Natural History As Compilation. Travel Accounts in the Epistemic Process of an Empirical Discipline

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NATURAL HISTORY AS COMPILATION.
TRAVEL ACCOUNTS IN THE EPISTEMIC PROCESS
OF AN EMPIRICAL DISCIPLINE

Bettina Dietz

Never have so many travel reports appeared, and never has interest in them been greater.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀin addition, they represent an inexhaustible source of treasure upon which naturalists, geographers, artists and classicists draw; also political writers, economists, and even moralists.1

Travel reports were a central medium of information until well into the nineteenth century. Various fields of eighteenth-century knowledge—in particular, geography, natural history, the history of mankind, statistics, and anthropology—drew their data from the corpus of travel writing that expanded enormously during the second half of the eighteenth century. The project of a history of mankind,2 which aimed to define the level of civilization of all the peoples in the world and locate them within a framework of cultural development, drew its information specific to each country almost exclusively from this source. Practically all the available itineraria (contemporary travel and guide books) went into the making

of Johann Gottfried Herder’s Ideen zu einer Philosophie der Geschichte

der Menschheit, where whole passages are quoted almost without modification.3 Natural history, however, which aimed to achieve worldwide

1ꢁGilles Boucher de La Richarderie, Bibliothèque universelle des voyages, ou notice com- plète et raisonnée de tous les voyages anciens et modernes dans les dif f érentes parties du monde, publiés tant en langue f rançaise qu’en langues étrangèresꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(reprint of Paris 1808

edition, Genève 1970), 6 vols., I: V.
2ꢁOn the history of mankind see Michèle Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire au siècle

des Lumières (Paris 1971); Helmut Zedelmaier, Der An f ang der Geschichte. Studien zur Ursprungsdebatte im 18. Jahrhundert (Hamburg 2003); Thomas Nutz, “Varietäten des Men- schengeschlechts”. Die Wissenscha f ten vom Menschen in der Zeit der Au f klärung (Köln et al.

2009).
3ꢁSee references to the relevant travel authors in the commentary on Johann Gottfried

Herder, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit [orig. 1784–1791], ed. by Wolf-

gang Proß, vol. III/2: Kommentar (München and Wien 2002), 911–972; as well as Hans-Wolf Jäger, ‘Herder als Leser von Reiseliteratur; Appendix: Von Herder in den “Ideen” erwähnte Itinerare und historisch-geographische Schriften’, in Wolfgang Griep and Hans-Wolf Jäger (eds.), Reisen im 18. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg 1986), 181189. On how French historians of mankind worked with travel literature, see Duchet 1971 (note 2), 65–136.

©ꢁBettina Dietz, 2013ꢁ|ꢁdoi:10.1163/9789004243910_031

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licenseB. ettina Dietz - 9789004243910

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registration, description and classification of flora, fauna and minerals, developed probably the greatest need for global information. The gap between the empirical claims of natural history to operate on the basis of eyewitness accounts and the difficulty of delivering on this could often be bridged only by consulting travel reports. Complementing the archives of objects assembled in the cabinets of natural history collections, they served as stores of essential information, on which natural history had to rely.
The following analysis of how natural historians worked with itineraria and topographies will concentrate on the process of procuring and processing information. The first section will introduce the navigation aids that allowed eighteenth-century natural historians to orient themselves and find information in the expanding contemporary book market and, in particular, gain access to the corpus of travel literature: first, specialist bibliographies covering either the whole spectrum of natural history themes or individual specific branches; secondly, catalogues of private libraries; and thirdly, bibliographies and compilations of travel reports on various regions and thematic areas. The second section will discuss the problem, relevant to both writers and readers of natural history, of establishing the authenticity of the information collected in this way. The final section will trace the reading of itineraria and topographies, the creation of excerpts, and the compilation of an information base that legitimated an author’s own arguments into the working processes of individual natural historians.

Travel Reports and the Library of Natural History

The aim of the Bibliothèque universelle des voyages quoted above, accord-

ing to the editor, was provisionally to mark the end of the exponential growth in the number of travel reports being produced. It presented itself as a compendium of all the travel literature that had so far been published, and thus as the ultimate source of information on all questions raised by a desire to know about countries and peoples. Given the huge number of travel reports already available and the new ones constantly being published, the introduction explains that this collection includes only accounts that provide information on the climate, flora, fauna, population, topography, ways of life, trade and military affairs of the countries travelled to, without restricting themselves to just one of these aspects. Explicitly excluded are the many travel accounts that concentrated on

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natural history as compilation

705 only one area of knowledge, especially geography, individual branches of natural history, or classical studies.4
The genealogy of earlier projects which Boucher de La Richarderie presents in his introduction and which he sees his compilation as completing discusses the many previous attempts to organize travel literature and thus make it available for systematic use. Against the background of a long list of work which he assesses as being more or less full of gaps, only a few titles stand out that the author deems worthy of praise as being generally useful. Completeness appears to be an impossibility.5 He lists the whole spectrum of compilations published in French, English, Dutch, Spanish and German, organized by language and with comments on the selection of texts, quality of illustrations and price. These compilations, as the wealth of references to them in the footnotes of natural history works reveal, served practitioners of natural history as an obligatory source of information, and will be discussed in what follows, taking the Histoire générale des voyages, edited by Prévost, as an example.
English collections of travel writing dating from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by Richard Hackluyt,6 Samuel Purchas,7 John Churchill,8 and John Harris,9 provided the foundation for Thomas Astley’s

New General Collection o f Voyages and Travels,10 published between 1745

and 1747. This was one of the first comprehensive compilations with a critical commentary, and provided a model for the monumental undertaking by the Abbé Prévost, which was intended as its French counterpart. The Histoire générale des voyages began as a translation of the English model. What emerged was a compilation, consisting of original passages grouped thematically, “which presents both a system of modern geography

ꢀ4ꢁIbid., XVI. ꢀ5ꢁCf. Boucher de La Richarderie 1970 (note 1), VII.

ꢀ6ꢁRichard Hackluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf f i ques and Discoveries o f the

English Nation (London 1598–1600), 3 vols.; see also G.R. Crone and R.A. Skelton, ‘English Collections of Voyages and Travels, 1625–1846’, in Edward Lynam (ed.), Richard Hackluyt

and His Successors (London 1946), 63–140.

ꢀ7ꢁSamuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes (London 1625), 5 vols.

ꢀ8ꢁJohn Churchill, A Collection o f Voyages and Travels, Some Now First Printed f rom Origi- nal Manuscripts, Others Now First Published in Englishꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(London 1732), 8 vols.
ꢀ9ꢁJohn Harris, Navigantium atque itinerantium bibliotheca, or a Compleat Collection o f Voyages and Travels (London 1705), 2 vols.
10ꢁThomas Astley, A New General Collection o f Voyages and Travels: Consisting o f the Most Esteemed Relations which Have Been Hitherto Published in Any Language (London

1745–1747), 4 vols.

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and history, and a corpus of travel descriptions, andꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀdepicts the present condition of all nations.”11
When Astley’s New General Collection ceased publication after the seventh volume, Prévost continued his undertaking without a model. Volumes eight to eleven were largely based on the original method, but thereafter he followed his own ideas, which he explained in the foreword to the twelfth volume. The source criticism called for there was provided by the juxtaposition of observations of the same object by various travellers, whose convergence or divergence made it possible to rank the quoted authors in a hierarchy of reliability. Amédée Frézier’s report of his journey to Chile and Peru published in 1716, for example, leads the rankings of writers on Central and South America created in this way.12 Prévost preferred Frézier’s description of Peru to the better-known one by Garcilaso de La Vega,13 followed by Charles Marie de La Condamine,14 and Antonio de Ulloa.15
Prévost had explicitly explained that in many cases he did not reproduce travel reports in the original, but in a version which he had stylistically purified; his compilation was criticized from various sides,16 and the publication of newer travel reports increasingly compromised its topicality.

11ꢁAntoine-François Prévost, Histoire générale des voyages, ou nouvelle collection de

toutes les relations de voyagesꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Paris 1746–1789), 20 vols., I: V. The English and the French versions were quickly translated into German by Johann Joachim Schwabe, Allgemeine

Historie der Reisen zu Wasser und zu Lande; oder Sammlung aller Reisebeschreibungen, welche bis itzo in verschiedenen Sprachen von allen Völkern herausgegeben worden,ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.; durch eine Gesellscha f t gelehrter Männer im Englischen zusammengetragen, und aus dem- selben [und dem Französischen] ins Deutsche übersetzt (Leipzig 1747–1774), 21 vols. See

Peter Boerner, ‘Die großen Reisesammlungen des 18. Jahrhunderts’, in Antoni Maczak

and Hans Jürgen Teuteberg (eds.), Reiseberichte als Quellen europäischer Kulturgeschichte. Au f gaben und Möglichkeiten der historischen Reise f orschung (Wolffenbüttel 1982), 65–72;

Horst Walter Blanke, ‘Wissen—Wissenserwerb—Wissensakkumulation—Wissenstransfer in der Aufklärung. Das Beispiel der “Allgemeinen Historie der Reisen” und ihrer Vorläufer’,

in Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink (ed.), Das Europa der Au f klärung und die außereuropäische kolo-

niale Welt (Göttingen 2006), 138–156.

12ꢁAmédée Frézier, Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux côtes du Chily et du Pérou

(Paris 1716).
13ꢁA French translation of the Spanish version was published as: Le commentaire royal,

ou l’histoire des Incas roys du Peru, escritte en langue peruvienneꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀtraduitte sur la version espagnolleꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Paris 1633).
14ꢁCharles Marie de La Condamine, Relation abrégée d’un voyage f ait dans l’intérieur de l’Amérique méridionale, depuis la côte de la mer du sud jusqu’aux côtes du Brésil et de la Guiane, en descendant la rivière des Amazones (Paris 1745).
15ꢁAntonio de Ulloa, Relación histórica del viage a la América meridional (Madrid 1748),

5 vols.
16ꢁSee Duchet 1971 (note 2), 85 and 107.

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Nevertheless, even in the late eighteenth century, his Histoire générale des voyages was still a much used and indispensable source of information for natural history. The fact that the title crops up in the correspondence of mainly French natural historians and in the footnotes of their publications17 shows how closely they worked with it. Nor did the publication of an abridged version18 squeeze the original Histoire générale des voyages in twenty quarto volumes off the market. Carefully produced visual material, maps and plans gave it the status of an illustrated encyclopedia and ensured that demand for it continued.
The explosive growth in both general travel accounts and travel literature that specialized in natural history topics not only drove up the number of compilations but also increased demands on the data-processing capacity of those compiling subject bibliographies. In 1716 Johann

Jakob Scheuchzer’s Bibliotheca scriptorum historiae naturalis, a bibliog-

raphy encompassing all subfields of natural history, could still claim to list titles on all three natural kingdoms (plants, animals and minerals) and all regions.19 Writers of travel accounts and descriptions of countries account for about one third of the authors listed according to continents. Later bibliographies of natural history reduced their scope to particular branches of the subject. The year 1736 saw the publication of Linnaeus’s Bibliotheca botanica in one volume;20 in 1771 the Swiss botanist Albrecht von Haller published a project of the same name in two volumes.21
At a time when scientific books from abroad could be obtained only through an individual’s personal network of contacts or not at all,22 printed catalogues of big private libraries of natural history were not only status symbols or a medium for announcing forthcoming auctions, but also served as international bibliographies on specialist subjects. In 1798 the catalogue of one of the greatest private collections of books on natural history in the eighteenth century was published, still in the lifetime of its

17ꢁSee below.

18ꢁJean-François de La Harpe, Abrégé de l’histoire générale des voyages, contenant ce qu’il y a de plus remarquable, de plus utile et de mieux avéré dans les pays où les voyageurs ont

pénétréꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Paris 1780–1801), 32 vols.

19ꢁCf. Johann Jakob Scheuchzer, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Historiae Naturali omnium Ter- rae Regionum inservientium (Zürich 1716).
20ꢁCarl von Linné, Bibliotheca botanica recensens libros plus mille de plantis huc usque editos (Amsterdam 1736).
21ꢁꢀAlbrecht von Haller, Bibliotheca botanica, qua scripta ad rem herbariam f acientia a rerum initiis recensentur (Zürich 1771–1772), 2 vols.

22ꢁOn this point, see Bettina Dietz, ‘Making natural history: Doing the Enlightenment’,

Central European History 43 (2010), 25–46.

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owner: the Catalogus Bibliothecae Historico-Naturalis Josephi Banks. Of its

five volumes, the first is dedicated to general writing on natural history.23 The publication series of the academies and learned societies of the whole of Europe are followed here by eighty-two densely printed pages under the heading “Itineraria et Topographiae”. The obligatory travel collections and circumnavigations of the world are listed, as well as travel reports dating from about the last two hundred years, sorted by continent and destination, and complete listings are provided for a number of regions. The eight titles in the section headed “Itineraria et Topographiae Africae Australis”, for example, include a number of lesser-known writings as well as the indispensable reference works on South Africa: Peter Kolb’s description of the Cape of Good Hope,24 in a Dutch version; Nicolas de la Caille’s Journal

historique d’un voyage f ait au Cap de Bonne-Espérance;25 descriptions of

the Cape and surrounding regions by Anders Sparrman,26 a pupil of Lin-

naeus; and François Levaillant’s Voyage dans l’intérieur de l’A f rique, par le

Cap de Bonne Esperance.27 Similarly complete is the considerably longer section entitled “Itineraria et Topographiae Imperii Russici”.28
The catalogue by the Berlin natural historian Friedrich Heinrich
Wilhelm Martini,29 published in 1779, provided a model in German-

23ꢁJonas Dryander, Catalogus Bibliothecae Historico-Naturalis Josephi Banks (reprint of

London 1798 edn., Amsterdam 1966), 5 vols.

24ꢁPeter Kolb, Caput Bonae Spei hodiernum, das ist, Vollständige Beschreibung des A f rica- nischen Vorgebürges der Guten Hof f nung: worinnen in dreyen Theilen abgehandelt wird, wie es heut zu Tage nach seiner Situation und Eigenschaf f t aussiehet; ingleichen was ein Natur- Forscher in den dreyen Reichen der Natur daselbst f i ndetꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Nürnberg 1719).

25ꢁParis 1763. 26ꢁThe following are specified: “Andreas Sparrmann, An account of a journey into Africa from the Cape of Good-Hope. Philosoph. Transact. Vol. 67. pp. 38–42; id., Resa tilll Goda Hopps udden, södra pol kretsen och omkring jordklotet, samt till Hottentot-och Cafferlanden, åren 1772–1776. Stockholm, 1783; id., Reise nach dem Vorgebirge der Guten Hoffnung, den südlichen Polarländern und um die Welt, hauptsächlich aber in den Ländern der Hottentotten und Kaffern, frey übersetzt von Chr. Heinr. Groskurd, mit einer Vorrede von Ge. Forster, Berlin, 1784; id., A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the antarctic polar circle, and round the world, but chiefly into the country of the Hottentots and Caffres, London 1785.” Dryander 1966 (note 23), I: 131.
27ꢁParis 1790. 28ꢁSee Dryander 1966 (note 23), I: 118–121. See also the following catalogues of private

libraries specializing in natural history: Verzeichniß des Vorraths von Büchern, physika- lischen und mathematischen Instrumenten auch Naturalienꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀJ.Ch.P. Erxleben (Göttingen 1777); Catalogus bibliothecae Bornianae publica auctione vendetur (Wien 1791); Verzeichniß der hinterlassenen Bücher von Georg Forster (Mainz 1797); Verzeichniß der vomꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀBlumen- bach nachgelassenen Bücher (Göttingen 1840).
29ꢁBibliotheca Martiniana sive catalogus librorum varii argumenti, praecipue tamen ad historiam naturalem spectantium (Berlin 1779).

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natural history as compilation

709 speaking Europe, and a number of follow-on projects referred to it. In 1782, for example, Joseph Paul von Cobres from Augsburg, a collector of natural objects, published a systematic catalogue of his library in two thick octavo volumes.30 Most of the titles listed in the section Books and Writings Ancillary to Natural History [Zur Naturgeschichte gehörige Hilfsbücher und Schriften] come under the headings “travel reports” and “musea” (i.e. inventories of collections). Cobres’ holdings of itineraria comprise the canon of international travel literature which, organized according to the format of the books, fills twenty pages.31 Among those in quarto format we find a selection of the older and more recent titles which formed the core holdings of any library of natural history: Seventeenth-century Oriental journeys by Jean Baptiste Tavernier32 and Adam Olearius,33 Hans Sloane’s Caribbean voyage,34 Joseph Pitton de Tournefort’s Relation d’un voyage du Levant, held up by contemporaries as a model botanical journey,35 Albrecht von

Haller’s Iter Helveticum,36 Samuel Gottlieb Gmelin’s Reise durch Rußland,37

and various writings by Peter Forsskål, a pupil of Linnaeus who travelled in Arabia. Among the books in octavo format we find La Condamine’s

canonical Relation abrégée d’un voyage f ait dans l’Intérieur de l’Amérique Méridionale,38 Reise nach Palästina by Fredrik Hasselquist, another pupil of Linnaeus,39 Linneaus’s Reisen durch Oland und Gothland (first published

30ꢁJ.P. Cobres, Deliciae Cobresianae. Büchersammlung zur Naturgeschichte (Augsburg
1782), 2 vols. The Natur f orschende Gesellscha f t in Halle bought Cobres’ catalogue for its library. See Abhandlungen der Hallischen Natur f orschenden Gesellscha f t 1 (1783), XVII.

31ꢁꢀCobres 1782 (note 30), I: 78–97.

32ꢁLes six voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernierꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀen Turquie, en Perse, et aux Indesꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Paris

1678), 2 vols.

33ꢁAdam Olearius, Of f t begehrte Beschreibung der Newen orientalischen Reise (Schleswig

1646).

34ꢁHans Sloane, A Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christopher and

Jamaica (London 1707–1725), 2 vols.

35ꢁJoseph Pitton de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant f ait par ordre du Roy, contenant l’histoire ancienne et moderne de plusieurs isles de l’Archipel, de Constantinople, des côtes de la Mer noire, de l’Arménie, de la Géorgieꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ.ꢀ(Paris 1717), 2 vols.

36ꢁGöttingen 1740.

37ꢁSamuel Gottlieb Gmelin, Reise durch Rußland zur Untersuchung der drey Natur-

Reiche (St. Petersburg 1770–1784), 4 vols.
38ꢁParis 1745. 39ꢁHasselquist travelled to Egypt and Palestine in 1749, searching for biblical plants and animals. He died on the expedition. His notes, which were sent back to Sweden, were edited by Linnaeus and published in 1757. Fredrik Hasselquist, Iter Palaestinum eller resa

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  • Die Deutschen Wurzeln Der Russischen Zoologie1 II. Peter Simon Pallas

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    06_Smirnov_45-62_03_Penzlin.qxd 30.07.2019 11:24 Seite 45 Die deutschen Wurzeln der russischen Zoologie1 II. Peter Simon Pallas Alexey V. Smirnov plötzliche Heimreise des bekannten Bo- tanikers Johann Georg Gmelin (1709- 1750) nach Deutschland im Jahr 1747. Der versprach zwar zurückzukehren, kam dem aber nicht nach. Diese missliche La- ge der Akademie war in Europa natürlich bekannt und ihr Ansehen in der wissen- schaftlichen Welt im Sinken (Pekarskij, 1873). Am 5. Dezember 1747 brach in der Kunstkammer ein Feuer aus, das einen bedeutenden Teil der Sammlung erfasste. Betroffen waren hauptsächlich die ethno- graphischen Sammlungen, aber auch ein großer Teil der biologischen Abteilung wurde vernichtet. Erst 1766 konnten die Sammlungen in das wieder hergestellte Gebäude der Kunstkammer zurückkeh- ren. Vieles, was das Feuer verschont hatte, Abb. 1. Peter Simon Pallas, Portrait gemalt von einem unbekannten Künstler (Öl auf Lein- war dann infolge schlechter Zwischenla- wand). Das Bild hängt im Zoologischen Institut gerung beschädigt. Das Interesse der der Russischen Akademie der Wissenschaf- Wissenschaftler an der Kunstkammer und ten, St. Petersburg. ihren Objekten schwand und in der Folge verfiel mehr und mehr deren exakte, wis- Die Petersburger Akademie der Wis- senschaftlich begründete Ordnung, wie senschaften, 1747 in Kaiserliche Akade- sie vor dem Feuer bestand (Stanjuko- mie der Wissenschaften und Künste um- witsch, 1953, S. 140). benannt, geriet zur Mitte des 18. Jhd. in Vier Jahre nach dem Regierungsantritt eine Krise. Abgesehen von ständigen von Katharina II. (1762) änderte sich die Streitereien innerhalb der Akademie Lage der Akademie. Sie ernannte am 5. selbst gab es auch eine ganze Reihe öf- Oktober 1766 den Grafen Wladimir Gri- fentlicher Skandale, unter anderem die gorewitsch Orlow (1743-1831) zum Direk- 1 Leicht gekürzte Fassung; Teil I.
  • The Celtic Languages in the Сравнительные Словари (1787–1789): an Introduction

    The Celtic Languages in the Сравнительные Словари (1787–1789): an Introduction

    ROCZNIKI HUMANISTYCZNE Tom LXIX, zeszyt 11 – 2021 ZESZYT SPECJALNY / SPECIAL ISSUE DOI: https://doi.org/10.18290/rh216911-9s MARK Ó FIONNÁIN* THE CELTIC LANGUAGES IN THE СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЕ СЛОВАРИ (1787–1789): AN INTRODUCTION A b s t r a c t. In the 1780s, a multilingual dictionary was published in Saint Petersburg in the Russian Empire, under the editorship of the German Peter Simon Pallas (1741–1811). As its title— Сравнительные Словари Всѣхъ Языковъ и Нарѣчiй [Comparative Vocabularies of all Languages and Dialects]—explains, it aimed to be a comparative dictionary of almost 300 headwords and numbers in Russian and their equivalents in 200 languages and dialects from all over Europe and Asia. Amongst these are five of the six Celtic languages—Irish, Scottish Gaelic, Welsh, Cornish and Breton, as well as an unknown “Celtic”—and this paper gives a brief overview of the background to the dictionary, and then focuses on the first 10 lexemes in each of the Celtic languages as they are presented in the dictionary itself, pointing out various inaccuracies, but also the historical value therein. Keywords: Peter Simon Pallas; Celtic languages; Сравнительные Словари; comparative vocabularies. 1. INTRODUCTION A multilingual comparative dictionary printed in Saint Petersburg in the Russian Empire in 1787–1789 under the editorship of the German Peter Simon Pallas (1741–1811), the Сравнительные Словари Всѣхъ Языковъ и Нарѣчiй [Comparative Vocabularies of all Languages and Dialects, hence- forth Vocabularies] lists almost 300 words in Russian and their equivalents in 200 languages and dialects from across Europe and Asia. Amongst the linguistic families to be found in this dictionary are the Celtic languages, and MARK Ó FIONNÁIN, PhD, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Institute of Linguistics, Department of Celtic Studies; e-mail: [email protected].
  • Pavel V. Alekseev Altai 1

    Pavel V. Alekseev Altai 1

    Russia Kazakhstan China Mongolia Altai Mountains in the European Imagination of the 19th and early 20th centuries Pavel V. Alekseev, Dr. Prof. Gorno-Altaisk State University Russia E-mail: [email protected] August 2020 Altai as a mountain system of southern Siberia didn’t immediately appear on European maps Comparing old maps, starting with the collection of the Flemish cartographer Abraham Ortelius of the early 17th century, we can see how in the minds of Europeans gradually traced the idea of this place. The terrible inaccuracy of these maps was supplemented by the General mythological idea of limitless Tartary. The concept of "Tartary" was constructed in the middle of the 13th century in connection with the Mongol invasion of Europe. In the concept of "Tartary" there was the inclusion of the Christian hell; as a result, there was "Tartary" as a specific designation that exists on the verge of real and imaginary geography Map of Russia, 1603 1700: 1820: 1860s: Altai – is a terra incognita located between the 48 and 52 degrees of North latitude and 99 and 107 degrees of East longitude - so stated in the first volume of "Geographical and statistical dictionary of the Russian Empire", published in 1863 by the famous traveler Pyotr Semyonov-Tyan-Shansky To m s k Governorate, 1910 1 - Biysk 3 2 - Barnaoul 3 - Tomsk 2 1 Selected list of German explorers of Altai (except of mountain border) ✤ Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811) ✤ Johann Gottlieb Georgi (1729-1802) ✤ Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) ✤ Bernhard von Cotta (1808-1879) ✤ Hans Michael Renovanz (1744-1798) ✤ Alexander Georg von Bunge (1803-1890) ✤ Friedrich August von Gebler (1781-1850) ✤ Gregor von Helmersen (1803-1885) ✤ Gerhard Friedrich Müller (1705-1783) ✤ ✤ Johann Georg Gmelin (1709-1755) von Humboldt ✤ Friedrich Wilhelm Radloff (1837- 1917) Pyotr Chikhachyov (1808-1890) Russian naturalist and geologist who was admitted into the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1876 as an honorary member.
  • Aewa-03.Pdf Auch Er War Arzt Auch Er War Arzt Peter Simon Pallas

    Aewa-03.Pdf Auch Er War Arzt Auch Er War Arzt Peter Simon Pallas

    Auch er war Arzt Auch er war Arzt Peter Simon Pallas Deutscher Forschungsreisender in Russland Von Manfred P. Bläske „Die Natur in einem ansehnlichen Teil des woran Staat und Akademie interessiert Weltkreises, wo sie der Mensch noch nicht waren. Eine gewaltige Aufgabe, dessen verderbt hat, … erforscht und kennen- war sich Pallas bewusst, doch bereits vor gelernt zu haben, halte ich gegen meine Beginn der Unternehmung bewies er über- dabei verwandte Jugend und Gesundheit ragende organisatorische Fähigkeiten, be- für die schönste Belohnung“, schrieb ginnend mit der Auswahl seiner Begleiter. Pallas in seinem durch Lebendigkeit und Den russischen Naturforscher und Medizi- Bildhaftigkeit geprägten, rund zweitausend ner Iwan I. Lepjochin, den schwedischen Seiten umfassenden Bericht über seine Professor der Medizin und Naturwissen- Forschungsreise, die er in den Jahren 1768 schaften Johann Peter Falk (ein Schüler bis 1774 nach Südrussland, in den Ural Linnés), den o. g. Samuel Gottlieb Gmelin, und in die unendlichen Weiten Sibiriens bis den Mediziner Johann Anton Güldenstädt zum Baikalsee unternahm. Er entdeckte un- aus Riga sowie sich selbst bestimmte Pal- ter anderem „unbegreifliche Überbleibsel las zu Leitern von Teilexpeditionen. Unter über ganz Sibirien verstreuter Elefanten- dem Motto „die Reisenden sollen sich we- gebeine“, woraus er schloss, „dass Nord- der unnöthig aufhalten, noch an Merkwür- asien einmal warm gewesen sein müsse“. digkeiten vorbey eilen …“ formulierte er Damit wies er auf das Phänomen Eiszeit gemeinsame Arbeitsprinzipien und legte hin, das erst einhundert Jahre später Ein- die Marschrouten fest. gang in die Wissenschaft fand. Diese große Expedition und eine zweite ✯ Peter Simon Pallas Reise in den Jahren 1793 und 1794 er- 1741 – 1811 brachten ein gewaltiges Material, mit dem Peter Simon Pallas wurde am 22.
  • Pallas Iron (Pallasite Krasnojarsk) Considered As Part of a Strewn-Field

    Pallas Iron (Pallasite Krasnojarsk) Considered As Part of a Strewn-Field

    Pallas Iron (pallasite Krasnojarsk) considered as Part of a Strewn-Field Holger Pedersen, [email protected], Niels Bohr Institute, Copenhagen University, Juliane Maries Vej 30, DK 2100 Copenhagen, Denmark, 81ST ANNUAL MEETING OF THE METEORITICAL SOCIETY 2 3 4 5 DISCOVERY GOODIES FOR THE RUSSIAN SAVY A large block of native iron was found in 1749, on a mountain east of river Jenisei, in Since opportunities to discuss the history of meteoritics are few, I shall add a few between its two tributaries Ubei and Sisim. The finders were a local resident Jacob Med- notes on the activities of Johann Caspar Mettich, although only of peripheral relation to wedev and a German miner, Johann Caspar Mettich. They had just finished inspection of the subject of this poster. a newly discovered (?) occurrence of terrestrial hematite+magnetite, when the block was Mettich was born at an unknown date in either Freiburg or Brunswig. He came to found on one of the highest points of the hill-crest. When Russia to work with Oberbergmeister Schonberg,¨ at the Kola peninsula, ca. 1732. When hit by a hammer, it gave a ringing tone, clearly marking this enterprise was deemed fraudulent, in 1741, Schonberg¨ and his miners spent time in it apart from almost any terrestrial mineral. Since the for- prison, after which some could return to Germany, while others, including Mettich, re- merly mentioned occurrence of iron ores were deemed mained in Russia. A historian at Yekaterinburg, Nikolay Korepanov, has met with Met- not economic to exploit, Medwedev felt free to secure the Figure 3: Pallas’ letter to Johann Albrecht Euler, of January 21, 1772 (old style).
  • Download Excerpt (Pdf-Format)

    Download Excerpt (Pdf-Format)

    Editors’ Introduction Most of the essays in this anthology originated in an international workshop on “recent results and new perspectives in the study of Vitus Bering and the two Russian Kamchatka-Expeditions”.1 The purpose of the workshop was to share insights from the increasing volume of re- search in several countries on these early eighteenth-century voyages of exploration, and to develop contacts and co-operation among scholars in this field. The participants were invited to focus on an aspect of their research that would give an idea of their current work’s direction. The anthology includes most of the formal presentations given at the workshop, but not all, regrettably. Nor does it reflect the many valuable contributions made by the participants in the course of the discussions.2 On the other hand it publishes three essays that were not presented at the workshop, 3 and two other addenda. The workshop’s organisers – now also the editors of the resulting vol- ume – would like to thank all workshop participants and all contributors to the anthology for their stimulating input. We are grateful to Anna Halager for permission to publish her translation of the Okhotsk let- ters, and to Gyldendal Publishers for allowing an English version of the letters, first printed in the original German and in Danish translation as part of a Gyldendal publication.4 Julian Lewis and Patricia Lund- dahl kindly helped us edit articles submitted in English. Many thanks also to the Carlsberg Foundation and the Aarhus University Research Foundation for supporting publication of this book. One clear theme in the recent study of Bering’s expeditions has been the continuing debate on the real purpose of his first voyage.
  • Peter Simon Pallas Und Die Ethnografie Sibiriens Im 18

    Peter Simon Pallas Und Die Ethnografie Sibiriens Im 18

    Erschienen in Reisen an den Rand des Russischen Reiches: Die wissen- schaftliche Erschließung der nordpazifischen Küstengebiete im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, herausgegeben von Erich Kasten 2013, 47–75. Fürstenberg/ Havel: Kulturstiftung Sibirien. — Electronic edition PETER SIMON PALLAS UND DIE ETHNOGRAFIE SIBIRIENS 3 IM 18. JAHRHUNDERT 1 Han F. Vermeulen Einleitung Der Arzt und Naturforscher Peter Simon Pallas (1741–1811) war einer der bedeutends- ten Gelehrten seiner Zeit, ein universeller Naturwissenschaftler, der sich auch für die „Völker-Beschreibung“ bzw. für die Ethnografie interessierte. In der Nachfolge von Gerhard Friedrich Müller, Johann Georg Gmelin, Georg Wilhelm Steller und anderer Teilnehmer der Zweiten Kam čatka-Expedition (1733–1743) trat Pallas als Leiter von einer der fünf „physicalischen Expeditionen“ eine Forschungsreise durch das Russi- sche Reich an, die ihn vom mittleren Ural über Westsibirien bis zum Kaspischen Meer führen sollte (1768–1774). Im Gegensatz zur Zweiten Kamčatka-Expedition wurden die Ergebnisse der „Akademischen Expeditionen“ unmittelbar nach der Reise ver- öffentlicht; im Falle von Pallas erschienen die ersten zwei Teile seines dreiteiligen Reise berichts bereits während der Reise (Pallas 1771–1776). Auszüge aus diesen Werken erschienen als Merkwürdigkeiten der Morduanen, Kasaken, Kalmücken, Kirgisen, Baschkiren etc. (Pallas 1773), Merkwürdigkeiten der Baschkiren, Metscheräken, Wogulen, Tataren etc. (Pallas 1777a) und Merkwürdigkeiten der obischen Ostjaken, Samojeden, daurischen Tungusen, udinskischen Bergtataren etc. (Pallas 1777 b). Noch bedeutender waren Pallas’ Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten über die Mongolischen Völkerschaften (Pallas 1776–1801), die neben seinen eigenen auch Forschungen anderer über die Kalmücken, Burjaten und Mongolen zusammenfassten. Während seiner zweiten Forschungsreise nach Südrussland und auf die Krim (Pallas 1793–1794) sammelte Pallas Materialien zur Zoologie, Botanik, Geologie, Geo- grafie, Archäologie, Ethnografie und zu Sprachen von Völkern auf der Krim.