphasis here on monochrome did not advance his from his preferred outdoor scenes. In all, including stature, nor did the slight portraits he provided for the room devoted to Sladen’s Japanese possessions, Douglas Sladen’s Twenty Years of My Life. Markino he all but abandoned his “Japaneseness” in order to excelled with color, even when scenes were muted portray a western subject in an entirely western by fog. This 1915 book, Markino’s last signiﬁ cant manner, with the result that his watercolors were project, contained (as has been seen), in addition now almost indistinguishable from the eff ervescent to the pictures of Sladen’s notable friends, several drawings of a host of popular European and Amer- illustrations of the author’s Kensington home ican artists. (ﬁ g. 164) These charming interior views, sparkling Otherwise, during this time he tended to con- with color and vitality, were an agreeable departure centrate more on his writing and less on painting.

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Orlo Williams noticed this change of emphasis in Recollections and Refl ections of a Japanese Artist where he found but two satisfying illustrations, uncharacteristic studies of Markino’s coff ee machine and a vase of tulips (fi g. 165). Williams did not seem to expect much from the well-known Japa- nese who “continues to exercise that vein of naive discursiveness in picturesque but ungrammatical English which has won him a considerable amount of popularity.” But, despite the acknowledged sincerity involved, Markino’s published views did appear “at times a little wearisome….” The critic for The Athenaeum was less gentle, declaring that “we do not fi nd Mr. Markino’s recollections very interesting or his refl ections particularly profound.”32 Part of the problem here may have also been the re-cycling of much of its material. Several chapters, as has been seen, appeared earlier in periodicals and he had already discussed his friendship with Hara in A Japanese Artist in London. But the chapter that brought out this critic’s ire was “The Post-Impressionist and Others.” This essay, Markino’s indictment of the avant-garde trend in art which was of such importance to the most advanced British artists and critics at the time, had

163 Markino. A Street Scene in Siena, in Olave M. Potter, ﬁ rst been printed in The Nineteenth Century. The A Little Pilgrimage in Italy (1911).

164 Markino. The Dining Room at 32 Addison Mansions in Which Most of My Books Were Written, in Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (1915).

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166 Markino. Buckingham Palace, London, Seen across Green Park (c. 1911). Woodblock print. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

he ventured into printmaking (fi g. 166) and oil painting, the originality that had characterized 165 Markino. Tulips, in Recollections and Refl ections The Colour of London and A Japanese Artist in of a Japanese Artist (1913). London had essentially vanished. He had little to off er in the way of new insights. Sadly, the longer he lived in London the more diffi cult it was for him to project that cross-cultural balance for which he was famous. Indeed, it had been during the years Athenaeum correctly chastised him for mistaking 1907 through 1910 that his creativity peaked. The Impressionism for Post-Impressionism and for Colour of London, his most beautiful book, con- applying such reproaches as “insincere” and “semi- tained some of his best and most characteristic fool” to some of the artists he deemed defi cient. images, including Morning Parade: Rotten Row, “This is perilously near impertinence,” was this with its fl at images and pronounced angularity journal’s verdict. Although Markino indeed con- reminiscent of ukiyo-e, and Church Parade, Near fused his terms, he had at least seen many examples Stanhope Gate, July, less indicative of a Japanese of French modernism at the Grafton Gallery, prob- infl uence and more indebted to European Impres- ably at the “Manet and the Post Impressionists” sionism. The multiple aspects of London’s fogs show of 1910. To his conservative mind most of were skillfully worked in A Winter Afternoon, these works were too objective and lacking in that Chelsea Embankment, with its feeling of quite intuitive “Emotional Impressionism” which he solitude in the great city, and in Leicester Square: claimed to have admired in the Japanese masters, The Alhambra, an unparalleled study of night-time such as Sesshū Tōyō and Ogata Kōrin, and in the mist laying a soft covering over a lively entertain- work of his two favorite European artists, Jean ment site. And most memorably, in A Japanese Baptiste Corot and Turner.33 But such rare insights Artist, he produced Hyde Park Corner, which so were mostly lost in a rambling essay which left adroitly transformed the busy intersection into a readers unimpressed. In fact, by 1913 Markino had haunting nocturne punctuated by touches of soft clearly started to run out of fresh ideas. Although luminescence amidst a bluish haze.

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a changed atmosphere Indian Ocean and she assembled her productive capacity to aff ord economic aid to the allies.” But The outbreak of World War One signaled the at the same time she advanced her territorial objec- end to Markino’s idyllic British life. Art book tives in China at the expense of Germany. Accord- publishing was curtailed and social relationships ing to one recent analysis, by the third year of the altered. In the words of Carmen Blacker, “Among war, Britain “viewed Japan not as a friend, but as a the million men that England lost in that holocaust rival.”38 were many of Markino’s friends” and the ranks of In this changed atmosphere, Markino had a his “John Bullesses” were thinned by war work— diffi cult time fi nding a role to play. He did continue “The Suff ragettes all became nurses and munitions to off er the occasional lecture on such topics as the workers.” Fears of German espionage curtailed his coronation of the new Japanese emperor and “Phi- sketching outdoors, as it did for other artists such losophy and Buddhism in Japan.” In 1916 he con- as Robert Bevan and Hugh Thompson.34 Spalding tributed to “The Times Japanese Supplement,” a attempted to intervene on Markino’s behalf with wartime affi rmation of the Anglo-Japanese alli- the authorities and at one point a complicated ar- ance, which featured “striking contributions by rangement was suggested in which, as he told several of the leading statesmen and writers of Ja- Markino, “whenever you want to sketch in London, pan, as well as other acknowledged authorities.”39 you must let me know, and I will on each occasion One of the few opportunities for him to exercise write to the Commissioner [of police].” The war his talents as an illustrator came with work for and its disruptive domestic consequences evidently Dean’s Rag Books for children. With the resump- caused Markino some concern but Spalding tried tion of peace, matters did not improve. A plaintive to reassure him. “I do not think that you need to be- letter of 1919 to Spielmann exposed his perilous come unduly alarmed in regard to your own aff airs, situation, calling his current circumstance “my both as regards the sale of books and of pictures. hardest time, harder than when I saw you fi rst, Doubtless these sales for a time [will] suff er.”35 only a little savings of mine carried me through, or The war also closed that most amicable period of else I had absolutely no business for 4 years.”40 the Britain-Japan liaison. Economic matters, as There was little interest in future projects, with well as realization of Japan’s imperial ambitions, Spalding writing as late as 1922 that “books with il- had contributed to the gradual deterioration of re- lustrations are not so popular as they were when we lations after 1910.36 Although London continued to issued your previous books,”41 although some of his be a major supplier of Japanese loans, there were books continued to be re-printed. But the challenge British concerns regarding Japanese competition of modernism, as practiced by the Bloomsbury art- in Asia, in India involving coastal trade, and espe- ists, with its “exuberance of colour, idiosyncracies cially in China where Japanese moves in the Yang- of artistic ‘handwriting’ and forceful simplifi cation tze valley challenged British commercial interests. of appearance in the interest of insistent unity of At the same time, there were complaints from design”42 left little room for Markino’s less adven- Britons about being denied access to Korea and turesome style. The general atmosphere was un- Manchuria where Japan was dominant. Yet the congenial: “In Europe after the war I felt that I was treaty of alliance had been renewed in 1911 although absolutely out of place….”43Attempts to rekindle by this time, while it “was no longer novel,” it was his professional standing brought him to the Unit- seen as necessary for freeing up British naval re- ed States and then back to London where he came sources in the Pacifi c Ocean.37 On the outbreak of to concentrate on exhibiting oils. He had planned the First World War, Japan duly entered the confl ict an important show in Japan but the 1923 earthquake on the side of its ally and in the words of one of destroyed all his materials—“I had sent all my best its diplomats, “she guarded transport routes in the work to Tokio for my exhibition….”44 The few

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reviews of his work that appeared sounded the an important aspect of a new east-west relation- familiar refrain about Japanese qualities joined ship and it would be remembered with fondness. to western characteristics. One writer declared Looking back on Markino’s career, the critic Ame- that Markino “stands to lose rather than gain by lia Defries off ered an elegiac appraisal: tipping the scale farther in the European direction.”45 Eventually, Markino withdrew into philo- [W]ith his Western experience [he] … has carried all the sophical pursuits. A book from the late 1930s, Eastern delicacy of touch and vision into the Western Thinkers and Thoughts of East and West showed realism which he practices…. He stands alone, for into him still attempting to come to terms with the rela- realistic representation he embodies the mystery of a tionship between Asian and European civilization. poet, the meditative moods of a philosopher, the tran- His entry in Who’s Who confi rmed his isolation by quility of an oriental….48 stating his recreations as “Reading the ancient Chinese, Latin and Greek Classics in order to Markino made a strong claim for Japanese partici- forget modern civilization.” But his love of Britain pation in British life. His short career reveals much remained undiminished. “I shall always make my about the east/west arrangement in a crucial period home in London and sooner or later probably of interaction. “Orientialism” shaped the British shall become a British subject,” he told Clair Price.46 response to his work to the extent that words like But he would never achieve this goal, suff ering “naive” and “charm” became staples of the critical the indignity of being forced to return to Japan commentary. Such condescension was tempered, as an enemy alien at the outset of the Second however, by British awareness of the respected and World War. modernizing civilization that Markino represented, and by a genuine appreciation of his gift of presenting western subject matter through a Japanese conclusion lens. The resulting “hybridity” achieved a certain validity in British eyes, revealing not only pertinent Although successful but for a brief time, Markino elements from the outside but new and valid in- used a signifi cant body of art and writing to expose sights into western life and culture. While some the attractions as well as the contradictions of the would object to his blending of disparate cultures, complex Britain-Japan relationship. This product few questioned his sincerity of outlook. Markino’s of the late Meiji program of balancing indigenous art was attractive, accessible and at times original, pride with admiration for western progressivism but it did not consistently rise much above the con- found London a congenial setting. For his British ventional. He painted and wrote to please and to audience, increasingly predisposed to anything voice the enthusiasm and wonder of the outsider Japanese, there was evident fascination with wishing to take part in the latest developments that Markino’s Asian insights into western life, done were changing the world, changes that had their with what a later writer called “a charming oriental greatest manifestation in the west. In the fi nal infl ection.”47 analysis, he may have tried too hard to be a typical By the time of the First World War, however, Englishman and, in the process, forfeited the abili- this amicable environment had begun to change un- ty to off er a more penetrating outsider’s insight. der the weight of increased economic competition The once unique “Japanese Artist in London” had, and Japan’s more aggressive Far Eastern foreign alas, opted for cautious respectability, becoming policy. By 1914 Japan had lost its novelty as did all too comfortable in the guise of the “Chelsea Markino’s art and writing. Yet his work did mark Conservative.”

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Introduction (London: Chatto & Windus, 1910), viii–xii; Frank 1 C.L.H. [Charles Lewis Hind], “Japanese Pictures in Harris, “A Talk With Yoshio Markino,” The Academy, Whitechapel,” The Academy and Literature, August 2, December, 17, 1910, 582–84. 1902, 140–41. This periodical was also called The Acad- 10 C. Holmes and A. H. Ion, “Bushidō and the samurai: emy during this period. It will be cited hereafter under Images in British public opinion, 1894–1914,” Modern that name. Hind included a revised version of this arti- Asian Studies, 14 (1980): 309. cle in his Adventures Among Pictures (London: Adam 11 “The ‘Sweetness’ of London,” The Living Age, July 9, and Charles Black, 1904), 221–25; The Illustrated London 1910, 115–16. News, August 23, 1902, 279. 12 “Léonce Bénédite, “Préface,” in Lucien Descaves, ed., 2 Yoshio Markino, “An Essay by the Artist,” in W.J. The Colour of Paris (London: Chatto & Windus, 1908), Loftie, The Colour of London (London: Chatto & Win- vii. Translation by Winston M. Arzú. dus, 1907), xxxvii–xxxviii. 13 The Observer, May 29, 1910. 3 He may have learned nanga from Ryūtarō Tamegai 14 Donald Keene, Emperor of Japan. Meiji and His World, (Chikkō), Kamiya Shisui and Shibata Hōshū and 1852–1912 (New York: Columbia University Press, yōga from Shimizu Manshi and Nazaki Kanekiyo. 2002), 556; Fred Warner, Anglo-Japanese Financial See Miyuki Naruse, “Yoshio Markino: The Early Relations. A Golden Tide (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Years,” (trans. Eriko Tomizawa-Kay), in Yoshio 1991), 47. Markino (Toyota: Toyota Municipal Museum, 2008), 15 Sidney Lee, King Edward VII. A Biography. 2. The Reign 5–6. See also Michael D. Brown, Views from Asian (New York: Macmillan Company, 1927), 142, 293, 312; California 1920–1965 (San Francisco: Michael Brown, Hugh Cortazzi, “Royal Visits to Japan in the Meiji 1965), 40. Period, 1868–1912,” in Ian Nish, ed., Britain and 4 [Laurence Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction in Europe Japan:Biographical Portraits, vol.2 (Richmond: Curzon and Asia,” The Times Literary Supplement, June 28, Press Ltd., 1997), 91. 1907, 204. 16 Warner, Anglo-Japanese, 47, 52–54, 56; Kenneth D. 5 The Athenaeum, June 11, 1910, 699, on Hugh de Sélin- Brown, Britain and Japan. A Comparative Economic and court, Oxford From Within (London: Chatto & Win- Social History Since 1900 (New York: Manchester Uni- dus,1910), illustrated by Markino. versity Press, 1998), 2. 6 Yoshio Markino, Recollections and Reﬂ ections of a Japa- 17 Linda Gertner Zatlin, Beardsley Japonisme and the Per- nese Artist (Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs & Co., 1913), version of the Victorian Ideal (New York: Cambridge 213, from the chapter entitled “Post-Impressionists and University Press, 1997), 29. Others.” 18 A.M. Thompson, Japan for a Week (Britain For Ever!) 7 Yone Noguchi, “Yoshio Markino,” The Japan Times, (London: John Lane, The Bodley Head, 1911), viii. March 4, 1917. For Stead, see Colin Holmes, “Sidney Webb (1859– 8 Betty Shephard, “Recollections of Yoshio Markino and 1947) and Beatrice Webb (1858–1943), in Sir Hugh Mamoru Shigemitsu,” in Sammy I. Tsunematsu, ed. and Cortazzi and Godon Daniels, eds., Britain and Japan introduction, Alone In This World. Selected Essays by 1859–1991. Themes and Personalities (London: Routledge, Yoshio Markino and ‘Recollections of Yoshio Markino and 1991), 168. Mamoru Shigemitsu’ by Betty Shephard (London: In 19 David Ottewill, The Edwardian Garden (New Haven: Print, 1993), 118; Henry Baerlein, “Perfectly Honey,” Yale University Press, 1989), 56. Yamanaka was a well- The Bookman, June, 1910, 130; Itō Takashi and Watanabe known merchant dealing with art objects and antiques. Yukio, eds., Shigemitsu Mamoru Shuki, 1 (Tokyo: Chuo See Keiko Itoh, The Japanese Community Pre-War Brit- Koronsha, 1986), 32. I am grateful to Christopher W. A. ain. From Integration to Disintegration (Richmond: Szpilman for bringing this source to my attention and Curzon Press Ltd., 2001), 76. for providing the translation. 20 Julia Meech, Frank Lloyd Wright and the Art of Japan. 9 C.L.H. [Charles Lewis Hind], “An Art Diary. Japanese, The Architect’s Other Passion (New York: Harry N. British, and French Pictures,” The Daily Chronicle, May Abrams, 2001), 27; Arthur Conan Doyle, “The Return 15, 1907; M.H. Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, of Sherlock Holmes: The Adventure of the Empty Colour of London, v; Douglas Sladen, “An Apprecia- House,” [1903], in William S. Baring-Gould, ed., The tion,” in Yoshio Markino, A Japanese Artist in London Annotated Sherlock Holmes, 2 (New York: C.N. Potter,

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1967), 334. Doyle was probably referring to Ju-Jutsu, 34 K. Sugimura, “A Stranger in England,” and “A Japanese although an English variation on this skill was in England,” The Japan Times, June 22, 1907 and June 28, announced by E.W. Barton-Wright and christened 1907. “Baritsu” in a 1899 article. See Ralph Judson, “The 35 Markino, Japanese Artist, 136–39; 99; Shephard, “Recol- Mystery of Baritsu: A Sidelight Upon Sherlock lections,” 133. Homes’s Accomplishments,” in The Baker Street Journal 36 Black & White, February 22, 1902, 278; Markino, Japa- Christmas Annual (Morristown, NJ: The Baker Street nese Artist, 193. Irregulars, 1958), 11–12. 37 John Clark, Japanese-British Exchanges in Art, 21 The Observer, May 5, 1907. 1850s–1930s. Papers and Research Materials (Canberra: 22 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, Australian National University, 1989), 290; Stanford xxv–xxvi. Schwartz, William Nicholson (New Haven: Yale Univer- 23 Markino, Japanese Artist,7; Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, sity Press, 2004), 93. For the British inferiority to Colour of London, xxviii. France in the 1890s in the words of Elizabeth Pennell, 24 Antoinette Burton, At the Heart of the Empire. see 21; Anna Gruetzner Robins, Modern Art in Britain Indians and the Colonial Encounter in Late-Victorian 1910–1914 (London: Merrell Holberton, 1997), 21. Britain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 38 For many, Sargent’s portraits came to embody the era’s 1998), 10. opulent conﬁ dence. See John Lomax and Richard 25 J.C.X. McKenna, “Wonderful London,” The Evening Ormond, John Singer Sargent and the Edwardian Age News, April 27, 1912. (Leeds: Leeds Art Galleries, 1979). 26 Ford Madox Heuff er, The Soul of London. A Survey of 39 One recent writer has called attention to Whistler’s a Modern City (1911; New York: Haskell House, 1972), ability to “transform the industrial Thames into a lumi- 11–13. nous world of natural beauty.” See Elizabeth Prette- 27 Markino, A Japanese Artist, 9 john, “Aestheticism,” in Chris Stephens, ed., The His- 28 Gonnoske Komai, Fuji From Hampstead Heath (Lon- tory of British Art. 1870—Now (New Haven: Yale don: W. Collins Sons & Co. Ltd., [1925]), 112. University Press, 2008), 35. For an overview of British 29 Andrew Cobbing, The Japanese Discovery of Victorian art during this period, see Anne Gray, et.al, The Britain. Early Travel Encounters in the Far West (Rich- Edwardians. Secrets and Desires (Canberra: National mond: Curzon Press Ltd., 1998), 110–12. There were Gallery of Australia, 2004). 478 Japanese in Britain in 1913. See Itoh, Japanese 40 Sir Hugh Cortazzi, “Yoshio Markino. A Japanese Community, 17. Artist in Edwardian London,” Arts of Asia, 39, no. 6 30 Robert Machray, The Night Side of London (Philadel- (November–December 2009): 103. phia: J.P. Lippincott Company, 1902), 14. For Browne’s 41 Alicia Volk, In Pursuit of Universalism. Yorozu Tetsugorō work, see Simon Houfe, A Dictionary of British Book and Japanese Modern Art (Berkeley: University of Illustrators and Caricaturists, 1800–1914 (Woodbridge: California Press, 2010), 18. Antique Collectors’ Club, 1978), 249. 42 Michael Felmingham in The Illustrated Gift Book, 1860– 31 Rupert Hart-Davis, ed., The Autobiography of Arthur 1930 (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1988), 6, for the observa- Ransome (London: Jonathan Cape, 1976), 82. Markino tion that since artists like Markino executed watercolors recalled this meeting in his autobiography. See “for photomechanical reproduction, it is only right that Markino, Japanese Artist, 68. In 1903 Ransome pub- their work should be judged by the printed result.” lished on article with Markino on the Japanese class sys- 43 Peter Ackroyd, London. The Biography (New York: Nan tem. See Roland Chambers, The Last Englishman. The Talese/Doubleday, 2001), 431. Double Life of Arthur Ransome (London: Faber and 44 Carmen Blacker, “Yoshio Markino, 1869–1956,” in Ian Faber, 2009). Nish, ed., Britain and Japan. Biographical Portraits, vol. 3 32 Arthur Ransome, Bohemia in London (New York: Dodd, (Richmond: Curzon Press, Ltd., 1994), 174–89; Clark, Mead & Company, 1907), 51. Japanese-British Exchanges, 181–86; Sato and Watanabe, 33 A select list of Japanese artists at one time resident in eds., Japan and Britain, 134, 164. Britain can be found in Tomoko Sato and Toshio Wata- 45 Mireille Galinou, “The Discreet Charm of Edwardian nabe, eds., Japan and Britain. An Aesthetic Dialogue London,” The Antiques Collector (December, 1986): 1850–1930 (London: Lund Humphries/Barbican Art 70–73 and Mireille Galinou and John Hayes, London in Gallery, 1991), 139. For a more exhaustive source, see Paint. Oil Paintings in the Collection of the Museum of Laurence P. Roberts, A Dictionary of Japanese Artists London (London: Museum of London, 1996), 342, cata- (New York: Weatherhill, 1976), q.v.; personal communi- logue entry #172. See also Malcolm Warner, ed., Image cation with Sammy I. Tsunematsu on his collection of of London. Travelers and Émigrés 1550–1920 (London: the work of Matsuyama. Rizzoli/Barbican Art Gallery, 1987),181.

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46 Ross S. Kilpatrick, Yoshio Markino in Italy 1908–1919. Biographical Portraits, vol.2 (Richmond, Curzon The Travels of a Samurai Artist (Kingston: Dante Aligh- Press Ltd.), 143–44. ieri Society of Kingston, 1999); Ross Kilpatrick, 12 Sir Henry Norman, The Real Japan. Studies of Contem- “Yoshio Markino: A London Portfolio,” Queen’s Quar- porary Japanese Manners, Morals, Administration, and terly, 104/ (Spring 1997): 108–118; Ross Kilpatrick, Politics (1908; Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, “A Japanese artist in the West London Hospital (1907): Inc., 1973), 55. Yoshio Markino in London (1897–1942), Journal of Med- 13 For example, see The Anglo-Japanese Gazette (January, ical Biography, 5 (1997): 116–119. 1907), passim. 47 Yoshio Markino, A Japanese Artist in London, intro. by 14 Arthur Diósy, The New Far East (London: Cassell and Sammy I. Tsunematsu (London: In Print, 1991); Tsune- Company, Limited, 1898), 338–39; “The Consequences matsu, ed., Alone. For items from Tsunematsu’s collec- of a Japanese Victory,” Blackwood’s Magazine, January, tion see Japanese Encounters (auction catalogue), Bon- 1905, 127. hams, London (June 12, 2003). 15 For example, see G.K. Chesterton, “Our Note Book,” 48 William S. Rodner, “The Making of a London Samurai. Illustrated London News, May 25, 1907, 788. Yoshio Markino and the Illustrated Press in Edwardian 16 Ono, Japonisme, 42. For Beardsley’s interest in Japan, Britain,” The British Art Journal 5, no. 2 (Autumn 2004): see Zatlin, Beardsley. See also Sir Hugh Cortazzi, Japan 43–52. in late Victorian London: The Japanese native village in 49 Ackroyd, London, 428. Knightsbridge and the Mikado, 1885 (Norwich: Sainsbury 50 The Times, November 3, 1893. Institute for the Study of Japanese Arts and Cultures, 51 The Dial, December 1, 1907, 376; The Daily Mail, July 30, 2009). 1912. 17 Marcus B. Huish, Japan and Its Art, 3rd ed. (London: P.T. Batsford, 1912), 212, 215; Ono, Japonisme, 3. See Chapter 1 James Rawlins, “William Anderson” in Sir Hugh 1 “The Wise Man From the East,” Black & White, Cortazzi, ed., Britain and Japan: Biographical Portraits, January 4, 1902, 8. vol. 5 (Folkstone: Global Oriental, 2004). 2 [Hind], “Japanese Pictures in Whitechapel,”140–41. For 18 Sato and Watanabe, eds., Japan and Britain, 144–45. For a description of the exhibition, see Paul Bonaventura, Brangwyn and Japan, see Libby Norner, “Frank Brang- “Recent Art History at the Whitechapel Art Gallery,” in wyn,” in Sir Hugh Cortazzi, ed., Britain and Japan: Bio- Catherine Lampert and Andrea Tarsia, eds., The graphical Portraits, vol. 7 (Folkstone: Global Oriental, Whitechapel Art Gallery Centenary Review (London: 2010); for East see Sir Alfred East, A British Artist in Whitechapel Art Gallery, 2001), 43 and Catherine Meiji Japan, ed. Sir Hugh Cortazzi (Brighton: In Print, Lampert, “Finding our territory,” 7. 1991). 3 Ellen P. Conant, “Refractions of the Rising Sun. Japan’s 19 Ono, Japonisme, 98–106; 112–113. Dorothy Mempes, Participation in International Exhibitions 1862–1910,” “Note,” in Mortimer Mempes, Japan. A Record in Col- in Sato and Watanabe, eds., Japan and Britain, 79–81. our (1901; London: A. & C. Black, 1905), vi. 4 Volk, Pursuit, 19. 20 Ono, Japonisme, 137. 5 Ayako Hotta-Lister, The Japan-British Exhibition of 1910. 21 The Speaker, January 18, 1902, 451; [Thomas Humphrey Gateway to the Island Empire of the East (Richmond: Ward], “Art. An Artist in Japan,” The Times Literary Curzon Press Ltd., 1999), 221–22. Supplement, January 24, 1902, 13. 6 Ayako Ono, Japonisme in Britain (London: Rougledge- 22 [Arthur Clutton-Brock], “Art Made Easy,” The Times Curzon, 2003), 3; Toshio Yokoyama, Japan in the Victo- Literary Supplement, April 28, 1921, 270. Hind’s The Post rian Mind. A Study of Stereotyped Images of a Nation Impressionists (1911) proved to be very inﬂ uential in 1850–1880 (London: Curzon Press Ltd.,1993), xxiii, 88. Japan. See Alicia Volk, “A Uniﬁ ed Rhythm: Past and 7 T. W. H. Crosland, The Truth About Japan (London: Present in Japanese Modern Art,” in Chistine M. E. Grant Richards, 1904), 9. Guth, ed., Japan & Paris (Honolulu: Honolulu Academy 8 Richard Bowring, “An Amused Guest in All: Basil Hall of Arts, 2004), 46 and Volk, Pursuit, 79. Chamberlain (1850–1935),” in Cortazzi and Daniels, 23 The Times, September 2, 1927. eds., Britain and Japan, 131. 24 Houfe, Dictionary of British Book Illustrator, 165; Brian 9 Marie C. Stopes, A Journal From Japan. A Daily Record Kenney, “C. Lewis Hind,” in G.A. Cevasco, ed., The of Life as Seen by a Scientist (London: Blackie & Son, 1890s. An Encyclopedia of British Literature, Art, and Cul- Ltd., 1910), 40. ture (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1993), 277. 10 The Athenaeum, February 2, 1907, 126; 25 [Hind], “Japanese Pictures in Whitechapel.” 11 The Times, October 4, 1904; Paul Murray, “Lafcadio 26 [Laurence Binyon], “Japanese Art in Whitechapel,” The Hearn, 1850–1904,” in Ian Nish, ed., Britain and Japan: Times Literary Supplement, August 22, 1902, 253.

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27 Chiang Yee, The Silent Traveller in London (1938; Lon- 48 Alfred Stead, ed., Japan by the Japanese (London: don: Country Life, 1940), 247. When Yee was contem- William Heinemann, 1904), vii. plating his London book he was urged by his publisher 49 Ono, Japonisme, 2. to note Markino’s 1910 autobiography. See Da Zheng, 50 Arthur Morrison, The Painters of Japan, 1 (London: T.C Chiang Yee: The Silent Traveller from the East (New & E.C. Jack, 1911), 2; Fry, “Oriental Art: “229. Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2010), 72. There 51 Markino, Recollections, 227. is no evidence that the two Asian artists met. 52 Julie L’Enfant, William Rossetti’s Art Criticism (Lanham, 28 [Laurence Binyon], “Japan,” The Times Literary Supple- MD: University Press of America, 1999), 171; 183–84; ment, February 19, 1904, 51. 176–78. 29 [Bertram Mitford (Lord Redesdale)], “The Japan of To- 53 Kennedy Williamson, W. E. Henley. A Memoir (London: Day,” The Times Literary Supplement, November 23, Harold Shaylor, 1930), 144; Hatcher, Binyon, 77; Robert 1911, 47. Redesdale’s memories appeared in 1915. P. Porter, The Full Recognition of Japan (London, Oxford 30 The Manchester Guardian, May 2, 1910. For Binyon and University Press, 1911), 488; Stewart Dick, “Mr. Arthur the Times Literary Supplement, see Derwent May, Criti- Morrison’s Collection of Chinese and Japanese Paint- cal Times. The History of the Times Literary Supplement ings,” Part 2, The Connoisseur (November 1907): 162. (London: Harper Collins, 2001), 73. For a recent portrait of Morrison, see Noboru Koyama, 31 [C.J. Holmes], “Painting in the Far East,” The Times “Arthur Morrison,” in Cortazzi, Japan and Britain, Literary Supplement, October 29, 1908, 374. vol. 7. 32 John Hatcher, Laurence Binyon. Poet, Scholar of East 54 [Hind], “Japanese Pictures in Whitechapel,” 140. and West (New York: Clarendon Press, 1995), 67, 63, 55 Stewart Dick, “Mr. Arthur Morrison’s Collection of 71–72. Chinese and Japanese Paintings,” Part 1, The Connois- 33 Ibid., 7 and caption for Colour Plate 1. seur (October 1907): 86. 34 David Peters Corbett, Modernity of English Art, 1914– 56 Yoshio Markino, “Arthur Morrison, The Painters of 1930 (New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), Japan,” English Review (October 1911): 528–29; 531–33; 26–27. Markino, Recollections, 72. For the fame of Morrison’s 35 Hatcher, Binyon, 109. collection, see Porter, Full Recognition, 488. 36 Ibid., 80; Atsumi Ikuko, Yone Noguchi. Collected English 57 Morrison, Painters, v. Letters (Tokyo: The Yone Noguchi Society, 1975), 151, 58 The Athenaeum, August 19, 1911, 221. 164, 172, 173. 59 Arthur Morrison, “Chinese and Japanese Painting,” 37 [Laurence Binyon], “Japanese Poetry,” The Times Liter- The Burlington Magazine, 69 (December 1908): 158. ary Supplement, February 10, 1910, 42. 60 Hatcher, Binyon, 77, 167. 38 Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, 3rd ed. (1908; 61 Huish, Japan and its Art, 5, 357, 360–61 and 3. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1959), 275. For 62 Markino to Sladen, March 19, 1907, Douglas Sladen Franks, see Nicole Rousmaniere, “Augustus Wollaston Papers, London Borough of Richmond upon Thames Franks,” in Cortazzi, ed., Japan and Britain, vol. 6. Local Studies Collection, 10, cited hereafter as DSP; 39 Binyon, Painting in the Far East, 16. Ikuko, Noguchi, 88. 40 Ibid., 14–15, 24. 63 Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Society, Lon- 41 “Eastern and Western Critics,” The Edinburgh Review don, 7 (1907): iv. (October 1910): 466; The Athenaeum, October 7, 1911, 64 Sir Hugh Cortazzi, “The Japan Society: A Hundred- 429. Year History,” in Cortazzi and Daniels, Britain and 42 Hatcher, Binyon, 186; [Laurence Binyon], “Creative Art Japan, 2–3. For Liberty, see Sonia Ashmore, “Lazenby in China and Japan,” The Times Literary Supplement, Liberty,” in Sir Hugh Cortazzi, Japan and Britain: October 17, 1912, 430. Biographical Portraits, vol. 4 (London: Japan Library, 43 [Binyon], “Japanese Art at Whitechapel,” 253. 2002). 44 Ikuko, Noguchi, 173, 165. 65 “Contents.The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Sessions, 45 “Art in the Far East,” The Spectator, April 3, 1909, 541. 1907–1909,” Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan 46 Roger Fry, “Oriental Art,” The Quarterly Review, 212 Society, London, 8 (1910): ix–x; Arthur Diósy, “Prelimi- (January 1910): 234. nary Remarks. The One Hundred and Twenty-Seventh 47 For a brief overview of Said’s views, see A. L. Macﬁ e, Ordinary Meeting, Transactions and Proceedings of the Orientalism (London: Longman, 2002), 8; Edward Said, Japan Society, London, 10 (January 10, 1912): 49. Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979), 40. Said here 66 “Prospectus,” Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan characterizes the attitudes towards early twentieth cen- Society, London, 7 (1907): xvii; Marcus B. Huish, “Edi- tury Egypt voiced by A. J. Balfour and Lord Cromer tor’s Note,” Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan (Evelyn Baring). Society, London, 9 (1910): 137. For a portrait of Huish

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see Hideko Numata, “Marcus Huish,” in Cortazzi, ed., 79 R.D. Blumenfeld, The Press in My Time (London: Rich Japan and Britain, vol. 5. & Cowan Ltd., 1933), 151; “The Japanese and Ourselves: 67 [Laurence Binyon], “The Ideals of the East,” The Times How Their Craft infl uences our Art,” Black and White, Literary Supplement, March 16, 1903, 73–4. See also August 11, 1900, 226. Joan Stanley Baker, Japanese Art (New York: Thames 80 Machray, Night Side, 13; Pugh, City of the World, 325; and Hudson, 1984), 192–93. For an overview of Okaku- Stephen Inwood, A History of London (New York: Car- ra’s career, see William Stargis Bigelow and John Eller- roll & Graf Publishers Inc., 1998), 414. ton Lodge, “Okakura Kakuzo 1862–1913,” in Saeko 81 Douglas Sladen, Twenty Years of My Life (New York: Yamawaki, ed., Okakura Tenshin and the Museum of E.P. Dutton & Company, 1915), 36; Diósy, New Far Fine Arts, Boston (Boston and Nagoya: Museum of East, 7. Sladen seems never to have changed his mind, Fine Arts, 1999), 13–14. writing much later “It is to be noted that I was the 68 Emiko K. Usui, “Okakura and the Nihon Bijutsuin,” in fi rst author to use the word Japs in writing of the Yamawaki, Okakura Tenshin, 27–8; Kakuzo Okakura Japanese….” See his My Long Life (London: Hutchin- (Okakura-Kakuzo), The Awakening of Japan (1904; New son & Co., 1939), 348. York: Century Company, 1905), 3–4; 187–89. Volk has 82 [Binyon], “Japan,” 51. described Okakura as the “advocate of recognizably 83 Sladen, Twenty Years, 35–36; 42. Japanese painting” (Pursuit, 21–22). 84 Douglas Sladen, Egypt and the English (London: Hurst 69 Sei-Ichi Taki, “Characteristics of Japanese Painting, and Blackett, Limited, 1908), 6. Part 1,” Kokka, 26, no.182 (July 1905): 7–8. 85 Douglas Sladen, Playing the Game. A Story of Japan 70 Morrison, “Chinese and Japanese Painting”: 159; [Lau- (London: F.V. White & Co., 1905), preface. rence Binyon], “The Japanese Magazine of Art,” The 86 Douglas Sladen, “Place aux Dames. A Japanese Times Literary Supplement, April 8, 1904, 110. In its large Sketch,” Cassell’s Magazine, December, 1902–May, and elegant format, Kokka resembled The Burlington 1903, 551–57; Queer Things About Japan, 4th ed. (1913; Magazine. Detroit: Singing Tree Press, 1968), ix, xi. 71 “Introduction to the New English Edition,” Kokka, 16, 87 [Binyon], “Japan,” 51. no.182 (July, 1905): 5 and 3. 88 Sladen, Queer Things, 407, 409–10, 415. 72 Taki, “Characteristics:” 7. 89 Douglas Sladen and Norma Lorimer, More Queer 73 S. Bing, “Hokusai: A Study,” The Magazine of Art, 1891, Things about Japan (London: A. Treherne & Co., 242–48; Siegfried Wichmann, Japanoisme: The Japanese 1904). Infl uence on Western Art since 1858 (London: Thames 90 “The One Hundred and Twenty-Fifth Ordinary Meet- and Hudson, 1999), 8–9. For a full survey of Bing’s ing,” Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Society. activities, see Gabriel P. Weisberg, Art Nouveau Bing. London, 10 (November 8, 1911): 1–2. Paris Style 1900 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 91 Douglas Sladen, “The Japanese, As I have Known 1986) and most recently, Gabriel P. Weisberg, Edwin Them,” Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Soci- Becker and Évelyne Possémé, The Origins of L’Art Nou- ety. London, 10 (November 8, 1911): 3. veau. The Bing Empire (Amsterdam: Van Gogh 92 The Times, January 19, 1914. Museum, 2004). 93 John Adlard, A Biography of Arthur Diósy, Founder of 74 George Lynch, “A Commonwealth of Art: An Art the Japan Society (Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, School (Yanaka Bijitsuin) Competition at Tokio,” The 1990), 144. Magazine of Art, 1901, 534–40; Yoshio Markino, “A Jap- 94 Ibid., 73, 142–46. anese Artist in London: Mr. Yoshio Markino,” August, 95 Markino, Japanese Artist, 96. 1903, 504–6. 96 The Academy, November 21, 1903, 567; The Standard, 75 The Times, August, 8, 1932. December 12, 1903; The Bristol Times, December 29, 76 C.J. Holmes, Self & Partners (Mostly Self) (New York: 1903; The Manchester Courier, December 29, 1903. Macmillan Company, 1936), 216; Bernhard Sickert, 97 Darling of the Gods, program (January 17, 1904). For a “The Whistler Exhibition,” The Burlington Magazine, 6 contemporary account of the play, see Mrs. George (March 1905): 438. Cran, Herbert Beerbohm Tree (London: John Lane, The 77 Hamilton Easter Field, “Art in America,” The Burling- Bodley Head, 1907), 64–66. ton Magazine 13 (July 1908): 241–48; Morrison, “Chi- 98 Darling of the Gods, program presented on the occasion nese and Japanese Painting:” 158–60. of the 100th performance (March 23, 1904). 78 Honora Twycross, “Japanese Pictures,”The English Illus- 99 Itoh claims that the fi rst “established [Japanese] restau- trated Magazine, September, 1904, 531–34; Baron rant” was Mantaro’s Miyako-Tei, of 1906. (Japanese Orbeck, “The Pictorial Art of Asia,” The English Illus- Community, 67). Markino’s testimony makes it clear trated Magazine, November, 1911, 106, 113. that other establishments were operating earlier.

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100 Markino, Japanese Artist, 99–100. 4 Hiroaki Matsuyama, “Publisher’s Forward,” in Tsune- 101 Lena Ashwell, Myself a Player (London: M. Joseph, matsu, ed., Yoshio Markino: A Japanese Artist in London 1936), 127. (London: In Print, 1990), no pagination. 102 Yoshio Markino, “The Darling of the Gods,” The Acad- 5 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, emy, January 2, 1904, 17–18. ix; “Fog and Beauty,” The Academy, May 25, 1907, 103 Adlard, Diósy, 144. 501–2. 104 “Dramatic Notes,” The Academy, January 2, 1904, 18; 6 Wynford Dewhurst, “Impressionist Painting,” 1904, The Times, December 29, 1903. quoted in Kate Flint, ed., Impressionists in England. The 105 The Times, January 19, 1914. Critical Reception (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 106 The Times, April 3, 1913; Komai, Fuiji, 121. 1984), 328. 107 “Some Japanese Impressions of England,” in Markino, 7 John W. Graham, The Destruction of Daylight. A Study Japanese Artist, 117–35. in the Smoke Problem (London: George Allen, 1907), 3. 108 The Evening News, April 22, 1912: May 21, 1912; Daily 8 Andrew Blühm and Louise Lippincott, Light! The Indus- Mail, July 30, 1912. trial Age (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2001), 174. 109 [Harold Hannyngton Child], “Mr. Markino’s Boy- 9 “The Black Fog,” The Academy, January 15, 1910, 61. hood,” The Times Literary Supplement,October 10, 10 Max O’Rell (Paul Blouet), John Bull and His Island 1912, 41; “A Japanese Child,” The New York Times, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1884), 67. December 8, 1912. 11 E.V. Lucas, A Wanderer in London (1906; London: 110 Markino, Japanese Artist, 191. Methuen & Co., 1907), 24. 111 The Morning Post, May 14, 1910 and The Daily News, 12 The Illustrated London News, June 8, 1907, 881. November 2, 1910, in Hirokichi Mutsu, ed., The British 13 Viscount Grey of Fallodon (Sir Edward Grey), Twenty- Press and the Japan-British Exhibition of 1910 (1910; Mel- Five Years (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1925), 1: bourne: Melbourne Institute of Asian Languages and 67–8. Societies, 2001), 55–56; 180–81. 14 “Things Seen. The Fog,” The Academy, November 9, 112 The Times, May 14, 1910; The Daily Express, May 16, 1901, 444. 1910, in Mutsu, British Press, 67. 15 Edward Verrall Lucas, The Visit to London (London: 113 “The Japan-British Exhibition.” Transactions and Pro- Methuen & Co., 1902), 95–96. ceedings of the Japan Society, London, 9 (1912): 131; 16 O’Rell, John Bull, 67. For a scientiﬁ c view of the prob- Charles Ricketts, Pages on Art (London: Constable and lem, see Julius B. Cohen and Arthur G. Ruston, Smoke. Company Ltd., 1913), 167; Huish, Japan and Its Art, 205; A Study of Town Air (London: Edward Arnold, 1912). [Laurence Binyon], “A Japanese Critic on Japanese 17 Markino, Japanese Artist, 4. Painting,” The Times Literary Supplement, October 13, 18 Yoshio Markino, “London of the Present,” in London 1910, 376; The Athenaeum, May 28, 1910, 648; The Art Society (1914), in Tsunematsu, ed., Alone, 25–26. Marki- Journal, September, 1910, 262. no’s remarks were contained in a speech at the London 114 Cicely Marshall, “Why They Are Disappointed,” The Society on December 9, 1913. On January 21, 1914 the New Age, November 10, 1910, 30; Laurence Binyon, same group heard the architect Sir Aston Webb speak “Japanese Masterpieces in London,” The Saturday on “London of the Future,” a “city from which smoke Review, May 28, 1910, 686–87. and dirt had been banished” by 2014. See The Times, 115 Markino, Recollections, 70; Hotta-Lister, Japan-British December 9, 1913; January 21, 1914. Exhibition, 148. 19 Harris, “Talk,” 583. 116 Yoshio Markino, “Some Thoughts on Old Japanese 20 Alexander P.D. Penrose, ed., The Autobiography and Art,” The Fortnightly Review, 88 (July/December 1910): Memoirs of Benjamin Robert Haydon (New York: Min- 88, 90–91. ton Balch & Company, 1929), 37. 117 Laurence Binyon, “Japanese Masterpieces in London,” 21 For a discussion of this painting and its wider context, The Saturday Review, May 28, 1910, 687. see William S. Rodner, J.M.W. Turner. Romantic Painter 118 Markino, “Morrison’s Painters of Japan”: 531. of the Industrial Revolution (Berkeley: University of Cali- 119 Hotta-Lister, Japan-British Exhibition, 100, 111. fornia Press, 1997), 122–39, passim. 22 Oscar Wilde, “The Decay of Lying” in The Works of Chapter 2 Oscar Wilde (1909; New York: AMS Press, 1972), 18: 48; 1 Markino to Sladen, undated letter, [1913 ?], DSP, 39. John House, “London in the Art of Monet and Pis- 2 Bénédite, “Préface,” in Descaves, ed., Colour of sarro,” in Malcolm Warner, ed., Image of London Paris, xii. (London: Rizzoli International Publishers/Barbican 3 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxxvii– Art Gallery, 1987), 77, 86. xxxviii. 23 Lucas, Wanderer, 24–25.

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24 Arthur P. Nicholson, “Introductory,” in Hanslip 60 Charles Dickens, “The Streets—Night,” in Sketches by Fletcher, London. Passed and Passing. A Pictorial Record Boz, 1833–1836 (New York: Oxford University Press, of Destroyed or Threatened Buildings (London: Sir Isaac 1987), 53. Pitman & Sons, Ltd., 1908), 4. 61 Symons, “London,” 162; 209. 25 E.T. Cook, Highways and Byways in London (London: 62 Harris, “Talk,” 583. Macmillan and Co, Limited, 1902), 27, 23. 63 The Saturday Review, May 18, 1907, 626; Defries, 26 Arthur Symons, “London: A Book of Aspects,” (1908), “Water Colors,” 440. in Cities and Seacoasts and Islands (New York: Brenta- 64 Percy F. Bicknell, “A Child of the Orient in the Turmoil nos, 1919), 162. of London,” The Dial, October 1, 1910, 227. 27 Markino, Japanese Artist, 188. 65 Edwin Pugh, The City of the World (London: Thomas 28 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxxvii– Nelson & Sons, 1912), 95 and 98. xxxviii. 66 Loftie, Colour of London, 151. 29 The Daily Telegraph, May 15, 1907. 67 Arthur Beavan, Imperial London (London: J.M. Dent & 30 Markino, Japanese Artist, 104, 66. Co., 1901), 328. 31 Yoshio Markino, “The Revolution in China,” The Eng- 68 The Daily Telegraph. lish Review (November, 1911): 696. 69 Cook, Highways, 24. 32 Markino, Japanese Artist, 104. 70 Nicholson, “Introductory,” in Fletcher, London, 3; 33 Markino, Recollections, 50–51; Amelia Defries, “The Joseph O’Brien, “The Queen of Floods,” The English Water Colors of Yoshio Markino,” American Magazine Illustrated Magazine, March, 1902, 478; Walter H. God- of Art, August, 1928, 440; Bénédite, “Préface,” in frey, The Survey of London. The Parish of Chelsea. Part 1 Descaves, ed., Colour of Paris, xiv. (London: Committee for the Survey of the Memorials 34 Cook, Highways, 388–89. of Greater London, 1913), xv. 35 Markino, Japanese Artist, 104–105. 71 Ben Weinreb and Christopher Hibbert, eds., The Lon- 36 Grace Seiberling, Monet in London (Seattle: University don Encyclopedia (Bethesda: Adler & Adler, Publishers of Washington Press, 1988), 62. Inc., 1986), 44. 37 Markino, Japanese Artist, 9. 72 Beavan, Imperial London, 328; Pugh, City of the World, 38 Clarence Rook, “Tokyo or London?,” The Daily Chroni- 96. On Barton’s illustration, see Mary Anne Evans, cle, May 23, 1907. London. Memories of Times Past (San Diego: Thunder 39 Markino, Reﬂ ections, 54. Bay Press, 2006), 78. 40 “‘Sweetness’ of London.” 73 See also the Embankment pictures of Joseph O’Brien, 41 The New Age, May 26, 1910, 88. which Markino could have studied, in The Studio, 21 42 The Times, February 13, 1912. (1901): 201 and in O’Brien, “Queen,” 486–88. 43 “Fog and Beauty,” 501. 74 Blühm and Lippincott, Light!, 138. 44 The Daily Telegraph; The Daily Chronicle. 75 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 45 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xi. London, vii. 76 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night: The Indus- 46 [Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction,” 204. trialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: 47 Symons, “London,” 209, 195. University of California Press, 1988), 114–15. 48 Seiberling, Monet, 62. 77 Ransome, Bohemia, 45; Arthur Ransome, Portraits 49 The Daily Telegraph; Spielmann, “Introduction,” in and Speculations (London: Macmillan and Co., 1913), Loftie, Colour of London, ix–x. 192. 50 Rook, “Tokyo or London?” 78 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., The London Encyclopedia, 51 “The Colour of London.” The Burlington Magazine, 11 pl. 15. (July 1907): 257. 79 Symons, “London,” 179. 52 The Daily Telegraph. 80 Ralph Nevill and Charles Edward Jerningham, Picca- 53 The Standard, May 21, 1910. dilly to Pall Mall (London: Duckworth & Co., 1908). 54 Lucas, Wanderer, 25. Coburn’s photograph appeared as this book’s frontis- 55 Markino, Japanese Artist, 189. piece. 56 Markino, “London of the Present,” 27. 81 George Sims, My Life. Sixty Years’ Recollections of 57 Yoshio Markino, “An Essay by the Artist,” in Descaves, Bohemian London (London: Eveleigh Nash Co., ed., Colour of Paris, xxv. 1917), 338 58 Karl Baedeker, London and its Environs, 15th ed. (Leipzig: 82 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of Karl Baedeker, 1908), 162. London, xi. 59 Komai, Fuiji, 111–12. 83 “Fog and Beauty,” 502.

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84 The Daily Telegraph. 116 Maxwell, New Lights. 85 “Colour of London,” Burlington Magazine; Markino, 117 Geraldine Mitton, The Scenery of London (London: Recollections, 50–51. Adam & Charles Black, 1905), 16–17. 86 House, “London,” 86. 118 Blühm and Lipponcott, Light!, 174. 87 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 119 David Bromﬁ eld, “The Art of Atkinson Grimshaw,” in London, xv. [David Bromﬁ eld and Alexander Robertson], Atkinson 88 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds, London Encyclopedia, 123. Grimshaw, 1836–1893 (Leeds: Scolar Press, 1979), 15. 89 Henry James Forman, London. An Intimate Picture (New 120 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., London Encyclopedia, 850; York: McBride, Nast & Company, 1913), 47; Machray, Hermonie Hobhouse, A History of Regent Street Night Side, 90. (London: Macdonald and James, 1975), 82. 90 Beavan, Imperial London, 455–56. 121 Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night, 146. 91 Joachim Schlör, Nights in the Big City. Paris, Berlin, Lon- 122 William T. O’Dea, The Social History of Lighting don 1840–1930 (London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 1998), (New York: Macmillan, 1958), 132. 13, 246, 99. 123 Sims, My Life, 338. 92 Ibid., 246; Yone Noguchi, The Pilgrimage (New York: 124 Schievelbush, Disenchanted Night, 146, 148. M. Kennerley, 1912), 109. 125 “Fog and Beauty,” 502. 93 Harris, “Talk,” 583. 126 E. Beresford Chancellor, Wanderings in London. Picca- 94 Markino, “Essay,” in Descaves, ed., Colour of Paris, xxix. dilly, Mayfair and Pall Mall (New York: James Pott & 95 The Standard, May 21, 1910. Co., 1909), 76. 96 Alfred H. Hyatt, compiler, The Charm of London. An 127 Holmes, Self & Partners, 270. Anthology (London: Chatto & Windus, 1912), 6–7. 128 Symons, “London,” 180. 97 Markino, Recollections, 17, 54–55. 129 Machray, Night Side, 3, 10. 98 Yoshio Markino, “A Note by the Artist,” in de Sèlin- 130 Sir Walter Besant, London in the Nineteenth Century. court, Oxford, 179. (The Survey of London) (London: Adam & Charles 99 Blühm and Lippincott, Light!, 144. Black, 1909), 191. 100 The Daily Chronicle; The Daily Telegraph. 131 The Daily Telegraph. 101 Schlör, Nights, 68, 13. 132 Markino, Recollections, 21. See Hacker’s painting A Wet 102 Baedeker, London, 260. Night at Piccadilly Circus (1910), Royal Academy of Arts, 103 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London. London, xi. 133 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 104 Markino, Japanese Artist, 46. London, xj. 105 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., London Encyclopedia, 886; 134 Chancellor, Wanderings. Howard P. Clunn, The Face of London, revised ed. (Lon- don: Spring Books, 1964), 348. For a map of this south Chapter 3 London area, see Baedeker, London, 34–35. 1 Bénédite, “Préface,” in Descaves, ed., Colour of Paris, x; 106 Clunn, Face of London, 262. Roger Benjamin, Orientalist Aesthetics (Berkeley: Uni- 107 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., London Encyclopedia, versity of California Press, 2003), 6, 58. 461–62. 2 “A Marriage of East and West,” The Liverpool Courier 108 Thomas Burke, Nights in Town (London: Allen & (n.d.), in Noguchi, The Pilgrimage, 10. Unwin, 1915), 14. 3 The Athenaeum, May 18, 1907, 612: The Outlook, 87, 109 Baedeker, London, 29–30. no.12 (November 13, 1907): 617. 110 Baedeker, London, 30; Hermione Hobhouse, ed., Survey 4 The Standard, May 21, 1910; [Hind], “Japanese, British, of London. 62. Southern Kensington. Kensington Square and French Pictures.” to Earl’s Court (London: Athlone Press, 1986), 329. 5 The Daily Telegraph, May 15, 1907; “The Colour of 111 Machray, Night Side, 26. London.” 112 Yoshio Markino, “The True Story of the Geisha,” The 6 The New Age, May, 26, 1910, 88; The Athenaeum, English Illustrated Magazine, December, 1903, 281. For December 6, 1913, 663. Koichoyka, see Henry D. Smith II, Kiyochika. Artist of 7 Hind, “Japanese, British, and French Pictures;” Charles Meiji Japan (Santa Barbara: Santa Barbara Museum of Lewis Hind, “A Japanese Artist in London,” The Daily Art, 1998), 38–39. Chronicle, May 15, 1910. 113 Donald Maxwell, The New Lights O’ London (London: 8 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, Herbert Jenkins Limited,1926), 84. vii–x. 114 Ransome, Bohemia, 17. 9 Markino, Recollections, 210; The Saturday Review, May 115 Machray, Night Side, 27. 18, 1907, 626.

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10 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 30 Katharine Lochnan, “Turner, Whistler, Monet: An London, xvi. Artistic Dialogue,” Lochnan, ed., Turner, Whistler, 11 M..H. Spielmann and G.S. Layard, Kate Greenaway Monet. Impressionist Visions (London: Tate Publishing, (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1905), 271. 2004), 19; Bernhard Sickert, “The Whistler 12 [Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction”: 204; Edward F. Exhibition,” 433. Strange had noticed how the Japanese sought the “intel- 31 John Beer, “The ‘Civilization’ of Bloomsbury,” in Boris lectual side” of art, thereby usually avoiding “direct rep- Ford, ed., The Cambridge Guide to the Arts in Britain. 8. resentation” in favor of pressing “one single idea …” The Edwardian Age and the Inter-War Years (New York: since “it was always a pictorial idea, never a complete Cambridge University Press, 1989), 200; Frank Rutter, representation of a subject that was aimed at.” See his Art in My Time (London: Rich & Cowan Ltd., 1933), 57. “Colour Prints by Hiroshige,” Transactions and Proceed- 32 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of ings of the Japan Society, London, 9 (April 13, 1910): 124. London, viii. 13 [Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction.” 33 [Hind], “Japanese Pictures in Whitechapel,” 140. 14 Strange, “Colour Prints.” 34 Richard Davey, “Rome Unseen,” The Saturday Review, 15 Wichmann, Japonisme, 251. For the Japanese love of sil- January 22, 1910, 107–108. houette see 260. 35 Stopes, Journal, 24, 138. 16 W.L. Courtney, “Books of the Day. A Japanese Artist in 36 Yone Noguchi, The Story of Yone Noguchi (London: London,” The Daily Telegraph, May 4, 1910. Chatto & Windus, 1914), 174, 165. 17 “Studio Talk,” The Studio, 24 (1901): 60; David Oxford, 37 Toshio Yokoyama, Japan in the Victorian Mind. A Study Piccadilly Circus (The Archive Photographs Series) of Stereotyped Images of a Nation 1850–80 (1987; Lon- (Shroud: Chalford Publishing Company, 1995), 31. For a don: Macmillan Press, Ltd., 1993), 162; Elisa Evett, “The portrait of Holme see Toni Huberman, “Charles Late Nineteenth-Century European Critical response Holme,” in Cortazzi, ed., Japan and Britain, vol. 6. to Japanese Art: Primitivist Leanings,”Art History, 6, 1 18 C.J. Holmes, Kokusai (London: Longmans, Green & (March 1983): 90–91; E.A.T., “Queer Things About Co., 1901), 29. Despite the misspelled title, Holmes Japan,” The Queen, January 23, 1904, 157. book is about Hokusai. 38 R.C., “The Japanese Secessionists,”The Academy, July 19 “Studio-Talk”: 57–60. For Vallotton’s connection to 22, 1905, 762; Edward Fairbrother Strange, The Colour- Japanese art, see Sasha M. Newman, Félix Vallotton Prints of Japan. An Appreciation and History (New York: (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 60–61. For a Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1904), 64. recent examination of Chambers and the importance of 39 Binyon, Painting in the Far East, 242. See the agreement gardens, see Elizabeth Hope Chang, Britain’s Chinese of at least one reviewer, in “Art in the Far East,” The Eye. Literature, Empire, and Aesthetics in Nineteenth- Spectator, April 3, 1909, 541. Century Britain (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 40 See Volk, Pursuit, 21–22 for a discussion of yōga and 2010), 28–37. nihonga (Japanese style) and the thought of Okakura. 20 M. H. Spielmann, editor’s intro., Yoshio Markino, “A 41 Hotta-Lister, Japan-British Exhibition, 121. Japanese Artist in London: Mr. Yoshio Markino,” The 42 Lynch, “Commonwealth of Art,” 539. Magazine of Art, August, 1903, 504. 43 Victoria Weston, Japanese Painting and National Identity. 21 The Athenaeum, June 11, 1910, 699. Okakura Tenshin and His Circle (Ann Arbor: University 22 Markino, “Japanese Artist,” 505. of Michigan Press, 2004), 28, 3, 23 Markino, Japanese Artist, 27–28, 35, 51–52, 191, 198–99. 44 Okakura, Awakening, 190. 24 Sladen, “As I Have Known Them.” Markino’s remarks 45 Sei-Ici Taki, “The Third Mombusho Exhibition,” Kokka followed a talk by Sladen. (November 1909): 171–73. 25 Markino, Japanese Artist, 39. 46 Sei-Ici Taki, “Present-Day Japanese Painting,” Part 2, 26 Courtney, “A Japanese Artist.” Kokka (August 1907): 40, 44. 27 Mitton, Scenery, 28. 47 Yone Noguchi, The Spirit of Japanese Art (New York: 28 Ibid., 143. E.P. Dutton and Company, 1915), 107–108. 29 Andrew Stephenson, “Edwardian Cosmopolitanism, 48 Yone Noguchi, “The Exhibition Pictures Again,” The ca. 1901–1912,” in Morna O’Neill and Michael Hatt, Japan Times, June 23, 1907. eds., The Edwardian Sense. Art, Design, and Performance 49 The Publisher, “Supplement to the ‘Japan Times,’”The in Britain, 1901–1910 (New Haven: Yale University Press, Japan Times, March 19, 1907. 2010), 271; James Abbott McNeill Whistler, “Mr. Whis- 50 Michiaki Kawakita, “Mid-Nineteenth Century to tler’s ‘Ten O’Clock,’” in James A. McNeill Whistler, The World War II,” in ChisaburohYamada, ed., Dialogue Gentle Art of Making Enemies, 2nd ed. (1892; New York: in Art. Japan and the West (New York: Codansha Dover Publications, Inc., 1967), 144. International, 1976), 90.

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51 Yone Noguchi, “Upon the Exhibition Oil Paintings,” 78 Ibid., 162; 164165. For a description of Yokohama, see The Japan Times, June 16, 1907; “Japanese Art,” Basil Hall Chamberlain and W.B. Mason, A Handbook September 1, 1907. for Travellers in Japan, 8th ed. (London: John Murray, 52 Yone Noguchi, “The Last Master of the Ukiyoye Art,” 1907), 99–101. Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, Lon- 79 T. Philip Terry, Terry’s Japanese Empire (Boston and don, 12 (April 1, 1914): 146–55; Noguchi, Spirit, 100; New York: Houghton Miffl in Company, 1914), 201. 107–108. 80 Markino, Child, 169. 53 “An Interpreter of Japan,” The Edinburgh Review 81 Edward Seidensticker, Low City, High City. Tokyo from (October, 1907): 454. Edo to the Earthquake (New York: Knopf, 1983), 116–118. 54 Yoshio Markino, When I Was a Child (London: Chatto 82 Louise E. Virgin, “Japan at the Dawn of the Modern & Windus, 1912), 2. Age,” in Emiko K. Usui, ed., Japan at the Dawn of the 55 Markino, “Japanese Artist”: 504. Modern Age. Woodblock Prints from the Meiji Era (Bos- 56 Markino, Child, 57, 12, 5, 6. ton: MFA Publications, 2001), 52. 57 Marius Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan 83 Chamberlain and Mason, Handbook, 127; Sladen, Queer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 338. Things, 33 58 Markino, Child, 63–65. 84 Markino, Child, 119–20, 30, 38, 170. 59 Hirakawa Sukehiro, “Japan’s Turn to the West,” in Mar- 85 Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan, “Japanese Art History ius B. Jansen, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan. 5. The 2001: The State and Stakes of Research,” The Art Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Bulletin, 83, no. 1(March, 2001): 112–13; Anne Nichimura Press, 1989), 480–81. Morse, “At the Intersection of ‘Old Japan’ and ‘New 60 Markino, Child, 137–39 Japan:’ The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and the Meiji 61 Ibid., 73. Era,” in Usui, Japan, 17 for Edward Sylvester Morse’s 62 William R. Hutchison, Errand to the World. American recollection of “riding though the streets one notices Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: the crowds in front of the picture shops….The pictures University of Chicago Press, 1987), 4–6; 45; 52–53. are brilliant in reds and blacks, the ﬁ gures…in most 63 Otis Cary, A History of Christianity in Japan, 2 (1909; dramatic attitudes….” For Kiyochika, see Smith, Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle Co., 1982), 45, 49, 55. Kiyochika. 64 F.G. Nutehelfer, ed., Japan Through American Eyes. 86 Markino, “Japanese Artist,” 504; Yoshio Markino, The Journal of Francis Hall, Kanagawa and Yokohama, “Some Thoughts on Old Japanese Art,” The Fortnightly 1859–1866 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Review (July 1910), in Tsunematsu, ed., Alone, 78–79; 1992), 383–84. Kirkpatrick, Markino in Italy, 2–3. 65 Cary, Christianity, 74–75, 87 Markino, Child, 202; Tsunematsu, “Introduction,” in 66 Sukehiro, “Japan’s Turn,” 480. Japanese Artist, xi. 67 Cary, Christianity, 80–81. 88 Markino, “Japanese Artist”: 504. 68 Ibid., 82; Stephen Neill, Gerald H. Anderson, John 89 Spielmann, “Japanese Artist.” Goodwin, eds., Concise Dictionary of the Christian 90 Noguchi, Spirit, 54; Kmiko K. Usui, “Okakura and the World Mission (Nashville and New York: Abingdon Nihon Bijutsuin,” in Yamawaki, Okakura Tenshin, Press, 1976), 304; Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan Past and 26–27. Present, 3rd ed. (New York: Knopf, 1964), 129. 91 R.C., “Japanese Secessionists.” 69 Itoh, Japanese Community, 134–35. 92 The Spectator, June 4, 1910, 928; April 20, 1912, 613; 70 Clark, Japanese-British Exchanges, 181; Markino, Child, October 26, 1912, 648. 75, 77–78. 93 The Athenaeum, February 24, 1912, 221; February 7, 71 John W. Krummel, “Nagoya Gakuin and Yoshio 1914, 199. Markino,” in Tsunematsu, ed., Yoshio Markino, 24–25. 94 [Laurence Binyon], “The Ideals of the East,” The Times 72 Markino, Child, 81, 65–86; Kilpatrick, Markino in Literary Supplement, March 6, 1903, 73. Italy, 2. 95 Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 137, 144–45. See also 73 Cary, Christianity,164; Markino, Child, 107. Yuzo Ota, Basil Hall Chamberlain: Portrait of a Japanolo- 74 Ernest W. Clement, A Handbook of Modern Japan (Chi- gist (Richmond: Curzon Press, Ltd., 1998), 61. Ota cago: A.C. McClurg & Co., 1904), 265. notes that Chamberlain was worried about giving 75 Markino, Child, 97, 109; Basil Hall Chamberlain, Things off ense but he also was frank in admitting that he found Japanese, 5th ed. (1905; London: K. Paul, Trench, Trub- certain things about Japan humorous. ner & Co., 1927), 331. 96 Shompa Lahiri, Indians in Britain. Anglo-Indian Encoun- 76 Markino, Child, 109–112; 162. ters, Race and Identity, 1880–1930 (London: Frank Cass, 77 Cobbing, The Japanese Discovery, 30. 2000), 93–94.

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97 For a sampling of such commentary, see The Manchester 19 Loftie, Colour of London, 24. Guardian, May 29, 1910, The Dial, October 1, 1911, 226; 20 Rook, “Tokyo or London?;” “Colour of London,” The The Standard, May 21, 1911; The Pall Mall Gazette, May Burlington Magazine; Baedeker, London, 337; Loftie, 29, 1907; The Daily Telegraph, May 15, 1907. Colour, 23. 98 Spielmann, “Japanese Artist.” 21 Baedeker, London, 86. 99 [C. Lewis Hind ?], “Unique,” The Nation, May 25, 22 Jack Simmons, “Introduction,” Murray’s Handbook for 1907, 495. Travellers in Switzerland, 1838 (New York: Humanities 100 Sladen, “Appreciation,” in Markino, Japanese Artist, vii; Press, 1970), 28 n. Sladen to Reginald Smith, May 16, 1912, DSP 36; 23 Baedeker, London, v. Review of When I Was a Child, in The Living Age, Febru- 24 Ibid., 29–34; Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., London Ency- ary 1, 1913, 318. clopedia, 33. 101 Henry Baerlein, “Markino the Child,” The Bookman, 25 “The Thames Bridges. Three Successes and Many December, 1912, 169. Failures,” The Observer, May 15, 1910. For details of the 102 [Orlo Williams], “Mr. Markino’s Philosophy,” The columns, see Simon Bradley and Nikolaus Pevsner, Times Literary Supplement, November 13, 1913, 523. London 1: The City of London (Harmondsworth: Pen- 103 Markino, Recollections, 136. guin Books, 1999), 289. 26 Baedeker, London, 128. Chapter 4 27 Ibid. 1 The Daily Telegraph, May 15, 1907; “Fog and Beauty,” 28 [Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction.” 501; [“The Editor,” probably P.H. Lee Warner], Yoshio 29 The Pall Mall Gazette (May 29, 1907). See Galinou and Markino, “What I See in London Streets,” The English Hayes, London in Paint, 351 for Charles John Holmes’ Illustrated Magazine, February, 1903, 425; The Athe- painting The Power Station, Ladbroke Grove (The Wood naeum, May 18, 1907, 612; “‘Sweetness’ of London,” 116. Lane Power Station), exhibited in 1909. Mortimer 2 Defries, “Water Colors,” 440. Menpes’ From Battersea Bridge, with the Chelsea struc- 3 Bénédite, “Préface,” in Descaves, ed., Colour of Paris, ture, appeared in G.E. Mitton, The Thames (London: xii. Blackie and Son Limited, 1906), opposite 232. 4 Markino, Japanese Artist, 105, 104. 30 Bridget Cherry and Nikolaus Pevsner, London 3: North 5 Elizabeth Wilson, “The Invisible Flâneur,” New Left West (The Buildings of England) (London: Penguin Review, 191 (January/February, 1992): 93–94. Books, 1999), 569–70. 6 Gregory Shaya, “The Flâneur, the Badaud, and the Mak- 31 Ransome, Bohemia, 45–46. ing of a Mass Public in France, circa 1860–1910,” Ameri- 32 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of can Historical Review, 109, no.1 (February, 2004): 50. London, ix, xiv. 7 Markino, “Essay,” Loftie, Colour of London, xl. 33 The King (October 18, 1902): 263. 8 Markino, “Japanese Artist”; Markino, Recollections, 110. 34 Lucas, Wanderer, 77. 9 Markino, “Japanese Artist,” 505; Markino, “London of 35 Cook, Highways, 249–50. the Present,” in Tsunematsu, ed., Alone in the World, 29. 36 Markino, “What I see in London Streets,” The English 10 Markino, “Japanese Artist.” Illustrated Magazine, 425–33. The editor’s note appears 11 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, on 425. ix. 37 Shaw Desmond, London Nights of Long Ago (London: 12 Ibid.; “Notes on Books,” The Art Journal (August, 1907): Duckworth, 1927), 70. 256. 38 Markino, Japanese Artist, 42–43; 28–29. 13 “Colour of London,” The Burlington Magazine. 39 Nadezhadk Krupskaya, Memories of Lenin (New York: 14 Baedeker, London, 158; Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., Lon- International Publishers, 1930), 71. don Encyclopedia, 14. 40 Cook, Highways, 414–22. 15 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of Lon- 41 M.H. Spielmann and Walter Jerrold, Hugh Thomson. His don, xi–xii. Art, His Letters, His Humour and His Charm (London: A. 16 Clunn, Face of London, 275; Nikolaus Pevsner, London I, & C. Black Ltd., 1931), 64. For a selection of May’s work revised by Bridget Cherry (Harmondsworth; Penguin on this subject, see David Cuppleditch, Phil May. The Books, 1984): 608; Alastair Service, London 1900 (New Artist & His Wit (London: Fortune Press 1981), 91. York: Rizzoli International, 1979), 114. 42 Baedeker, London, 20. 17 Deborah Cohen, Household Gods. The British and Their 43 Markino, “What I see”: 431. Possessions (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006): 44 Washington Irving, The Sketch-Book of Geoff rey 57; Service, London, 1900, 111, 114. Crayon, Gent., ed. Susan Manning (1819–1820; New 18 Clunn, Face of London, 273; Baedeker, London, 770. York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 168.

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45 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxviii. 76 Markino, Japanese Artist, 6–7. 46 J.B., “The Butcher’s Row, Whitechapel,” in Hanslip 77 Baedeker, London, 322. Fletcher, London. Passed and Passing. A Pictorial Record 78 Rose Barton, Familiar London (London: Adam and of Destroyed or Threatened Buildings (London: Sir Isaac Charles Black, 1904), 140. Pitman & Sons, Ltd., 1908), 29. 79 Markino, Japanese Artist, 7. 47 Markino, “What I see”: 428–29. 80 Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent. A Simple Tale (1907: 48 “Colour of London,” The Burlington Magazine. Garden City: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1953), 24. 49 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 81 Beavan, Imperial London, 450; Forman, London, 79. London, xv. 82 Black and White, June 6, 1908, Supplement, 2–3. This 50 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxxii. description appeared as the caption to one of the photo- 51 Alan Palmer, The East End (New Brunswick: Rutgers graphs under the general title, “News and Views.” University Press, 2000), 85–86. 83 Charles Dana Gibson, London as seen by Charles Dana 52 Arthur Morrison, Tales of Mean Streets (1901; London: Gibson (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1897), Boydell Press, 1983), 19. opposite A Constitutional in the Park, no pagination. 53 Richard S. Field, “Exteriors and Interiors. Vallotton’s 84 [M. H. Spielmann?], “England Seen by a Japanese Art- Printed Oeuvre,” in Lesley K. Baier, ed., Fèlix Vallotton ist: ‘Church Parade,’” The Magazine of Art, December, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 53. 1903, 76. This brief description of Markino’s illustration 54 Lucas, Wanderer, 198; Rook, Side-Lights, 16–17. is almost certainly by Spielmann who writes in the 55 Cook, Highways, 295. spirit of an August commentary in the same journal. 56 The Times (February 7, 1930); Pugh, City of the World, 85 R. Meinertzhagen, Diary of a Black Sheep (Edinburgh: 325, 328. Oliver & Boyd, 1964), 112. 57 Weinreb and Hibbert, eds., London Encyclopedia, 594. 86 Baedeker, London, 327. 58 George A. Wade, “Israel In London. How the Hebrew 87 Ibid., 327; Cook, Highways, 390. Lives in Whitechapel,” The English Illustrated Magazine 88 A Foreign Resident [T.H.S. Escott], Society in the New (August, 1900): 404; Walter Besant, East London Reign (London: T.F. Unwin, 1904), 4. (1901; New York: Garland, 1980), 193, 196. 89 Mitton, Scenery, 24. 59 Wade, “Israel in London”: 405. 90 Cook, Highways, 394. 60 Ibid., 406. 91 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of 61 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxxii. London, xv. 62 “Some Types of Russian Aliens. Drawn from the life in 92 Cook, Highways, 280–81. the East End of London by Joseph O’Brien,” The Eng- 93 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxx– lish Illustrated Magazine, September, 1905, 585; Lucas, xxxi. Wanderer, 203. 94 Cran, Tree, opposite 46. 63 Wade, “Israel in London”: 410. 95 “Studio-Talk,” The Studio, October, 1901, 60. 64 Henry James Foreman, London: An Intimate Portrait 96 Wendy Baron and Malcolm Cormack, The Camden (London: McBride, Nast & Company, 1913), 126. Town Group (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), 65 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, 38, 40–41; 46. xiv; Lisa Tickner, Modern Life & Modern Subjects. British 97 The Academy, January 2, 1904, 17; April 2, 1904, 383. Art in the Early Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale 98 The Queen, June 17, 1905 and September 16, 1905. University Press, 2000), 149, 159. 99 Markino, Japanese Artist, 185–86. 66 Sir Walter Besant, “In the East End,” and 100 Ivor Guest, Ballet in Leicester Square: The Alhambra and “Whitechapel,” in Hyatt, Charm, 111–12. the Empire, 1860–1915 (London: Society of Theatre 67 Mrs. Evelyn (Alice M.) Cecil, London Parks and Gardens Research, 1992), 97–98. (New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, 1907), 2. 101 Ibid., 129. 68 Jonathan Schneer, London 1900. The Imperial Metropolis 102 Ibid., 140, 6. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 99. 69 Lucas, Wanderer, 99. Chapter 5 70 Baedeker, London, 286. 1 Markino, Japanese Artist, 147; Markino to M. H. Spiel- 71 Cook, Highways, 406. mann, March 30, 1910, Special Collections, University 72 Cecil, London Parks and Gardens, 100. For the popular- of Birmingham. I am grateful to Philippa Bassett, ity of the elephant, see Schneer, London 1900, 102. Archivist, for providing me with a typescript of 73 Markino, Japanese Artist, 17. this item. 74 Cook, Highways, 406. 2 [Spielmann?], “England as Seen by a Japanese Artist,” 75 Lucas, Wanderer, 238–39. 76; “Fog and Beauty,” 502.

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3 Markino, Japanese Artist, 52. 20 Markino, Bullesses, 20. 4 Markino and his agent worked closely with The English 21 Yukichi Fukuzawa, The Autobiography of Yukichi Review’s editor F. Chalmers Dixon on turning the arti- Fukuzawa, trans. by Eiichi Kiyooka (1899; New York: cles into a book. See DSP 36, Dixon to Markino, April 3, Schocken Books, 1972), 114. 1912; Dixon to Sladen, April 11, 1912; Dixon to Sladen, 22 Markino, Bullesses, 22, 27. May 2, 1912; “Extracts from a letter to F. Chalmers 23 Ibid., 112; 59–60; Markino, Recollections, 112. Dixon, Esq. From Messrs. Constable & Co.,” April 29, 24 The Athenaeum, May 18, 1907, 612. 1912. For a favorable response to one of the articles, see 25 Japan Gazette, July 31, 1899, quoted in Adlard, Diósy, The Times, February 1, 1911. 106–107. 5 The Athenaeum, Feburary 24, 1912, 221; The Spectator, 26 Sladen and Lorimer, More Queer Things, 459; E.M. Ste- April 20, 1912, 613. vens, “A Tunisian Harem and the Tombs of the Beys,” in 6 “The Second Childhood of John Bull, 1901,” in Rupert Douglas Sladen, Carthage and Tunis. The Old and the Hart-Davis, A Catalogue of the Caricatures of Max Beer- New Gates of the Orient, 2 (London: Hutchinson & Co., bohm (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 1906), 594–603, passim ; Chamberlain and Mason, 167–68; The New Age, October 3, 1913, 552; October 10, Handbook, 133; Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 524; 1912, 576; November 7, 1912, 24; November 14, 1912, 48; Terry, Japanese Empire, 221. November 28, 1912, 96, all by Tom Titt (Jan de Junosza 27 Markino, Bullesses, 124. Rosciszewski). See Wallace Martin, The New Age Under 28 Yoshio Markino, “An Essay by the Artist,” in Olave Pot- Orage (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1967), 302. ter, The Colour of Rome (London: Chatto & Windus, 7 Washington Irving, “John Bull,” in Sketch-Book, 265– 1909), xxviii–xxix; Yoshio Markino, “An Essay by the 66. See also Paul Langford, Englishness Identiﬁ ed. Man- Artist,” in Descaves, ed., Colour of Paris, xxvii; Markino, ners and Character, 1650–1850 (New York: Oxford Uni- “Note,” in de Sélincourt, Oxford, 181. versity Press, 2000), 2, for how travelers tended to look 29 Markino, “Essay,” Loftie, Colour of London, xxvi. for characteristics from familiar novels in people they 30 Markino, Bullesses, 40, 103–104. encountered on British streets. 31 Markino, Bullesses, 38; Markino, “Note,” in de Sélin- 8 Markino, “Essay,” Loftie, Colour of London, xxviii. court, Oxford, 181, 183. 9 Markino, Bullesses, 10, 86. 32 Markino, “Japanese Artist,” 504; Noguchi, Story, 156. 10 Percy E. Spielmann, “Art Books and Friendships of 33 Wilson, “Invisible Flanuer,” 90 and 93. See page 101 Marion H. Spielmann, FSA, 1856–1948, 2 (unpublished for Pollock’s observation. typescript, National Art Library, Victoria and Albert 34 Markino, Japanese Artist, 180–81. Museum, London), 213. 35 Rook, “Tokyo or London?” This illustration had been 11 For a good overview of the status of women in Britain, published The Magazine of Art August, 1903 under the see Jose Harris, Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870– title Evening in Trafalgar Square, London. 1914 (London: Penguin Books, 1994), 23–32. 36 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour, ix. 12 H.R. Ward to Markino, August, 1910, Chatto & Windus 37 Anne Gray, “The Edwardians,” in Gray, ed., The Letterbooks, University of Reading, 73/607 (cited here- Edwardians, 41. after as CW); Sladen, Twenty Years, 70–71; Douglas 38 “Unique”: 495. Sladen, “Appreciation,” in Markino, Japanese Artist, 39 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxvi. ix–x. 40 “The Art of Skating,” The English Illustrated Magazine, 13 The Times, November, 1, 1930; Henry W. Nevinson, January, 1904, 416. Changes and Chances (New York: Harcourt, Brace and 41 Markino, Japanese Artist, 51–52; M. H. Spielmann, “On Company, 1924), 193, 295, 299. For an encounter with Charles Dana Gibson—Apostle of American Beauty Markino, see 300. and Humour,” The Magazine of Art, 1(1903), 16, 18; Ali- 14 Markino, Japanese Artist, 89, 92. son Gernsheim, Victorian and Edwardian Fashion. A 15 Markino to Sladen, March 19, 1907, DSP 10; Sladen, Photographic Survey (New York: Dover Publications, Twenty Years, 143–45, 69. Inc.,1981), 83; “Fog and Beauty,” 501. 16 Harris, “Talk,” 583. 42 Fairfax Downey, Portrait of an Era as Drawn by C. D. 17 Behramji M. Malabari, The Indian Eye on English Life or Gibson (New York: Scribner’s Sons, 1938), 193; Spiel- Rambles of a Pilgrim Reformer (London: Archibald Con- mann, “On Charles Dana Gibson,” 16. stable and Company, 1893), 28. For an appraisal of Mal- 43 Quoted in Downey, Portrait, 196. abari’s positive observations, see Burton, Heart of 44 Markino, Bullesses, 17; M. H. Morrison, “The British Empire, 168–69. Isles,” in Thomas Athol Joyce, Women of All Nations 18 Noguchi, Story, 154; Komai, Fuji, 113–14. (London: Callell & Co., 1908), 756–58. 19 Markino, Bullesses, 85–87; Markino, “True Story,” 282. 45 Markino, Bullesses, 17–18.

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46 Hind, “An Art Diary.” Since Hind wrote this review of 71 Ibid., 158–63. Markino’s 1907 Cliff ord Gallery show, the artist evi- 72 Pankhurst, Unshackled, 184–85, 195. The Daily Graphic, dently prepared some of the drawings used in Bullesses March 2, 1912, quoted in Midge Mackenzie, Shoulder to as early as 1907. Shoulder (New York: Knopf, 1975), 187; F.W. Pethick- 47 Sladen, Twenty Years, 228–29; Markino, Bullesses, 61. Lawrence, Fate Has Been Kind (London: Hutchinson, 48 Markino, Bullesses, 38, 29. n.d.), 88. 49 Machray, Night Side, 8–9. 73 Sladen to Gilmer. 50 Markino, Bullesses, 58 and opposite 54. 74 Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, My Part in a Changing 51 Erika Diane Rappaport, Shopping for Pleasure. Women World (London: V. Gollancz, 1938), 249; Dangerﬁ eld, in the Making of London’s West End (Princeton: Prince- Strange Death, 165–66. ton University Press, 2000), 4, 151; Rachel Bowlby, Just 75 Pethick-Lawrence, Fate, 81; Emmeline Pethick-Law- Looking. Consumer Culture in Dreiser, Gissing and Zola rence, My Part, 249. (New York: Methuen, 1985), 4; Baedeker, London, 270. 76 Richard Pankhurst, Sylvia Pankhurst. Artist and Cru- 52 Markino, Bullesses, 39–40. sader (New York: Paddington Press, 1979), 112; Pethick- 53 Ibid., 42–43. Lawrence, Fate, 72. 54 Rappaport, Shopping for Pleasure, 7; 138–140. 77 Yoshio Markino, “My Idealed John Bullesses. IV. 55 By a Japanese Artist in London, “Points of View–No. 1: Suff ragettes,” The English Review May, 1911, 216. Regent Street, Black and White, March 21, 1903, 4. 78 Markino, Bullesses, 126–27. 56 Markino, “Essay,” in Loftie, Colour of London, xxxviii. 57 Èmile Zola, The Ladies’ Paradise (Au Bonheur des Chapter 6 Dames) (1883; New York: Oxford University Press, 1 The Illustrated London News, June 7, 1907, 874. 1995), 16. 2 The Pall Mall Gazette, May 29, 1907, 4; The Daily Tele- 58 Rappaport, Shopping, 4, 75–76, 79, 101. graph, May 15, 1907; The Athenaeum, May 18, 1907, 612. 59 For a good chronology of the women’s suff rage move- 3 Edward Hodnett, Five Centuries of English Book Illustra- ment during this period, see Juliet Gardiner & Neil tion (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1988): 225. Felmingham, Wenborn, The Columbia Companion to British History Illustrated Gift Book, 36 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 820–21. 4 Colin Inman, A. & C. Black Colour Books A Collector’s 60 Harris, “Talk,”583. See Tickner, Spectacle of Women, Guide and Bibliography, 1900–1930 (London: Werner 183–84 for the genesis and progress of the concept of Shaw Ltd., 1990), 22–23. the “New Woman.” Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 5 “Fog and Beauty,”The Academy (July 29, 1905): 779 508–9; Clement, Modern Japan, 175. See also Volk, 6 Lee Warner to Markino, July 12, 1906, CW 50/247; Lee In Pursuit, 79. Warner to Markino, July 24, 1906, CW 50/343. 61 Markino, Bullesses, 47–48. 7 Loftie, Colour of London, 156. 62 Sladen to Gilmer, March 22, 1912, DSP 36. 8 During these early years he did some illustrations for 63 Sladen, Twenty Years, 172–73; Markino, Bullesses, 142–43. Grant Richards’ Little Japanese Dumpy Book and for Markino cites the night of the dinner as February 19, Yone Noguchi’s From the Eastern Sea. See Markino, 1910. A Japanese Artist, 57, 68. See also, Rodner, “The Making 64 Markino, Bullesses, 144. of a London Samurai.” 65 Ibid., 129–130. 9 Markino, A Japanese Artist, 34, 37. See also, Stuart Mac- 66 George Dangerﬁ eld, The Strange Death of Liberal Eng- donald, The History and Philosophy of Art Education land, 1910–1914 (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), (New York: American Elsevier Publishing Company, 151–52. Inc., 1970), 299–300. I am grateful to Dr. J. Craig Stir- 67 For a recent appraisal of Wallace-Dunlop, see Joseph ling for information on London art schools during this Lennon, “The Hunger Artist Marion Wallace-Dunlop, period and on the career of Henry Wilson. Painter, Suff ragette and the First Modern Woman to 10 Walter Shaw Sparrow, Memoirs of Life and Art Through Starve Herself for Politics,” The Times Literary Supple- 60 Years (London: John Lane. The Bodley Head Lim- ment, July 24, 2009, 14–15. ited, 1925), 237, 234. 68 The Athenaeum, February 24, 1912, 221.. 11 Markino, Japanese Artist, 63. 69 Markino, Bullesses, 151–52; 154–55; Antonia Raeburn, 12 Felmingham, Illustrated Gift Book, 26. The Suff ragette View (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 13 Ibid., 27–28. 1976), 51; Christabel Pankhurst, Unshackled. The 14 Ibid., 63. Story of How We Won the Vote (London: Hutchinson, 15 Who’s Who (London: A. & C. Black, 1914); Julie F. 1959), 174. Codell, “Marion Harry A. Spielmann,” in Cevasco, 70 Markino, Bullesses, 143, 149, 151–52. ed., The 1890s, 580; Markino, Japanese Artist, 75–6;

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Julie F. Codell, “The Artist’s Cause at Heart: Marion 41 “Illustrated Typography,” The Speaker, September 2, Harry Spielmann and the Late Victorian Art World,” 1905, 530. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library, 71 42 Rose Barton’s illustrations, conspicuous for their vari- (1989): 148. ety of surface detail, in the opinion of one reviewer, 16 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, “does not always lend itself to the process which repro- x; Percy E. Spielmann, “Art Books and Friendships,” duces it. …” See “Three Books About London,” The 209. Spectator, January 28, 1905, 144. 17 Markino, A Japanese Artist, 77; Spielmann, “Introduc- 43 Harris, “Talk,” 583. For the promise of new methods, see tion,” in Loftie, Colour, v. Hardie, Coloured Books, 293. 18 See The English Illustrated Magazine, December, 1902 44 Burch, Colour Printing, 261. and February, 1903, discussed below. 45 The Studio, 1907, 83; “Fog and Beauty,” Academy, May, 19 Markino, Japanese Artist,77–8; [M.H. Spielmann?], 25, 1907, 501. “A Japanese Artist in London: Mr. Yoshio Markino,” 46 [Binyon], “Colour-Reproduction,” 204; [Laurence The Magazine of Art, August, 1903, 504. Binyon], “Colour-Prints,” The Times Literary Supple- 20 Markino, Recollections, 21. ment, July 27, 1906, 266; [Laurence Binyon], “Coloured 21 Markino, Japanese Artist, 115–16. Illustrations,” The Times Literary Supplement, Decem- 22 Ibid., 80; William Bell, “The Academy,” in Cevasco, ed., ber 23, 1909, 509. For Binyon’s earlier praise of Kokka, The 1890s, 2–3; “W. Teignmouth Shore,” Who’s Who see [Binyon], “A Japanese Magazine of Art.” For his (London: A. & C. Black, 1914)., q.v. thoughts on Japanese printing techniques, see Laurence 23 Markino, Japanese Artist, 79. Binyon, “Paintings and Reproductions,” The Saturday 24 Markin Hardie, English Coloured Books (1906; Totowa, Review, September 3, 1910, 295. NJ: Rowman and Littlefi eld, 1973), 296. 47 Markino, Japanese Artist, 146. 25 Spielmann, “Introduction,” Loftie, Colour of London, v. 48 Markino, “Japanese Artist,” 506. On Barratt see 26 [Spielmann?], “England Seen by a Japanese Artist,” 76. Timothy Wilcox, ed., Visions of Venice. Watercolour and 27 The Studio, 33 (1904): 165. Sparrow, Memoirs, 254–55. Drawings from Turner to Procktor (London: Bankside Sparrow notes that Holme used the Viennese fi rm of Gallery, 1990), 80. On Markino’s fi rst meeting with Angerer and Goschl at this time and Autumn could be a Lee Warner, see Japanese Artist, 79. For Lee Warner, fi ne example of its skill. The monogram “A” over “G” see “Philip Henry Lee Warner,” Who Was Who, 1916– appears at the bottom right of the illustration. 1928 (London: A. & C. Black, 1929) and Holmes, Self & 28 [E.T. Dalton], “London in Colour,” The Times Literary Partners, 275. Supplement, August 11, 1905, 255. 49 Holmes, Self & Partners, 275. 29 Hardie, Coloured Books, 297. 50 LeeWarner to Markino, July 12, 1906, CW 50/247; July 30 [Thomas Humphrey Ward], “An Artist in Japan,” The 24, 1906, CW 50/343; Staff of Chatto & Windus to Times Literary Supplement, January 24, 1902, 13; “Japan: Markino, June 26, 1906, CW 50/138; January 11, 1907, An Artist’s Impressions,” The Speaker, January 18, CW 51/782. 1902, 451. 51 Lee Warner to Markino, July 12, 1906, CW 50/247, July 31 See the advertisement at the back of Rose Barton’s 24, 1906, CW 50/343, August 17, 1906, CW 63/413. Familiar London. 52 Lee Warner to Markino, October 10, 1906, CW 50/931; 32 Lee Warner to Markino, February 17, 1908, CW 57/289; November 8, 1906, CW 51/247. Percy Spalding to Markino, April 4, 1912, CW 78/194 53 Lee Warner to Markino, June 18(?), 1906, CW 53/298. and Spalding to Markino, April 22, CW 78/353. 54 Lee Warner to Markino, July 11, 1908, CW 53/885; 33 The Daily Chronicle, May 23, 1907. Markino, A Japanese Artist, 178. Markino was probably 34 Spielmann, “Introduction,” in Loftie, Colour of London, hospitalized with a case of “acute haemorrhoids ….” ix, xi, x; Loftie, Colour of London, 1. See Kilpatrick, “West London Hospital,” 118. 35 “Colour of London,” Burlington Magazine. 55 Lee Warner to Markino, January 27, 1909, CW 68/258. 36 Mitton, Scenery, 15–16; The Times, March, 14, 1913. 56 Geoff rey Whitworth (on the staff of Chatto & Windus) 37 Inman, A. & C. Black, 7. See also R.M. Burch, Colour to Markino, May 4, 1912, CW 78/462. Printing and Colour Printers (1910; Edinburgh: Paul Har- 57 Oliver Warner, Chatto & Windus. A Brief Account of the ris, 1983), 255–58. Firm’s Origins, History and Development (London: 38 Hardie, Colour Books, 290, 295. Chatto & Windus, 1973), 12–16; The Times, January 30, 39 Marcus B. Huish and Helen Allingham, Happy England 1925; Who Was Who, 1916–1928, q.v. (1903; London: Adam & Charles Black, 1909), 7. 58 Spalding to Markino, April 28, 1909, CW 70/284. For 40 H.S., “The Three-Colour Process,” The Spectator, an assessment of Spalding’s career, see The Times, June 11, 1904, 921. August 19, 1930.

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59 H.R. Ward to Markino, CW 83/493, February 19, 1914; 86 See E.P. Fenollosa, Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art CW 83/493; October 16, 1911, CW 76/961. (1913; New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963) and 60 “Chatto & Windus” to Markino, June 26, 1906, CW Meech, Frank Lloyd Wright. 50/138. 87 M.L.B. [M.L. Bisland] to Sladen, June 3, 1910, DSP 35. 61 CW 50/247; CW 50/343. 88 Bisland to Sladen, July 30, 1910, DSP 35. 62 Inman, A. & C. Black, 23. 89 Sladen to J.L. Garvin, April 16, 1912, DSP 36; Sladen to 63 Markino to Sladen, March 19, 1907, DSP 10. the Literary Editor of The Morning Post, August, 20, 64 Markino, Japanese Artist, 147; [Hind], “Japanese, British, 1913, DSP 39; Sladen to W.L. Courteney, August 18, and French Pictures.” 1913, DSP 39. 65 “Chatto & Windus” to Markino, June 19, 1907; CW 90 Yoshio Markino, “Emotion and Etymology,” The Atlan- 53/697, Lee Warner to Markino, July 11, 1907, CW tic Monthly, 3, 4 (April, 1913): 479–86; Sladen to Sedg- 53/885. wick, January 7, 1912, DSP 39; Sedgwick to Sladen, 66 Lee Warner to Markino, June 29, 1908, CW 62/63: January 28, 1913, DSP 39; “The Editors” to Sladen, Markino, Japanese Artist, 181. July 24, 1913, DSP 39. 67 CW 63/2, Lee Warner to Markino, July 23, 1908; 70/987, 91 F.Chalmers Dixon to Sladen, May 2, 1912, DSP 36. G.A. Whitworth to Markino, July 14, 1909. See the invi- 92 W.Wray Skilbeck to Sladen, November 8, 1913, DSP 39; tation card for the December 16–20, 1912 show sent to Sladen to Skilbeck, November 12, 1913,D SP 39. Sladen in DSP 39; Markino, Recollections, 97. 93 The Dundee Advertiser; The Standard (April 30, 1915). 68 Sladen, “As I Have Known Them.” Markino’s remarks 94 Markino, Japanese Artist, 147. followed Sladen’s talk. 95 Markino to Sladen, “Sunday” (March/April, 1914), 69 Simon Eliot, “The Sunny Side of New Grub Street. The DSP 39; Charles Garvice to Salden, February 9, 1914, Writing of Douglas Sladen’s Autobiography,” Publish- DSP 66. ing History, 23 (1988): 95. 96 The Sunday Guardian, June 6, 1915. 70 Markino, Japanese Artist, 79–80; Sladen, Twenty Years, 97 The Dundee Advertiser, June 2, 1915. 68–69. 98 Sladen, My Long Life, 143. 71 Sladen and Lorimer, More Queer Things, 141–42. 99 Baedeker, London, 339; Caroline Dakers, The Holland 72 “Heigi” [Markino] to “Lion” [Sladen], February/March, Park Circle (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 1913?, DSP 39. 189; Ono, Japonisme, 100, 104. 73 Sladen to J.W. Gilmer, March 1912, DSP 39. 100 The Aberdeen Free Press, May 24, 1915. 74 Sladen to Percy Spalding, August 28, 1912, DSP 36. 101 Sladen, My Long Life. 75 Sladen to E. Sedgwick, January 7, 1913; Sladen to Sedg- 102 Sladen, Twenty Years, 276. wick, February 18, 1913, DSP, 39. 76 Gilmer to Sladen, April 1, 1913, DSP 39. Chapter 7 77 Gilmer to Sladen, March 21, 1912, DSP 36. 1 Markino, Japanese Artist, 102. 78 Sladen to Gilmer, March 19, 1912, DSP 36; Sladen to 2 Ibid., 179–180. Gilmer, March 22, 1919, DSP 36. 3 Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London 79 Alfred Turner [Assistant Editor of The Evening News] 10 (November 8, 1911): 11. to Sladen, April 18, 1912, DSP 36; Turner to Sladen, 4 Ibid., 178. April 30, 1912, DSP 36; Turner to Sladen, May 2, 1912, 5 Hobhouse, Kensington Square to Earl’s Court, 401. DSP 36. 6 F.W.W. Sheppard, gen ed., The Survey of London. 61. 80 Sladen to Gilmer, July 18, 1912, DSP 36; Sladen to Southern Kensington: Brompton (London: Athlone Press Gilmer, March 19, 1912, DSP 36. [for the Greater London Council]), 1983), 117; Markino, 81 H. Granville Fell to Markino, April 12, 1912, DSP 36; “London of the Present,” 28. Sladen to Fell, April 16, 1912, DSP 36; Fell to Sladen, 7 Brian Girling, The Archive Photographs Series: Kensing- April 18, 1912, DSP 36. ton (Stroud: Chalford Publishing Company, 1966), 8; 82 Earlier in 1912 negotiations ensued with the publisher Dakers, Holland Park Circle, 41. Hutchinson for Markino to illustrate Fraser’s “Japanese 8 Sheppard, Brompton, 103. Stories.” See Sladen to W. Hutchinson, March 10, 1912; 9 Markino, Japanese Artist, 111. Hutchinson to Sladen, March 18, 1912, DSP 36. 10 Sheppard, Brompton, 176; Markino, A Japanese Artist, 83 Markino, Japanese Artist, 68. 17; Hart-Davis, ed., Autobiography, 87. For Yeats and 84 Sladen to Noguchi, February, 1914, DSP 40. Coleman-Smith, see Hilary Pyle, Yeats. Portrait of 85 Spalding to Sladen, March 4, 1914, DSP 40; April 17, an Artistic Family (London: Merrell Holberton, 1914, DSP 40. 1997), 164.

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11 Meinertzhagen, Diary, 38; The Times (January 9, 1933); 33 Markino, Recollections, 215–216; 228. Godfrey, Chelsea, vi; Hermione Hobhouse, London 34 Felmingham, Illustrated Gift Book, 26; R. A. Bevan, Rob- Survey’d. The Work of the Survey of London, 1894–1994 ert Bevan, 1865–1925 (London: Studio Vista, 1965), 14; (Swindon: Committee for the Survey of the Memorials Spielmann and Jerrold, Hugh Thompson, 188. of Greater London, 1994). 15–16. 35 Blacker, “Markino,”183; Spalding to Markino, Novem- 12 Markino, Japanese Artist, 179. ber 6, 1914, CW 85/329; Spalding to Markino, Septem- 13 Ibid., 179, 111–113. ber 4, 1914, CW 84/1054. 14 Yone Noguchi, “Yoshio Markino,” The Japan Times, 36 Keene, Emperor of Japan, 694. March 4, 1917; Yoshio Markino to Arthur Ransome, 37 Keith Robbins, Sir Edward Grey (London: Cassell, [April, 1913], Ransome Papers, Special Collections, 1971), 273; Ian H. Nish, Alliance in Decline. A Study in Brotherton Library, University of Leeds; Markino, Rec- Anglo-Japanese Relations, 1908–23 (London: Athlone ollections, 96, 99, 109–110, 101. Press, 1972), 74–75; 96–97; 394–395; Warner, Anglo- 15 Markino, Recollections, 100. Japanese, 75. 16 Laurence Binyon, The Art of Asia, in Transactions and 38 Mamoru Shigmitsu, Japan and Her Destiny. My Struggle Proceedings of the Japan Society, London, 14 (November for Peace (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1958), 26; 24, 1915): 19. Hew Strachan, The First World War. 1. To Arms (New 17 Markino, Recollections, 112–113. York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 456–59; John 18 F.H.W. Sheppard, gen. ed., The Survey of London. 38. Ferris, “Armaments and Allies. The Anglo-Japanese The Museum Area of South Kensington and Westminster Strategic Relationship, 1911–1921,” in Phillips Payson (London: Athlone Press [Published for the Greater O’Brien, ed., The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1902–1922 London Council, 1975], 74. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 252. 19 Baedeker, London, 346. 39 Markino gave a talk, which was unpublished, at an 20 Baedeker, London, 49; Beavan, Imperial London, 475. “Informal Meeting” of the Japan Society entitled “The 21 Hermione Hobhouse, gen ed., The Survey of London. 62. Japanese Spirit in its Relation to the Enthronement of Southern Kensington: Kensington Square to Earl’s Court the Japanese Emperor.” See Transactions (December 14, (London: Athlone Press [Published for the Greater 1915): 25; The Times, June 20, 1918, June 3, 1916. London Council], 1986), 322–26. 40 Spielmann, “Art Books and Friendships,” 212. 22 The International Universal Exhibition, 1898, Earl’s 41 Spalding to Markino, March 28, 1922, CW 103/29. Court, London. S.W. Map, Local Studies Collection, 42 Richard Morphet, “Image and Theme in Bloomsbury Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea Libraries. Art,” in Richard Shone, Art of Bloomsbury (Princeton: 23 Desmond, London Nights, 33. Princeton University Press, 1999), 23. 24 The Times, May 4, 1901. 43 The New York Times, November 14, 1923. 25 Beavan, Imperial London, 475. 44 Clair Price, “A Talk With Yoshio Markino in his Attic 26 Map, International Universal Exhibition. Studio,” The New York Times, August 5, 1928. 27 Ibid. 45 The Times, April 13, 1929; January 26, 1933. 28 The Balkan States Exhibition, Offi cial Programme, Earl’s 46 Yoshio Markino, Thinkers and Thoughts of East and Court (London, 1907), 5. West (Tokyo, 1936); Blacker, “Markino,” 180; Price, 29 Spielmann, “Art Books and Friendships,” 211. “Talk.” 30 Blacker, “Markino,”182. 47 “World Tour With an American Watercolourist,” The 31 The Saturday Review, November 25, 1911, 681. Times ,November 5, 1959. 32 The Athenaeum, December 6, 1913, 663. 48 Defries, “Water Colors,” 440.

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dited and adapted by William S. Rodner, 1886 based on a translation by Eriko Tomizawa-Kay of the Becomes assistant teacher at the Haruki Primary School Echronology prepared by Toyota City Museum of Lo- where his brother, Toshitarō, was employed, and moves in cal History (Toyota Kyōdo Shiryōkan), published in Miyuki with him. Studies Western-style sketching techniques from Naruse, ed. Makino Yoshio ten (Exhibition of Yoshio Marki- Kanekiyo Nozaki and Manji Mizuno; also studies English no), Toyota City Museum of Art, 2008. with Masatane Ogawa; and Chinese classics with Unshō Satō in Nagoya. (Note: Following the custom Yoshio Markino preferred for himself, Japanese names in this chronology are given in 1887 Western order, given name followed by surname. In end- In October, begins work as an assistant at Nagoya Design notes and bibliography, Japanese custom, surname ﬁ rst, is Company. In November, enters the Nagoya Eiwa School adhered to.) (present-day Nagoya Gakuin) with a scholarship that the American Missionary Frederick Klein established. In 1869 December, is baptized. Born December 25, in the village of Komoro (part of present- day Toyota City, Aichi Prefecture), the second son of Toshi- 1889 moto and Katsu Makino. His childhood name was Heijirō. Rejected for military service because of failing a physical Has an elder sister named Yoshi (later known as Kyō) and examination. elder brother Toshitarō. His father worked as an educator who traveled widely in Japan, and later helped establish the Koromo Primary School, where he also taught. 1890 Borrows money from his sister, Kyō Fujishima, and travels to 1875 Yokohama to stay with Maki Hotta, a cousin on his father’s In July, enters Koromo School, the local primary school side. In summer, graduates from Nagoya Eiwa School. founded by his father. 1893 1880 At the age of 24, obtains a student visa for study in the Unit- Begins studying bunjinga (literati painting) with his brother ed States in June, and the following month arrives in San Toshitarō under the tutelage of the local painter Chikkō Francisco. Through a letter of introduction from Shigetaka Tamegai. Shiga to the Consul in San Francisco, he is assisted by Utsujirō Suzuki, who came from same region of Japan as 1882 him. Is encouraged by Suzuki to pursue a career as an artist, In July, his mother dies. and in November enters Hopkins Art School.

1883 1894 In October, graduates from Koromo School. While abroad, receives news from Japan that his father has died. 1884 In August, begins working as an assistant teacher at Ōtani 1895 School in Chita-gun, but resigns after a few months. In the In April, the writer and poet Yonejirō Noguchi visits Marki- autumn, adopted into the Isogai family, relatives from a near- no. Sends his oil painting depicting a beach in San Francisco by village, and his given name is changed to Yoshio. Works at to his brother, Toshitarō. Around this time, he masters Hagiwara primary school in the area, but shortly afterwards the so-called “silk veil” technique, which allows him to con- leaves his adopted family, and returns to live with his father vey the mood of fog and other atmospheric eff ects in San who is now teaching at Kutsukage School (Toyoaki City). Francisco.

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1897 1905 In June, he receives a letter of introduction to Tadamasa In September, nominated as a judge for the Great Art Expo- Hayashi, the prominent Paris-based dealer in Japanese art, sition in Venice representing the British Art Association, from a senior Naval offi cer, Shōzō Sakurai. In August, de- and also attends the annual meeting of the Swiss Art Asso- parts for New York and meets the Western-style painter Kat- ciation. Also receives membership as a research student of sumi Miyake at the Japan Assembly Hall. In November, ar- national museums, on the recommendation of M. H. Spiel- rives in Paris from America but fails to meet Hayashi, who mann, the editor of The Magazine of Art. had already left for Japan. In December, decides to come to London on the recommendation of Umatarō Ide, a friend 1906 from art school. Works as an illustrator for W. J. Loftie’s The Colour of London (until January 1907). 1898 Begins working at the Japanese Naval Inspector’s Offi ce in 1907 London and also starts his study of art in South Kensing- The Colour of London published May 8, 1907, and at the same ton. In March, he decides to move to the Goldsmiths’ Tech- time he holds an exhibition of his original paintings at Clif- nical and Recreative Institute (later renamed Goldsmiths’ ford Gallery in Haymarket. From May to June, however, he is College). hospitalized in the West London Hospital while recovering from an operation related to gastrointestinal problems. In 1900 August, stays in Paris, in advance of the publication of The Transfers to the London Central School of Art and Craft. Colour of Paris, until June 1908. Meets Rodin at the home of Sees a performance in London of a modern Kabuki play by Leon Bénédite, the director of Luxembourg Art Museum. the theater troupe headed by Otojirō Kawakami. Bushō Hara leaves for Japan in October.

1901 1908 The Naval Inspector’s Offi ce closes and Markino is paid £30 In Rome, from October 1908 to May 1909, to do the illustra- as severance pay to cover his return trip to Japan, but he de- tions for The Colour of Rome. The Colour of Paris is published cides not to return home. In October, some of his works and by Chatto & Windus. a short biography are published in the arts magazine Studio. In December, meets the former Prime Minister Itō at the 1909 Alexandria Hotel in London. Visits Paris in May while on the way back to London in June. The Colour of Rome published by Chatto & Windus. From 1902 September to December, he stays in Oxford to research a In February, reunited with Katsumi Miyake at the Tate Gal- new publication, Oxford From Within. lery. In October, publishes Japanese Childrens’ Stories with the publisher Grant Richards. His illustrations appear in the 1910 magazine King. In November he starts living with Noguchi. A Japanese Artist in London published by Chatto & Windus. From May to October, guides Spielmann and Louis Haydon, 1903 and others around the Japan–British Exhibition in Shep- A series of his art and writings are published in the English herd’s Bush, London. His name appears in Who’s Who. Ox- Illustrated Magazine. Noguchi’s Anthology of English poet- ford From Within published by Chatto & Windus. From July ry, From the Eastern Sea, which Markino designed and illus- to October, stays in Italy with the author Olave Potter and trated, is published privately. In March, Unicorn Press off ers Mr. and Mrs. Douglas Sladen (author of Queer Things about to publish From Tōkaidō, and Markino is again engaged as Japan), so as to publish A Little Pilgrimage in Italy. The liter- illustrator and designer. In August, his illustrations and auto- ary journal English Review invites him to write a series of biography are published in The Magazine of Art. In Decem- essays. Was traveling at this time with the suff ragette ber, a Japanese play The Darling of Gods (Kamigami no chōji) Christabel Pankhurst for a lecture-tour regarding women’s is performed at His Majesty’s Theatre, where he advises on voting rights. Invited to author a signed weekly column in the costume designs and theater sets, and illustrates the the- the Evening News. atre program. 1911 1904 Invited to author a singed column in Saturday edition of In November, the Western-style painter Bushō Hara moves Daily News. Publishes his painting of Windsor Castle on the into Markino’s lodgings (until May 1905). special occasion of Queen Mary’s Coronation in the The

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English Review; the original painting was presented to the 1921 Queen (the author has not been able to locate this painting). In May, presents an original painting to the Japanese Crown In August, he guided a Buddhist philosopher Enryō Inoue to Prince (later Emperor Hirohito) and meets him at a garden the graveyard of Herbert Spencer. Becomes acquainted with party organized by the Japan Society in London. Appointed the lawyer James Well Roscoe and his wife Flora, and often by the Society for Women as honorable chairman of a Japa- visited them in Wedhampton. A Little Pilgrimage in Italy nese literary studies group called the Sakura-kai, or Cherry published by Constable & Co. Blossom Society.

1912 1922 Praised by illustrators Edmund Dulac and Sydney Cowan, Lectures on comparative philosophy and Western and Asian who are working at the time for the British Museum. Re- art theory at Magdalen College, Oxford. Travels with Percy ceives the news that Bushō Hara has died. In December, Lloyd to Austria and visits the Director of Luxembourg Art holds a private exhibition of original illustrations, organized Museum, M. Bénédite, en route to London. Guides the son by Chatto & Windus. Publication of My Idealed John Bulless- of Ichizaemon Morimura, Kaisaku, on a tour of the Nether- es, The Charm of London, along with a book about his child- lands and Belgium. After his travels are over, he presents a hood, When I Was a Child. number of works to the National Museum of History and Art in Luxembourg. 1913 1923 Publishes Recollections and Reﬂ ections of a Japanese Artist In February, makes plans to sell his works in American on a with Chatto & Windus. Spends the summer with the Ro- friend’s recommendation. Betrothed to a French woman scoes in Wedhampton. In December, Noguchi visits Eng- name Marie Piron (spelling not conﬁ rmed). In October, they land again and remains until 1914. During his stay, Noguchi depart France together to travel America. Markino’s visit to lectures about the “Japanese spirit” in poetry at Magdalen America is noted in the New York Times. College, Oxford University. 1924 1914 Does the cover illustration for Forum magazine, as well as WWI breaks out in August, lasting until November 1918. the American newspaper Evening News and the literary mag- Due to restrictions imposed because of the war, Markino azine Literature Digest. His wife’s sister travels from Pitts- stops sketching outdoors and takes up the study of English burgh to join them. literature, philosophy, Greek and Latin. Travels in France and Spain with the Roscoes. The wife of the Chancellor of 1925 Moscow University translates When I Was a Child into Rus- In May, they move to Boston. Holds an exhibition at the art sian. Noguchi’s autobiography, which Markino had designed club called the Twentieth Century Association. Lectures and illustrated, is published by Chatto & Windus. Dr. Denis about social issues such as racial discrimination as well as on Ross asks Markino to teach in the Department of East Asian Eastern and Western philosophical systems. Studies, University of London. 1926 1915 His sister, Kyō Fujishima, dies in September. Lectures on ethics and philosophy at the University of Edinburgh. Forms a close friendship with the diplomat 1927 Aoi Shigemitsu, whom he had met at a Japanese restau- Returns to London but his wife remains in America. During rant in London, and makes the acquaintance of the diplo- his stay in America he sends his journal of his travels to a mat Kumatarō Honda and the businessman Ichizaemon publisher, but it is declined. Divorces his wife in September. Morimura. Spends Christmas with Flora Roscoe in 1928 Wedhampton. Holds a solo exhibition at Cotters Studio, and makes the acquaintance of Betty Shepherd. 1917 London, based on material in The Colour of London, is pub- 1929 lished by Chatto & Windus. Holds a solo exhibition of his oil paintings in Knightsbridge.

1919 1934 In July, goes on a sketching tour in Italy with his friend James “Japanese Ex-patriot: Markino Yoshio Exhibition” organ- Rye. ized in the Ginza Shiseidō Gallery by Ichizaemon Morimura,

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Aoi Shigemitsu, Yonejirō Noguchi, and Eisaku Wada (a study various foreign languages, including English, French, Western-style painter). German, Italian, Russian, and Latin.

1935 1945 Publishes Toei Yonjūnen Konjaku Monogatari (Forty Years of In May, because Shigemitsu’s house was burned down by My Life in England), published by Kaizōsha. aerial attack, Markino moves to Nikkō. Later, he lives with Shigemitsu’s family at Morrison House in Zaimokuza, 1936 Kamakura. Holds exhibitions of works done in Britain at the Mitsukoshi 1949 Department Store in Nihonbashi, Tokyo. Seiyō to Tōyō no He starts painting again with art materials imported from hikaku shisō-ron (The Comparative Philosophy between the America. West and the East) published by Sanseidō. 1950 1937 Stays with the Yamamoto family in Kamakura. Teaches Publishes Forty Years of My Life in England, serialized in painting to the eldest son of the Suzuki family. eight issues in Tokyo Asahi Newspaper from June to July. His brother, Toshitarō dies in November. 1952 Holds a solo exhibition of oil paintings at the Nihon Indus- 1939 trial Club. Art belonging to the noted collector Kojirō Matsukata, including a number of Markino’s paintings, are lost to ﬁ re 1954 while in storage in London. Holds a solo exhibition at the Tokyo Industrial Club in March. During this time, he lives various places, including 1942 with the Suzuki and Taguchi families. In September, leaves London for Japan due to WWII on a 1955 repatriation ship. Tatsutamaru. Eikoku no konjaku (England Falls ill while staying in an apartment in the English Typist Past and Present) is published by Naka Shoin. In December, Academy in Kamakura, and is admitted to the hospital in accompanies Shigemitsu to China and stays at the Nanjing November. Embassy. 1956 1943 In January, Asaki yume mishi (Seen in Idle Dreams), which In July, returns to Japan with Shigemitsu who had assumed had been dictated to Hiroko Matsuoka, is published by the post of Foreign Minister. Stays at Shigemitsu’s home. Kurashi no Techōsha. On October 18, Markino passes away, During this time, he visits his hometown, Koromo, for at the age of 87, of a cerebral hemorrhage at Akitsuki Hospi- sketching. During the period of the war, he continues to tal in Kamakura.

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Illustrations are indicated by page numbers in bold font. Authors and I. See Hind, Charles Lewis Awakening of Japan. See Okakura, Kakuzō A Academy (Academy and Literature) (periodical) 9, 10, 14, 18, B 27, 29, 36, 42, 51, 81, 93, 117, 147, 152, 102, 104 Baptists 86 Achilles statue (London) 72, 113–14 “Babu.” See Gutherie, T.A. Adams, Will (“Founder of the Japanese Navy”) 25, 26 Baedeker, Karl (guidebook publisher) 99, 128 Ackroyd, Peter 8, 11, 199 London and its Environs 18, 20–1, 23, 26, 42, 98, 99, 100, Addison Mansions (London) 159, 160, 162–63, 166, 174 105, 113, 115, 134–35, 160, 169, Addison Road (London) 60 Bakerloo underground (London) 58, 100 Aerated Bread Co. (A.B.C.) 10 Ballagh, John H. (missionary) 84, 86 Akitsuki Hospital (Japan) 198 Baroque architecture 98 Alhambra Theatre (London) 50, 51, 70, 117–18, 175 Barratt, Reginald (illustrator) 149, 152 Albert Bridge (London) 70, 71, 101 Barre, J.M. (author) 166 Albert Hall (London) 138 Baritsu (martial art) 6, 178–79n20 Albert Memorial (London) 98, 168 Barton, Rose (artist and author) 43, 46, 48, 113 Alcock, Rutherford Sir Familiar London 114 (scholar of Japanese art) 16, 156 The Last Lamp, Thames Embankment 48 Aldelphi (London) 118 Battersea (London) 44, 47 Aldwych (London) 96 Battersea Bridge (London) 48, 61, 101–2, 169 Alexander, George (theatrical producer) 147 Bax, J.J. (Markino benefactor) 166 Prodigal Son 147 Bayswater (London) 135 Alexander the Great 26 Bazalgette, Joseph (civil engineer) 48 Aliens Act (1905) 24; aliens in Britain 110 Beardsely, Aubrey (artist) 17, 155 All Saints, Margaret Street (London) 98 Beavan, Arthur H. (writer) 42, 47, 169 Allingham, Helen (illustrator) 149–50 Bedford, Francis (illustrator) 39 American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Beerbohm, Max (artist) 122 Missions 84 Belasco, David (playwright) 26 Anderson, William (scholar of Japanese art) 17 Bell, Vanessa (artist) 8 Pictorial Arts of Japan 17 Belle of Mayfair (play) 131 Anglo-Japanese Alliance 1, 5, 15, 126, 176 Belloc, Hilare (author) 149 Anglo-Japanese Gazette (Britain) 15, 17 Bénédite, Leon (critic) 4, 11, 35, 41, 67, 93, 196, 197 Anglo-Japanese relations xi, 5, 9 Bethnal Green (London) 59 Anglo-Saxon 88, 126 Bentham, Jeremy (philosopher) 83 Apsley House (London) 113 Besant, Walter (author) 65, 108–10 Arezzo and Cortona (Italy) 132 Bevan, Robert (artist) 176 Art and I. See Charles Lewis HInd Bicknell, Percy F. (critic) 47 Art Journal (periodical) 16, 32 Big Ben (London) 49 Arthur of Connaught, Prince (Royal prince) 5 Bing, Siegfried (art dealer and author) 24 Asago (literary character) 156 Binyon, Laurence (scholar of Asian art) 2, 10, 15, 17–25, Ashwell, Lena (actress) 27 32–3, 42, 65, 70, 72–3, 81, 90, 101, 152, 167 Aston, W.G. (scholar of Japan) 16 “Color Reproduction in Europe and America” 152 Shinto (The Way of the Gods) (1905) 16 Flight of the Dragon 19 Athenaeum (periodical) 2, 17, 20, 32, 67, 89, 93, 122, For the Fallen 19 125, 138, 143, 174–75 Painting in the Far East 19–20 Atlantic Monthly (periodical) 158 Black and White (periodical) 15, 17, 24, 25, 72, 136, 144, Atkinson, R. Frank (architect) 97 147–48 Au Bonheur des Dames. See Zola, Èmile Blacker, Carmen (scholar of Japan) xi, xii, xiii, 9, 176 authenticity 26–9, 107 Blackfriars (London) 47

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Blackfriars Bridge (London) 101 Chambers, Sir William (architect) 77, 186n19 Blackwood’s Magazine (periodical) 16 Chancellor, E. Beresford (author) 64 Bloomsbury Artists (Britain) 8, 176 Clark, John (scholar of Japan) 9 Boer War 98, 104 Charter Oath (Japan) 83 Boldini, Giovanni (artist) 8 Chatto & Windus Archives, Bond Street (London) 121, 133, 135, 140 Random House Group Ltd. xiv, 10 Bowlby, Rachel (historian) 134 Chelsea (London) 7, 18, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 60, 61, 68, 71, 93, Boxer Rebellion 4, 25, 157 94, 100–101, 102, 147, 165–66, 168, 169, 172, 175, 177 Braddon, Mary Elizabeth (author) 158, 159 Chelsea Conservative Club 165–66 Brangwyn, Frank (artist) 17 Cheyne Walk (London) 48, 102, 166 bridges (London) 40, 47, 70 Chicago World’s Fair 170 Bridges, Robert (poet) 19, 131 Child, Harold Hannyngton (reviewer) 30 Brinkley, Frank (scholar of Asia) 10, 16–17, 22 children 10, 29, 31, 38, 107, 108, 110–112, 113, 176 Japan and China 16 China 4, 15–16, 19–20, 23–5, 84, 170, 176 British Art Association 196 “China, or the Relief of the Legations” (entertainment) 170 British art scene 8, 24, 73, 79, 174 Chinda, Suteki (Japanese diplomat) 88 behind Paris 8 Chionoiserie 67 British Association 137 Chippendale (furniture designer) 77 British imperialism 21, 90 Church Parade (London) 68, 69, 70, 114, 115, 148, 153, 175 British Museum (London) xiv, 17, 19, 22, 197 Clement, Ernest (scholar of Japan) 137 British Museum Circle (London) 19 Cliff ord, Camille (actress) 131 Brompton Oratory (London) 2, 72, 143, 169, 170 Cliff ord, C.E. and Co. (Cliff ord Gallery), (London) 68, 151, Browne, Tom (illustrator) 6, 148 153–4, 196 A Gay Little Jap 7 Clutton-Brock, Arthur (reviewer) 18 Brunel, I. K. (civil engineer) 72 coal 36; coal burning and the smell of modern Buck Hill Walk (London) 115 civilization 39, 85 Buckingham Palace (London) 36, 79, 175 Coburn, Alvin Langdon (photographer) 19, 148 Buckle, Henry Thomas (historian) 83 The Empire Theatre 51 Buda-Pesth, Pressburg, and Fiume (colour book) 149 More Men of Mark 19 Bullism 123 coff ee stall 60–1, 63 Burlington Magazine (periodical) 10, 24, 45, 65, 98 collectors 21–2 Burton, Antoinette (historian) 6 color 43, 45, 102, 166 Burton, Decimus (architect) 61, 114 in British art 18 Bushido (Bussidó) 4, 6, 27, 83, 124, 155 in Japanese art, 18, 88, 93, 152 Butterﬁ eld, William (architect) 98 in Markino’s work 35–6, 41, 45, 53, 65, 67, 69, 111, 114, 117, 150–1, 154, 159, 161, 172–3 C in publishing 77, 148–52, 154 Cadogan Gardens (London) 18, 160 “Colour Reproduction in Europe and America.” Cadogan Square (London) 68 See Binyon, Laurence Café Pantheon (Paris) 95 colour books 143–4, 149, 172 California 1; racism and anti-Japanese feeling in 6, 157 Colour of London 2–3, 20, 22, 29, 35, 42, 45, 47, 49, 55, 58, 64, Camberwell (London) 168 68, 70, 72, 80, 90, 93, 95, 107, 111, 114, 121, 127, 129, 131–3, Canterbury (England) 152 136, 143–4, 148–55, 157, 166, 169, 171–2, 175. Cannon Street Station (London) 59 See also Loftie, WilliamJohn; Carlton House (London) 52 Markino, Yoshio Carlyle, Thomas (author) 90 Commercial Road (London) 107 Cecil, Evelyn (author) 111 Confucian 85 Central School of Art and Design (London) 144, 196 Conrad, Joseph (author) 113 Chamberlain, Basil Hall (scholar of Japan) 10, 16, 22, Secret Agent 113 86–7, 90, 126, 137, 187n95 Constable & Co. (publishers) 158 Hand-Book of Colloquial Japanese 16 Cook, E.T. (author) 42, 91, 103, 148 Practical Guide to the Study of Japanese Writing 16 Highways and Byways in London 91, 106, 148 Murray’s Hand-Book to Japan 16 Cornhill Magazine (periodical) 16 Things Japanese 16, 90, 126, 137 Corot, Jean Baptiste (artist) 175

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Cortazzi, Hugh (diplomat and scholar of Japan) xi, xii, xiii, England attitudes towards Japan 1, 6–9, 15–34 xv, 5 curiosity about 4–6 Cotters Studio (London) 197 economic relations and banking 176 Courtney, W.L. (journalist and editor) 55, 73, 78 respect for 3 Crane, Walter (artist) 15, 17 “English as She is Japped.” See Chamberlain, Basil Hall cricket 156 English Coloured Books. See Hardie, Martin Criterion (restaurant) 64 English Illustrated Magazine (periodical) 7, 24, 29, 31, 90, 93, Cromwell Road (London) 53, 166 95, 104, 107–10, 124, 148, 152 croquis 75 English Review (periodical) 21, 121, 137, 140, 158 English Self-Taught (periodical) 83 D Episcopalians 86 Daily Chronicle (newspaper) 18, 55 Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art. See Fenollosa, Ernest Daily Mail (newspaper) 7, 29 Eros (Shaftsbury Memorial) 72, 76, 134, 152 Daily Telegraph (newspaper) 10, 43, 45, 47, 55, 67, 93, 143, 158 Evening News (newspaper) 29, 156 Dalton, E.T. (reviewer) 149 exhibitions 1, 3, 9, 15–18, 21, 24, 31–3, 68, 73, 74, 79–82, 87, Darling of the Gods (play) 26–8, 116, 147, 159 143, 153–4, 166, 169–71, 176 See also Belasco, David Davey, Richard (reviewer) 80 F Davison, Emily (suff ragist) 137 Fawcett, Millicent Garrett 83, 140 Dawson, Nelson (illustrator) 41 Fell, H. Granville (editor) 156 Dean’s Rag Books (children’s books) 146 Fenollosa, Ernest (scholar of Asia) 20, 81, 157 Debutante (play) 118 Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art 20 Defreis, Amelia (critic) 41, 177 Fighting Temeraire—Tugged to her Last Berth (painting) Dewhurst, Wynford (critic) 35 See Turner, J.M.W. Dick, Stuart (scholar of Japan) 22 Finberg, A.J. (art historian) 79 Dickens, Charles (author) 8, 46 Fine Arts Society (London) 154 Diósy, Arthur (writer on Asia) 22, 25–7, 126 Fish, Hamilton (statesman) 85 New Far East 22 ﬂ ânuer 95, 128 District Railway (London) 170 Fleet Street (London) 47, 93 Doyle, Arthur Conan (author) 6, 155, 158, 159 Fletcher, Hanslip (illustrator) 40 Dresser, Christopher (scholar of Japan) 16 Fletcher, Morley (artist) 24–5 Japan, its Architecture, Art and Art Manufactures 16 Flight of the Dragon. See Binyon, Laurence Drury Lane (London) 118, 147 ﬂ ower festival (London) 156 Dryhurst, Nannie Florence (writer and educator) 123, 134 fog 1, 8–9, 11, 35–6, 37, 39, 40–2, 54, 70, 79, 88, 101, 111–12, Dulac, Edmund (artist) 17, 19, 197 149, 151, 153, 159, 173, 175 Dunlop, Marion Wallace (suff ragist) black 36 daytime 43–5 E evening 51, 56, 60–1, 64–5, 94, 96 Earl’s Court (London) 59, 60, 73, 74, 169–70, 171 “Fog and Beauty” 35 East End (London) 15, 59, 108–11 varieties 39 East, Sir Alfred (artist) 17, 22 Forman, Henry James (author) 52, 110 east/west style 20, 70, 148, 177 Fortnightly Review (periodical) 29, 33 Edinburgh Exhibition 16 From the Eastern Sea. See Noguchi, Yone Edinburgh Review (periodical) 20, 82 Fra Angelico 21 Edo, Treaty of 16 Franks, A.W. (scholar of Japanese art) 19 Edward VII, King 1, 4–5, 36, 145 French art 8, 41, 69, 80, 175 Edwards, Jonathan (preacher) 84 Fry, Roger (critic) 8, 20–1, 65 Electric Generating Station (London) 102 Fukuzawa, Yukichi (writer and educator) 83, 125 electric light. See light elephant 112 G “Emotional Impressionism” 175 Galinou, Mireille (art historian) 9 “Empire of India” (entertainment) 170 Garvice, Charles (author) 155, 159, 160 Empire Theatre 51, 118; Empire Ballet 51, 119 gas light. See light Encyclopedia Britannica 16 geisha 6, 29, 32, 60, 62, 124

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Geisha (operetta). See Jones, Sidney Haydon, Benjamin Robert (artist) 39 Genji-Monogatari (Japanese literary classic) 88 Haymarket (London) 52, 143, 154, 196 George V, King 140 Hearn, Lafcadio (scholar of Japan) 16 George, Duke of Cambridge (royal prince) 171 Gleanings in Buddha-Fields 16 Gibson Girl 130–31 Japan: An Attempt at Interpretation 16 Gibson, Charles Dana (illustrator) 114, 131 Heiji (Markino moniker) 35, 155 A Constitutional in the Park 130 Henry, George (artist) 17 Gilbert, Alfred (sculptor) 65, 72, 75, 146, 166 Hind, Charles Lewis (critic) 1, 3, 6, 15, 17, 18, 19, 21, 68, Gilbert, W. S. (lyricist) 28 80, 131, 154 Gilbey, W. & A. (London) 97, 98 Authors and I 18 Gilman, Harold (artist) 8 Art and I 18 Gilmer, J.W. (literary agent) 156 His Majesty’s Theatre (London) 26, 52, 116–17, 133, 196 Gilmour, Leonie (mother of Isamu Noguchi) 124 Hishida, Shunsō (artist) 88 Giotto 18, 21 Hokusai (artist) 16–17, 24–5, 75, 80 Gladstone, W. E. (statesman) 105 Holland Park (London) 160, 166 Glasgow Boys (artists) 17 Holloway Broach (suff ragist symbol) 141 Glasgow Exhibition 16 Holme, Charles (editor) 73, 144, 148 globalization 21, 83, 163 Holmes, Charles J. (editor and scholar of Japanese art) 17, Goh, Daigoro (diplomat) 22 19, 24, 75, 153 Goldsmiths’ College (London) 144–5, 196 Holmes, Sherlock (ﬁ ctional detective) 6 Goldstein, Ida (suff ragist) 140 Home, Gordon (editor) 145, 152 Gore, Spencer Frederick (artist) 8, 117 Honda, Kumatarō (diplomat) 197 Grafton Gallery (London) 175 Hooligan Nights. See Rook, Clarence Grant, Duncan (artist) 8 Hornel, Edward Atkinson (artist) Graves Gallery (London) 88 Hueff er, Ford Maddox (Ford) (author) 6 Great Exhibition (London) 166 Huish, Marcus (scholar of Japan) 16, 22, 32, 150, 154 Great Titchﬁ eld St. (London) 97 Japan and its Art 16 “Greater Britain” (entertainment) 170 Hungerford Bridge (London) 70, 71, 72, 100 Greenaway, Kate (illustrator) 69, 146 hybrid stytle; hybridity 11, 67, 73–82, 88–90, 100, 177 Greenwich (London) 134 Hyde Park Corner (London) 11, 53, 61, 63, 114, 175 Grey, Edward (Viscount Grey of Fallodon) (statesman) 36 Grimshaw, Atkinson (artist) 63 I Gubbins, John Harrington (scholar of Japan) 17, 22 Ideas of the East. See Okakura, Kakuzō Guest, Ivor (author) 119 Illustrated London News (newspaper) 36, 145 Guthrie, T.A. (author) 90 immigrants 15, 24, 109, 146 Babu 90 Imperial Institute (London) 169, 170 Imperial Library (Tokyo) 86 H Imperial London. See Beavan, Arthur H. Hacker, Arthur (artist) 65 Imperial Restaurant (London) 169 Hackney Downs (London environs) 59 Impressionism xi, xiv, 8, 69, 80, 175 Hamilton, Cicely (author) 138 Impressions of a London Tea. See Markino, Yoshio Hampton Court Baroque (architectural style) 98 Indian Eye on English Life. See Behramji, Handbook of Modern Japan. See Clement, Ernest Malabari Hansom cab 36, 53, 65 Inoue, Enryō (philosopher) 197 Happy England. See Allingham, Helen International Exhibition, London (1862) 15 Hara, Busho (artist) 7, 33, 54, 79, 146, 174 Inns of Court (London) 152 Hardie, Martin (art historian) 150 Irving, Laurence (theatrical producer) 29, 117 English Coloured Books 150 Irving, Washington (author) 83, 106, 123 Harpers’s Magazine (periodical) 144 Pride of the Village 123 Harraden, Beatrice (author) 123 Sketch-Book 123 Harris, Frank (journalist) 3, 4, 39, 47, 52, 124, 137, 150 Italian art 20, 80, 130 Harrod’s (London) 98 Itō, Hirobumi (statesman) 15, 85, 196 Haruki Primary School (Japan) 195 Itō, Kosaburō (critic) 23 Hashimoto, Gahō, 88 (artist) Iwakura, Prince Tomoni (diplomat) 85

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J Kikugoro (actor) 27 Jack the Ripper (London murderer) 108 Kilpatrick, Ross S. (Markino scholar) xiv, 9 Jap 6, 7, 24–6 King (periodical) 46, 58, 102–3, 145–6, 152 Japan and popular entertainment 4, 17, 26, 28, 118 Kiralfy, Imre (impresario) 170 Japan in Britain Kitchner, Herbert (soldier) 104 authenticity 26–9 Kiyochika, Kobayashi (artist) 60, 88 exhibitions 1, 9, 15–18, 21, 31–35, 68, 80–2, 87, 143, 153–4, Shinbashi Station 62 176, 195–8 Kiyonaga, Torii (artist) 121 newspapers 7, 15, 17, 82 Klien, Frederick (missionary) 86, 195 periodicals 10, 23, 82, 152 Kodak 95 popular reception 24–6 Kōdan (entertainment) 88 Japan, its Architecture, Art and Art Manufactures. Kojiki (Japanese classic literature) 87 See Dresser, Christopher Kokka (periodical) 10, 23, 82, 152 Japan Society (London) 26, 31, 82, 123, 126, 154–5, 165 Komai, Gunnosuke (author) 7, 124 Japan Times (Tokyo) 7, 82 Komai, T.G. (publicist) 25 Japan. A Record in Colour. See Menpes, Mortimer Komoro (Japan) xi, 195 Japan-British Exhibition 16, 31–3, 81 Korea 176 Japanese art and Britain 1, 5–6 Kōrin, Ogata (artist) 33, 175 British scholars and critics 15–19 Koromo Primary School (Japan) 195, 198 British collectors 21–2, 160–1, 173 Kyōsai, Kawanabe (artist) 22 “Japanese History of Napoleon.” See Sladen, Douglas, Kyoto (Japan) 87 More Queer Things About Japan “Japanese Ex-Patriot: Markino Yoshio Exhibition” L (Ginza Shiseidō Gallery, Tokyo) 197 La Tosca (play). See Sardou, Victorin Japanese in Britain xi, 1, 3, 4, 6–8, 15, 17, 19, 22, 27, 33, 46, 54, Landseer, Edwin Sir (artist) 46 146, 148, 168, 182n99, 197 Landseer Lions 46, 77 attitudes towards 6, 112, 156 Lake Biwa (Japan) 87 British indiff erence towards 6 Le Japon Artistique (periodical) 24 relations sour 176–7 League of Light (London) 63 Japanese style 1, 5, 27, 68, 73, 76, 78, 88, 145 Leicester Square (London) 50, 51, 118, 175 Japanese writing in English 10, 22–24, 82, 90, 157, 172 Leighton, Frederic Lord (artist) 160 Japonisme 8, 17, 19 Lengyel, Melchior (playwright) 29 Japs at Home. See Sladen, Douglas Lenin, V.I. (statesman) 105 Jerningham, Charles Edward (author) 148 Leonardo 18 Jews (Russia) 24, 109–10 Lewis, Wyndham (artist) 8, 19 Jiu-Jitsu (martial art) 131 Liberty, Arthur Lasensby (dealer in Asian fabrics) 6, 17, John Bull (comic character) 115, 122, 123, 158 21–2 John Bullesses (Markino’s British women) xii, 12, 35, 44, 89, Liggins, John (missionary) 84 121–41, 158, 176 light 35, 38, 42, 45–55, 58, 61, 63, 72, 94, 149, 161, 167 Jones, Sidney (composer) 26 electric 11, 47, 50, 52, 53, 56, 59, 63–5, 172 Joya, Mock (author) 156 gas 3, 47, 49, 52 street lamps 45–50, 52–6, 58, 61, 63–4, 101, 160 K Limehouse (London) 21, 109 Kaisaku, Ichizaemon (friend) 197 “Lion” (Sladen moniker) 155 Kaisaku, Morimura (friend) 197 Lion Brewery (London) 72 Kakemonos 24, 161 Little Ben (London) 58 Kano School (Japanese art) 22 Little Englander 138 Kawakami theater troupe 196 Living Age (periodical) 42 Kelly, R. Talbot (illustrator) 149 Lloyd, Percy (friend) 197 Kensal Rise (London) 134 Lockhart’s (London restaurant) 104 Kensington (London) 13, 17, 26, 95, 97, 112, 115, 129, 159–60, Lochnan, Katharine (art historian) 79 168–70, 172–3, 190 Loftie, William John (author) 47, 98, 143–4, 149 Kent (Britain) 152 London. See fog; Chelsea; East End; Kensington; Kew Gardens (London environs) 29 Hansom cab; trams; underground

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London Borough of Richmond Upon Thames 10 Writing: London County Council 166 A Japanese Artist in London xi, xiv, 2, 4, 7, 9, 10, 29, 31, London Pavilion 65, 72, 117–18 35, 53, 56, 60, 73, 78, 89, 90, 93, 104, 118, 121, 123, 129, London University 17 154, 157, 165, 170, 172, 174–5, 196 Long, John Luther (playwright) 26 “An Essay by the Artist,” Colour of London 178n2 Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth (poet) 83 “An Essay by the Artist,” Colour of Paris 184n57, Lord Mayor’s Show (London) 153 190n28 Lorimer, Norma (author) 26, 158 “An Essay by the Artist,” Colour of Rome 190n28 Lots Road (London) 102 Comparative Philosophy between West and East 198 Lucas, E. V. (Edward Verrall) (author) 36, 38, 41, 45, 103, “Emotion and Etymology” 158 108, 110–12 “The Five O’Clock. Some Impression s of London Wanderer in London 36, 41 at Tea” 29 Ludgate Hill (London) 93, 94, 99 Forty Years of My Life in England 198 Luxembourg Museum (Paris) 196 “Kew Gardens through Japanese Eyes” 29 Lynch, George (author) 81 “Memory and Imagination” 158 My Idealled John Bullesses 35, 89, 118, 121–41, 158, 197 M “Our Dead Mikado” 29 Machray, Robert (author) 6, 24, 51–2, 60–1, 65, Oxford from Within 29, 42, 54, 149 134, 148 “Post-Impressionists and Others” 174 Mackintosh, Charles Rene (architect and designer) 17 Recollections and Reﬂ ections of a Japanese Artist 29, 54, Madame Butterﬂ y (play and opera). See Belasco, 90, 117, 158, 166, 172, 174, 107 David and Puccini, Giacomo Seen in Idle Dreams 198 Magazine of Art (periodical) 7, 10, 16, 24, 29, 77, 80–1, 90, Thinkers and Thoughts of East and West 177 114, 146, 148, 155, 157 When I Was a Child 29, 85–6, 89, 123, 157–8, 172, 197 Makino Toshimoto (Markino’s father) 82, 195 Art: Malabari, Behramji M. (author) 13 11.30 A.M. on a May Sunday at Boulevard du Bois de Indian Eye on English Life 13, 203 Boulogne 115 Mall (London) 94 A Crowd Springs up as if by Magic to Champion the Manchuria 176 Victim 108 “Manet and the Post Impressionists” A Japanese Liner at the Albert Docks 5 (exhibition) 175 A Life Class 89, 144 Mantegna 18, 21 A Street Artist at St. Martin-in-the-Fields Church 102, Markino, Yoshio 103, 145 American period 1, 6, 88, 112, 144, 157 A Street Refuge on a Rainy Day 104 and London fog 1, 8–9, 11, 79, 149, 153, 159, 173 A Street Scene in Siena 174 early years in Japan 82–88, 195–6 A Winter Afternoon, Chelsea Embankment 48, 175 family Albert Bridge, Chelsea Embankment: Running Tide 70, Bai Yen (grandfather) 88 71, 101 Hotta, Jaki (cousin) 195 Albert Memorial 98, 168 Katsu (mother) 195 An Evening View of the Geisha Quarters 60, 62 Toshimoto (father) 195, 198 Are they the incarnations of Ibexes? 131, 132 Toshitarō (brother) 195, 198 At Clement’s Inn 139 Yoshi (Kyō) Fujishima (sister) 195, 197 At the Albert Hall 138 outsider 1, 2, 8, 11, 43, 68, 104, 121, 128, At the Ballet 118, 119 144, 144, 177 At the Dressmaker’s and Millenary 121 portrait photographs 2, 68 At the Zoological Gardens 112 scholarship on xiii, 8–10 At Victoria Station 59 visits Paris 45, 52, 95, 125–6, 153 Author (Douglas Sladen) 161 visits Italy 123, 132, 153 Autumn 2, 44, 148 walking the streets 36, 41, 47, 52, 54, 56, 60–65, 83, Back of Yokohama Bay 173 94–5, 101, 107, 111, 113, 128, 147, 168 Barrel-Organ, London, E. 107 women xii, 3, 12, 18, 27, 67, 78, 121–41 Beautiful Women in Bond Street 133 working for recognition 4, 8–10, 15, 18, 23, 40, 42, 68, Buckingham Palace, London, Seen across 83, 88, 90, 121, 123, 144–63 Green Park 175

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‘Bus is a Promising Field for Him Who Seeks the John Bullesses Playing 131, 132 Humorous 105, 106 Koma 31 Carlton Porch at Night 51, 52 Lake, Earl’s Court, by Night 171 Charles Garvice 155, 160 Leicester Square: The Alhambra, Night 50, 51, 70, 175 Chelsea Bridge: Early Evening 9 London Seen with Japanese Eyes: Marylebone Church 77, Chelsea Cottages 168 80, 148 Chelsea Embankment 60, 61 Ludgate Hill: Midday 93, 94 Children Perform Miraculous “Pas Seuls,” 107 Magdalen in the Rain 42 Christmas Shopping: Regent Street 63, 64, 136 Marlborough Road, Chelsea: Saturday Night 168 Church Parade, Near Stanhope Gate, July 68, 69, 70, 115, Miss Braddon 158, 159 153, 175 Misty Evening in Trafalgar Square 173 Clock Tower 49 Modern Geisha Dancing at an Entertainment 32 Cover, Colour of London 2, 3, 143 Monkey House, Regent’s Park 111 Cover, My Idealed John Bullesses 122 Moorish Room at 32 Addison Mansions 160, 162 Cover, The Colour of Paris 73 Morning Parade: Rotten Row 69, 70, 115, 153, 175 Cover, The Colour of Rome 73 My Coff ee Machine 166, 167, 174 “ Darling of the Gods,” at His Majesty’s Theatre 28 My First Meeting with an American Missionary 85 Dining Room at 32 Addison Mansions 174 My First Promenade after Convalescence 87 Earl’s Court Exhibition 73, 74, 170 My “Idealed John Bullesses. IV Suff ragettes” 140, 141 Earl’s Court Station 59, 60 My New Studio 167 Early Autumn, Hyde Park 43, 44, 68, 129 Natural History Museum 169 Early Evening, Buckingham Palace 94 Natural History of John Bullesses 127, 135 Electric Power Works, Chelsea 101, 102 Night Coff ee-Stall, Hyde Park Corner 61, 63 Empire Ballet 119 Night: Lights in Piccadilly Circus (print) 3, 35, 64–5, 72 England Seen with Japanese Eyes: Church Parade 114, 148 Night. Lights in Piccadilly Circus (watercolor) 151 Evening Exodus, East End: In Liverpool Street Old Brompton Road 36, 53, 168 Station 58, 59 Opening Day at Earl’s Court 73, 74, 170 Evening Exodus, West End: Entering Victoria Railway Oratory, Brompton Road 169, 170 Station 58 Our Lodgings in Sydney Street 165 Evening in Trafalgar Square, London (Trafalgar Square Outside St. George’s Hospital 55, 56 by Night) 77, 78, 79, 129 Outside the Theatre at 11:15 P.M. 133 Evening Scene on Vauxhall Bridge 56, 57 Pen and Ink Studies from Memory 95 Feeding the Gulls, Blackfriars Bridge 101 Pencil Studies 105 Flower-Women at Piccadilly Circus 12, 99, 134 Piccadilly Circus 75 Fog: Ladies crossing Piccadilly 35, 37, 44, 129, 137 Pit Entrance of Her Majesty’s Theatre 117 Forum of Nerva 54, 55 Pit Entrance of the New Theatre 117, 118 From the Eastern Sea (frontispiece) 156, 157 Points of View–No. 1: Regent Street 135, 136 Fulham Road 13, 168 Points of View–No. 2: In Hyde Park 72, 113 Gale Street, Chelsea, in Snow 45, 68 Posters in the Strand 79, 96 Geisha Practicing at Home 124 “Prodigal Son” at the Drury Lane Theatre 147 Grosvenor Gate, Hyde Park: Autumn 43, 44 Quirinal 80, 81 His Majesty’s Theatre: The “Pit” Queue 116, 117 Reading “Evangeline” at Yagoto 83, 84 Hotel Entrance, Knightsbridge: Night 35, 38, 41 Reading in Kensington Gardens 129 Hungerford Bridge: Evening 70, 71, 72, 100 River from Waterloo Bridge 39, 49, 79, 93 Hyde Park Corner 11, 53, 175 Roller Skating 12, 130–1 I Used to Sit Down all Day and Read 32 Roof Garden of 32 Addison Mansions 159, 162 Iffl ey Road 55 Saturday Evening at Greenwich and Kensal Rise 134 Imperial Institute 169, 170 Serpentine: Autumn Evening 35, 38, 43 Impressions of London by a Japanese Artist 145 “Sho-Bu-Kwan” School of Fencing in Japan 29, 30 In London Fog 35, 39, 132 Shopping 135 Industrious John Bullesses 131 Sightseeing in Trafalgar Square 46 Israel Zangwill 110 Sir Arthur Conan Doyle 158, 159 Japanese Room at 32 Addison Mansions 160, 163 Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree at Rehearsal 29 John Bullesses Dancing 125 Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree 159, 160

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Sloan Square: Wet Day 94, 116, 168, 193 Mill, John Stuart (political philosopher) 83 Some of My John Bulless Friends 127, 128 Millais, John Everett (artist) 166 Spring in Onslow Square 97, 168 Millbank (London) 41 Spring Mist: Westminster Bridge 35, 37, 43, 45, 72 Milner Street (London) 165 “Stalls” Leaving His Majesty’s Theatre 116, 133 mino mushi (overcoat insect) 127 Strand: New Gaiety Theatre, Night 71 missionaries xi, 39, 84–6 Sunday Morning in Petticoat Lane 109, 133–4 Mitford, Bertram (Lord Redesdale) (diplomat) 17, 19 Tea House, Kensington Gardens 115, 116 Mitsukoshi Department Store (Nihonbashi, Tokyo) 198 That Hour Which Every Man Must Sacriﬁ ce 104, 105 Mitton, Geraldine E. (author) 63, 79, 149 Thistle Grove 54, 166 Miyake, Katsumi (painter) 196 Tourists in Front of St. Paul’s 98, 99 Mizuno, Manji (painter) 195 Tower Bridge 41, 93, 101 Monet, Claude (artist) xiv, 8, 35, 41, 43 Trafalgar Square 45, 46, 80 Monkey House (London) 111–12 Tricks of the Waggish Bicyclist 96, 104 Moor 6 Tulips 174, 175 Moorish 50, 160 Underground at Baker Street 100 Moore, Eva (actress) 118 “Under Which King?”At the Adelphi Theatre 118 Moore, Thomas Sturge (poet) 19 Victoria and Albert Museum 53 More Men of Mark. See Coburn, Alvin Langdon Votes for Women 138, 139 More Queer Things About Japan. See Sladen, Douglas Walking in the Street 135, 136 Moriarty, Professor (ﬁ ctional criminal) 6 Whitechapel 110, 111 Morning Post (newspaper) 158 “White Lady,” Wedhampton 172 morotai (hazy style painting) 88 Winsley Street, Oxford Street, from Morrison, Arthur (author) 15, 18, 21–4, 33, 65, Gilbey’s Portico 97, 98 88, 108, 161 Winter Light-Eff ect: Grosvenor Road Painters of Japan 21, 88 Station Bridge 43, 44 Tales of Mean Streets 21, 108 Yone Noguchi 7 Mount Yagoto (Japan) 83 Marochetti, Carlo (sculptor) 166 Murray, John; Murray’s Hand-Books 99 Marriott, Frederick (teacher) 145 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston xiv, 23 Marshall, Cicely (critic) 33 Mutsuhito, Emperor 5, 29 Marshall, Herbert (artist) 46, 99, 149 St. Paul’s and Ludgate Hill 99 N Masuyama, Ōkyo (artist) 33 Nagoya (Japan) 85, 88, 195 Mary, Queen 140, 196 National Art Library (London) xiv, 150 Mason, W.B. (guidebook author) 16 National Gallery (London) 78–9 Matabei, Iwasa (Shōi) (artist) 33 Natural History Museum (London) 169 Maxwell, Donald (author) 60 Nelson’s Column (London) 77 Maxwell, W.B. (author) 155 Nevill, Ralph (author) 148 May, Phil (illustrator) 104, 146 New Age (periodical) 33, 42, 67, 122 Mayfair (London) 114 New Gallery (London) 79 McClure, S.S. (editor) 157 New Testament 86 McClure’s Magazine (periodical) 157 New Theatre (London) 117 Mearns, Andrew (author) 108 New York 23, 196–7 Medici Society (London) 154 Nicholson, Arthur P. (author) 40 Meiji Emperor. See Mutsuhito, Emperor Nicholson, William (artist) 8 Meiji period xi, 15–16, 18–19, 60, 68, 80–3, 86–8, 177, 187n95 Nihon Industrial Club (Japan) 198 Meinertzhagen, Ernest Louis (civic leader) 166 nihonga (Japanese national art style) 82 Menpes, Mortimer (artist) 18, 149, 160 Nineteenth century 6, 16–17, 26, 79, 98, 118, 130, 150, 155 Japan. A Record in Colour 18 Nineteenth Century (periodical) 158, 174 mermaid dress 132 Noguchi, Isamu (sculptor) 124 Meynell, Alice (author) 54 Noguchi,Yone (poet) xi, 6–7, 10, 19–20, 22–3, 25, 40, 50, 52, Methodists 86 81–2, 88, 90, 128, 133, 135, 155–7, 166 Metropolitan Asylums Board (London) 166 From the Eastern Sea (From Tōkaidō) 19, 156, 196 Mikado (operetta) 4, 17, 26, 28, 118 Story of Yone Noguchi 133, 157, 172

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Norman, Sir Henry (author) 5, 16 Portland Stone capitals 52 The Real Japan 16 Post-Impressionism 18, 175 Nozaki, Kanekiyo (painter) 195 “Post-Impressionists and Others” See Markino, Yoshio O Potter, Olave (author) 123, 132, 172, 196 Observer (newspaper) 4 “Pottery of the Cha-No-Yu” Ogawa, Masatane (teacher) 195 (Japan Society lecture) 22 Okakura, Kakuzō (author) 10, 23–4, 81–2, 88, 90 Pound, Ezra (poet) 19 Awakening of Japan 23 Price, Claire (critic) 177 Ideals of the East 23 Pride of the Village. See Irving, Washington Old Bailey (London) 156 Prodigal Son (play). See Alexander, George Olympia (London) 60 prostitution 125 omnibus 53, 56, 63, 75, 94–5, 101, 105, 111 Yoshiwara 126 Onslow Square (London) 166 London 126 Order of the Garter (Britain) 5 Protestants xi, 84–5 O’Rell, Max (author) 36, 39 Puccini, Giacomo 26 orientalism 177 Orpen, William (artist) 17 Q Osaka (Japan) 18 Quarterly Review (periodical) 17, 20 Ōtani School (Chita-gun, Japan) 195 Queen (periodical) 27, 29, 81, 118, 144, 146–7 “Our Naval Victories” (entertainment) 170 Queer Things About Japan. See Sladen, Douglas Oxford 17, 42, 54, 67 Oxford From Within. See Markino, Yoshio R Oxford Street (London) 19, 97, 98, 135, 140 Rain, Steam and Speed—The Great Western Railway. See Turner, J.M.W. P Ransome, Arthur (author) xiv, 6, 50, 61, 102, 148, 158, “Padre” (Percy Spalding moniker) 154 166, 179n31 Painters of Japan. See Morrison, Arthur Bohemia in London 6, 102, 148 Painting in the Far East. See Binyon, Laurence Rawlinson, W.G. (art historian) 79 Palace Gate (London) 166 Reading University (Britain) xiv, 24 Pall Mall Budget (newspaper) 18 Redcliff e Road (London) 159, 165 Pall Mall Gazette (newspaper) 158 Regent (later King George IV) 52 Pankhurst, Christabel (suff ragist) 137–40, 196 Regent Street (London) 6, 17, 63, 126, 135–6, 140 Pankhurst, Emmeline (suff ragist) 137–8 Regent’s Park Zoo (London) 100, 111–12 Pantheon (London) 98 Reichenbach Falls (Switzerland) 6 Park Lane (London) 114, 13 Ricketts, Charles (critic) 31 Parliament Square (London) 137 Ring (London) 114 Peace—Burial at Sea. See Turner, J.M.W. Ritz, Caesar (restaurateur) 51 Perry, Matthew C. (naval commander) 84 Robins, Anna Gruetzner (art historian) 8 Persian and Saracenic tiles 160 Rodin, Auguste (sculptor) 196 Pethick-Lawrence, Emmeline (suff ragist) 138, 140–1 Rodner, William S. (historian) xiii, 195 Pethick-Lawrence, Frederick William (suff ragist) 140–1 Rome 72, 80, 154, 172, 196 Peter Pan. See Barre, J.M. Rook, Clarence (author-reviewer) 42, 44, 55, 64, Petticoat Lane (London) 109, 134 98, 109, 149 Pevsner, Nikolaus (architectural historian) 97 Hooligan Nights 98 Piccadilly Circus (London) 6, 24, 65, 73, 75, Roscoe, James 197 100, 117, 136 Roscoe, Flora 197 Piccadilly Underground (London) 170 Ross, Denis (professor) 197 Pimlico (London) 56 Rossetti, Dante Gabriel (artist) 17, 21, 166 Piron, Marie (wife) 197 Rossetti, William Michael (critic) 21 police commissioner (London) 176 Rothenstein, William (artist) 19 pollution xiv, 36 Rotten Row (London) 115 Porter, Robert Percival (author) 16 Royal Academy of Arts (London) 103, 107 Full Recognition of Japan 16 Royal Watercolor Society (London) 152

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Ruskin, John (London) 78 More Queer Things About Japan 26, 123, 126, 155 Russo-Japanese War 131 “Place aux Dames” 25 Rye, James (friend) 197 Playing the Game 25 Queer Things About Japan 25–6 S “Smiling Rikshaw Man” 25 Said, Edward W. (author) 21, 181n47 Twenty Years of My Life 110, 153, 158–63 St. George’s Circus (London) 58 Sloan Square (London) 93, 116, 166 St. Katherine’s Docks (London) 101 Smith, Pamela Coleman (illustrator) 166 St. Mary-le-Strand (London) 72 Smyth, Ethel (composer) 138 St. Martin’s Lane (London) 117 socialists 137 St. Paul’s Cathedral (London) 93, 98–9 “Sonny” (Markino moniker) 154 Sakurai, Shōzō (naval offi cial) 196 Sōseki, Natsume (author) 7, 168 Sakura-Kai (Cherry Blossom Society) 197 South Kensington Underground Station (London) 165 Samurai xii, xiv, 4, 6, 10, 27, 68, 83, 131 Spalding, Percy (editor) 154–5, 157, 176 Samurai sword 4 Speaker (newspaper) 18, 149–50 San Francisco 1, 84, 88, 144, 157, 195 Spectator (periodical) 89, 122, 150 Sardou, Victorin (playwright) 28 Spencer, Herbert (philosopher) 83, 197 Sargent, John Singer (artist) 8, 69, 106 Spielmann, Marion Harry xi, xiv, 4, 24, 27, 35, 42–3, Satō, Unshō (teacher) 195 49, 50–1, 56, 65, 68–9, 77, 80, 88, 90, 95–7, 102, 107, 110, Satsuma (Japan) 83 114, 116, 121, 123, 129–31, 143, 144–9, 153–5, 158, 166, 176, Saturday Review (periodical) 10, 19, 47, 80, 152, 172 189n84, 196 Schivelbush, Wolfgang (author) 49 Standard (newspaper) 158 Schlör, Joachim (author) 52 Stead, Alfred (editor) 21 screever (street painter) 103 Stevens, Ethel May (author) 123 Second World War 177 Stopes, Marie (author) 81 Serpentine (London) 115 Story of Yone Noguchi. See Noguchi, Yone Service, Alistair (architectural historian) 98 Strange, Edward Fairbrother (scholar of Japanese art) 17, Sesshū, Tōyō (artist) 33, 175 22, 65, 186n12 Shaftsbury Memorial (London) street lamps. See light See Eros; Gilbert, Alfred Studio (periodical) 10, 18, 23–4, 49, 63–4, 73, 76, 88, 115, 117, Shepherd’s Bush (London) 33, 196 144, 146, 148, 151, 170, 176, 192n27, 196 Shiga, Shigetaka (artist) 88, 195 “Studio-Talk” (periodical essay) 73–75 Shigemitsu, Mamoru (diplomat) xii, 3, 197–8 suff ragist, suff ragette xii, 137–40 Shinto (the Way of the Gods) (1905). See Ashton, W.G. Sugimura, K. (author) 7 Ship Ahoy! (play) 119 Sully, James (psychologist) 123 Sho-Bu-Kwan. See Markino Sunday Guardian (newspaper) 159 shoga-kai (poets’ and artists’ gathering) 88 Survey of London 166 shopping 12, 95, 134–7 Suzuki, Utsujirō (friend) 195, 198 Shore, Tiegnmouth (author) 147, 152 Swan and Edger (London) 136 Sickert, Bernhard (critic) 24, 79 “Sword Ornaments of the Goto Shirobei Family” Sickert, Walter (artist) 117 (Japan Society lecture) 22 silhouette 2, 39, 40, 44, 51, 54–6, 63, 65, 70, 72, 76–7, Sydney Street (London) 45, 147, 166 101–2, 122, 141, 151–2, 172 Symons, Arthur (author) 40, 43, 46, 51, 65 Sims, George (author) 51, 63, 108 Shinobazu Pond (Tokyo) 87 T Sketch-Book. See Irving, Washington Tadamasa, Hayashi (Paris art dealer) 196 Sladen, Douglas (author) 4, 10, 15, 25–6, 35, 87, 90, 110, Taguchi family (Markino benefactors) 198 123, 132, 137, 140, 146, 154–63 Taki, Sei-Ichi (critic) 10, 23–4, 82 Carthage and Tunis 123 Three Essays on Oriental Painting 23 “Chinese Men-Dressmakers of Japan” 25 Tales of Mean Streets. See Morrison, Arthur Egypt and the English 25 Tamegai, Chikkō (painter) 195 “Humour of Japanese Hotels” 25 Tate Gallery (London) 39, 41, 48, 196 Japan in Pictures 26 Tatsutamaru (ship) 198 Japs at Home 25, 182n81 Taylor, Fred (illustrator) 102, 148

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tea drinking 26–7, 131, 135, 137, 156 V technique 51, 70, 195 Vallotton, Félix (artist) 76, 108 Terry, T. Phillip (author) 126 The Demonstration (La Manifestation) 76 theaters 26–7, 51–2, 65, 71, 93, 116–18, 133, 196 Van Eyck 21 “Times Japanese Supplement” 176 Vauxhall Road; Vauxhall Bridge (London) 56, 57, 58 Thinkers and Thoughts of East and West. Venice 149, 152, 196 See Markino, Yoshio Verloc, Mr. (Conrad character) 113 Thompson, A.M. (author) 5 Victoria, Queen 8, 171 Thompson, Hugh (illustrator) 104–5, Victoria and Albert Museum (South Kensington Museum) 146, 148, 176 (London) xiv, 17, 53, 78, 150, 169 ‘Bus Driver 106 Victoria Embankment (London) 101 The Pavement Artist 103 “Victorian Era” (entertainment) 170 three colour process 150, 152 Volk, Alicia (art historian) 8 Tilbury Dock (London) 4 Times (newspaper) 13, 26, 28–9, 42 W Times Literary Supplement 10, 17–19, 149 Wada, Eisaku (painter) 198 Titian 18 W.S.P.U. (Women’s Social and Political Union) 137–8 Tokugawa period 84 Waltham Cross (London environs) 59 Tokyo Institute of Fine Arts 23 Wanderer in London. See Lucas, E.V. Tokyo School of Fine Arts 88 Wapping (London) 21 Tokyo Imperial University 23 Ward, H.R. (editor) 123 Tottenham (London) 59 Waring & Gallow (London) 97–8 Tosa Nikki (Japanese classic) Warner, Philip Henry Lee (editor) 10, 104, 144, 148, 152–4 Tower Bridge (London) 41, 93, 101 Washington, D.C. xiv, 23 Tower of London 101, 144 Waterloo Bridge (London) 93 Townsend, C. Harrison (architect) 15 Waterloo Railway (London) 100 Toyota City, Aichi Prefecture (Japan) xi, 195 Wedhampton, Devizes (Britain) 172, 197 trams (London) 56–8, 94 Wellington, Duke of 55, 113 Tree, Herbert Beerbohm (actor-producer) 26–8, 28, 116–18, Wells, H.G. (author) 155 155, 159, 160 West Dulwich (London environs) 121 Trocadero (restaurant) 64 West End (London) 6, 61, 97, 107, 134–5, 137, 147, 166 Tsunematsu, Sammy Ikuo (author) xiv, 9–10, 184n47 Western art xi, 1, 8, 10–11, 21, 23, 35, 65, 67, 69–70, 73, 76–8, Tuke, Samuel (scholar of Japan) 22 80–2, 87–8, 173, 177, 196, 198 Turner, J.M.W. (painter) xi, 8, 18, 24, 39, 78–9, 102, 166 Westminster (London) 41, 49, 112, 140 Fighting Temeraire—Tugged to her Last Berth 79 Westminster Abbey (London) 96–7 Peace—Burial at Sea 79 Westminster Bridge (London) 35, 37, 43, 45, 72, 104 Rain, Steam and Speed—The Great Westminster Bridge Road (London) 57, 93, 100 Western Railway 79 Westminster, Palace of (London) 40 Thames Above Waterloo Bridge 39, 79 When I Was a Child. See Markino, Yoshio Turneresque 67 Whisterlian 67 Twentieth century 82, 101 Whistler, James A. McNeil (artist) xiv, 8, 9, 17, 24, 39–40, Tyndale, Walter (artist) 149 48, 51, 79–80, 89, 166, 179n39 Typhoon (play) 29 Nocturne: Blue and Gold—Old Battersea Bridge (c. 1872–75) 48, 80 U Ten O’Clock Lecture 17, 39, 79 Ueno Park (Tokyo) 87 Whitechapel Exhibition (London) 15, 18, 21 Ukiyo-e (woodblock prints) 15, 22, 33, 80, 93, Whitechapel Gallery (London) 1, 107, 110 121, 175 Whitehall (London) 36, 94, 140 Umatarō, Ide (friend) Who’s Who 177 underground (London) 59, 94, 100, 102 Wigmore Street (London) 30 unequal treaties 85 Wilde, Oscar (author) 39 Utamaro, Kitagawa (artist) 33, 121 “Decay of Lying” 39 Bijin jûyô: Hokkoku no zashiki (Ten Beautiful Faces: Wilhelm, C. (William John Charles Pitcher) Reception Room in the Yoshiwara) 121 (theatrical producer) 118–19

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Wilhelm II (German emperor) 17 Yamato Damashii (soul of Japan) 88 Williams, Orlo (reviewer) 174 Yangtze Valley (China) 176 Wilson, Henry (teacher) 144–5 Yaso (mysterious and unpatriotic religion) 86 Wimbledon (London) 94 Yeats, W.B. (poet) 19, 166 “Wise Man from the East” (article) 15 Yee, Chiang (artist) 181n27 women’s rights. See suff ragists “Yellow Peril” 17 women yōga (western style) 1, 81 Markino’s friends 123–6, 135, 137, 142, 172, 196 Yokohama (Japan) 25, 86–7, 195 female fashions 12, 123, 126–7, 129, 131 Yokohama Band 84 World War 1 (First World War) xi, 6, 8, 13, 19, Yokoyama, Taikan (artist) 88 124, 163, 172, 176–7 Yorkshire (Britain) 152 Wright, Frank Lloyd (architect) 157 Yo-San (theatrical character) 27 Yoshiwara (Japan) 121, 126 Y Yacco, Sada (actress) 26 Z Yahagi River (Japan) 83 Zangwill, Israel (author) 110 Yamamoto family (Markino benefactors) 198 Zola, Èmile (author) 136 Yamanaka & Co. (London) 6, 178n19 Au Bonheur de Dames 136

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