El Poder Judicial En La Transición Al Régimen Constitucional En Ecuador

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El Poder Judicial En La Transición Al Régimen Constitucional En Ecuador Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar Sede Ecuador Área de Historia Doctorado en Historia Latinoamericana El Poder Judicial en la transición al régimen constitucional en Ecuador El caso de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, 1976 – 1979 Adrián Raúl López Andrade Tutor: Guillermo Bustos Lozano Quito, 2020 -2- -3- Cláusula de Cesión de Derecho de Publicación de Tesis Yo, Adrián Raúl López Andrade, autor de la tesis intitulada “El poder Judicial en la transición al régimen constitucional en Ecuador: el caso de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, 1976 – 1979”, mediante el presente documento dejo constancia de que la obra es de mi exclusiva autoría y producción, que la he elaborado para cumplir con uno de los requisitos previos para la obtención del título de Doctor en Historia Latinoamericana en la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador. 1. Cedo a la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador, los derechos exclusivos de reproducción, comunicación pública, distribución y divulgación, durante 36 meses a partir de mi graduación, pudiendo por lo tanto la Universidad, utilizar y usar esta obra por cualquier medio conocido o por conocer, siempre y cuando no se lo haga para obtener beneficio económico. Esta autorización incluye la reproducción total o parcial en los formatos virtual, electrónico, digital, óptico, como usos en red local y en internet. 2. Declaro que en caso de presentarse cualquier reclamación de parte de terceros respecto de los derechos de autor/a de la obra antes referida, yo asumiré toda responsabilidad frente a terceros y a la Universidad. 3. En esta fecha entrego a la Secretaría General, el ejemplar respectivo y sus anexos en formato impreso y digital o electrónico. Fecha: 03 de septiembre de 2020 Firma: ............................................. -4- -5- Resumen Los estudios sobre las transiciones democráticas han puesto gran atención a la instauración de regímenes constitucionales mediante la (re)instalación del poder Legislativo como representante de la soberanía popular y de la pluralidad de posturas que la componen. A su vez, han enfatizado las relaciones entre el Legislativo, como hacedor de las leyes, con el Ejecutivo, como su ejecutor. Esto se desprende del hecho generalizado de que, durante la vigencia de regímenes extra constitucionales de corte dictatorial, la actividad legislativa y la autoridad ejecutiva se funde en un solo poder; así, al terminar los regímenes de facto, se vuelve al equilibrio de poderes que separan al Ejecutivo del Legislativo. No obstante, las revoluciones constitucionales de fines del siglo XVIII e inicios del siglo XIX apostaron significativamente por la creación de un poder Judicial independiente que, si bien a primera vista resultaba más débil que sus pares Ejecutivo y Legislativo, venía a ser el más importante para preservar un orden de adhesión constitucional. Estos diseños indujeron a la separación de poderes, mostrando a las cortes, en mayor o menor medida, como salvaguarda contra la tiranía. Sin embargo, en términos generales, el poder Judicial ha recibido atención residual, aupada en una visión ampliamente generalizada de intervención política sobre las cortes; es decir, que el poder Judicial responde casi exclusivamente a los acuerdos y negociaciones entre los poderes políticos. Esta tesis complejiza esto. Pone, en primer lugar, el foco de atención en el poder Judicial, centrándose en su máximo tribunal, la Corte Suprema de Justicia; y, en segundo lugar, acude a los archivos históricos para rebasar nociones generales sobre el funcionamiento de jure de la justicia, para apreciar su operación de facto. Para hacerlo, en primer lugar, estudia los diseños que las revoluciones constitucionales hicieron para el incipiente funcionamiento de un poder Judicial enmarcado en un régimen constitucional, sobre el que, además, tenía gran responsabilidad de preservarlo. Con ello, se apresta a estudiar analíticamente el concepto de independencia judicial, para lo cual distingue entre aquella de jure de la de facto. Esto es aplicado al caso ecuatoriano, a lo largo de su historia constitucional, pero enfatizando la década de los 1970s, caracterizada por la sucesión de tres dictaduras –una civil y dos militares–, en las que el poder Judicial siguió operando, antes de una nueva transición tutelada a un régimen constitucional en forma de democracia representativa. Sobre estas bases, se entra a analizar el desempeño de la Corte -6- Suprema de Justicia, en particular el de su mayor personero es decir su Presidente, en tiempos de dictadura, analizando cómo opera la administración de justicia para legitimar o no un momento extra constitucional signado como de imperio de la ley militar. La judicialización del asesinato del líder político de oposición, el economista Abdón Calderón Muñoz, quien perdió la vida a finales de 1978 viene a ser una entrada empírica para estudiar la operación de la justicia. Esto, más aun, cuando la evolución del caso llevó a sindicar al General Bolívar Jarrín Cahueñas, Ministro de Gobierno de la dictadura, como responsable intelectual del crimen. El modo en que la justicia determinó la prelación del fuero militar por sobre del fuero político fue determinante en el caso, el cual, en su progresión procesal, sirve para adentrarse en el juego del poder político por la administración de justicia. Es a través de ese caso que se muestra las dinámicas que, en esta coyuntura de transición constitucional, atañen a los poderes políticos con las cortes, pero, sobre todo, también viceversa. Es decir, se estudia la participación de las altas cortes en el juego político, revelando dinámicas bastante más complejas que las que a priori hemos estado dispuestos a admitir, y explica las bases sobre las que se estructura el poder Judicial hasta nuestros días. Palabras clave: poder Judicial, Corte Suprema de Justicia, independencia judicial, administración de justicia en Ecuador, imperio de la ley militar, dictaduras de los 1970s, intervención política en las cortes, caso Calderón Muñoz, caso Jarrín Cahueñas. -7- Abstract Studies on democratic transitions have paid great attention to the establishment of constitutional regimes through the (re) installation of the Legislative branch as a representative of popular sovereignty and the plurality of positions that compose it. In turn, they have emphasized relations between the Legislative, as a law maker, with the Executive, as its executor. This follows from the generalized fact that, during dictatorial extra-constitutional regimes, the legislative activity and the executive authority is based on a single person or collegiate body. Thus, at the end of the de facto regimes, one returns to the checks and balances that separate the Executive from the Legislative. However, the constitutional revolutions of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, opted significantly for the creation of an independent judiciary that, although at first sight was weaker than its Executive and Legislative counterparts, became the most important for preserving a constitutional order. These designs induced the separation of power through three branches of government, showing the courts, to a greater or lesser extent, as a safeguard against tyranny. However, in general terms, the judiciary has received residual attention, boosted by a widely generalized view of political intervention on the courts; that is, that the judiciary responds almost exclusively to agreements and negotiations between political powers. This thesis complicates this. It puts, first, the focus on the judiciary, concentrating on its highest court, the Supreme Court of Justice; and, secondly, it goes to the historical archives to overcome general notions about the de jure operation of justice, to appreciate its de facto operation. To do so, in the first place, it studies the designs that the constitutional revolutions made for the incipient operation of a judicial branch framed in a constitutional regime, over which, in addition, it had a great responsibility to preserve it. With this, it prepares to analyze the concept of judicial independence, for which it distinguishes between de jure and de facto. This is applied to the Ecuadorian case, throughout its constitutional history, but emphasizing the decade of the 1970s, characterized by the succession of three dictatorships –one civilian and two military–, in which the judiciary continued to operate, before a new supervised transition took place to a constitutional regime in the form of a representative democracy. On these bases, the performance of the Supreme Court of Justice is analyzed, in particular that of its main character, its President, during the dictatorship, studying how the administration -8- of justice operates to legitimize or not an extra-constitutional moment of rule of military law. The penal case that follower the murder of the opposition political leader, economist Abdón Calderón Muñoz, who lost his life at the end of 1978, becomes an empirical entry to study the operation of justice. This, moreover, when the evolution of the case led to the involvement of General Bolívar Jarrín Cahueñas, Minister of Government of the dictatorship, as the intellectual responsible for the crime. The way in which justice determined the priority of the military jurisdiction over the ordinary jurisdiction was decisive in the case, which, in its procedural progression, serves to delve into the game of political power by the administration of justice. It is through this case that the dynamics that, at this juncture of constitutional transition,
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