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Home , Achille in Sciro, Antigona (Mysliveček), Antigono (Gluck), Antigono (Mysliveček), Antonio Sacchini, Armida (Mysliveček)

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OPERATIC REFORM IN :

ASPECTS OF PRODUCTION AND STYLISTIC CHANGE

INTHEI760S

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Margaret Ruth Butler, MA.

*****

The Ohio State University 2000

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

Professor Lois Rosow, Adviser

Professor Charles Atkinson Adviser Professor Charles Klopp School of Music UMI Number 9971520

Copyright 2000 by Butler, Margaret Ruth

All rights reserved.

UMI*

UMI Mrcroform9971520 Copyright 2000 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. Alt rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Mi 46106-1346 C opyright by M argaret Ruth B utler 2000 ABSTRACT

Turin was among the most powerful and culturally vibrant cities in in the eighteenth century, and its royal theater, the , was renowned for its lavish productions of opere serie. While the operatic reform movement that began elsewhere in

Europe at mid-century has generally been assumed not to have influenced in the

Italian states, Turin was in fact an active participant in the French-inspired stylistic experimentation that transformed . Evidence for this assertion may be found in archival documents pertaining to the administration of the theater, printed libretti, and manuscript musical materials. This study explores the circumstances under which innovation at Turin began and flourished.

The theater was run by the Nobile Società del Cavalieri, and Chapter 1 reveals the impact of the decisions of this administrative body on reform. Innovations in the o f the theater’s official poet, Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi, shaped style at the theater as well; a survey of his background and training that influenced his works concludes the chapter.

Chapter 2 treats manuscript production and music copying at the theater. By comparing examples of the hands o f the theater’s official copyists, this discussion identifles and establishes likely date, provenance, and purpose of sources fl>r at the

Regio copied by theater’s official copyists. It also explores the working processes of the

ii copyists as shown m archival documents that reveal their responsibilities. Establishing the connection between extant sources and productions at the Regio makes possible stylistic analysis of the music for those productions that informs subsequent chapters.

Chapters 3,4, and 5 explore four operas produced at the Regio in the : Enea n el Lazio (1760), in Aulide (1762), Sofonisba (1764), and {\166). The

French-inspired innovations in these works reveal that Turin was profoundly influenced by experimentation occurring in , Mannheim, , and —the major centers for operatic reform. The influence of , Mattia Verazi, and other reform-minded figures is strongly evident. The conclusion considers other operas and recognizes the extent to which practical circumstances involved in the production of reform-inspired innovations shaped the possibilities for experimentation in Turin.

m In Loving Memory of Dr. Kamilla E. Shulman

IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project reflects the benevolence of many people. Sincere gratitude is extended to my adviser, Lois Rosow, whose attention, guidance, and encouragement has enhanced this study from the formative stages to completion. It has also benefited from the insightful suggestions o f my advisory committee members, Charles Atkinson and

Charles Klopp. I am especially appreciative of Professor Klopp’s valuable assistance with my English translations of Italian archival documents and libretti. The staff at the

Music Library of The Ohio State University, particularly Tom Heck and Alan Green, has always been prompt and generous in their responses to my needs at every stage of this project.

I am indebted to the Fulbright Foundation, and to the School of Music and the

Graduate School at The Ohio State University for their generous support. A Summer

Dissertation Fellowship from the School o f Music allowed me to concentrate fully on preliminary dissertation research. Subsequently a Fulbright Graduate Student Fellowship permitted me to spend nine months in Turin, where I conducted most of the archival research upon which this project is based. I was able to return to Turin to conclude my research by vfrtue of a Graduate Student Alumni Research Award from the Graduate

School, and a Presidential Fellowship from the Graduate School provided invaluable assistance that has facilitated my completion o f the dissertation. Numerous individuals in Turin with whom I have had contact have enriched, this study in countless ways. Marie-Thérèse Bouquet Boyer and Mercedes Viale Ferrero both provided helpful suggestions at an early stage that helped me shape my topic and become familiar with the rich collections in Turin’s archives and libraries. I have also benefited greatly fix)m the responses of these scholars to my ideas in later stages of writing. The obliging staff at the Archivio storico della città, especially Rosanna Roccia, Stefano

Benedetto, and Enzo Ferraro, helped me to learn my way around the archives and has continued to offer invaluable support and warm encouragement I am also grateful to

Maria Letizia Sebastiani and the staff at the Biblioteca nazionale, and to Paola Reverdini and Flavia Pessione at the Biblioteca civica musicale “Andrea Della Corte,” for their courteousness and patient attention. Access to the collections of musical manuscripts at the Accademia filarmonica greatly enhanced my work; sincere gratitude is expressed to

Niccolo Palici di Sum', Vittorio Della Croce, and Ernesto Testa of the Accademia for the kind and generous assistance they extended to me. I would also like to thank each of the aforementioned libraries and archives for permission to reproduce primary source material in this dissertation.

Thanks are also offered to Giorgio Fanan and Sigja -Cravero for permission to consult their privately-held collections of opera librettos, and to Giorgio

Pestelli, Giangiacomo Fissore, Giorgio Gualerzi, Rosy Moffa, Alberto Rizzuti, Clelia

Parvopassu, and Anna Rita Colturato for constructive foedback and assistance. Finally, I cannot express my appreciation strongly enough to Alberto Basso for his hospitality, encouragement, insights, and direction as this project has unfolded.

VI Along the way my work has greatly benefited firam contributions, great and small, by many other scholars; gratitude is expressed to Dale Monson, Bruce Alan Brown, Paul

Comeilson, Laurel Zeiss, Jon Glixon, Beth GIbcon, and Francesco Cotticelli for helpful comments and suggestions. Special thanks go to Marita McClymonds for conscientiously reading drafts of chapters and offering substantial feedback that has significantly enriched this project.

To my many dear fiiends in Turin and in the States, and to my family—especially my parents, Pat and Dick—I offer my heartfelt thanks. 1 will never find words to adequately express the depth of my appreciation for the continuous support, patience, and help that each of them has provided throughout the many challenges and rewards of this project. Finally, to my husband Dennis, 1 offer my unbounded gratitude for his unflagging commitment, understanding, supportiveness, and love.

vn VTTA

September 28, 1966 ...... ^om - Brooklyn, New York

1987-88 ...... Undergraduate Study at the Mannes College of Music, New Yoric, New York

1990...... 3 A ., The State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, New York

1990-91...... Graduate Study at the State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, New York

1994...... A lA ., The Ohio State University

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Music

vm TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... ü

Dedication ...... iv

Acknowledgments ...... v

Vita...... viii

List of Tables ...... xiii

List of Figures ...... xiv

List of Library Sigla ...... xviii

Introduction ...... I

Chapters:

I. Turin’s Teatro Regio: A Royal Theater for a Royal City ...... 13

The Creation of an Absolutist Capital ...... 13 The Teatro Regio ------16 Other Theaters in Turin ______The Context Of Innovation: The Decision-Making Process of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri ...... 2 3 The Teatro Regio: Internal Organization ...... 2 4 The Decision-Making Process and Priorities ...... 28 Stage Spectacle ...... 3 1 Dealings with Singers ------33 Negotiations with ______36 Choosing Libretti ______38 Changes m Directorship and Chronology of Productions _____ .41 The “Poeta della Società”: Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi ------.47 Cigna as Turinese lettera to ______.48 Evaluation o f Cigna’s Style ______57

IX 2. Music Copying and Manuscript Production at the Teatro Regio ...... 62

Teatro Regio Copyists: Clerici, the Le Messiers, Chiaves ...... 65 The Copyists’ Profession ...... 69 Manuscript Scores ftom the Brusasco Collection ...... 78 Significance of the Scores ...... 89 Production of the Scores and Their Reflection of Stylistic Developments ...... 95 Other Manuscript Musical Sources ...... 103

3. The Beginnings of Reform: Enea nel Lazio ...... 114

Links with Parma and Vienna ...... 115 The ...... 119 The Ballets ...... 126

4. French-inspired Innovations: Ifigenia in Aulide ...... 131

Production Decisions: Hiring of Personnel ...... 134 Production Decisions: Elements of Spectacle...... 141 The Libretto ...... 147 The Plot ...... 150 Cigna’s Models ...... 154 The M usic ------169 Choruses ...... 170 Accompanied ...... 181 Arias______192 Ensembles...... 197 Evaluation of Style ...... 199

5. Revised Versions of Two Mannheim Libretti: Sofonisba and Ifigenia in Tauride / Oreste...... 201 Links with Mannhehn ______202 Sofonisba ...... 205 Production Decisions ______206 The Original Libretto ______210 The Turin Revision ------213 Variants Among Exemplars of the Libretto ------214 The Missing Choruses: Production Decisions ------219 The Music ______223 O reste ______253 The Origmal Libretto ------2 5 4 The Turin Revision ------257 Production Decisions: Hiring o f Singers and ------263 Elimination of French-Lospired Elements: Practical Considerations ...... 265 Production Decisions: Elements of Spectacle...... 268

Conclusion ...... 272

Appendices:

A. Description of Selected Prmary Source Materials ...... 280

B. Excerpt from Novelle letterarie di Firenze, 1775 ...... 304

C. Contracts for the Teatro Regio Copyists, 1737-71 ...... 306

D. The Teatro Regio Copyists: Their Hands in Archival Documents and Musical Scores and Their Roles in the Production of Manuscripts ...... J2 0

E. The Brusasco Score for Sofonisba: A Reflection of Circumstances Surrounding Production ...... 371

F. Payments to Personnel (1759-60, 1761-62, 1763-64,1765-66) and Payments to Composers (1742-70)...... 376

G. Enea nel Lazio: Contracts for Composer () and Singers (1759-60 Season) ...... 381

H. Enea n e l Lazio, Final Scenes ...... 388

I. Ifigenia in Aulide: Contracts for Composer () and Singers (1761-62 Season) ...... 393

J. Selected Scenes from Algarotti, Iphigénie en Aulide, and Cigna-Santi, Ifigenia in Aulide...... 400

K. Sofonisba: Contracts for Composer (), Singers (1763-64 Season), and Giuseppe Andriolo ------403

L. O reste: Contracts for Singers (1765-66 Season) ------.410

M. Selected Libretti: Title Page Transcriptions and Exemplars Consulted ------.417

Bibliography ------.421

Primary Sources Consulted ______.421

XI Libretti ...... 421 Libretto Anthology...... 423 Manuscript Musical Scores (complete) ------.423 Manuscript Musical Scores (excerpts) ...... 424 Archival Sources ...... 424 Other Primary Sources ...... 425 Selected Secondary W orks ...... 425

xu LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

I. I Chronology of Productions at Turin’s Teatro Regio, 1740-80 ------39

12 Directors of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri and Works Performed at the Regio, 1752-70 ...... 43

2.1 Selected Scores from Turin, L’Archivio dell’Accademia filarmonica (1-Tf) ...... 8 1

5.1 Chronology of Selected Works at Turin and Mannheim, 1757-66 ...... 202

A. I Description of Selected Scores fix>m the Brusasco Collection (1-Tf) — ...... 294

A.2 Contents of “Raccolta d’Arie,” Vol 18 (1-Tf) ...... 296

A2 Contents of “Raccolta d’Arie,’’ Vol 19 (1-Tf) ...... 300

E.1 Contents of the Brusasco Score for Sofonisba, Act 11 (1-Tf)...... 372

F.l Payments to Composers, 1742-70 ...... 380

xm LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

LI Nuovo almanacco dei teatri di Torino (Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1780), unnumbered page, A.S.C.T., Coll. Simeom, Series F, no. 271 ...... 2 0

2.1 Fragment found in [ (1756)], I-Tf, 10 V 5, fol. 2r ...... 84

2.2 Fragment found in Lucio Vero (1757), I-Tf, 10 V 16, fol. 2r ...... 85

2.3 Fragment found in N itte ti (1757), I-Tf, 10 V 20, fol. 2r ...... 86

2.4 Fragment found in A rsinoe ( 1758), I-Tf, II V 15, fol. 2r...... 87

2.5 Fragment found in Adriano in Siria (1759), I-Tf, 10 V 19, fol. 2r ...... 88

2.6 Fragment copied by Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Eumene ( 1759), I-T^ 10 V 4 ______.93

2.7 Unknown copyist, P elopida (1763), Act II, I-Tci, Mus. ms. 55, fol. 59r ...... 106

2.8 Unknown copyist, P elopida {YJSZX Act II, I-Td, Mus. ms. 55, fol. 87r ------107

2.9 Unknown copyist, P elopida (1763), Act H, I-Tci, Mus. ms. 55, fol. 99r ------108

2.10 Inner opening of printed bifolio added to exemplar of libretto for , I-Tn, F v n 363/2, between pp. 36-37 ------III

4.1 Chorus, Ifigenia in Aulide (HI, xi), I-Tf, I VIE 7, fols.77r-80v ...... 172

A 2 Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Ifigenia in Aulide (H, iv), I-Tf, 1 vm 7, fois. I5r-I7v. ______183

5.1 Printed leaf added to exemplar for libretto for Sofonisba, I-Tn, Coll. CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2, between pp. 52-53 ------215

XIV 52 Other printed leaf added to exemplar for libretto for Sofonisba, I-Tn, Coll. CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2, between pp. 52-53 ...... 217

5.3 Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fois. 77r-80v...... 227

5.4 Accompanied recitative and (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fois. 98r-l02r ...... 238

D. I Hand of Raimondo Clerici, Memoriale di copiatura ( 1744-45), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6240...... 322

D.2 Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand of Giuseppe Chiaves (paragraph at end o f document), signatures of Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, Francesco Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere serie, 1761-62), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243 ------323

D.3 Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (paragraph at end of document), signatures of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere buffo, 1761), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243...... 325

D.4 Capitulazione per I 'orchestra, 7 March 1753, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243...... 328

D.5 Capitulazione per I 'orchestra, 1765-66, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6188 ------..329

D.6 Capitulazione per I 'orchestra, 1768-69, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6 188 ...... 330

D.7 Libro di quietanze, 1786-87, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6234 ...... 331

D.8 Libro di quietanze, 1790-91, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6238 ...... 332

D.9 Libro di quietanze, 1768-69, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6216 ...... 333

D.IO Libro d i quietanze, 1770-71, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6218 ...... 334

D. II Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Andromeda ( 1755), I-Tf, 10 V 3, fol. I29r ______338

D.I2 Hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, Andromeda ( 1755), I-Tf, 10 V 3, fol. 30v ______339

D. 13 Giuseppe Chiaves (music, heading “”), Francesco Antonio Le Messier (heading “Opera P.““ Del Sig. Bach”); A rtaserse (1760), Act I, I-Tf, I vm I, fol. Ir ______340

XV D.14 Hand of Giuseppe Chiaves, A rtaserse (1760), Act I, I-Tf, I Vm I, fol. 80r ..... 341

D. 15 Hand of Turin A, Artaserse (1760), Act II, I-Tf, I VM 2, fol. 4 r ...... 342

D.I6 Hand of Tiffin B, Artaserse (1760), Act H, I-Tf, 1 VM 2, fol. 52r ...... 343

D. 17 Hand of Turin C, loose, unbound gatherings [Arianna e ( 1763)], I-Tf, 9 M 18 7, fol. lOr ...... 344

D.18 Hand of Turin C, Mitridate, re di Ponto (1767), Act M, I-Tf, 1 VM 10, fol.61r ...... 345

D. 19 Unidentified hand, II Gran Cidde ( 1768), Act I, I-Tf, 1 V I24, fol. 70r ...... 346

D 2 0 Unidentified hand, Andromeda (1771), Act I, I-Tf^ 1 V II22, fol. 1 v ...... 347

D3I Unidentified hand, (1770), Act II, I-Tf, 1 V 2, fol. 52v ...... 348

D32 Unidentified hand, Annibale in Torino (1771), Act III, I-Tf, 2111, fol. 36r— 349

D.23 Unidentified hand, Enea in Cartagine (1769), Act I, I-Tf, 1 V II4, fol. 89r ---- 350

D34 Unidentified hand, Andromeda (1771), Act I, I-Tf, 1 VII22, fol. 14r ...... 351

D35 Unidentified hand, abbandonata (1773), Act M, 1-Tf, 1 VTI21, fol. 3r ...... 352

D.26 Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music), Francesco Antonio Le Messier (text); Eum ene (1759), 1-Tf, 10 V 4, fol. 29v ...... 354

D37 Francesco Antonio Le Messier (text; music, mm. 1-6, all; and mm. 7-12, lower staves), Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music, mm. 7-12, upper staves); Androm eda (1755), I-Tf, 10 V 3, fol. 170v ...... 355

D38 Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music), Giuseppe Chiaves (t®ct); A rtaserse (1760), Act H, I-Tf, I VM 2, fol. 29r. ------361

D39 Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music, including “cor” markings), Giuseppe Chiaves (text); Sofonisba (1764), Act II, I-Tfi IV 19, fois. 2r, 3r. ------362

D.30 Giuseppe Chiaves (music and text), A rtaserse (1760), Act I, I-Tfi I VM 1, fol. 72r ______364

xvt D.31 Giuseppe Chiaves (music), loose, unbound gatherings [Arianna e Teseo (1763)1, I-Tf, 9 III 18 7, gathering number “1/8” ...... 365

D.32 Turin A (end of accompanied recitative, aria incipit), Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (simple recitative); iirroyerse (1760), Act ILI-TL 1 Vm 2, fbl. 51v ...368

xvu LIST OF LIBRARY SIGLA*

FRANCE (F) Pn , Bibliothèque Nationale

GERMANY (D) Eds Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Bspk Berlin, Staatsbibliothek PreuBischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung HEu Heidelberg, Universitatsbibliothek Mbs , Bayerische Staatsbibliothek MHrm Mannheim, Stadisches Reiss-Museum, Bibliothek

ITALY (I) CMc Casale-Monferrato, Biblioteca civica Rsc , Biblioteca Santa Cecilia (Conservatorio) Tc Turin, Biblioteca del Conservatorio “” Tci Turin, Biblioteca civica musicale “Andrea Della Corte' T f Turin, Accademia filarmonica Tn Turin, Biblioteca nazionale universitaria A.S.CX Turin, Archivio storico della città A.S.T. Turin, Archivio di stato T, Provincia Turin, Biblioteca della provincia T, Fanan Turin, Fanan, private collection T, Strona-Cravero Turin, Strona-Cravero, private collection

PORTUGAL (?) La , Palâcio Nacionale da Ajuda

UNITED STATES (US) AUS Austin, University of Texas BE Bericeley, University of , Music Library Cu Chicago, University of Chicago (Regenstein Library) LAu , University of California, Los Angeles Wc Washington, DC, Library of Congress, Music Division

' Sigla (bawn fiom Répertoire Internationale des Sotaces Musicales ^tlSM ) I (Munfch-Dmsburg: G. Eenie Verlag, I960), pp. 61-68; and The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera (: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1992) I:xxxv-xL

xvm INTRODUCTION

Turin was among the most powerful cities in Europe in the eighteenth century.

The military achievements of the Savoy dynasty were paralleled by the growing reputation of the city as a leading cultural center, in which opera seria at the Teatro Regio

(the royal theater) played a significant role. While the operatic reform movement that began elsewhere in Europe around the middle of the century has generally been assumed not to have influenced opera in the Italian states, Turin was in fact an active participant in the French-inspired stylistic experimentation that transformed opera seria. Evidence for this assertion may be found in archival documents pertaining to the administration of the theater, printed libretti, and manuscript musical materials. The present study explores the circumstances under which innovation at Turin began and flourished.

Opera seria began to change profoundly around 1755. Critical of the hegemony of singers—whose desire for virtuoso display had resulted in the de-emphasis of drama— certain theorists, poets, composers, and choreographers began to “reform” the “abuses” they perceived in the genre. They attempted a more thorough integration of dramatic and musical elements by introducing to opera seria elements borrowed from French tragédie- lyrique—in particular, choruses and dances integrated into the scenes, machme-inspned stage spectacle often accompanying the presence of deities, complex ensembles involving stage action and numerous characters, and flecible scene structures.

1 At Stuttgart in 1755, Duke Carl Eugen’s Kapellmeister Nicolô Jommelli, together with the innovative court poet Mattia Verazi, had produced two French-inspired operas exhibiting experimental features. Shortly thereafter, at Parma in 1759 and 1760, the director of the court theater, , the court poet Carlo Fragoni, and the innovative composer Toimnaso Traetta, produced Italian adaptations of operas by Jean-

Philippe Rameau. When , di cappella at Mannheim, saw the first of these operas in Parma, he brought it to Mannheim later in the same year. Verazi had already moved from Stuttgart to Mannheim in 1756; his collaborations at Marmheim in 1762 and 1764, with Traetta and Gianfrancesco De Majo for the Elector Carl

Theodor’s magnificent new theater, were groundbreaking. In Vienna, produced under the visionary leadership o f the Francophile Giacomo Durazzo, works by Traetta and

Christoph Willibald von Gluck in 1759 and 1760 evinced a thorough integration of music, drama, poetry, and spectacle. The stylistic experiments championed by the creative minds at these centers blossomed into a transformation that gradually spread throughout Europe, ultimately shaping the subsequent history of dramatic music.

Scholarly interest in the operatic reform movement has grown in recent years. The seminal work of Daniel Heartz, which focused on events at Parma and at Vienna, revealed that the complex and multifaceted movement was influenced by a variety of political and cultural forces. ‘ Heartz’s findings inspfred the groundbreaking studies of

' Daniel Heartz, “From Garrick to Gluck: The Reform of Theater and Opera in the Mid-Eighteenth Century, Proceeding ofthe Royal Music Association 94 {1967-68): i 11-27; idem, “Operatic Reform at Parma: Ippolito ed A riciaf A tti del convegno sul settecento Parmense nel T centenario delta morte di C. L F rugoni (Parma, 1969),271-300; idem, “Traetta m Vienna: Arm ida (I7 6 I) essdlfigenia in Tourü/e (1763),” Studies in Musicfrom the University o f Western 7 (1982): 65-88. Marita McCIymonds“—which explored the participatioa of Jommelli, Verazi, and other

Italian librettists and composers in the movement—and of Bruce Alan Brown,^ which focused on Gluck’s reform operas, ballets, and compositions in other gemes. This body of literature is complemented by recent contributions by Paul E. Comeilson and Nicole

Edwina Ivy Baker, both o f whom examined traditions at Mannheim.*^

These and other scholars interested in operatic reform have focused on the

French-influenced cultural centers of Parma, Stuttgart, and Mannheim, where reform began, and especially Vienna, where it culminated. Operatic reform in the Italian states

(apart from Parma), has traditionally been overlooked. The uncritical assumption is that

Italian theaters, where opera seria reigned supreme throughout the century, remained impervious to the revolutionary stylistic developments occurring elsewhere in Europe.^

Recent research has shown, however, that opera seria did undergo a complex revitalization in the last of the century, the circumstances of which are only

■ Marita P. McClymonds, “The Evolution of Joimnelli's Operatic Style,” Journal o f the American Musicological Society 33 {1980): 326-55; idem, Nicolo Jommelli: The Last Years. 1769-1774 (Ann Arfaon UMI Research Press, 1980); idem, “Mattia Verazi and the Opera at Mannheim, Stuttgart, and Ludwigsburg,” SifKdjey in Musicfrom the University o f Western Ontario 2 (1982): 99-136; idem, ‘Transforming Opera Seria: Verazi’s Innovations and their Impact on Opera in ,” Opera and the Enlightenment, e ^ . Thomas Bauman and Marita Petzoldt McClymonds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 119-32; idem, “CoIteHini, Traetta, and the Revitalization o f Opera Seria,” Austria 996-1996: Music in a Changing Society, ed. Walter Kreysig, in press. ^ Bruce Alan Brown, “Gluck’s Rencontre imprévue and its Revisions,” Journal o f the American Musicological Society 36 (1983): 498-518; idem, Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); idem, "’Zéphire e t Flore: a “galanf* early ballet by Angiolini and Gluck, Opera and the Enlightenment, eds. Thomas Bauman and Marita Petzoldt McClymonds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 189-216. * Paul E. Comeilson, “Opera at Mannhenn, 1770-1778” (Ph. D. diss.. University o fNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1992); Nicole Edwma Ivy Baker, “ at the Court of Mannhenn, I758-I770” (PhD. diss.. University of California, Los Angeles, 1994). * See, for «am ple, Donald Jay Grout, A Short History o fOpera, 2d. ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), pp. 215-45; Charles Rosen, The Classical Style: Haytbt. Mozart, Beethoven (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1972), pp. 169-77; and Philip G. Downs, Classiad Music: The Em o fHaydn. Mozart, and Beethoven (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1992), pp. 178-80. begmning to become clear.^ The French-inspired reforms of mid-century played a significant role in this transformation, and their effects on opera in Italy have been largely unexplored. Turin merits attention not only for this reason but for others as well: as one of the largest, rapidly growing, and culturally active European cities of the era, Turin formed part of an important international cultural circuit, its royal theater sharing the leading singers, dancers, designers, and other creative personnel with those of other prominent theaters. Furthermore, in its close geographical proximity and longstanding political ties to , Turin bears similarities to the French-influenced cultural centers that spearheaded the reform efforts in mid-century.

Modem scholarship on opera in Turin has focused on issues other than reform.

The authoritative history of the theater, edited by Alberto Basso, comprises six volumes that chronicle the theater’s history from its roots in court entertainments of the sixteenth century to the productions of the present day.^ These studies focus on issues such as the history o f scene design at the theater, and the architecture of the building. Also included in the series are a chronology of productions that spans four centuries, and a history of the theater in the twentieth century, including the building’s destraction by fire in 1936 and its reconstruction in 1973.* Particularly relevant to the present inquiry is the first

^ The recent work of Marita McClymonds focuses on these issues. A pioneering study on this subject was her “The Venetian Role in the Transformation of Italian Opera Seria durmg the 1790s,” I Vicmi di Mozart: II Teatro Musicale tra Sette e Ottocento, Studi di Musica Veneta 15, ed. Marm Teresa Muraro (: Oischki, 1989), pp. 221-40. See also idem, “Calzabigi and Paisiello’s Elfrida and Elvira: Crumbling Conventions within a Rapidly Changing Genre,” Ranieri de ' Cakaèigi tra Vienna e bfapolU eds. Federico Mairi and Francesco Paolo Russo (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Itahana, 1998), pp. 239-58. ^ Alberto Basso, ed., Storia del Teatro Regio di Torino^ 6 vols. (Turin: Cassa di Risparmio di Tormo, 1976- 1991). * Regarding volume 1, see next footnote; volumes 2 through 6 nt the series are as follows: Alberto Basso, H Teatro della Città dal 1788 al 1936 {1976); Mercedes Viale Ferrero, La Scenogrqfta d alle origini a l 1936 ( 1980); Luciano Tambutini, L 'architettwra dalle origint ed 1936 ( 1983); Marie-Thérèse Bouquet, Valeria Gualerzi, Alberto Testa, Cronologie ( 1988); Alberto Basso, ed., U nuovo Teatro Regio di Torino (1991). volume in the series, by Marie-Thérèse Bouquet This volume presents the institution’s organizational structure and surveys its history and worics fiom the sixteenth through the late eighteenth centuries.^ Through meticulous examination of selected archival collections held at Turin’s Archivio storico della città. Bouquet surveys the functioning of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri (the theater’s administrative body), considers numerous aspects of production, and reports many of the circumstances that surrounded the performances. Her discussion does not address stylistic questions and the decision­ making process of the Società dei Cavalieri as it relates to them, however.

The next significant contribution to literature pertaining to the Regio appeared fifteen years after Bouquet’s study. In 1990, to commemorate the two-hundred-and-fifty- year anniversary of the founding of its opera theater, the city of Turin organized an exhibition of archival documents, paintings, and music relating to the theater’s long and illustrious history. The publication that resulted firom this exhibition, edited by Basso, consists of chapters and brief descriptions of items included in the exhibition written by scholars and opera enthusiasts.It includes an essay by Isabella Fragalà Data that is of vital importance for a stylistic study of the Regio’s repertoire.^' This study summarizes the sources for music performed at the Regio, conserved in Turin’s libraries and archives, that were known to be extant at the time of publication. It is of utmost importance for background on the largest and most homogeneous collection of manuscript musical scores that contain music performed at the Regio. This important collection, conserved

’ Marie-TIiéièse Bouquet, II teatro di carte dalle origini al 1788 (1976). Alberto Basso, ed., L ’arcano incanto (: Becta, I99I). The exhibition was held at the Teatro Regio, 16 May through 29 September 1991. " babella Fragalà Data, “Q corredo dei beni musicali,” pp. 93-117. m the archives of Turin’s Accademia filannonica, contains music from Regio productions that span the second half of the eighteenth century.

When I began m y research by reading this secondary literature on opera in Turin,

I received the impression that the Teatro Regio was a bastion of conservatism, similar to other Italian theaters. I therefore sought to discover the reasons why the musical style of this cosmopolitan city remained conservative in spite of the close contact the theater maintained throughout the century with the aforementioned innovative operatic centers. I set out to study the decision-making process of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri, the theater’s powerfiil administrative body, hoping thereby to determine the reasons behind the theater’s stylistic conservatism. During my research in Turin, for which I examined archival documents pertaining to the Società, multiple copies of printed libretti, and manuscript musical materials, I overturned my own hypothesis: in fact, these materials are replete with evidence that the theater’s administration was desirous o f participating in

French-inspired experimentation. The present project, then, fills important lacunae left by other studies. It is the first study of opera in Turin to take into account evidence from scores and other musical materials, multiple copies of printed libretti, and archival documents, and to use all of these towards a greater understanding of stylistic issues.

Moreover, it treats the role of one of the Italian states in the reform movement, a topic that has generally been slighted in scholarly literature on reform.

My findings are based largely on primary source materials consulted in Turin, which are surveyed m Appendix A. The rich holdings of the Archivio storico della città furnish many types o f material pertainmg to the administration of the theater by the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri, and these sources were the starting point for my research.'^

Prmted libretti held at this archive, at several of Turin’s libraries, and in private collections facilitated comparisons o f exemplars that yielded important discoveries.

Large collections of manuscript musical materials at Turin’s Biblioteca civica musicale

“Andrea Della Corte” and at Turin’s Accademia filarmonica (particularly the collection of scores mentioned above) played an essential role in my study of the functioning of the institution and the stylistic changes ocurring in the repertory there. The manuscript scores held at the Biblioteca civica di Casale-Monferrato near Turin enhanced my observations as well.

The present study begins with a chapter providing background on the political and cultural forces that shaped Turin and its opera in the eighteenth century. The Savoy dynasty’s longstanding desire for the royal title and urge for recognition by the major

European had a profound impact on the history of the Savoyard state and Turin, its capital city. The construction of the state theater in 1740 was one o f many cultural manifestations of this desire.

In the decades before the foimding of the theater, centralizing economic and political reforms had already influenced opera in Turin: in 1727 the Nobile Società dei

Cavalieri, a group of noblemen selected by the king, was granted control o f operatic production in the city. The second section of the first chapter considers practical circumstances surrounding production that shaped style at the Teatro Regio. It begms by mcamining the internal organization o f the Teatro Regio, and explores the decision-

Citations o f these sources mclude A.S.C.T. (Archivio storico della città di Tormo) and the titles of the collections {Ordinati, Libri conti, etc.). making process of the directors o f the Società dei Cavalieri as revealed in archival

documents held at the Archivio storico della città that record their activities. The

discussion reveals that stylistic aspects of opera at Turin are linked to circumstances o f

the Socîetà’s administrative structure. Moreover, the relationship between the Società

and the king and the frequent changeover of the Società’s directorship greatly influenced

the innovations occurring in the 1760s. The first chapter concludes by discussing an

important but neglected individual who played a significant role in the institution’s

history: the theater’s principal librettist during this period, the Turinese poet Vittorio

Amedeo Cigna-Santi. This poet’s libretti exhibit strikingly original stylistic feature that

have largely escaped scholarly attention. A brief biographical sketch of Cigna-Santi

focuses on aspects of his background and training that appear to have influenced his literary style and, therefore, opera at Turin as well.

Libraries and archives in and near Turin are rich in material that facilitated my study o f manuscript production and music copying at the theater, the subject of the second chapter. In Turin, I consulted the collection of manuscript musical scores at

Turin’s Accademia filarmonica, discussed in the aforementioned essay by Fragalà Data.*^

This private collection of scores had never been subjected to detailed inquiry. It was therefore necessary for me to determine the provenance of the manuscripts in order to assess the extent to which the contents of the volumes reflected what was actually performed in Turin. Through comparison of handwriting in the scores with handwriting in documents held at the Archivio storico della città, I identified conclusively the hands

“ Æwi, pp. 93-99. of the Teatro Regions ofScial copyists for the period under discussion and determined that the scores were indeed institutional products, copied at the Regio. Appendix D presents «camples of the copyists’ hands as transmitted by archival documents and musical scores, and includes a discussion of the roles played by the copyists in the production o f the manuscripts.

The contracts of some of the ofGcial copyists that prescribe their duties and lengths of service to the Società are also held at the Archivio storico della città. These, transcribed in Appendix C, together with bits of biographical information on the copyists, are the material on which my discussion of the copyists’ profession in eighteenth-century

Turin is based. This discussion opens the chapter, which then continues with a summary of the contents and physical characteristics o f the collection of scores and stylistic observations, along with some observations on stylistic implications of certain notational features. Other manuscript musical sources in and near Turin exhibit the hands of the

Regio copyists from this period as well. My findings led me to identify not only the copyists o f these sources but in some cases the composers, operas, and Regio productions from which they stem. The chapter concludes with a discussion o f these sources."'*

Several worics o f the 1760s, the subjects o f the remaining chapters, emerge as outstanding for the «ctent to which they reveal the priorities of the Società with regard to innovation. The third chapter presents the Regio’s first strides toward French-inspired innovation, as exemplified by Ehea nel Lazio (1760). The musical setting by Traetta of

Cigna-Santi’s second libretto for Turin reveals important links between the Regio and the

Nbny o f these are not included ni Fragalà Data's study.

9 theaters at Parma and Vienna, noted centers for reform. Cigna-Santi’s third libretto for the Regio, Ifigenia in Aulide (1762), is a tour de force o f French-inspired experimentation. This woric, the subject of the fourth chapter, is outstanding for the extent to which it integrates choruses, dances, flexible scene structures, and stage spectacle into the standard Italian dramaturgical format A careful reading of the libretto reveals that Cigna-Santi drew significantly upon the most widely known and influential reform manifesto of the day, the Saggio sopra I 'opera in musica by Francesco Algarotti.

Cigna also borrowed certain structural features fiom the reform-minded librettist Mattia

Verazi, court poet at Mannheim, whose works for that city in the 1750s and 60s were unparalleled in their inventiveness. The chapter combines an analysis of the libretto with a discussion o f the treatment of its French-inspired features by the composer, Ferdinando

Bertoni, and considers the effects of the Società’s production decisions on the resulting style o f the opera as well.

Contact between Turin and other centers for reform is especially relevant for discussed in Chapter 5: Sofonisba ( 1764) and Oreste ( 1766). The Turin productions of these operas are based on revised versions of revolutionary libretti by

Verazi at Mannheim. Baldassare Galuppi, the composer of Turin’s setting of Sofonisba, was as sensitive to the experimental features of Verazi’s libretto as he was to the needs of his singers, as the music for the opera reveals. Financial constraints, perhaps due to the extreme complexity and lavishness of the stage spectacle, caused the elimination of the

French-influenced chorus^ in Sofonisba, which has contributed to the impression of

Turin’s stylistic conservatism. The choruses were subsequently reinstated, however, by

10 means of added pages that survive in some exemplars of the printed libretto and in the

manuscript score. The production decisions made for this opera elucidate the financial

pressures under which the directors of the Società constantly worked. The directors’

decisions also suggest the logistical problems faced by most public theaters o f Italy in

incorporating French-inspired reform features, problans that were engendered by

conventions of operatic production in these theaters. The Società’s decisions reveal the

extent to which these external factors influenced musical style in Turin. Oreste, a heavily

revised and retitled version of Verazi’s Ifigenia in Tauride (Mannheim, 1764), shares

important stylistic features with Sofonisba, and many of the issues surrounding its

production are relevant to both works. Contact with Mannheim beyond these two

productions is underscored by similarities between other operas produced both there and

at Turin in the 1760s, and by exchange of personnel between these cities.

Innovation in opera at Turin was not limited to these works. My concluding

chapter surveys other innovative works at the Regio in the crucial decade of the 1760s,

summarizes the central issues discussed in earlier chapters, and suggests conditions that

favored innovation at Turin. The climate of experimentation during these years paved the way for future developments, such as expansion of the spectacular element and emphasis

on exotic locales and subjects as plot material. Turin’s operas were at the forefiront of

the revitalization of opera seria occurring in Italian theaters of the latter half of the

century.

The appendices are arranged in order corresponding to the chapters to which their

contents pertain: Appendices A-B are relevant for Chapter 1, C-E for Chapter 2, F-H for

11 Chapter 3 ,1-J for Chapter 4, and K-L for Chapter 5. Appendix A describes library and archival collections. Appendices B, H, and J provide passages from libretti or other publications that pertain to the operas discussed. Contracts for personnel involved in the production o f these works are transcribed in Appendices G, I, K, and L; contracts for the ofScial theater copyists appear in Appendix C. Data regarding payment to personnel for selected seasons are given in Appendix F. Transcriptions of title pages of relevant libretti appear in Appendix M.

I have transcribed archival documents largely as they appear in the original sources. In the contracts for personnel, 1 have maintained the paragraph breaks that appear in the originals. Dashes clearly indicating the ends of sentences frequently appear at the ends o f lines in these documents; I have transcribed these as periods. Occasionally the scribe of a contract left an empty space where the first name of the recipient should be; I have indicated these spaces with square brackets. When signatures appear at the end of these documents, I have indicated them by giving the name of the person who has signed followed by [signature]. In addition, contracts usually include a paragraph at the end of the document stating that payment has been received. Since these paragraphs are inconsequential for my purposes, I have omitted them from my transcriptions. In transcriptions of passages fiom printed libretti, 1 have maintained the paragraph breaks of the originals. My transcription of a passage fiom an eighteenth-century periodical (in

Appendix B) maintains the italics, line breaks, and orthography of the original. In transcribing the fiogments of text from the libretto quoted in this excerpt, I have maintained the line breaks given in the passage or indicated Ime breaks with a slash.

12 CHAPTER I

TURIN’S TEATRO REGIO: A ROYAL THEATER FOR A ROYAL CITY

In the eighteenth century, Turin enjoyed a reputation as one of the strongest and most culturally vibrant cities in the Italian states. The rise o f Turin as an internationally- known capital paralleled the gradual strengthening of the Savoyard state over the course of several centuries. By the mid 1700s, the political and military might of the Savoy dynasty had transformed the provincial duchy into an absolutist state with power unparalleled by other Italian states. Built in 1740, Turin’s royal theater, the Teatro Regio, became renowned throughout Europe for its lavish operatic productions that enhanced the prestige of the Savoy dynasty. The history of the theater—a cultural manifestation of

Savoy power—was significantly influenced by, and thus is inextricably linked to, the development of the Savoyard state.

The Creation of an Absolutist Capital

The Savoyard state has been characterized as a "perpetual hostage to fortune,” a condition that nrevocably shaped both its history and culture.^ The state’s geography

‘ Geoffrey Symcox, Victor II: Absolutism in the Savoyard Stale, 1675-1730 (London: Thames and Hudsoa Ltd., and Berkeley and Los Angeles: Umveisi^ of CaOfoima Press, 1983), p. 13. The

13 placed it in a precarious position: comprising a “mosaic of territories” that straddled the western AIps,^ the state was continually subjected to invasion by stronger powers that surrounded it. The ever-present threat of encroachment resulted in the Savoy dynasty’s constant preoccupation with asserting its authority by achieving royal status and emerging independent from foreign domination.

From the Middle Ages the Savoy territories had been pieced together in a process of conquest, purchase, and inheritance that seems to defy geography and communications.^ Moving to consolidate the territories and to align the duchy with the

Italian states, Emmanuele Filiberto (r. 1553-1580) transferred the ducal residence to Turin from Chambéry in 1563.'* He subsequently chose Italian as the official language of the territories. These two events marie the beginning of the Savoy family’s effort, lasting several centuries, to transform Turin into a national capital with royal status.

Although the Savoys attained their long-desired royal title in 1632,^ the status was not to be acknowledged by other European powers for quite some time. The survival of the Savoyard state, in the meanwhile, depended on its preservation and expansion. In numerous military campaigns in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, successive Savoy rulers frequently changed alliances between France, Spain, and Austria, fbllowmg account draws upon idem, chapter I, and Martha D. Poliak, Turin 1564-1680: Urban Design, Military Culture, and the Creation o fthe Absolutist Capital (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chapter I. ^ Around 1713 the state comprised the county of Nice and the principality of Oneglia (two transalpme territories), the duchy o f Savoy, the duchy of Aosta (between Savoy and Piethnont), and the principality of Piethnont itself See Symcox, Victor Amadeus U, chapter 2, and map on p. 234. ’ Symcox, V ictor Amadeus II, p. 13. * Savoy won Piethnont back fiom the French m IS60 as a result o f the treaty of Cateau-Cambr&is, and the (hichy was moved m 1563. Another hnportant event that contributed to the enhancement o f Turm was the transfer to it o f the Holy Shroud m 1578. See PoUak, Turin 1564-1680, pp. 13-15. ^ The title “King o f Cyprus” was granted to Vittorio Amedeo E with the Treaty o f Cherasco m. 1632.

14 the major European competitors of the era/ The conquest of new territory and the institution of centralizing reforms by Victor Amadeus H (r. 1684-1730) in the and

20s transformed Savoy into an absolutist state with power unparalleled by other Italian states. Its royal status was reinforced by Victor Amadeus H's acquisition of the Kingdom of in 1713, which, however, he was forced to exchange for that of in 1720.

Successive Savoy rulers enjoyed relative peace and prosperity until the armexation of

Savoy by France in 1792.^

The dynasty’s longstanding military culture left its mark on the capital city in tangible ways. Turin was continuously enlarged, beautified, and strengthened over the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.* Absolutist rule was announced by its straight streets, its prominent citadel, and its elegant main piazza with royal residences in the center. The architectural contributions of ( 1624-83),

(1678-1736), and (1699-1767), reinforced Turin’s growing reputation as a cultural center of international importance.’ The establishment of the state opera

* Savoy history during this era is marked by a complex series o f alliances, wars, and treads. Since the state was allied with France m the mid-seventeenth century, Victor Amadeus H was drawn into war with Louis XIV (over the Massacre of the Vaudois) &om 1690 to 96. Piechnont’s victory initiated mcpansion of the Savoyard state that was to last untü 1748. The subsequent fluctuadons among alliances that led to the Spanish succession and the ensumg war culminated m the seige o f Turin m 1706, fiom which Savoy (allied now with the Hapsburgs) again emerged victorious. A new alliance was formed with Britain against Austria during the peace negodadons resultmg in the treaty of Utrecht. By the terms of this treaqr, in 1713 was forced to grant Sicily to Victor Amadeus H. A subsequent realignment o f Austria, France, Britain, and Spain resulted m Savoy's forced exchange of Sicily for Sardmia m 1720 and m the Savoyard state's loss of status with respect to that of the mafor powers. By Victor Amadeus's abdicadon m 1730, however, the state's enhanced military apparatus had increased its intemadonal standing. See Symcox, Victor Amadeus ZT, chapters 8-13. ^ For an account of later events, see Michael Broers, Napoleonic Imperialism and the Savoyard Monarchy, 1773-1821: State Building in (Lewiston: Edwm Mellen Press, 1997). * See especially Poliak, Turin 1564-1680^ chapters 2 -4. ’ A summary of the contribudons by these artists is provided by Holmes, The Oxford History ofItafy^ pp. 156-60 (see also Hohnes's bibliography, p. 355).

15 theater played a vital role in this process, and was among the most significant cultural achievements of Carlo Emmanuele HI (r. 1730-73).

The Teatro Regio

Turin’s Teatro Regio, designed by Alfieri and opened in 1740, was among the grandest in Europe at the time it was built. The theater is immortalized by Pietro

Domenico Olivero’s famous painting of its opulent interior." A testament to the lively environment of the eighteenth-century Italian , Olivero’s work depicts the theater during a performance of an opera, showing lavishly-costumed singers on stage, and the full orchestra in firont A striking feature of the painting is its rendering of audience members in boxes and stalls; while some are attentively watching the performance, many are engaged in various activities such as reading libretti, conversing and gesturing to the stage, drinking wine, and buying oranges from waiters walking through the theater.

The many travelers to the city during the century remarked upon the Teatro

Regio’s beauty, lavishness, size, and grandeur. News of its magnificence spread, and it

It was destroyed by & e m 1936 and rebuilt at 1973. " See Luciano Tamburmi, Item I.I4, “Pietro Domenico OKvero, Intemo del Teatro Regie di Torino^'' L ’arcano incanto, pp. 156-57. The paintmg k conserved m Turm’s Museo Civico d’Arte Antica e Palazzo Madama (mv. no. 420-534/D). While it has traditionally been assumed to represent the theater's inaugural production, A rsace (set by m 1740), Mercedes Viale Ferrero hypothesuzes that it might actualty be o f a different opera dating &om 1742 or 1752 (see Viale Ferrero, la scenogn^a, pp. 153; 194- 95, cited in Tamburini, Item L I4,T ’arcano mconro, p. 156). For the vivid hnage the pamtmg provides of the theatrical environment, it has been reproduced in mnneroas textbooks; see m particular the large and effective reproduction m Joseph Kerman, L isten, 3rd. ed. (Mew York: Worth, 1980), p. 175.

16 became a model for theaters throughout Europe/^ The building was praised by Charles

de Brosses just after its construction;

1 prefer to tell you about the new theater that the king just had built. It is one of the most magnificent and best-conceived in Italy. It has not yet been used; it wül not begin functioning until the coming winter. Opera in Turin is very highly regarded; they say that it is always very well composed; 1 wish that it were also less noisy [there] than at opera in other cities.

A travel guide for eighteenth-century visitors to Turin describes the theater in the

following manner

This theater is judged by all to be the most majestic and best furnished in Europe, and is justifiably the object of admiration of visitors for its vasmess and expansiveness, for the architecture and conveniences of the building, and for the beau^ of the decorations o f the interior, most of which are ornamented in gold. The painting o f the ceiling is remaricable. Here every carnival season they perform operas with spectacle as magnificent as is appropriate to the grandeur of the royal court, who attend in the spacious balcony reserved for them that is then usually illuminated. The best performers in all of Europe are always summoned there. ^

Joseph-Jerôme Le François de La Lande remarked that the theater was “the best designed, the best planned, and the most complete that is to be found in Italy; it is the most richly

See Holmes, The Oxford History o fItaly, p. 159. " 'Vamie bien mieux vous parler du théâtre neuf, que le roi vient de 6ire costruire; c’est un des plus magnifiques et des mieux entendus qu’il y ait en Italie. On n’en a pas encore fait usage; fi ne commencera à servir que l’hiver prochaine. L’Opéra a Turin a trés-boime réputation; on dit qu’il est toujours fort bien composé; je souhaite aussi qu’il soit moins tumultueux que ceux des autres vfiles.” Letter to M. de Nettilly, Turin, 3 April 1740. Charles de Brosses, Le President de Brosses en Italie, Lettres fim ilières écrites

17 and nobly decorated that there is in the modem style.”*^ ’s observations of the following year echo this sentiment: “The great opera house. . . is reckoned one of the finest in Europe. It is very large and elegant; the machinery and decorations are magnificent."'^

The Almanacchi de ’ Teatri di Torino provide valuable information on the important role played by the Teatro Regio in the cultural life of the city.'^ These volumes, printed for purchase by the eighteenth and nineteenth-century Turinese theater­ going public, contain historical and practical information of interest to them. The volumes testify to the Regio as a meeting place for the nobility and other high-ranking members of Piedmontese society, and as a theater of international importance that attracted the most famous singers, dancers, choreographers, and designers of the day.

Included in the almanacchi are schedules of performances in Turin for a given season, and essays on the origin of the principal theaters of Europe, including both the Regio and the Teatro , where comic opera, spoken plays, and other entertainments were presented. Both the Regio and the Carignano are described in a detailed manner in the almanacchi in essays that emphasize the sumptuousness of the decor in each theater.

Lists of operas and leading singers at the Regio firom 1700 to the date of publication are given, along with titles, subjects, and dancers of entr’acte ballets, and lists of composers

“le plus étudié, le mieux composé, le plus complet qu’on voie en Italie; c’est le plus richement et le plus noblement décoré qu’Q y ait dan«s le geme moderne.” Joseph-Jerôme Le François de La Lande, Voyage d ’un Français en Ita lie (, 1769), quoted m Tamburmi, L ’archinetura, p. 62, and m Parvopassu, Torino, I l Teatro Regio, p. 12-13. Charles Bumey, The Present State o fMusic in France and Italy (London: T. Becket, 1771 and 1773; rpt. bx Dr. Burney’s Musical Tours in Europe, it An Eighteenth-Century Musical Tour in France and Itafy, c i. Percy A. Scholes (London: Oxford University Press, 1959)), p. 58, trans. in Bouquet, H teatro di corte, p. 143, and Parvopassu, Torino. II Teatro Regio, p. 13.

18 and their cities of origin. The volumes also include names of owners of box seats ipalchi) at the theater, listed by tier for each of the theater’s five tiers of boxes.** Each tier was divided into two sections, left and right, and each section contained between eleven and sixteen boxes, for a total of one hundred and thirty-eight boxes. Front sections o f the second, third, and fourth tiers, called “Proscenio,” were reserved for ambassadors, foreign ministers, and the directors o f the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri.

These directors played an important role in opera in Turin, as we shall see.

Particularly valuable is the floor-plan of the building, shown in Fig. 1.1, with numbers indicating the theater’s internal components and environs. A page of the

Almanacco lists the places that correspond to the numbers on the plan:

1. Main stairway 12. Area beneath the stage that houses the 2. Stairway providing another exit stage machinery 3. Shop selling refteshments 13. Large space for the supernumeraries 4. Casino 14. Storage rooms for the theater 5. Foyer o f the auditorium 15. Ramp used to lead horses on stage 6. Auditorium 16. Drawbridge at the back o f the stage 7. Exit doors to be used after that lowers for artificial fireworks performances 17. Courtyard outside the theater’s storage 8. Orchestra rooms 9. Stairways connecting to the hallways 18. Porticos outside the theater facing the of the balconies Piazza Madama Reale 10. Restrooms 19. Courtyard of the Accademia Reale 11. Stairway to the gallery commonly 20. Royal Archives called “Paradise”

Niiovo almanacco dei teatri di Torino (Turm: Onoiato Deiosst, 1780). Almanacchi were printed between 1780 and 1789. “ ftiV/., pp. 33-35. " Ib id ^ unnumbered page: "hidice de’ siti principali contenuti nel del Regio Teatro. I. Scala prmctpale; 2. Altra srâla di sfbgo; 3. Bottega de’ rinfieschi; 4. Camere per d giuoco; 5. Vestibolo della platea; 6. Platea; 7. Porte d’uscita dopo I’Opera; 8. Orchestra; 9. Scale di connnunicazione ai corridori deUe loggie; 10. Gabmettipert comodi; II. ScaledeIIapiccionara,voIgarmentedettaParadiso; 12. Sottoscena dove esistono le macchme pel movhnento delle decorazioni; 13. Luogo ampio per le comparse; 14. Magazzeni per il Teatro; 15. Rampa per cuis’mtroducono sul palcoicavalfi; 16. Ponte Levatoio in fondo del palco, il quale si abbassa in occasione di (uochi artifîcmli; 17. Cortde de’ del Teatro; 18. Portier del Teatro verso la Piazza di Madama Reale; 19. Cortde deU’Accademia Reate; 20. Regj Archiyj.’’

19 d<^//'cw/o c ^ ^ /r o (//\%/y/fO c ^ ù /io on/t'fM'

m H

fr i r-v *

y 7

A /• / \ . \ ' èi W W KW-W ü 'i- V i 7 f~$“ f j ^

Fig. 1.1: M

The public of the Regio was restricted to the aristocracy and those close to them.

It mcluded the king and his court, their attendants, and members of the Piedmontese nobility."* Nobles owned boxes at the theater that remained in their families indefinitely.

Ambassadors, dignitaries, and other visitors were guests of the royal family at the opera.

High-ranking members of the military were also admitted, and several academies and associations of students were granted the privilege to attend as well."

Other Theaters in Turin

A somewhat different public attended the and Turin’s smaller theaters.^ The Teatro Carignano was established by a prince fix>m the Carignano branch of the Savoy dynasty. Prince Emanuele Filiberto Amedeo di Savoia Carignano, and engaged traveling troupes of performers that presented opere buffe and spoken French and Italian dramas (comedies and tragedies), ballets, and marionette plays."*^ The

The shops at the Regio included the one that sold refieshments, and one not mentioned here, that sold tobacco, hats, scarves, jewelry, and other goods. On the shops and the casino, see Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, pp. IS 1-56. Other, more detailed floor-plans of the theater, similar to the one in the almanacco, were tnatfft durmg the planning of the theater and its construction. These are shown in Tamburmi, L 'architettura. The Regio’s public is discussed m detail in Bouquet, I t teatro d i corte, chapter 3. See also her “Public et Répertoûe aux Théâtres Regio e Carignano de Turm,” Dix-Huitième Siecte 17 ( 1985): 229-40. ^ See Bouquet, Il teatro di corte, pp. 206-11. The academic institutions granted admission to the theater were founded by various Savoy rulers for the ecfatcation of yotmg nobles and others. These mcluded the Accademia Reale, the Collegio Reale de’ Nobili Convittori, and the Collegio deUe Provmcie. ^ Other theaters in Turm m the eighteenth century included the Teatro Grontbna, the Teatro d’Angennes, and the Teatro Gallo-UghettL See Luciano Tambmini, I teatri di Torino (Turm: DeR’Albero, 1966). See Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato, “H Teatro Carignano dal 1608 al 1814,” Torino: Rivista mensite nm nicipale (Turin, 1928): 685-711. See also Bouquet, II teatro di corte, pp. 96-104; Bouquet-Boyer, “Rôle

21 Carignano presented opere buffe by the most famous composers of works in this genre during the era, some of whom composed opere serie tor the Regio as well. While the

Regio’s productions were performed only during carnival season, the Teatro Carignano functioned year round (except August and September), with masked balls being given for the nobility during carnival. The productions there were attended by “a much larger public, [one that was] interested in a repertoire that was less difiBcult, more varied, more amusing and more international.”^ Nevertheless, the Carignano was important to the nobility as well, judging by the Almanacco. Here, names of noblemen owning boxes in three of the theater’s tiers are listed, divided into right and left sections as in the descriptions of box owners at the Teatro Regio."^ In the essay in the Almanacco describing the theater’s interior, particular attention is given to the evenings during carnival, when the theater was transformed into a great dance floor for the lively and lavish masked balls.

Musical life in eighteenth-century Turin was rich and varied.^ The royal theater was the pride of the Turinese and an important focal point of the city’s cultural activity.^ du Théâtre Carignaa dans I’histoire des spectacles à Turm an XVUT siècle,” Culture e Pouvoir dans les États de Savoie du X V If siècle à la Révolution (Actes du colloque d'Annecy-Chambéry-Turin. 1982), Cahiers de Civilisation Alpine 4 (: Slatkme, 1985), 161-75; idem, “Public et Repertoire,” pp. 229- 40; Patrizia Bassi, “Storia del Teatro Carignano di Torino. Dalle origmi al 1799,” tesi ch laurea. University of Turin, 1988-89. A summary of Bassi’s thesis is presented in idem, “Nascita e vicende del Teatro Carignano in Torino,” Studi Piemontesi 22/2 (November 1993): 399-409. ^ “Le Théâtre Carignan. . . était aussi fiécpienté par un pubhc beaucoup plus large, intéressé par un répertohe moins diffîcüe, plus varié, plus amusant et aussi plus mtemationaL” Bouquet-Boyer, “Rôle du Théâtre Carignan,” p. 162. “ Niiovo alm anacco, pp. 36-37. ^ See Boucpet, “Tormo,” Dizionario enciclopedico universale della musica e dei musicisti, ecL Alberto Basso (Turm: UTET, 1984) 4:552-56; Giorgio PesteUi, “Turm,” The New Grave Dictionary o fMusic and M usicians 19:261-64; and idem, “Turin,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 4:842-44. ^ Numerous stuches directed toward a general auchence reveal the longstandmg âscmation o f the Turmese with, the Teatro Regio, as strong to^iy as it was m the ei^teenth century. The & st chronologies o f works performed at the theater mclude P. Breggi, Serie degli spettacoli rappresentati al Teatro Regio di Torino

22 Producing opera there was a delicate operation that involved complex relationships among the king, the theater’s management, and the internationally-known personnel who graced the Regio’s stage. The context for the experimental works of the 1760s was profoundly shaped by these relationships.

The Context of Innovation:

The Decision-Making Process of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri

Years before the completion o f the Regio’s construction in 1740, Vittorio Amedeo n had foreseen the need for an efficient directorship to administer theatrical production in the city. In 1727 he created the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri, a group of noblemen assigned responsibility for all aspects o f production in all of the theaters of Turin.

Selected by the king from among the nobility of Piedmont, the members of the Società ran the Teatro Regio with great efifrciencty for over fifty years. Since their decisions determined every aspect of operatic production, this administrative body had great power to influence style: the directors were responsible for the degree to which innovation was possible m Turin. By examining the Società’s priorities and decision-making process, we may arrive at a better understandmg of the cfrcumstances under which opera at Turin developed and flourished. dat 1688al presente, coi nomi dei poeti, dei maestri compositori, dei coreogrqft e degli artisti (Turin: G. Derossi, 1872), and Giacomo Saceidote, Teatro Regfo di Torino. Cennistorici intomo al teatro e cronologia degli spettacoli rappresentati dal 1662 al 1890 (Turm: L. Roux and C., 1892). The theater's magnificence is praised mÂlbôto Virgdio, Torino e i torinesi: m inuzie e memorie (Turin: S. Lattes & C., 1898; ipt. 2 vois. 1931). The continumg popularity ofthe theater and its history with present-day opera lovers is reflected m Momenti di : II Teatro Regio di Torino 1740-1936, eds. Giorgio Gualerzi, Valerm Gualerzi, and Giorgio Rampone (Turnc Daniela Piazza, 1990). Parvopassu, Torino. II Teatro R egio, provides to the general reader a concise sonunaiy of the history of opera m Turm fiom its mception to the present day, as well as a usefiil bibliography.

23 The Teatro Regie: Internal Organization

Prior to the creation of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri, the Savoy court theater had been run by various impresari, like other Italian theaters. By replacing the last

impresario, Giovanni Batta Giovanetti, with the Società in 1727,^ the king was able to exert a great degree o f control over the operas produced in Turin. The relationship between the king and the Società was mutually beneficial: the Società enjoyed the king’s continual support, and he was well served by operatic productions upholding the highest standard of quality. A wealth of archival material testifies to this close relationship. Two of the most important documents, the Statuti della Società dei Cavalieri and the

Memoriale a Capi^^ offer a clear view of the organizational structure and the function of the Società. The Statuti, which served as a contract between the Società and the king, consisted of an outline of the Società’s duties. The basic form of the document remained the same over the years: the individual statutes were reapproved by the king by means of marginal notes, with which he also indicated any modifications to the statutes. With the

1738 Memoriale a Capi, Carlo Emanuele HI, Vittorio Amedeo H’s successor, reconfirmed the privileges set forth in the Statuti of 1727. Renewed every six years, the statutes as conveyed in these two documents remained in force until the Napoleonic

Revolution, which led to the dissolution of the Sodetà.^^

^ A.S.C.T., Carte sdoite 6183, Scrittura di Cessione a’ sign Cavalieri Associad, 28 March 1727. Cited in Bouquet, 77 teatro di corte, p. 112. A.S.C.T., Carte sdolte 6188. Transcribed in Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, pp. 451-53. Archivio di Stato, Sezioni Rhinite, Pdenti-Reggi Biglietti, voL 13, f. I76v. Transcribed m Bouquet, 77 teatro di corte, p. 113. ^ The Società fimctioned until 1792, when the king ordered the closure of the theater at the tune of the French annexation ofPiethnont. Two years later the members of the Società themselves were forced to help convert the theater into a grain depository. The theater was opened agam in 1797, but after the kmg went

24 The earliest surviving copy o f the Statuti dates from 1737.^^ Successive versions of this document reflect changes and additions to the regulations necessitated by events or circumstances of a given season.^ The first article remained the same over the years, and was always approved without comment by the king. The briefest and most basic statement of the Società’s responsibilities, it reads, “The aforementioned members [of the

Società] will produce, every winter, two operas with good poetry and music, embellished by dances and suitable sceneryOther issues addressed in the Statuti range from carriages to be provided by the Società for the singers and dancers, to the areas o f the theater reserved by the Società for the duke and the royal court The Statuti clarify that the Società was the sole entity authorized to determine ticket prices, to have libretti printed and sold, to oversee the selling of goods and refreshments in the theater’s shops, and to run the theater’s gambling establishment.

Other documents provide valuable information on the Società’s organizational structure. The membership of the Società numbered around forty, with fluctuations in the total over the years. (A report from one of the Società’s first meetings names thirty

into exüe the following year its management passed to two impresari; it was subsequently renamed 'Teatro Kazionale.” The monarchy and the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri were briefly restored m 1799, but with the return o f the French to Turin in 1800, the theater again came under imperial controL The full restoration of the monarchy in 1815 witnessed the return o f the directorship of the Società. See Bouquet Boyer, “Fortune e miserie di cavalieri e di nnpresari,” L ’arcano incanto^ p. 185; Parvopassu, Torino. It Teatro Regio, pp. 33-46. ” A.S.C.T., Carte scio lte n. 6185. Cited in L ’arcano incanto, p. 202. ^ Several versions o f this document are transcribed m Bouquet, It teatro di corte: pp. 113-15 ( 1738, mcluded m the Afêmono/e a Capr cited above); pp. 116-21 (1770, renewed 1776, Carre sdo/ren. 6188); m . 451-53 (1744, Carte scio lte 0.61%%)', pp. 453-56 (1770, Carte sciolte n. 6188). AS.C.T., Carte sciolte n. 6185, Statuti della Società dei Cavalieri, 1737: T suddetti associati Giranno recitare in ogni hivemo due opere di buonapoesm, e di buona musica; omata di Balletti, e delle Convenienti scene.”

25 members present,^® while m 1752 there were 6% /^) The entire membership met once a year, generally on I December, in an “assemblea generale,” to vote on production decisions for the following carnival season. Elections of new members took place every six years/^ The seven directors of the Società held positions of great power within the administration. One director was assigned to each element of operatic production: Music,

Scenography, Dance, Costume Design, and Libretto (together with Bursarship). Each of these directors was responsible for managing the fonds assigned to his respective area and for engaging the appropriate personnel (performers or designers). The offices of

Secretary and Treasurer were each assigned to one director. The treasurer served for a six-year period,^’ and the five directors in charge of elements of production held their posts for two to six years.^° The directors met regularly to discuss and make decisions regarding all aspects of production; the summaries of their deliberations, recorded by the

Secretary of the Società, are transmitted in the Ordinati. Occasionally, between elections, individual directors might ask to be relieved of their duties, for health or for other reasons; in this case, that director would be replaced by another member of the Società.

A.S.C.T., Ordinati vol. 3, pp. 1-3. Report transcribed m Bouquet, II teatro d i corte. p. 121. n>i(L. p. 169. Transcribed in Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, p. 125. Bouquet, /Treatro d i corte, p. 123. ” Bouquet Boyer, “Fortune e miserie,”p. 183. ^ The lengths of tune that ofhces were held over the years might have varied, smce they difibr in the documents; A.S.C.T., Ordinati voL 8 (1771-74), p. 24 (quoted m Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, p. 123), mdicatcs that ofBces will not be held fbrmore than two years; the S ta tu ti o f 1770, renewed 1776 (transcribed in Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, p. 116), mdicates “not more than three years." Bouquet Boyer, in “Fortunée miserie;" p. 183, reports that offices were held for a period of three years. Xudgmg by entries m the O rdinati that indicate changeovers o fdûectorsbip, elections seem to have been held approximately every two years (hrrmg the 1760s.

2 6 The duties of the Secretary and the Treasurer were wide-ranging, although their decisions only indirectly influenced stylistic developments.^^ The secretary was responsible for transcribing the meetings of the directors, for keeping their correspondence in order, and for maintaining the archive. The Treasurer kept track o f the accounts for each sector and drew up every year (with the help o f the Secretary) the

Bilancio generate, a full report of all expenditures and profits for each season. This detailed and important document was presented to the entire membership of the Sodetà at the annual meeting, when it was used to project expenses for the following season. The

Treasurer was also responsible for deciding on the stipends to be offered to all performers by the directors of Music and Dance.

For the efGciency of its administration, the Teatro Regio enjoyed a longstanding reputation among other Italian theaters: in 1761, personnel from the theaters of Parma and of Lucca wrote to Turin requesting summaries of the Societa’s administrative statutes in order to form their own similarly-organized governing bodies, while in 1777, a similar request arrived from .^^ Such effrcient internal organization provided a stable framework within which the Societa’s directors worked for decades.

T h ^e offices were merged by 1770. See Bouquet, It teatro di corte, pp. 116, 123,143. A.S.C.T., O rdinatt vol. 5, pp. 91-96,22 February 1761: ‘‘Essendosi dal Sigr Conte di Laoriano fatto lettura della memoria m somma di ragguaglio che è stato pregato di Fare per dare un idea della Sodetà alla Corte di Parma, che aveva incaricato d sigr. Ambasciatore di Franda di procurargliela... Transcribed m Bouquet, I I teatro d i corte, pp. 163-64; copy o f document found m O rdinati transcribed in Bouquet's “Appendice di Documenti,” VI, pp. 463-65. The eariiest reference to this request m the O rdinati, apparently overlooked by Bouquet, is dated 2 February (p. 88). A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 9, p. 166, June 1777: “[The Sodetà received a “preghiera"] per parte del sigr prmcipe di Francavüla Gran Scudiere di SM. il Re deUe Due Sicilie mcaricato della primaria mspedone sovra gli spettacoli deHa dttà di Napoli di volerli comunicare una memoria delle regole con cui si govema la sodetà e del modo con cui si dmggono gli spettacoli m questa dttà; Insegnendosi quanto si è pratticato negli armi scorsi, ed in snnili circostanze, si sono esaminate le memorie per un tal effotto trasmesse m Parma. . . " (quoted in Bouquet, I t teatro d i corte, p. 387). Ordomti references to letters foomParmaand Lucca are quoted m Bouquet, A teatro dt

27 Decision-Making Process and Priorities

Other than the king’s dictum that the Société operas ‘‘with good poetry and music,” what were the criteria on which the directors based their production decisions, criteria that might have influenced their willingness to «[périment with stylistic innovations? Evidence from various types of source material helps address this question.

Administrative documents, such as the Statuti and the Memoriale a capi reveal the

Societa’s responsibility for elaborate productions that ultimately enhanced the king’s prestige. Entries in the Libri conti, which report the funds spent by the Société on each aspect of production, are given below in discussion o f specific innovative works. Entries in the Ordinati reveal outcomes of the directors’ deliberations. While the Ordinati report the directors’ decisions, they rarely make explicit the reasons behind those decisions; the few entries that contain stated reasons, therefore, are extremely valuable. Even when reasons behind certain decisions are unclear, however, careful reading of the documents yields findings that illuminate the directors’ priorities.

An important event at the annual meetings held on 1 December was the presentation of the budget for the following carnival season, which was made by the director in charge of the Libretto and Bursarship (hence this director’s subdesignation).

The members then deliberated on the fimds allotted to each area of production, the first step in the decision-making process. A document from 1758, the Progetto di memoria ad tiso de ' Sigri Cavalieri Direttorif^ provides valuable mfbrmation regarding the annual

corte, pp. 163-64. ^ A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 6, pp. 18-26; transcribed in Bouquet, I I teatro d i corte, pp. 457-60. The text in this document is practically itbndcal to that o f a document &om 1770, the M emoria a d u se d e Sgri Cavaglieri Direttori {Ordinati voL 8, pp. 38-46; transcribed m Bouquet, II teatro di corte, pp. 123-24).

28 meeting. It reveals the particular responsibilities o f individual directors, and indicates the

time frame within which certain actions were to be taken:

The director in charge o f the Libretto should have proposed [to the other directors], in advance o f the General Meeting in December, the two operas that will be perfrrmed, not during the upcoming carnival season but during that of the following year, providmg in writing the plans for the stage decoration, for which the aforementioned departments will be responsible, so that the director in charge of the Libretto may distribute the budget to the various sectors o f the Société in time [for the meeting]. It is therefore necessary for the same reason that, in advance of the General Meeting, the directors of Music and Dance should have already secured the leading performers in their respective departments, or at least should have already received their final petitions. The newly elected directors should, during the first y ^ of their tenure, follow what has been established by the preceding directors.

This document indicates that the first personnel to be chosen for a given season

were the leading performers; this is corroborated by the chronological order in which

these decisions appear in the Ordinati (as shown by the chronologies o f production

decisions for Ifigenia in Aulide, Sofonisba, and Oreste below). It also reveals that the two

operas o f a given season were to be chosen by I December of the preceding year, and that

a basic description of the stage design (and presumably any other significant parts of the

stage setting) was to be available for approval by the general assembly. Chronological

records of the directors’ decisions show that choices regarding the principal performers

were often made far in advance of most othors, including the selection of operas

** Progetto d i memoria ad uso d e 'Sigri Cavalieri Direttori^ 1758 (ia A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 6, pp. 18-26), Article 1 : “II Direttore del Libro dovra aveie proposto prima delle generale Acbmanza di Decembre le due Opere, che dovranno rappicsentatsi, non nel Camevale immediatamente susseguente ma m quello dell'aono doppo, flanrin per iscritto il progetto dell'Omato, dictdle medeshne [le aziende] saianno capaci, afBhcbè in vista del mecfesimo possa farst per tempo la distribazione del Bilancio tra le diverse aziende della Société. Sara pure necessario per lo stesso Sae^ che gli Sigri Dhettori deHa Musica e de Balli abbiano m tempo deOa detta Generale Assemblea gia assicnrati i prnni Vhtuosi dei rispettivi loro Dipartimenti, o ne abbiano afmeno ricevute le ultnne loro dhnande. E Sigri Direttori nuovamente eletti (fovranno nel ptnno Anno deHa loro Dhezione, uniformarsi a quanto sara stabQito su questo Capo (b Dhettori loro PredecessorL”

29 themselves. Obviously, these decisions were financially motivated: stipends for the

leading singers often represented some of the greatest expenses of the season. The

directors needed to know far in advance how much money to set aside for those needs

before they were able to consider others.

The Ordinati and the Libri conti provide valuable information regarding the

Regie’s performance schedule, which infiuenced certain decisions."*^ The two operas

presented during carnival were performed one at a time, and only about four or five days

passed between the closing of the first and the opening of the second (during which time

masked balls were presented at the Teatro Carignano).^ The first opera opened on 26 or

27 December, and the second around mid-January (possibly earlier or later depending on

the success o f the first work). Performances, which lasted between two and three hours,

were given almost daily with the exception of Fridays (and occasionally Tuesdays). Most operas received about twenty performances; the second opera of the season usually ran

longer than the first, the popular productions receiving up to twenty-eight performances.

The directors carefully considered all elements of production. As the following

discussion will show, certain components, such as aspects of the stage spectacle (set and

costume design, and stage machinery, for example), dealings with leading singers,

negotiations with composers, and choice of libretti, were often subjects of much deliberation, as revealed by the Ordinati and other documents.

Numerous entries m the O rdinati legardmg the performance schedule are summarized in Bouquet, H teatro £ corte^ pp. 214-20. Vdlmnes of the U b ri conti produced m the 1760s Hst indtvi&ial performances of operas by date; total numbers of peformances of operas fiom 1740-1936 are given in Bouquet, etaL, Cronofogie, pp. 75-77. ^ Data regarding the Regions performance schedule are drawn fiom Bouquet, II teatro £ corte, fiom pages cited above, and pp. 132,219.

30 Stage Spectacle

The introduction to the Progetto di memoria ad uso de ' Sigri Cavalieri Direttori of 1758 states clearly the reason for the Società’s existence:

The reason the general assembly of the Sigri Cavalieri Associati desires to draw up a new summary o f regulations to be followed during the tenure of the new Sodetà now being formed is to ensure prudent management of its fonds and o f its departments, through which the Sodetà may folfiU part o f the essential goal o f its existence, [which is] to provide His Majesty every year with the best and most tasteful operas possible.

For Turin at this time, “best and most tasteful” seems to have signified “most spectacular,” since numerous references in offidal documents such as these testify to the essential nature of spectacle throughout the century. In fact, the Statuti o f 1770 read in part: “It will be the Sodetà’s great honor to produce the most beautiful and sumptuous operas possible...

Spectacle had been emphasized in Savoyard court entertainments of the preceding century;**’ it is evident in opera at the Regio from the begmning, and it was enhanced in later decades. The prominence of spectacle in the minds of the Sodetà’s directors is confirmed by entries such as the following in the Ordinatii

We have established that the first opera of next year will be by Metastasio; and for the second opera of that year Sigr. Cav. Di Salmor has proposed, from among those operas that have previously been performed, Pelopida and Severo, and frum those yet to be written by Sig. Cigna,

Progetto di memoria ad uso de ’ Sigri Cavalieri Direttori, 1758: “L’Oggetto per cui la generale Adonanza de' Sigri Cavalieri Associati ba desidaato che si 6cesse un nuovo piano di Regolamento da osservarsi durante la nuova Sodetà che sta per fbrmarsi, essendo di assicurarsi di un tale ecconomico maneggio de' suoi fondi, e deUe sue aziende, mediante il quale possa la Sodetà riempnce per una parte I'oggetto essenzMe della sua esistenza, col dare ogni anno a S ^ le migliori Opere, e le pm decorose, che sarà possibde " A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte n. 6188 (entire docmnent reprodiced m Bouquet, I I teatro d i corte, pp. 453-56; this statement occurs at the begùmûig of Article 11, p. 456): “Si 6rà gloria e pregio la Sodetà di dare le pin belle e le piu sontuose opere, che le sarà possibile... See Bouquet. II teatro di corte, chapter 2.

31 Montezuma and L’Ifîgenîa; and we have postponed deciding from among the four operas proposed, and in the meantime we have decided to establish a budget based on an opera exhibiting the greatest spectacle possible in regard to both scene and costume design/®

This decision, to create “an opera exhibiting the greatest spectacle possible," resulted in the most experimental work of the decade, Ifigenia in Aulide. A similar entry appears several years later:

In the absence of Sig. Marchese d’Aglié, the Sig. M. Di San Marzano, with the permission of the former, has proposed L’Olhnpiade by Metastasio for the first opera o f the next carnival season; and [he has proposed that wej have Sigr. Cigna write the drama Montezuma, which, because of the novelty of its spectacle, we believe will meet with great success.^ ^

Turin’s operas frequently included machines that facilitated the aerial appearances of deities, such as those in Enea nel Lazio, Ifigenia in Aulide, and other works. For these,

Turin’s Teatro Regio was apparently envied by Vieima’s Burgtheater; the Ordinati o f

1762 report the Società’s receipt of Vienna’s request for models of Turin’s stage machines: “We have requested that Sig. Conte di Robilant have models of the Teatro

Regio’s stage machinery constructed for the Sig. Conte Durazzo, director of the theater at the court of Vienna, since he wishes to have them.”^^

“ A.S.C.T.. O rdinati vol. 5, p. 54,20 November 1760: “SÎ è stabilito per prima opera dell'anno venture 1761 in 1762 n Catone m Utica del Metastasio e si sono proposte dal Sigr Cavalieredi Salmor per la seconda opera di d[etto J anno 6a le opere già rappresentate Pelopida, ed , ed ancora da contporsi dal Sig Cigna il Montezuma, Llfigenia,e si è sospeso di scegliere 6a le proposte quattro opere e 6attanto si è stabilito di formate E bilancio sul piede di un’ opera delle pin spettacolose si a riguaido del scenario, che del vestiario.” Ibid^ voL 5, p. 254,4 April 1764: “Nell’absenza del Sigr. Marchese d’Aglié, ü Sigr. M. di S. Marzano d’mtelligenza con E medesnno, ha proposto per prnna opera del Camevale venturo I’Olimpiade di Metastasio e d i6 r comporte dal Sigr. Cigna E dramma di Montezuma la quale si crede possa fare buona riusdta per la novita deSo spettacolo.” ® Ibid^ voL 5, p. 151,25 January 1762 (quoted m Viale Ferrero, La scenogrqfia, p. 142): “Si è pregato E Sig. Conte di Robilant di far fare gli modelK deEe macchme del Regio Teatro, che E Sig. Conte Durazzo Direttore di SpettacoE deDa Corte di Vienna ha desiderato d’avere.”

32 Stage spectacle at Turin consisted of more than elaborate sets, costumes, and machines: dance, along with these elements, consumed a large portion of the directors’ financial resources.^ Dance was a crucial element over which there was always much deliberation. The directors continually sought to engage the most well-known and talented dancers from the major operatic centers, most often from France; in 1764, for instance, one of the directors proposed a team of French dancers, which was unanimously approved, given the “the scarcity of good dancers in Italy

Dealings with Singers

Decisions regarding singers were frequently complicated. The Ordinati reveal that, as in most Italian theaters, singers not only wielded great power in Turin, but were beloved by the public. The directors seem to have kept clearly in mind the talents of particular singers, the most renowned of whom sometimes influenced even the directors’ choices of operas, as seen below:

The Sigr. Cav. Salmor and the Conte Lavriano requested the General Assembly to consider if the roles in the opera o f Metastasio might not sometimes be more suitable than those of Catone in Utica for Gabrielli and Aprile, who are under contract for next year; the assembly, concurring with these gentlemen, has decided to present Demetrio for the first opera of next carnival instead of Catone, which had already been planned.*^

® Viale Ferrero, La scenogrqfia, pp. 234-35. ” A.S.C.T., O rdinati vol. 6, p. 52,31 December 1764: “la scarsezza d£ buoni Ballerini ia Italia.” “ Ib id , vol. 5, p. 86,22 January 1761 : “Li Sigr. Cav Salmor e Conte Lavriano avendo proposto aIl*Adunanza di osservare se allé volte i personaggi dell'opera di Demetrio deE'Abate Met. non fossero pin convenienti per la Gabrielli, ed Aprile che sono capitulati per L’anno venturo, che quegli del Catone m Utica, Q congresso avendo al senthnento di detti Sigri ha stabilito di dare il Demetrio per prnna opera del camovale venturo, mvece del Catone che si era stato gm in senso di dare.”

33 The first opera of the 1761-62 season, for which the renowned virtuosi

and were engaged, was Metastasio’s Demetrio.

Prominent singers occasionally recommended certain composers, or other singers,

to the directors. This occurs in the following entry: “Sig. Ottani [a , whom the

Sodetà had hired]. . . proposes Sig. Sacchini, maestro di cappella. If he is willing, he

[Ottani] should ask him [Sacchini] if, when he comes to Milan, he might also be willing

to write an opera for Turin’s theater [for the carnival season] ‘65-66, for which he will

receive 100 zecchini.”^^ was chosen to compose the first opera of

carnival 1765-66, for which Ottani was engaged. The directors did not always take the

advice of the singers, however

Sig. C. Robilant having shown to the Assembly one of several letters that Sigra. Caterina Gabrielli had written him, in which she recommends to us the musidan Carlani as a tenor, we have dedded to tell her that, since we have already hired Ottani for that puroose for two years, we are not yet able to make another dedsion so far in advance.

Ottani was retained for the two seasons for which he was hired, and Carlani, the tenor suggested by Gabrielli, was not engaged by the Sodetà at this or any future point.**

When singers fell sick, the directors requested the services of Gaspare Bayno, the

Sodetà’s “agent,”*’ who, in addition to his numerous other duties, was required to procure substitutes. In this case, Bayno was sent to Milan:

* IbicLy voL 6, p. 50,22 December 1764 (quoted in Bouquet, II teatro dt corte, p. 316): “H Sr Ottani fin le altre cose propose d Sr Sacchmi maestro di cappella. Se egli è risposto d’esplorare dal medesnno se aU'occasione che verrebbe a Milano avrebbe anche fàttaun'opera nel Teatro diTormo nel *65 al *66 coll*onorario di zecchini 100.** ^Æ (Ü,voL5,p. 88,31 January 1761: “II SigC. Robilant avendo 6tto vedere all* Adunanza una 6a le altre delle lettere deHa Sigra Caterma Gabrielli a lui dnetta, per cui propone il Carlani per tenore, è stato pregato dr risponderli, che essendo giaawessato Ottani in tal qualitaper anni due, non si poteva ancora prendere alcuna determmazione per un tempo cost lontano.**

34 Due to the illness of Sig. Guadagni, who will probably not recover by the coming autumn, we have decided to send the agent Bayno to Milan to hire another singer who might serve in his [Guadagni’s] absence...

The process of hiring singers could be complex. Since the directors repeatedly tried to attract the most sought-after singers of the day, they usually had to make arrangements several years in advance, as in the case of Guglielmo Ettore, engaged in

1764 for the seasons 1766-67 and 1768-69.** In addition, the directors frequently received requests from certain singers for increased payment In 1762, the Sodetà requested the services of Giuseppe Manzuoli, one of the most renowned castrati of the era, who bargained with them on the basis of payment that he had apparently received in

Milan, 1100 zecchini plus lodging. The Sodetà offered him 1150 zecchini for the carnival season 1763-64, which he accepted (other aspects of his involvement in the operas o f that season, Arianna e Teseo and Sofonisba, are explored below). The choice to engage Manzuoli was to influence their subsequent dedsion to hire Giuseppe Aprile; the directors agreed that if Manzuoli accepted, they would hire Aprile for the next season,

1764-65 (which occurred as plaimed). Apparently Aprile’s reputation was not as great as

^ This was presumably the tenor Carlo Carlani, who had once before appeared at the Regio, (hiring the 1748-49 season (see Bouquet, /T teatro d i cortCr p. 282). ^ The ‘*agente della Scxnetà” was responsible for the day-to-day management of both the Teatro Regio and the Caiignano, perfbimmg, among hm other (hities, fonctions shnilar to those of the modern-day stage manager: for productions at both theaters, be oversaw all the theatrical staff, he was in attendance at rehearsals and all performances, he guarded the cash box at the theaters' entrances, and kept track of the keys to the box seats. Pietro Givogretookoverthis role fiom Gaspare Bayno in 1767. See Boucpiet, /I teatro di corte, pp. 159-62. ^ A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 240,20 October 1763: A causa della malattia deOa Sig. Guadagni la quale probabihnente non è piu nt case di riaversi per cpiest antunno, si è risolto spedire TAgente Bayno a MOano percapitalare qualchecantante, che possa supplire in sua mancanza.. . . ‘ Ib id ., voL 6, pp. 51-52,22 December 1764; 2700 zecchmi [per season].

35 Manzuoli’s. The directors’ plans for negotiation with the singers appear in the following

entries:

As verified by letters received by Cav.e Raiberti fiom Milan, the musician Manzoli receives the sum of 1100 zecchini in that theater, plus lodging; therefore we have decided to offer the aforementioned Manzoli the payment of 1150 zecchmi for the carnival season 1763-64, at the same time offering Mattei the payment of400 zecchini to sing during the same carnival season; and the Marchese D’Aglié is authorized to deal with the musician Aprile on the terms for the current year, for 1764 or 1765, with the caveat that we may decide on the year [for which he will be hired] after we have received a definitive response from Manzoli. [And then, nine &ys laten] The musician Manzoli has accepted the contract for 1763-64, for payment of 1150 zecchini, and the Marchese D’Aglié has received word that Mattei has not yet accepted the contract offered to her; regarding the arrangements for the contract accepted by Manzoli, the musician Aprile has accepted the contract for the carnival season 1764-65 with the payment o f800 zecchini. ^

Negotiations with Composers

In their selection of composers, the directors generally seemed to have used criteria similar to those used when choosing singers: composers engaged at the Regio were among those with the most prominent reputations in Italy and abroad. This was

increasingly the case throughout the 1760s. Where composers were concerned, the directors’ decisions were occasionally influenced not only by the preferences of singers,

for example, but by other circumstances. Their attempt to engage Adolph Hasse in 1760

“ Ib id ., vol. 5, p. 148-49,14 January 1762; “Essendosi verificato dalle letteie, che ü Cav e Raiberti ha ricevoto da M iW o, che Q Musico Manzoli riceve I’onorario in quel Teatro Zech. 1100; e I’alloggio, si è determmato offine al sudetto Manzoli I’onoranb di Zech. 1150 per il Camevale 1763 hi 1764; offiendo nello stesso tempo aha Mattei Tonorario di Zech. 400 per cantare nel Camevale medesnno; E si è pure autnrizato il Marchese D’Aglié di trattare col Musico Aprile su lo stesso piede deU’anno comte, per I’anno 1764; oppure 1765; con riserva di determmare I’aimo dbpo che si sarà ricevuta la risposta di&itrva dal ManzolL” Ib id ., pp. 149-50,23 January 1762: "II Musico Manzoli ha accetata la Caphulazione per Tanno 1763 hi 1764; mediante I’onorario dr Zech. 1150. EH Sig. Marchese D’Aglié ha avnto riscontro che la Sig. Camilla Mattei non ha ancor accettata la Capitulazione ofifertaglL hi dispenza deQa Caphulazione accettata dal Manzoli, St èaccettata dal Musico Aprile la Capitulazione pel Camevale 1764 in 1765 mediante

36 was thwarted by political unrest in at the time. In a letter to the directors Hasse wrote that he would be able to come to Turin as long as the war lasted, but that, should peace be declared, he would not be available:

S. C. Malines has read a letter from the Saxon [], who writes that he will be free to come to compose the opera if the war lasts; however, peace might be restored in Dresden; in this case, he offers to come himself with the music if the war lasts, or he will send the music if peace is restored. We have decided, therefore, that S.C. Malines should find out whether [Hasse] has already composed for Guadagni, La Pariggi, and Pietro Dimezzo; if he has composed for these singers, he will send them die opera, with the expectation that he will come to Turin for the performance of it, unless he needs to go to Dresden. In this case [if he goes to Dresden], he will receive payment of two hundred Spagna; if he himself comes [to Turin], he will receive one hundred Gigliati or payment of equal value. At the same time, we urge S. C. to write to Bach and to others to come to compose the first opera, in the absence o f the Saxon.^^

In fact, peace was declared in time for Basse’s services to be required again in Dresden, and, on the advice of Hasse, J. C. Bach was engaged by the Societa for the first opera of carnival 1760-61.^

Although the directors preferred composers with international reputations, they were not above offering a commission to the Turinese composer Insanguine. This was done in a gesture of gratitude to the composer for an aria and three he had written for an opera several years earlier: “The composer Monopoli Insanguine refuses to

ronorario di Zech. 800.” ^ [bid.y voL S, pp. 8-9,3 May 1760: ”11 S. C. Malines ha &tta lettura d’una lettera del Sassone, il quale scrive di essere Ubero di venue a compoire Popera, se chira la Guerra, dovendo perô 6rsi la pace restituirsi a Dresda, e perciô si esihisce di venire esso stesso con la sua musica se dura la guerra, o di mandate la musica facendosi la pace: sopra diciô si è stabilito che d SC A/Mraes si compiaccia mfbrmarsi dal med.e se ha composto gia per Guadagni, La Pariggi, e Pietro Dimezzo; se ha composto per essi, che se gli manderà repéra per comporla coQ'obbligazione di venir a Torino per Tesecuzione di essa, m caso solo ch'egli non sia obbligato d’andare a Dresda; e per Tonorario, venendo esso stesso, di doppio cento Spagna, e non venendb, Tonorario Gigliati 100, o loro ghisto valore. NelTistesso tempo si prega il SC sudetto di scrwere a Bach maestro di cappella, e ad altri per venire a comporte m mancanza di Sassone la prima opera.” ** The contract was sent to Bach on 30 May, and returned 22 June.

37 accept the gift for the compositica of the three cadenzas; [instead, we wül offer him] a contract for the composition o f the music for the second opera o f 1779-80

Choosing Libretti

Stylistic innovation in Turin was significantly influenced by the choice of pre­ existing libretti and of subjects on which new libretti were to be written. The chronology of productions at the Regio given in Table l.l“ reveals that in 1756 a distinctive pattern was established: from 1756 until 1768, the first opera of a season was one set to a

Metastasian libretto. This was followed by a work based on a libretto (either pre-existing or newly-composed) by a different poet The pattern began to break down with the 1763-

64 season, and after 1768 Metastasian libretti appeared only sporadically.*^ Libretti for works performed at Turin became continually more experimental through the 1760s and beyond. The reasons behind the directors’ choice of libretto seem to have been more complex than those for other elements of production.

Occasionally, the O rdinati reveal that directors recommended libretti of works performed at other prominent operatic centers, such as Naples: “The Sigr. Conte di

Lavriano, having read different works, has proposed , performed in Naples in 1765,

^ A.S.C.T., Ordinati vol. 9, p. 223,3 February 1778: “ü maestro Monopoli Insangume non ha sttmato d’accetare d regalo. .. per la composizione delle tre cadenze. .. Capitulazione per la composizione delk mosica della seconda opera del 1779-1780.”^ (Quoted m Bouquet, II teatro d i corte^ p. 381.) ^ These data are drawn fiom Bouquet, eL al., Cronologier pp. 75-76, with the exception of librettists’ names, which are taken fiom idem. It teatro di corte^ pp. 270-387. As shown m Table 1.1, Metastasian libretti were a mamstay durmg the years 1740-56, but were not presented with the consistency that marks the period 1756-68.

38 Season Onera Librettist Comnoser PeiPerformances

1740-41 Arsace Metastasio Feo 17 Artaserse Metastasio Arena 22 1741-42 Zenobia Metastasio Latilla 11 ricomsciuta Metastasio Jonunelli 16 1742-43 Caio Fabricio Zeno Auletta 17 Metastasio Jonunelli 27 1743-44 Voiogeso re de' Parti Zeno Leo 14 Germanico Coluzzi Bemasconi 27 1744-45 Poro Metastasio Gluck 18 La Comiuista del vello d ’oro Cari Sordella 28 1745-46 [season cancelled] 1746-47 [season cancelled] 1747-48 Metastasio Lampugnani 22 Demetrio Metastasio Hasse 27 1748-49 Andromaca Zeno Lampugnani 19 Stampiglia G. Scarlatti 22 1749-50 Metastasio G. Scarlatti 15 Didone Metastasio Terradellas 22 Spring, 1750 La Vittoria d ’ Bertati Galuppi 20 1750-51 Famace Durandi Perez 23 Dario Zeno Galuppi 22 1751-52 Zeno Cocchi 20 Roccaforte Casali 22 1752-53 Lucio Papirio Zeno Baibi 21 Medo Frugoni Abos 34 1753-54 Piovene Jonunelli 20 Metastasio Maima 28 1754-55 Sesostri Zeno Bertoni 16 Andromeda Cigna-Santi Cocchi 22 1755-56 Ricimero SQvani Calderara 21 Sotimano Migliavacca Valentini 28 1756-57 Antigono Metastasio Pampani 17 Lucio Vero Zeno Bertoni 28 1757-58 N itteti Metastasio Holzbauer 13 Arsinoe Gailiani Ciatnpi 22 1758-59 Adriano in Siria Metastasio Borghi 19 Eumene Zeno Mazzoni 28 1759-60 Metastasio Galuppi 15 Enea n el Lazio Cigna-Santi Traetta 28 1760-61 Artaserse Metastasio J.C. Bach 7 Tigrane Cigna-Santi Piccmni 22 1761-62 Demetrio Metastasio Ponzo 18 Ifigenia m A ulide Cigna-Santi Bertoni 27 1762-63 Catone in Utica Metastasio De Majo 14 Pelopida Roccaforte G. Scarlatti 27

Table 1.1: Chronology of Productions at Turin *s Teatro Regio, 1740-80 c o n tin u e d

39 Table LI (continued);

Season Onera Librettist Comnoser Performances

1763-64 Arianna e Teseo Pariati Pasqua 27 Sofonisba Verazi Galuppi 28 1764-65 L 'Olimpiade Metastasio Hasse 15 Cigna-Santi De Majo 28 1765-66 Alessandro nelle [ndie Metastasio Sacchini 16 Oreste Verazi Monza 22 1766-67 Balbis Bertoni 24 Mitridate re di Ponto Cigna-Santi Gasparini 28 1767-68 11 Trionfo di Clelia Metastasio Myslivecek 20 Creso Pizzi Caffaro 21 1768-69 11 Gran Cidde Pizzi Defianchi 13 Ecuba Durandi Celoniat 22 1769-70 Enea in Cartagine d’Orengo CoUa 28 Durandi Anfossi 22 1770-71 Berenice Durandi Platania 15 Annibale in Torino Durandi Paisiello 24 Spring, 1771 Issea Cigna-Santi Pugnani 11 1771-72 Andromeda Cigna-Santi CoUa 25 Tamas Kouli Kan Cigna-Santi Pugnani 28 1772-73 Argea Boggio Alessandri 20 Metastasio Colla 23 Autumn, 1773 La Fiera di Venezia [none given] Salieri 7 1773-74 Antigona Rocca&rte Myslivecek 20 La D irfatta d i Dario Morbilli Masi 22 1774-75 M erope Zeno Guglielmi 17 L 'Isola di Cigna-Santi Alessandri 33 Autumn, 1775 L 'Aurora Boggio Pugnani 18 1775-76 Cleopatra Oliveri Monza 17 Sicotencal Oliveri Rutmi 28 1776-77 Calipso Donzel Ottani 16 Gengfs-Kan (unknown) Anfossi 22 1777-78 M edonte DeGamerra Bertoni 24 Eumene Zeno hisanguine, 27 DeMajo, Erricfaelli 1778-79 Lucio DeGamerra Mortellari 15 Fatima (unknown) Ottani 23 1779-80 Siroe Metastasio Sarti 14 Motezuma Cigna-Santi Insanguine 22

40 for the second opera of the next carnival season; this has been unanimously approved.”^*

Creso was performed at Turin’s Regio in 1768. Shortly thereafter the directors

apparently perceived a need to keep themselves better informed o f libretti emanating from

other centers. In 1773, they decided to acquire a collection of libretti in order to have

multiple works on hand from which to choose.®’ This plan might have been prompted by

their decision to change the woric they had planned for the first opera of the season 1773-

74. It was originally to be Zeno’s Andromaca, for which they decided to substitute

Roccaforte’s Antigona. The latter libretto had been performed at the Regio in 1752. The

choice o f a new setting several decades later might have been inspired by its continued popularity.’’

The Società’s priorities were to produce operas that were popular with the public so that they might ensure the prosperity of the theater, and thereby fulfill the wishes of the

Duke o f Savoy. The O rdinati reveal an emphasis on the elements of spectacle and singing, components that enhanced the magnificence of the productions and increased the reputation o f the theater as well.

Changes in Directorship and Chronology of Productions

It is indeed unfortunate that little is known about the members of the Societa dei

Cavalieri. The background of those elected to positions within the directorship might

“ A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 6, p. 188,29 May 1767: “H Sigr conte di Lavriano avendo letto diverse opere, ha proposto per 2nda opera del prossnno Camevale, Q Creso rappresentatosi in Ni^oli Tanno 1765, al che si è tmantmente aderito.” (Quoted in Booquet, U teatro

41 illuminate the reasons behind the choices they made with regard to opwatic production J*

The Marchese di Barolo, director of Music from 1762 to 1764, must have been musically trained: the Memoriale di copiatura of 1761 (a document listing extra copying done by the theater copyists) reveals that he composed several for an o f 1761.^

Di Barolo was also a strong advocate for the reinstatement of the choruses in Sofonisba, which had been cut from the original libretto. The directors of Music were apparently obliged to be familiar with local composers who might assist in emergencies. In 1771, because of the last-minute rheumatic fever of Giuseppe Colla, composer of Androm eda, the Conte de Carrû (director of Music at that time) was requested to provide, eight days before opening, approximately half of the arias in the work.^

Usually the O rdinati report the election of new directors, and the names of the individuals are then given. Occasionally, however, names of new directors are not listed when entries indicate that elections took place, or directors’ names are listed with no mention of the office held. In these cases, changeovers in directorships can be determined only by noting offices and directors’ names when they appear together. The chronology in Table 1.2 pieces together the history of the Società’s directorship over

1753 and 1774. Viale Ferrero, in La scenogrqfia, chapter 3, presents biographical mfbrmation on the director of Scenography during the 1760s, the Count o f Robilant (see particularly pp. 142-43), and she discusses at length his stylistic choices and involvement m the Regio’s productions. ^ A.S.C.T, Carte sciolte 6243, “Memoria deUe Copiatura dell’Opere Buffb I76I”: “Piu ricavato le parti per d'originali, le arie dell’IlL”” Sig. Marchese Barolo.” (See Fig. D J.) A.S.C.T, O rdinati vol. 8, p. 93,18 December I77I: “Rififerisce d Sigr Cte di Carrû aver m quest'oggi avuto nntfaia che il Sigr Coda maestro di cappella della prima immmente opera Anchomeda ritrovasi coricato in letto con fëbre reumatica e che non trovasi ancor la musica di tal opera terminata, essendovi ancor da comporte buona parte deUe arie del 2do atto e tutte quelle del terzo, Sopra del che si è pregato il d.” Sigr Cte di Carrû di proveddervL. . . ” (quoted in Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 355). Androm eda opened on 26 December.

42 Elections of 28 Mar 1752 1 Dec 1755 29 Apr 1758 1 Dec 1760 1 Dec 1762 5 Jun 1764 1 Dec 1766 New Directors

Dance Graneri Graneri Pertengo Pertengo San Marzano Di Valesa

Scenopraphv Robilant Di Salmor Robilant Robilant San Marzano Masino Masino

Costumes Villanuova Porporati Porporati Porporati Porporati Poiporati Porporati

Libretto Oonteri Malines Pertengo Laveriano D’Aglié San Albano Begiami

Music Martiniana Bardassano Malines D’Aglié Di Barolo Bardassano di CaiTÙ

Treasurer Osazio Di Di Crescentino D’Angennes D’Angennes D’Angennes Di Salmor ù Secretary Guarena Di Salmor Di Salmor Di Salmor Di Salmor Di Salmor Colombatti

Productions for B azqjet Antigono Clemenza di Demetrio Arianna e Alessandro Trionfo di which thev Demofoonte Lucio Vero Tito Ifigenia in Teseo Oreste Clelia made decisions Sesostri N itteti Enea nel Lazio Aulide Sofonisba Tancredi Creso Andromeda Arsinoe Artaserse Catone in L 'Olimpiade M itridate II Gran Cidde Ricimero Adriano in Tigrane Utica Motezuma Ecuba Siria Pelopida Enea in Eumene Cartagine Armida Berenice Annibaie in Torino

Table 1,2; Directors of the Nobile Société dei Cavalieri and Works Performed at the Regio, 1752-70 several decades/^ It is constructed from aitries in the O rdinati that either report the election o f new directors or make sporadic mention of names and ofSces, and it indicates the correlation between changeovers of directorship and productions. It also specifies for which productions given directorships were responsible.

The election on 1 December 1755 must have been a momentous one. The directors elected that year are completely different from those who had held posts since

1752. Furthermore, the changeover of the entire directorship in 1755 seems to have coincided with a new attitude toward style. The new group of directors must have decided, beginning in 1756, to institute the pattern described above, of alternating between Metastasian libretti and libretti by other poets.

The election in the spring of 1758, although it did not involve a complete change of persoimel like the one preceding, coincided with another stylistic change in the repertory of the Regio. For the new season 1759-60, the new directors chose as the second opera Enea nel Lazio. This production reveals their desire to participate in stylistic developments occurring elsewhere in Europe: it was a concerted attempt on the part of the directors to insert opera at the Regio into a broader European context.^^

Although the reasons for this change toward stylistic progressivism are unknown, financial considerations might have played a role. Until this time, funding from the king had compensated for financial losses in seasons that were unprofitable; the 1757-58 season was one of these. The first opera of the season, N itteti, received only thirteen

Gratitude is extended to Mercedes Viale Feitero for her assistance with this chronolo^. ” Vfede Ferrero, La scenoff’ofta, p. 215: “Si era ghmti, con questa stagione [1758-59], al rnmovamento della Societa dei Cavalieri, che cotncise con un mutato orientamento del gusto al Teatro Regio. Fatto certamente da vedersi non come episodio isolate, ma nel contesta degli awenimenti artistici e culturali che,

44 performances, and the second, A rsinoe, received only twenty-two. This was reported to

the king, who, on 4 September 1758, informed the directors of his willingness to offset

the losses for the production of the coming winter (the first opera of the 1758-59 season),

but then told them that they themselves would be responsible for most o f the debt

incurred by any future failures.^^ Even though the date on which Enea nel Lazio was

chosen is unreported, the directors’ interest in the intemationaily publicized success of

Ippolito ed Aricia in Parma in May of 1759, and their immediate engagement of the

composer associated with it, cannot have been coincidental.

It is striking to note how firequently the turnover of directors occurred. The data

show that finm 1752 to 1770, individuals assuming the directorships of the first five sectors generally varied firom one election to the next. Although the sectors of Costumes and Scenography exhibit some consistency—Robilant was elected director of

Scenography three times and Porporati was director of Costumes for ten years—the other sectors experienced continuous changes in leadership. Certain individuals held two different offices during the mid 1750s and ‘60s—Malines, D’Aglié, and San Marzano, for example. The sectors of Libretto and Music especially wimessed a constant changeover of directorship. contempoianeamente, avtebbero modifîcato gli mdihzzi degli spettacoli, ia un’orbita intemazionale.’’ With this decision, the king mstituted a policy whereby he contributed the &ced sum of L 15,000 annually UKtKtd o f covering all debts; apparendy, up to that tune be and the Società bad shared the responsibility for debts incurred. Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 165, n. 170; “Fmo al 1758, i passivi delle opere at Teatro Regio erano a canco della Società e d i S. M.; dal 1758 ia poi, invece, S.M. si accontenta (h versare ogni anno la somma di L 15000 lasciando la Società lesponsabile delle passivité.” See A.S.C.T., Ordinati vol. 4, p. 230,4 September 1758; ”Hanno ordmato a me Seg.r sottoscritto di dover scrivere lettera agli Sigji Cavalieri Associati absenti per esplorare la loro precûa mtenzione, se vogliano o no continuare nella nuova Società da formarsi col Congresso GenJe sul pietk da notificarsi a tutta I’assemblea che, SM. si è Sssata di buonificare soltanto per le Opere di quest’Ihvemo la perdita, che potrà occonere, ma che d’aUora m poi le perdite che ne risulteranno saranno a carigo deQa Società, ed essa (bnante darà L. 15im. negli aimt

45 The frequent election of new dfrectors created an environment of constantly changing perspectives, which might have fostered a climate hospitable to stylistic experimentation. Indeed, Turin was responsible for several stylistically adventuresome works in the 1760s. However, the works in this decade lack a thorough integration of innovative elements, and this might be attributable to the absence of strong leadership by a single individual. The directors were responsible for suggesting appropriate options to fWfrll the needs of their sectors—the directors of Music and Dance proposed performers, the directors of Scenography and Costume Design suggested designers, and the director of Libretto suggested preexisting libretti or proposed new plot subjects—but the O rdinati make clear that they deliberated among themselves before arriving at their decisions.

Furthermore, directors sometimes made suggestions for sectors other than those to which they were assigned. As a result, choices came from the administrative body itself rather than from particular individuals.

Aspects of the Societies organizational structure seem to have greatly influenced the development of operatic style in Turin. The essentially consensual decision-making process and the frequent fluctuation of personnel prevented enduring strength of leadership.^ Moreover, the fact that Turin was essentially a public theater, dependent on the favor o f paying audiences for its success and continuation, strongly influenced the

che VI saià opera” (also quoted m Bouquet, It teatro di corre, p. 165, n. 170). ^ VMe Ferrero (La scenogrqfia^ p. 223) speculates on the nnpact of these âctors: “Quasi sempre t loro fbrzi [that o f the dhectors] andavano a buon fine: ma non bastava mgaggiare un gruppo dt bravi artisti per assicurare una contmuità di ihdirfTTt stdistici. Forse le (BfGcoIta nascevano anche dailasituazione ibrida del Regio: non vero teatro di corte, ma nemmeno antentico teatro impresariale; perdi piu, con una oiganizzazione collégiale che impedrva Faf&rmazione di uua persoualità dhettiva di rihevo, anche ammesso che tra i Cavalieri vi fosse stata.”

46 stylistic choices of the dhrectors and the extent to which innovation was possible at the

Regio.

The 'Toeta della Società”: Vittorio Amedeo Ciena-Santi

The political and cultural environment of eighteenth-century Turin influenced the literary style of Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi, the principal librettist for the theater from the mid-1750s through the 1770s.’* During these years Cigna-Santi was responsible for revisions to pre-existing libretti and for new works, and he was the first librettist associated with the theater to receive the official title “poeta della Società dei Cavalieri” for his dedication and long years of service. Understanding his background and development as a man of letters reveals the circumstances that influenced the stylistic choices he made in his original libretti.

The rule of Carlo Emmanuele III (r. 1730-73) was marked by intellectual and cultural stagnation. The tradition of absolutist legislation established by Vittorio Amedeo

H (r. 1684-1730) was perpetuated and enhanced his son Carlo Emmanuele, who practiced a policy of tight control over men of letters that gave them little autonomy. Humanists, poets, artists, philosophers, and historians were considered by the militaristic Carlo

Emmanuele m to be an unnecessary luxury. Their situation improved markedly under

Carlo Emmanuele’s successor, Vittorio Amedeo m , whose reign ushered in a period in which intellectual and cultural pursuits flourished and were openly appreciated and

” Cigna-Santi^s fist known libretto « Am bvm eda (17SS), and his last is A lcina (1775). Although Ûac U b ri coRtf thronghont these years repoit payments to hhn, he does not appear ever to have been under contract with the Società, and the exact dates upon which his service began and ended are miknown.

47 valued by the state.™ The career of Cigna-Santi straddles the reigns of both sovereigns.

The nature of his literary contributions and activities demonstrates that he was influenced

by the shift from a cultural climate of oppression to one of receptivity.

Cigna as Turinese letterato

As is true for most opera librettists in the eighteenth century, the available biographical information on Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi is rather sparse.*° He was bom

in Turin on 25 December 1728,*^ son of Francesco Antonio Cigna, servant to the

Marchese di Susa, and Margherita Santi, who became maid to the princess of Carignano after her husband’s death in 1763. His formative years coincided with the reorganization o f the University of Turin. Beginning in 1729, ofBcials from the university attempted to combat the ecclesiastical monopoly on education by uniting the city’s disparate schools, thus creating a unified educational institution headed by the state.^^ During this process.

” These comments on both rulers are drawn firom Vincenzo Fetione, "The Accademia Reale delle Scienze: Cultural SociabiliQr and Men o f Letters in Turin o f the Enlightenment under Vittorio Amedeo HL" trans. Lydia G. Cochrane, The Journal o fModem History 70 {1998): 525, who cites (among other works) Relazione del Piemonte del segretario Jrancese Saint-Croix con annotazioni di Antonio Manno (Turin, 1867), pp. 102 ff. Ferrone states that, with the rule o f Vittorio Amedeo m , the center o f gravier for intellectual activities shifted, firom the university and the Magistero della riforma to the Accademia delle Scienze. This change affected the activities o f the many cultural and scientific institutions linked to the Accademia, among which were literary societies; see Ferrone, p. 541. Gianni Marocco, “Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo,” Dizionario biogrqftco degli italiani 25:500-501 ; Dale E. Monson, “Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 1:864; Luisella Obermitto, unpublished tesi di laurea, “I libretti di Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Santi,” (University of Turm, Storia deHa musica, 1980-81), chapter 1. Brief references to Cigna are also to be found in Bouquet, teatro di cortex passim (see particulady pp. 253-55); Francesco Blanchetti, 'S a n ta s K ouli K a n f item IV. 13, L 'arcana incanto, p. 317; and Fragalà Data, “ü corredo,” L 'arcano incanto^ pp. 108-09. Archwio Archivescovile (Curia Metropolitana), Turin, Liber Baptizatorum Ecclesiae Metropolitanae Civitatis ab anno 1725 usq, ad annum 1730^ B 1725-1730, p. 309v: “Cigna, \fittorio Amedeo figlio delli sigri Francesco Antonio, et Vittoria Margarita jugales Cigna nato ü 25 ed batezzato il 30 dicembte 1728.. .” (cited m Obermitto, p. 31). Birth and death dates given by Marocco and Monson disagree with those ^enhere. Salvatore Fusari, “Per la storia delITIniversiti agli studidi Torino: II Magistero delle Arti nel 1700,”

48 the University o f Turin became one of the most prominent in Italy; the transformed intellectual climate that was to come fifty years later during the reign of Vittorio Amedeo in was one o f the results of these “sweeping reforms” of the university.*^ A scholar who would prove important in the training of many Turinese intellectuals, the Modenese abbot

Girolamo Tagliazucchi, was summoned to direct the new programs of study in Greek and

Latin. Cigna-Santi received his early training firom Tagliazucchi, who held the post at the university firom 7 December 1729 to 29 October 1745, and who brought to Turin a high level of instruction in classical rhetoric and related subjects.*^ His approach emphasized discipline, precision, and rigor, and he was among the most esteemed of the scholars active in the city at this time. Although it is not known exactly when Cigna studied with

Tagliazucchi, he must have done so toward the end of Tagliazucchi’s time at the university, judging fiom Cigna’s date ofbirth.*^ unpublished tesi di laurea (University of Turin, Facoltà di Lettere, 1973-74), cited in Obermitto, '1 libretti,” p. 4. See also Tommaso Vallauri, Storia delle Università degli Studi del Piemonte (Turin: Stampena reale, 1846), vol. 3 (covering 1720-99), chapter 5. Ferrone, "The Accademia Reale deUe Scienze,” p. 544. “ Obermitto, "I libretti,” pp. 6-7. Girolamo Tagliazucchi was either the uncle or grand&ther of Giampietro Tagliazucchi, court poet at Berim from 1752. See Raccolta di Prose italiane, 3 vols. (Milan: Società Tipografica de’ classici italiani, 1808-09), vol. 1, essay œtitled "AU’Olustnsstmo, ed eccellentissnno magistrato deOa rifbrma degli studi Gholamo Tagliazucchi professore d’Hoquenza, suUa maniera di ammaestrare la gioventù nelle umane lettere,” p. 117: "due sonetti. . . mandatami da Roma da mio nipote Giampietro Tagliazucchi.” See also Prose, e Poesie dell 'Abate Girolamo Tagliazucchi Professore d ’Eloquenza nella Regia Università di Torino, consacrate alTAltezza Reale di Vittorio Amedeo Duca di Savoia &c, (Turm: Gianfiancesco Mairesse aIl*Lasegna di S. Teresa di Gesù, 1735) p. 61: “Récitera d Signor Giampietro Tagliazucchi un sonetto ” See also, later m the volume, an essay entitled Due Discorsi un sopra I'Aqua recitato dal Signor Seconda Sinesio, e I’altro sopra il vino recitato dal Sipior Giampietro Tagliazucchi. In un’Accademiafiittadai Signoristudentid’Eloquenza nella Regfa Universitàdi Torino. I’anno 1735 (Turin: Gio. Francesco Mahesse, [1735]). This evidence suggests that Cigna-Santi might have had some contact with Giampietro Tagliazucchi, since th ^ both might have been active m Turin during the . Contact among Cigna-Santi, Gnolamo, and Giampietro Taglmzucchi—and through then: association, contact between the opera theaters of Turm and Berim—becomes more significant considermg that Tagliazucchi’s M otezuma for Berim (libretto sketched by Frederick fi, set to music by Graun in 1755 and revived m I77I) bears simtTarftfes to the libretto o f the same title by Cigna-Santi for Turin (1765, set to music by Mafo, revived in 1780 with music by hisangume). For information on Giampietro Taglmzucchi, see Thomas

49 Cigna’s first publication, in 1747, was a collection of pastoral poetry. This was

Allowed by other poems and sonnets in volumes appearing between 1747 and 1754. In

1750 he published poems in a collection that included works by another Piedmontese poet and student of Tagliazucchi, Giuseppe Baretti, who was to become a major figure in

Enlightenment literature.*® Baretti, a prolific writer active prhnarily in Venice and then

London, was known for his humorous poems, attacks on pedantic professors, and polemics written in a lively style. Although Baretti objected to the conservatism and reactionary attitudes prevalent in Italian literature and culture at a time when

Enlightenment principles were sweeping the rest of Europe, he still fought for the renewal of Italian letters and remained close to Italian literary tradition. Baretti’s link with tradition is evident in the works he published with Cigna in the volume of 1750

(celebratory poems dedicated to the sovereign on his wedding day), as well as in the contact Baretti maintained with his Armer teacher, Tagliazucchi, whom he would visit when he returned to Turin. In addition, Baretti seems to have been instrumental in

Cigna’s development in a manner to be explored further below.

Cigna’s publications of the type he produced wiA Baretti ceased m 1754. A year later Cigna composed his & st libretto for the Regio, Andromeda. From then on, he was

Bauman, "Tagliazucchi, Giampietro,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 4:632. ** Canzoni per le nozze del signor Conte di Pertengo colla nobil donna Provana, Canzoni Quattro (Turm: Giuseppe Antonio &ppata, 1750), cited in Obermitto, "I libretti,” p. 41. Carlo Calcatena states that both Baretti and Cigna were students of Tagliazucchi; see Le adunanze della Patria Società Letteraria (Turim Nuova Bib. Italiana S.EJ., 1943), p. 13, cited m Obermitto, “I libretti,” p. 6. The fbHowmg brief sketch of Baretti is (hawn fiom Franco Fido, “The Settecento,” in The Cambridge History o fItalian Literature^ eds. Peter Brand and Lmo Fertile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 376-78. On Baretti^s contact with Tagliazucchi, see Giuseppe Baretti, Scritti scelti mediti o rarl, ed. Pietro Custodi (Milan: G. B. BiancM, 1822-23), voL I, pp. 58-59.

50 almost constantly occupied with the composition of new libretti and revisions to pre- existmg ones.*^

The most unfortunate lacuna in Cigna’s biography is the chronology of his involvement in the literary societies of which he is known to have been a member. These include the Accademia dei Trasformati in Milan and the Arcadian socie^ in Rome.

Cigna’s experiences with these societies undoubtedly influenced the development of his poetic style and perhaps his opera libretti as well. Three publications provide evidence regarding his membership in these literary societies. In 1760, his collection of dramas and poems includes a title page indicating his membership in the Trasformati (but no city is mentioned). In his published libretto for Ifigenia in Aulide ( 1762), he is identified as an Arcadian (no city is provided here either). Finally, in an anonymous article published in Florence in 1765, he is named as “Vittorio Amadeo Cigna-Santi Torinese, Accademico

Trasformato di Milano, e detto fia gli Arcadi di Roma Ginestrio Argeatide.”**

It has been suggested that Cigna might also have been a member of a Turinese

Arcadian society. However, no Arcadian society is known to have existed in Turin before the 1790s, when one developed firom the membership of the Accademia degli Unanimi

(founded in Turin in 1789). The earlier absence of such societies has been explained by the fact that in Turin in the 1730s, in response to the cultural policies o f Carlo

^ Obermitto, '*^1 libretti,” pp. 8-9. AH extant works by Cigna-Santi (published volumes and coQections of miscellaneous manuscript materials) are listed by title in Obermitto's document; some are given in Marocco, pp. 500-501. ^ Cigna Santi, Poesia per musica di Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Trasformato (Turin: Gmcomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1760), cited m Obermitto, “I libretti,” p. LI; the volume, dedicated to the marchese Carlo Francesco Isnardi de CasteHo Avard, contains twenty-two pieces, mcludmg Cigna’s f is t two libretti {A n(tom eda and Enea n e t Zazib). Ifig en ia in A ulide (Turm: Gaspare Bayno, 1762), p. vi: “La Poesia è del Sig. Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Torniese, fra gli Arcadi Gmestrio Argeatide.” N ovelle lettera rie d i Firenze^

51 Enunanuele’s ministers, “the small provincial literary societies connected with the

Roman Arcadia [and other societies] all closed their doors silently, one after the other, to

general indifiference.”*^ This situation in Turin presumably remained unchanged in the

1760s, when evidence appears of Cigna’s involvement in academies in other cities.

The socially prestigious Milanese Accademia dei Trasfbrmati, which was founded

in 1546,^ was revived in 1743 by Giuseppe Maria Imbonati, a nobleman in whose house

the members met to recite compositions on pre-arranged topics.’' The Trasfbrmati was

known as a “moderate and traditional” society, and its activities have been characterized

as “bland and prudent reformism.”’^ Among the Piedmontese who participated in this

socie^ were several students of Tagliazucchi. The best known among them at the time

was Baretti, under whose influence Cigna might have been admitted into the society.’^

The presence of several students of Tagliazucchi in the Trasformati suggests a close vol. 26 (Florence, 1765), p. 454: announcement of the publication o f Ottaviano Diodati, comp., Biblioteca tea tra le italiema, vol. 11 (Lucca, 1765), containmg Cigna’s libretto Motezuma. Ferrone, "The Accademia delle scienze ” p. 530. Obermitto hypothesized in "I libretti,” p. 12, that Cigna had been a member of a Turinese Arcadian society, although she noted that no mention is made of such a society in Turin in Tommaso Vallauri, Delle società letterarie del Piemonte (Turin: Favale, 1844). She then cited Maylender, Storia delle accademie, voL 5, p. 329, which reports the existence of the Turinese Aicadi in 1791, the membership o f which derived fiom that o f the Turinese Accademia degli Unanimi. The latter socie^ was founded m 1789, and included many important Turmese intellectuals, among them Giuseppe Vemazza, an illustrious member of the Accademia delle scienze, Silvio Balbis, abbot and poet whose libretto for Tancredi was performed at the Regio in 1766, and Carlo Denina (see Maylender, Storia delle accademie, vol. 5, pp. 389-91). Cigna certahtly could have been a member of the Ttninese Arcadi in the 1790s, as well as the Roman Arcadi m the 1760s. ’’^Ytaa.cescoSsNtnoQoaààOf Della storia e della ragfonediogni Poesia (: 1739-1752), vol. 1, lib. 1, p. 78, cited m Vallauri, Storia dellapoesia in Piemonte (Turm: Chirio e Mina, 1841), voL 2, p. 33; see also Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d ’ltalia (Bologna: Cappelli, 1926-30), vol. 5, pp. 338- 42, who names (^uathrio among the members. Hdo, “The Settecento,” p. 380; for the broader context, see pp. 378-86. See also Maylender, Storia delle accadem ie, voL 5, p. 340. On Piethnontese participation, see Carlo Antonio Vianello, La G iovinezza d i Parini, Verrt and Beccaria (Milan: Baldini e CastoldL 1933), pp. 72-73; a recent study o f these writers and thenrenviromnent is G. Francioni andS. RomagnoH, B Cqffez 1764-66 (Turin, 1993). ^ Fido, “The Settecento,” p. 380. ^ Obermitto asserts that Cigna’s membership m apromment literary sodeQr such as the Trasformati could not have occurred without mtnxfaiction fiom someone with an establôhed reputation, and that this person

52 connectîoii between the literary ideals of the socie^ and the school of the revered professor; in fact, the society’s conservativism is consistent with the nature of

Tagliazucchi’s teachings. In addition to that of Baretti, the Trasformati also witnessed the early development of other writers destined to become figures of major importance in

Enlightenment literature: Pietro Verri, Cesare Beccaria, and Giuseppe Parini. Through his membership in the Milanese Trasformati, therefore, Cigna would no doubt have come in contact with many prominent men of letters. Moreover, membership in the Accademia dei Trasformati presupposed a high degree of literary ability, and Arcadian societies counted among their members talented men of letters as well.^ Cigna’s involvement in societies such as these suggests that he was a scholar of considerable intellect, and that he enjoyed a respectable reputation as a poet.

Information provided by the printed libretti for his early Regio operas makes it possible to speculate on approximately when Cigna might have been admitted to the

Roman Arcadian society and to the Trasformati. Andromeda (1755), his first libretto, does not carry an attribution to hhn as poet,’^ but in Enea nel Lazio ( 1760), his second libretto, the poet is named on p. v as “Vittorio Amedeo Cigna, torinese.” The absence of attribution in his first libretto and the presence of one in his second suggests Cigna’s growing reputation as a poet during these years, hideed, each of his successive original libretti carries an attribution to him.^ As we have seen, attributions to him specitying

could only have been BarettL See'*IIibietti,’’^p.43. ^ Amedeo Quondam, “L'Accadenua,” Letteratura italiana, voL L (Turin: Ktnaudi, 1982), pp. 823-98. ” ito6'omeefiz(TuinuZiappataedAvondo, 1755). Sonneck, Cafologue o fOpera LibrettiryoL I,p. 115, attributes tfais libretto to Cigna-Santi, and it is attributed to hmr in the 1760 collection of his works cited above. ^ There is a lack of consensus as to the librettist of Tigrane, The Turin libretto ( 1761, music by Niccolo

53 academy membership appeared in 1760, when he was named a member of the Accademia dei Trasformati on the title page of a collection, and 1762, when the attribution m his libretto for Ifigenia in Aulide included his Arcadian name. The absence of reference to his Arcadian membership in the libretto of Enea and the presence of it in his next libretto,

Ifigenia, suggests that Cigna became a member of the Roman Arcadian society sometime between 1760 and 1762. (It is also posssible that, if Cigna were a member of the Roman

Arcadian society at the time he wrote Enea n el Lazio, he might have thought it inappropriate to mention his association with a Roman society in a Turinese libretto—a misgiving he might no longer have felt two years later.) In any case, he seems to have been a member o f both literary societies by 1762.

This circumstantial evidence suggests that Cigna’s reputation as man of letters was at a crucial point in its growth in the early 1760s. As we shall see, Enea nel Lazio includes citations of ’s A eneid as well as a reference in the libretto’s introduction to

Dionysius of Halicarnassus’s account of ’s adventures in Italy; moreover, the dramaturgical structure of the libretto is stylistically similar to that of Metastasio, who was without peer in Turinese intellectual circles.’^ Cigna might have made these stylistic

Ptccmni) carries no attiibntioa to a poet Regardmg this libretto, Sonneck states, **10 the catalogue o f his libretto collection Schatz gives Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi as the author, but in his Piccini ‘Chronotogisches Verzeichnis’ he says; Text von Franc^co Silvani, urspninglich m.d. TiteL La vntù trionfànte deE’amore, e delFodio bearbeitet von .’” {Catalogue o fOpera Libretti 2: 1074). Although. Bouquet attributes the libretto to Cigna {II teatro

54 choices in an attempt to demonstrate his erudition to his literary colleagues, who undoubtedly read not only his poems but his libretti as weU.

Cigna’s growing popularity as a letterato in the early 1760s is suggested by other biographical evidence. Although his paymoits at the Regio, which he received for new libretti and for revisions to pre-existing works, never increased significantly over the years, he apparently had earned enough fiom his publications and inheritances to have been relatively financially solvent by the year 1763: in that year he became engaged—a commitment that in this era suggested a certain degree of financial security.’* He was married on 30 April of the following year.

With the succession of Carlo Emmanuele III to the throne in 1773, the cultural and intellectual climate of Turin underwent radical change. Turin began to take on characteristics of other European cities infiuenced by Enlightenment ideals, as it experimented with new forms of cultural association such as Masonic lodges, academies, salons, reading societies, and noble clubs.” Among the ways in which Vittorio Amedeo in left his mark on the Teatro Regio was to formally reward the poet who had long served it. Cigna’s accomplishments at the Regio were finally recognized in 1777 when he was named “poet of the Società.”'” This prestigious ofiBdal title seems to have been created

^ Obermitto, libretti,’* pp. 13-14. The 6ct that he was the son of servants suggests that he did not come 6om a wealthy background. His wife was Angela Margarita Dubois, about whom little seems to be known; the notarial documents pertaming to her dowry and a sonnet to her written by Cigna shortly afier their wedding are cited in Obermitto, p. 33. ” Ferrone, “The Accademia Reale deUe Scienze,” p. 543. A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 9, p. 82,20 February 1777: “Sulla relazione fatta dal sigr. Conte di direttore del libro delle attenzioni usate dal sigr poeta Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Santi, tanto nella composizione de drammi, dicuiè stato mcaricato, come pure rispetto alle variaziont desiderate in alcuni (hammi rappresentatisi, m questo regio teatro ed altie mcombenze comessegli per sovizio delM società. II congresso, per dnnostrargliene R gradfmento, ed ihsegune la proposmone fattane dal d° sgr Conte, ha determmato di dichiatarlo poeta della società, e di accordargh m tal qualità I’entrata libera al regio teatro, e

55 specifically for Cigna, although later poets received it as well. The benefits of the title included firee admission to all theaters in Turin and a small remuneration. Although he continued revising pre-existing works, Cigna wrote no more original libretti for the Regio after his appointment as official poet.^°*

At this point, Cigna’s life seems to have begun to change. Despite his humble bffth, Cigna had long been active in circles that included Turinese nobility, as demonstrated by his membership in the Trasfonnati and by his many years of service to the directors of the Società dei Cavalieri. (Certainly Cigna’s father’s employment as the servant of a marchese would have exposed him to noble circles as well.) But he became more closely linked with the royalty in his later activities and became officially recognized by them. Like other Piedmontese letteratU Cigna seems to have flourished under the new political regime: in the last three decades of his life, he cultivated an interest in historical research, a type of activity that received the support of the new king.

Cigna collaborated with a counselor of the state who was given the task of establishing the German lineage of the Savoy dynasty.*”^

quello di S A.S. ed a tutd gli altri dalla medesnna dipendend, rûervandosi ta dûrezfone di Gssarli ana conveniente coirispondenza ogni qualvolta stimera valeisi delta soa opera, per ta composizione di qualctie dramma, e riaggiustamento di quegfaltri gü stampati che si stmeranno fkrsi rappresentare net regie teatro. come pure attre mcombenze che te venissero appoggiate nella prefata soa qualità.” Also quoted m Bouquet, n teatro dt corte, p. 254; cited in Obermitto, “I libretti,” p. 23. The author of the libretto o fFatim a (1779, music by Bernardmo Ottani) is unlmown. Accordmg to Sartoii (Ilibretti a stampaiz 123), the libretto fbr the Turm production lists no poet Bouquet, m/Treorro d i corte, p. 382, cites Cigna-Santi as havmg adapted the pre-existmg tibreno. Morocco, “Cigna Santi,” p. 501. According to Marocco, ûtsMiscelL Storia patria 64, Memorie storiche mtomo airorigine di Beroldo di Sassonia, conserved m Turm's Royal Library, contains manuscrit matftrial collected by Cigna fbr this task; this is presumably the same volume described by Obemmto (p. 25) as contammg manuscripts o f twenty-eight (fiSbrent research projects conducted between 1770 and 1790.

56 At the same time, he was apparently composing the thirty-three volume woric that

in 1785 was to earn him the title of royal historiographer/”^ an honor that seems

consistent with Vittorio Amedeo m ’s 6vorable disposition toward academic pursuits.

Two days before receiving his royal appointment, Cigna had informed the Società that he would not be available to revise the libretto planned for the first opera of carnival 1785-

86 (perhaps because of time constraints).’”^ The following year, he published his last extant work, a chronological study of the “Cavalieri dell’Ordme supremo di Savoia.”’”^

Nothing is known of his scholarly activities in the last decade of his life. He died on 14

February 1799.’°^

Evaluation of Cigna’s Style

That Cigna had a lifelong appreciation for the classics, history, and poetry in a conservative vein is evident firom his training with Tagliazucchi, his memberships in

**** DeirOrdine Supremo di Savoia, memorie istoriche umiliate alia Sacra Reale Maestà di Vittorio Amedeo Ulfelicemente régnante, 33-voL manuscript collectioa held at the Royal Library. Cigna was named royal historiographer by Vittorio Amedeo on 19 March 178S (Obermitto, '1 libretti,” p. 26). Cigna was apparently m close contact with members o f the monarchy during this period, since in April 1783 he was living at the . See Obermitto, ”I libretti,” p. 26; p. 36 provides a citation of an autograph letter dated 24 April 1783, refërrmg to Cigna, his involvement in this task, and his residence at the Carignano; letter in A.S.T., Sez. f*, Ordine S. Annunziata, Mazzo 5 n. 29. His work on the history o f the Savoy dynasQr might have imposed limits on the tune he had available for other activities, such as composition of new librettos. A.S.C.T, O rdinati vol. 10, p. 257,17 March, 1785: ”n sigr Conte di Pamparato direttore del libro ed economato ha rifferto essersi daesso presentato il sigr. poeta Cigna Santi per mfbrmarlo ch'essendosi SM . degnata di costituirlo con Regie Patenti istoriografo del supremo Ordine della Sma Armunziata non si trova pin in grado di continuare in awenire a servire la Società in qualità di poeta teatrale, e di avergli conseguentemente restituito il Libro ErifiUe [E rifile, libretto by Giovaimi de Gamerra] destinato per prhna opera del venturo Camovale.. . . ” Also quoted m Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 417; cited in Obermitto, ”I libretti,” p. 36. Cigna Santi, Serie cronologica de ' Cavalieri delVOrdine Supremo di Savoia detto prima del Collare, indi della Santissima Nimziata (Turm: Stamperm. reale, 1786). ArchMo Archtvescovde (Curm. Metropolitana), Turm, Uber Baptizatorum Ecclesiae Metropolitanae Civitatis ab a n n o 1795 usq, ad annum 1807, D 1795-1807, p. 66vz “Cigna SantL 11 Cittadino Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Santi Vetfovo della fh Margarita Dubois d’anni 71 munito dei Santissimt Sacramenti, morto

57 literary societies, and other events in his life. He is not regarded as one of the era’s great poets. His poetry is conventional in style, and in his libretti, he remained within the general stylistic realm of the Metastasian . He largely followed standard dramaturgical principles and imitated the poetic style of the revered poeta cesareo^ in a manner that has not always been judged favorably.

Despite his stylistic conservativism, however, Cigna-Santi did embrace the principles associated with the reform of opera, and these influenced many of his libretti, especially Ifigenia in Aulide. In this work (as we shall see below) and in later libretti,

Cigna was greatly influenced by Francesco Algarotti’s important Saggio sopra I ’opera in n tu sic a }^ Among the numerous critiques of opera seria published around mid-century,

li 14 sepolto li 15 Febbraio 1799.” Cited in Obermitto, “I libretti,” p. 36. Cigna is not mentioned in The Cambridge History o f Italian Literature, for example. In Vallauri, Storia della poesia in Piemonte, vol. 2, “Secolo XVm,” pp. 348-49, he is mentioned only in the index, where some of his works are listed, while entries for later Regio librettists, such as Durandi, Boggio, and Oliveri, are more extensive. The nineteenth-century historian and critic Pietro Napoli-SignoreOi makes the following judgment on the work of Cigna-Santi and : ”Manco veramente ad essi buona parte della delicatezza, del patetico e del calore di Metastasio. 1 loro disegni non furono si ricchi e giudhdosi, non originali o quasi tali le mvenzioni. 1 loro colpi di scena poi spariscono a fionte del vigoroso colorito di , come i loro quadri languiscono accanto a quelli di Metastasio.” Napoli-SignoreOi, Storia critica dei teatri (Naples: Vincenzo Orsino, 1813), voL 11, pp. 164-65. Perhaps following this evaluation, Marocco declares that ”il , dal Metastasio elevato a sontuosa incamazione del senthnento musicale e idillico dell’Arcadia, appare comunque nel C. una stanca e farragmosa esercitazione retorica”; Marocco, “Cigna- Santi,” pp. 500-501. (The volume and page citation ofNapoli-SignoreUi given by Marocco, voL 6, p. 283, is incorrect) Although Napoli-Signorelli means it as negative criticism, his comparison of Cigna-Santi and Coltellini speaks to Cigna-Santi’s innovative tendencies. Coltellmi was “the follower of Calzabigi,” and both were important participants in the French-mspired reforms at Vienna. See Daniel Heartz, “Traetta in Vienna: A rm ida (1761) and Ifigenia in Tauride (1763),” Studies in Music fivm the University o f Western Onrorib 7 (1982): 65-88. Francesco Algarotti (b. Venice, 1712—d. , 1764) was a cultural figure of great hnportance. He traveled extensively and wrote influential essays and treatises on a wide varieQf of topics. The authoritative modem edition of the Saggio sopra Popera in m usica (Venice, 1755; reprmted Lrvomo, 1763), is Francesco Algarotti, Saggi, ed. Giovanni da Pozzo (: Laterza, 1963). A useful mtrothiction (pp. vii- xlvii) and an extensive bibliography are offered by ArmalisaBinim her edition of the esstwC^tite: Libreria musicale italiana éditrice, 1989). See also Ettore Bonora, “Algarotti, Francesco,” Dizionario biogrqfico degli ita lia n i 2:356-60; Franco Fidb, The Cambridge History o fItalian Literature, pp. 373-74; Daniel

58 Algarotti’s Saggio was the best-known and most wide-ranging, and stands as one of the

most eloquent statements of the reform movement’s tenets/ The Saggio attacked the

unruliness of Italian theaters, and called for the subordination o f all musical elements to a

unifymg poetic ideal. Algarotti recommended that operatic poetry deal with subjects

concerning remote or exotic locations, which would allow for spectacle that could be as

elaborate as possible. This was to be integrated into the action of the libretto along with

dance and chorus. As will be demonstrated below, Cigna consistently attempted to put

these principles into practice in his libretti of the 1760s and 70s, and in Ifigenia he

borrowed directly from material in the Saggio.

French-inspired operas seem to have greatly pleased the public, judging by the

high numbers of performances these works received throughout the decade. ' ' ^ More

evidence of public reception of the stylistic experimentation Cigna favored appears in an

unattributed article in Novelle letterarie di Firenze of 1775."^ This valuable essay,

transcribed in Appendix B, is a critical evalution of L ’Isola di Alcina Alcina e

R uggiero (January 1775, music by Felice Alessandri), which was Cigna’s last original

libretto for the Regio. The anonymous author praises the production o fAlcina for its

Heartz, “Algarotti, Francesco,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera L: 86; idem, “Operatic Reform at Parma: Ippoiito edA riciaf A tti dei convegno sul settecento Parmense nel T cententario della morte di C. I. F rugoni (Parma: Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provinde Parmensi, 1969), pp. 271-300. Heartz, “Algarotti, Francesco,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 1:86. The 1763 reprint of Algarotti’s Saggio is mentioned m Novelle letterarie di Firenze, voL 24 (1763), pp. 276-79. The anonymous author of the article m Novelle letterarie offers valuable commentary on the nature o f the ideals «pressed in the Saggio, and he is skeptical that the reforms proposed by Algarotti would ever be realized: “. . . egli cerca di rimettere in ghista regola, e, come dire, m sesto, la guasta maniera deUe Rappresentazioni teatrali, che pure ha inoggi tanta voga. Egli impiega utSmente il suo ingegno con osservazioni, con precetti, con esempi; ma non so se con tutto questo avrà la fortuna di vedere riformato con giustezza il Teatro omai troppo scomposto....” ‘“ See Table LI. Novelle letterarie di Firenze, voL 9 (1775), pp. 173-76. Cited in Nbrocco, “Cigna-Santi, Vittorio

59 poetry, singers, stage designs, composer, and music, and confirms the preeminence of

Metastasio, even in the last quarter of the century. With a poignant turn of phrase, the author laments that, among the many writers for the theater, Europe was still waiting fbr one who could imitate him well, even if none were able to approach his greatness

(“L’Europa attende ancora fra tanti che scrivono pel teatro chi lo sappia bene hnitare, se non stargli accanto”). The author declares that Metastasio’s poetry, even when stripped of the charms of a melody, was still able to move the affections, in spite of the tendency of composers to ''tyrannize the poet.” Cigna is praised as a Turinese poet of merit, one who has made a name for himself among poets of the theater with several earlier works, among which Alcina has emerged as outstanding.

In his final work for the stage, Cigna seems not only to have adhered to the principles of Algarotti, but to have taken them further in 1775 than he did in the early

1760s. In this essay, Cigna is recognized for having enriched the stage spectacle: to the magnficence and variety o f the stage machinery, he adds choruses, which "ornament the scene and enhance the pleasures of the ear” ("che abbelliscono la scena e moltiplicano i diletti dell’udito”). Above all, Cigna is lauded for not having departed from the poetry for the sake of creating an effect; quoting excerpts from the libretto as examples, the author states that Cigna never allows the integrity o f the poetry to be sacrificed to the elements of stage spectacle: "Ma quello che pm vale, non si è scostato dalla ragione poetica servendo solo al maraviglioso rispetto allo stile.”

A m edeo,” p . 500.

6 0 History has not proved a fair judge of Cigna-Santi’s inventiveness: their stylistic

similarity to Metastasio notwithstanding, Cigna’s libretti are innovative to an extent that

has not previously been acknowledged. Although his worics largely continue in the

established dramaturgical tradition, they stretch the boundaries of convention in

significant ways (which will be explored further below). His libretti provide stage

settings and events that ofier abundant opportunity for fantasy and spectacular display of

the type advocated by Algarotti.* It is even possible that Cigna came in personal contact

with Algarotti, perhaps through his affiliations in literary societies or by other means.* *"*

Even without direct contact, however, Cigna’s works consistently show a profound

influence of Algarotti’s revolutionary ideals. In the 1770s, the liberal cultural climate of

Turin under Vittorio Amedeo IH provided fertile ground for further stylistic

experimentation such as increased spectacle and expansion of the use o f exotic locales in plot subjects. By sowing the seeds of experimentation in his libretti of the 1760s, Cigna introduced Algarotti’s principles to Turin in ways that would profoundly shape dramatic music there for years to come.

A lcina received a record number of thûty-three performances, more than any other opera at the Regio between 1740 and 1790; see Bouquet, et. aL, Cronologie, p. 76. Francesco Blanchetti, m Tomas K ouli Kan, 1772,” L ’arcano bicanto, p. 317, has observed that “Cigna Santi riscosse d fkvore dei Nobüi Società dei Cavalieri m quanto seppe fomire loro quelle novità, soprattutto tematiche, di cut ü pubblico era ghiotto, senza tuttavia adontanarsi troppo dalla rassicurante tradizione metastasiana.” Marita McClymonds, m “Opera Reform m Italy, 1750-80” (paper read at “Music m Eighteenth-Century Italy,” Cardiff The University o f Wales, 12-15 July, 1998), has noted that “cfairmg the ten years fiom 1760 to 1770 no other theater [than Turm's Teatro Regio] so consistently produced libretti of which Algarotti would have pro v ed .” I am gratefiil to Professor McClymonds fbr sharing her unpublished essay with me. * Algarotti's extensive travels included at least one trip to Turin, in 1741; see Quachio, Della storia e della ragione dt ogni poesia, voL 2.pL 1 ( 1741), p. 345: “Francesco Algarotti. . . soggioma presentemente m Torino.”

61 CHAPTER 2

MUSIC COPYISTS AND MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION AT THE TEATRO REGIO

“Indeed there [in Italy], as in Turkey, the business o f a [music] transcriber furnishes employment for so many people, that it is cruel to wish to rob them of it, especially as that trade seems more brisk and profitable than any other."'

Thus states Charles Burney, justi^dng the lack of music printing industry in Italy in the 1770s. Apart firom rare and isolated comments such as this, little is known about the profession of the music copyist in eighteenth-century Italy." Although copyists employed by Italy’s theaters played an integral role in the production of operas, their history has yet to be written. The following discussion focuses on the copyists of Turin’s

Teatro Regio. By comparing examples of their handwriting found in archival documents and scores, and by studying their contracts and other documents that reveal their responsibilities, it is possible to identify the musical sources they copied; to establish likely date, provenance, and purpose of these sources; to identify operas contained in them; and to study the working processes of the copyists.

' Charles Burney, The Present State o fMusic, p. 139. ^ A notable attempt to ad&ess this lacuna is Bianca Maria Antolint, “Editor!, copisti, conunercio della musica in ItaEa: 1770-1800,” Studi Musicali 18 ( 1989); 273-375. This extensive study of music printing in Venice, Naples, and Florence deals with the relationship between music copying and the burgeonmg printmg mdustry (hiring the late eighteenth century. The quotation horn Bumey, cited in the previous foomote, appears on p. 351 (in Italian translation; see Viaggio musicale in Italia, ed. Enrico Fubini [Farm: EOT, I979I,p. 170).

62 These findings lead in turn to others: fbr instance, by considering the types of sources the copyists were required to produce and the schedule imposed upon them, one may better understand other archival and tactual evidence fbr the complex decision­ making process involved in the production of particular operas; this understanding then illuminates aspects of Turin’s participation in the reform movement. Similarly, establishing date and provenance of certain musical sources allows one to extend these findings to textually related sources—for instance, printed revisions introduced into relevant libretti.

Finally, establishing the connection between extant sources and particular productions at the Teatro Regio makes possible stylistic analysis of the music fbr those productions. All of these findings will come into play in later chapters, as this study of operatic reform in Turin unfijlds. In short, identification of the copyists’ handwriting provides an invaluable tool for textual criticism; and a study of the copyists’ profession contributes to a fidler understanding of how the institution functioned, which ultimately enriches our knowledge of how operas were produced at the Regio.

Music copying at the Teatro Regio has been mentioned by both Marie-Thérèse

Bouquet and Isabella Fragalà Data in their studies of opera in Turin.^ Bouquet discusses the duties of the copyists as outlined in three contracts, copies of which she transcribed fix>m the O rdinati. Fragalà Data essentially summarizes Bouquet’s discussion, although she attempts a fuller comparison of the contractual duties than does Bouquet. While both

^ Bouquet, II teatro di corte, pp. 192-96; Isabella Fragalà Data, “H corredo dei beni musicali,’* L 'arcano incanto (Milan: Electa, 1991), pp. 101-02. Music copymg m Turin also receives a brief mention in Bouquet’s pioneermg 'vads.Musique et musiciens à Turin de 1648 à 1775 (Turin: Accademia delle scienze, 1968), pp. 139-40. Copymg at Turm’s Royal Chapel is touched upon by Rosy Mofik in Storia d elta Regia

63 scholars make use of archival material that provides information about the copyists, neither attempts an extensive discussion of music copying given the general nature of their studies. A detailed treatment of the archival sources yields discoveries that enhance the important initial findings presented by Bouquet and Fragalà Data.

Several types of documents preserved in the Archivio storico della città di Torino furnish information regarding the Teatro Regio’s copyists as well as samples of their text hands (see Appendices C and D). The Carte scio lte contain many o f the copyists’ original contracts, some of which were copied into the O rdinati, as well as contracts fbr the orchestra, which were signed by all instrumentalists in a given season. The L ibri con ti concern personnel and payments for every aspect of production; orchestral members as well as copyists are listed for each season. The Libri di quietanze (receipt books) are small bound volumes that consist of receipts for payment from 1768 to 1791, which provide records of payments to, and signatures of, all personnel associated with productions during these years.'^ These well-organized volumes allow one to observe changes in handwriting of certain individuals over a period of slightly more than two decades.

cappella d i Torino: dal 1775 a l 1870 (Turm: Centro Studi Piemontesi, 1990), pp. 50-52. The chapel copyists durmg the years treated m MofEk’s study were Giovanni and Francesco Pessagno. ■* A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6215-6328. See Appendix A.

64 Teatro Reeio Copyists: Clerici. the Le Messiers. Chiaves

Raimondo Clerici was the Teatro Regio’s first official copyist, assuming his duties under a contract that began 13 April 1737/ He was also a violist in the Regio’s orchestra, and was active in music production at the court and its chapel as well, having served as copyist and violist there fi-om 1720/ His contract as copyist for the Regio was renewed in 1749/ Although neither contract for the Regio indicates a date on which his responsibilities as copyist were to end, the account books list Clerici as copyist for the

Regio’s opere serie until 1759, which was also the last year in which he was an orchestral member/ According to Bouquet, however, his musical involvement with the court continued to the end of the century/

Subsequently a team of three copyists, two of whom would remain important figures in the production of music at the Regio fbr many years to come, assumed the role held by Clerici» In April 1759, Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier

(father and son) and Giuseppe Chiaves signed a contract that remained in effect for a period o f six years, as did every successive renewal of the contract’® In 1765 the

* A.S.C.T., O rdinati vol. I, p. 41, transcribed by Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 192. All contracts referred to in the followmg discussion are transcribed &om the archival originals in my Appendix C. ^ In Bouquet, Musique et musiciens, Qerici is listed in the index (p. 211) as ^copiste de la musique à la Cour e violiste, 1720-1770.” He is listed in contracts for court music persotmel who performed at the chapel fbr 1725 and 1742 (transcribed on pp. 159-62); in the contract o f 1725 he is listed as instrumentalist and copyist; in the contract for 1742 he is listed simply as violist. See also Bouquet, Le genèse savoyard et les grands siècles musicaux piémontais (Turm: Centro Studi Piemontesi, 1970), p. 28. ^ AS.C.T., Carte sciolte 6241; see Appàidhc C. * AS.C.T., Libri conti voL 38 ( 1758-59), p. 52, lists Clerici as copyist; he is not listed as copyist m the volume for the following year (vol. 39,1759-60). ^ ht Bouquet, Musique et musiciens, Clerici is mentioned m the tett (p. 23) as having served as copyist and violist &om 1742 to the end o f the century. ‘® A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6244; see Appoidht C. Although the younger Le Messier spells h6 own name “Gioseppe” m this contract, it spears as “Giuseppe” m successive contracts and in other documents, and I have aÂipted the latter spellmg. ht Bouquet, II teatro di corte, iteither this contract nor the three copyi^ are mentioned in the discttssion entitled “I copisti,” pp. 192-96. Tbs oversight might be attribitted to

65 contract was renewed for the Le Messiers without Chiaves." It was renewed again in

1771.*^ The tenure of Francesco Antonio seems not to have lasted fbr the full six years specified in his last contract; he is listed in the account books as copyist only through

1774-1775.^^ In payment records for the following year, Giuseppe Antonio alone is listed as copyist."

Like their predecessor, the Le Messiers and Chiaves were instrumentalists, violinists and violist respectively. Other than the years of his official tenure as Regio copyist (1759 to 1776), little is known about Francesco Antonio. He seems never to have been a permanent member of the Regio’s orchestra, but served perhaps as a replacement for absent orchestral members; his name appears only sporadically in the orchestral contracts and account books, as violinist for the seasons 1743-44, 1751-52, and 1771-

72.‘^

On the other hand, his son, Giuseppe Antonio, enjoyed a long and important career at the Regio, one that spanned more than half a century. His name appears for the

Bouquet’s emphasis on the O rdinati rather than the Carte sciolte (no copy of this contract is included in the O rdinati). Certainly, a detailed examination of the vast collection of Carte sciolte would have been impractical for Bouquet’s study; moreover, she was probably misled by the curious phrase at the begmning of the O rdinati reference of 1765 (which contains the copy of the 1765 contract) that reads m part; "[The director of Music] after having received digèrent scores fbr the ^position of copyist] o f music, has accepted those of the Le Messier father and son, wfiich he fotmd to be the most advantageous; thus, he has issued to them the following contract...." Since Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier had been under contract since 1759, there seems to be no apparent explanation for this clause, which hnpliœ that they began as ofScial copyists startmg in 1765. The omission of the 1759 contract in Bouquet’s study presumably led Fragalà Data to claim incorrectly that the first contract issued to the Le Messiers was in 1765. See “ü corredo,” p. 101. " AS.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247. Copy m O rdinati vol. 6, pp. 60-63, transcribed m Bouquet, H teatro d i corte, pp. 193-94. “ Copy m O rdinati voL 8, pp. 128-29; transcribed in Bouquet, II teatro di corte, pp. 194-95. The final appearance of Francesco Antonio as copyist in the Libri conti is found in vol. 59 ( 1774-75), p. 147. AS.C.T., IJbri conti voL 60 (1775-76), p. 151: “al Sigr. Gio. Anto. Le Messier per ü total suo avere in cmalità di vfolino, e copsta, L 675.” AS.C.T., Carte sciolte 6239, Libri conti vols. 25 (p. 39) and 55 (p. 121).

66 first tune m the Regio’s orchestral contract o f 1744-45,*® but it is absent fiom then until

1751-52, at which time he permanently joined the ensemble. In addition to serving concurrently in Turin’s chapel and court orchestra (the latter starting in 1756),*^ he composed the ballets performed between the acts of operas at the Regio starting in 1759.

As mentioned above, he assumed the position of official Regio copyist starting in this year as well; his duties continued with contracts that were renewed in 1765 and in 1771.

In 1783 he is listed as copyist together with one of the theater’s harpischordists,

Rolando.**

Giuseppe Antonio continued to be listed in the orchestral contracts as violinist and copyist to the end of the century, although starting in 1785 they no longer bear his signature. The contract firom 1787-88 carries the following note after his name, which is signed by the scribe of the document: “[Le Messier] who, due to the circumstances o f his indisposed state, is replaced by Sig. Zapata.”*’ Different violinists substituted for him up to and including 1797-98, when the orchestral contract reveals that he had been in very poor health fbr quite some time.^** The continued presence of Giuseppe Antonio’s name in both the account books and the orchestral contracts for such a long period after he was no longer able to fiilfiU his duties as performer suggests that he was a respected and

A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6239, list o f orchestral players for 174445 season. ^ Bouquet, Musique et musiciens, p. 214; “Meissier [sic], Giuseppe Antonio, violiniste à la Cour, 1756- (?)”; mentioned in text (p. 21) as member of chapel orchestra of Charles Enunanuel IH (r. 1730-1773) (the precise dates o f service are not gwen). A.S.C.T., Ordinati voL 10; entry for 28 March 1783 mentions the new contract for the theater copyists that names Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier and the harpsichordist Rolando. Cited m Fragalà Data, “Ü corredo,” p. 102. There were presumably other contracts in effect (hiring the years between 1776 and 1783. ” A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6188, orchestral contract, 1787-88; “a cui si permette stante I’attuale sua indisposizione di 6 r supplhe alle di hn veci dal Sig. Zapata.” ^ A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6188, orchestral contract, 1797-98; the followmg comment appears m the space where Giuseppe Antonio’s signature should have been: ”al (pale stanti li gravi mccnnmodi di salute, da cui trovasi da. (palche tempo trav%hato, si permette di for supplhe alle di lui vetn dal Sgr. Raimondo.”

67 revered member o f the Regio’s personnel. The length o f his tenure is indeed remarkable,

especially considering the rigors of his numerous responsibilities.

Giuseppe Chiaves was a member of the Regio’s orchestra by 1743,^* and later served as violist for the court from 1758.^ Chiaves’s name appears on the orchestral lists for the Regio until his death, which occurred sometime between February 1780 and

March 1781 His death date is a valuable bit of biographical information that for the other copyists remains unknown.

The Le Messier family might have included a third musician-copyist, Luiggi Le

Messier. He was a violinist at the Regio from 1767-68 to 1784-85,"'^ and might have served at the court during part of this period as well.^ Like Giuseppe Antonio, he was also a composer; two short marches attributed to him appear in scores for Regio operas."^

Luiggi’s familial relation to Francesco and Giuseppe is unknown."^

AS.C.T., Carte scio lte 623:9, orchestral contract, 1743-44. ^ Bouquet, in M usique e t m ttsiciens, lists him as having served &om 1758 to 1781 (p. 211), but he might have died a year earlier (see next foomote). “ A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6228 {Libro di quietanze, 1780-81, p. 83): pajm ent is indicated to “Sig. Chiaves viola.” Below the Ime listing hü name and payment appears the following, in a scribal hand: “Ho ricevuto le sovradette lire ottanta per saldo dell'onorario dovuto al fh mio marito—”(“1 have received the aforementioned 80 lire for the payment due my late husbantT)- It is followed by the signature of “Mariana Chiaves, Nata Panuttio." The entry is dated 9 March 1781. hi the previous receipt book. Carte sciolte 6227 {Libro di quietanze 1779-80), p. 92,11 February 1780, Chiaves’s signature appears as usuaL A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 61SS (orchestral contract for 1767-68) end Carte sciolte 6232 {Libro di quietanze 1784-85), p. 74, list him as violinist. He is not listed in successive receipt books. “ Bouquet, Musique et musiciens, p. 214: “Meissier, Luiggi, violiniste à la Cour, 1778-1785(7).” hi the Brusasco collection o f manuscript scores (discussed below), marches are attributed to Luiggi m II Gran Cidde (De&anchi, 1768; fois. 70r-71v) andAnnibale in Torino (Paisiello, 1771; fob. 117r-l 18v). ^ Luiggi Le Messier b not named as ofScial copybt m any of the documents consulted for thb study, but bb signature m the receipt books bears a strong resemblance to hb name as copied in the short marches he composed, pieces which he might have copied as weO. See Appendcc D. hi the absence o f more extensive examples of hb handwritmg, however, it b impossible to identify him with certam^ as a Regio copybt.

68 The Copyists* Profession

The profession of music copying in Turin can best be studied by comparing the copyists’ contracts and observing the changes in their duties that occurred over tune. The five contracts to be considered in the following discussion, transcribed in Appendix C, are those issued to Clerici in 1737 and 1749; to Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio Le

Messier and Giuseppe Chiaves in 1759; and to Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio Le

Messier in 1765 and 1771.^ While certain parts of these documents remained the same throughout the half-century they cover, each contract is longer and more detailed than the one previous, and important changes gradually took place. Very generally, the most important responsibilities of the copyists were to provide one fidl score to be used by one of the two keyboardists, parts for all sections of the orchestra (the composition of which varied over the years), and parts for each of the singers. The specifics o f the copyists’ duties will be considered below.

The copyists’ salary was, along with certain other aspects of the job, clearly stipulated in the contracts. Payment to the copyists generally increased over the years, although it always remained low relative to the responsibilities the job entailed. Clerici’s contracts show that he received L 173.10 per opera until 1749, when his salary was augmented to L 200. Although the next contract involved three individuals, the amount to be divided among them does not reflect a significant increase: the three copyists starting in 1759 were paid a total of only L 225 per opera. In 1765, when the Le Messiers

^ These contracts are transcribed fiom the archival origmals with the exception o f the 1737 contract fi>r Qerici, the text o f which E have adopted fiom Bouquet's transcription fiom A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL I, p. 41, ta il teatro di corte, 192. Starting m 17S9, Chiaves and the Le Messiers were also issued a contract for

69 were alone, they were paid a total of L 222.10 per opera, which did not increase in their subsequent contract.

The contract of 1771 provides more information about the copyists’ payments, which contributes to a hypothesis regarding Francesco’s biography. At some point there must have been some discussion concerning an equitable division of the sum of L 222. ID per opera, which was paid to both Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier. They earned this stipend starting in 1765 through the years of the contract starting in 1771. A clause in the 1771 contract not present in that of 1765 allots L 86.05 to Francesco and L

136.05 to Giuseppe Antonio. There is no apparent explanation for this odd division o f the stipend, which assigns to Giuseppe Antonio a little less than two-thirds of the total. It does strongly suggest, however, that Giuseppe Antonio had a much greater responsibility in copying than his father at that point. This is the last contract in which Francesco

Antonio’s name appears, and as we have seen, payment to him stopped after 1774-75, two years before this contract officially ended. Since Francesco bad been an orchestral player starting sporadically in 1743, with a son who was at least old enough to have begun playing in the orchestra in 1744, it is possible that by 1771 he was at an advanced age. Although his date of d^ th is unknown, it might have occurred when his payments ceased, since the 1771 contract indicates that his payment had been drastically reduced a few years earlier.

The Regio copyists’ duties gradually increased over the years, and numerous factors contributed to their enhanced responsibilities. The theater’s reputation grew, and

the copymg o f opere bufie. This contract, presently stapled to the one under discussion, shares the lutteras can number in the Carte sciolte^

70 its orchestra expanded along with its public. The directors of the Società were more

frequently able to attract well-known composers finm other important cultural centers.

Furthermore, during the course of the century arias for leading singers gradually grew in

length and complexity. While the copyists did see incremental increases in their stipends

(except over the course of the last two contracts), they were among the lowest paid

members of the Regio’s staff For example, their stipends per season were far less than

those earned by singers of the third rank.^

Moreover, the contracts indicated that the copyists assumed responsibility for all

expenses associated with paper and binding of the music fbr performance, and they were

not paid extra for these materials. Unfortunately, the extent to which they were able to

supplement their income by copying for the public is unknown, but this activity

presumably increased over the years as the Regio’s productions became more successful.

While the services of the Regio copyists were required only for several months of every year, they were responsible for a large amount of work within a very short span of time, work which requfred a great degree of attention to detail. The role played by the theater copyists was integral to the success of the Regio, but the extent to which it was

^ Copying was admittedly a part-time endeavor, and the copyists snpplemented thehr income by performing in the orchestra. But even so, the total earnings of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier fbr the 1767- 68 season, for example, amounted to less than that of the lowest-rankmg smger for that season. Giuseppe Antonio was paid L. 2 0 0 for the 1767-68 season for his services as orchestral player (A.S.C.T., Carte scio lte 6 2 4 7 , orchœtral contract, 1 7 6 7 -6 8 ). Supposing that Giuseppe Antonio and Francesco Antonio divided their stipend as copyists for that season equally (L. 2 2 2 .1 0 per opera at this time, totaling L. 4 4 4 .2 0 per season), Giuseppe Antonio might have earned a total of about L. 4 2 2 for his work for the Regio for that season as player and copyist The payments from these two jobs combmed was less than the stÿend of Filqipo Lotenznii, who m 1767-68 sang roles at the rank o f“ulthna parte” (the lowest ranking o f the smgers hired fbr this season) and received SO zecchmi, or L. 4 7 3 .6 .8 . (See Bouquet, U teatro di corte, p. 32 0.)

71 appreciated by the administration, as shown by their payments, did not approach the hnportance of the task and the labor involved.

A clause from the 1759 contract presents intriguing information regarding the location m which the copying was supposed to have been done, which suggests close physical proximity of the three copyists and, therefore, the likely interaction among them.

None of the copyists’ contracts discussed above indicates that the Teatro Regio had a copy shop inside the theater building itself However, in 1759, presumably because three individuals were now officially to be involved in copying (as opposed to the single copyist, Clerici, who had preceded them), the directors added a clause in the new contract clarifying that “the originals will be consigned to the Le Messiers so that the copying of them may be done together with Giuseppe Chiaves in the house of the aforementioned

[the Le Messiers]... Although evidence from the extant scores does not always confirm concurrent copying of all pieces in each opera, nor the close proximity of the copyists, this clause does provide evidence of where much of the copying during these years very likely occurred.

Each contract contains a clause prescribing the time period during which copying should take place, as well as the length of thne after the close of production during which the copyists were permitted to retain the composer’s origmal, items in the contracts which changed over time. The clause prescribing the schedule of copying suggests that copying must generally have occurred m haste. Clerici’s first contract states that he was to deliver each opera by the first rehearsal, twenty days after he received the composers’ origmal

^ Fragalà Data, confions this: "II Teatio Regio, a di£firenza di altri teatri, non aveva al suo intemo un laboratotio di copiatura...” See "H corredo,” p. 101.

72 scores.^ In 1749, the copying schedule was different and more detailed. In his renewed contract, he was to deliver each opera by the first rehearsal as before. However, for the first opera, he was to receive the composer’s score twenty days before the first performance, and for the second opera, he was to receive the original of the first two acts thirty days before the first performance, and the third act at the time of the first performances o f the first opera.^^ (Since the first opera opened about thirty days before the second, he received all acts of the second opora around the same time.) Whereas in

1737 he had twenty days before the first rehearsal to complete the copying, he would presumably have had much less in 1749, since he received the score only twenty days before the first performance, not the first rehearsal. By the terms of his 1749 contract he had a bit more time for second operas than for first operas, since he received all three acts thirty days before the first performances.

The schedule o f Clerici’s 1749 contract obtained for the copyists who took over in

1759, except that the Le Messiers and Chiaves received the composers’ origmals within twenty or thirty days before the first performance or “as soon as possible,” a marginal armotation on the contract^ The wording of this portion of the contract is slightly different in 1765 and 1771. These contracts indicated that the Le Messiers were to deliver all parts by the first rehearsal of every opera, and that they would receive the

A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6244, contract for Le Messiers and Chiaves, article 7; see Appendix C. ^ “s’obbtiga dar copiata qualunque opera per k prima prova, mediante perô d tempo di giomt venti, dappoichè gli sari consegnato I’ongmale.” See Appendk C. ^ . le verranno consegnad l'Originale delk prima Opera Giomi venti avanti la prima Recita, e dell'Origmale delk 2.** Opera li eke primf Atti Giomi Trenta avanti k prùna Redta di essa, ed il 3.° Atto alle prune Rappresentazioni deOa prima Opera.” SeeAppendnrC. ^ The phrases "twenty day^ (giomi venti) and "thir^ days” (giomi trenta) are onderimed m the contract, and nr the left margm nmct to the Imes contammg these phrases is written "as soon as possible” (al pin presto).

73 origmal scores for both operas as soon as possible. Here the phrase “as soon as possible” appears in the running text of the contract. The copying schedule, then, shows that the rehearsal periods for the 1760s were not longer than twenty days (thirty days in the case of third acts). They were, in fact, probably much shorter, since the copyists could not begin copying the composers’ originals until at least twenty or thirty days before the first performances.

The length o f thne after performance during which the copyists were permitted to keep the composer’s original score generally increased over the years. As long as they held the score, according to custom and as stipulated in their contracts, they were able to supplement their stipends by producing extra copies for the paying public. From 1737 to

1749 Clerici retained the original for fifty days after the performance; fix>m 1749 to 1759 he kept it for two months. The three copyists were given two months as well, but during the Le Messiers’ tenure this period increased firom three months in their contract of 1765 to four in 1771. Undoubtedly the copyists consistently favored an increase in the length of this period of time. Perhaps the directors’ decision to reduce the Le Messiers’ stipend in 1765—to L 222.10 from L 225, which was to be shared by the three copyists— reflected the longer period during which they were allowed to make copies of the scores’ contents.

The number o f orchestral parts provided by the copyists and the types of instruments represented mcreased continuously over the years, and this reflects the gradual growth of the opera orchestra.^^ As mentioned above, each contract mdicates

The Regio's orchestra is discussed at length m Bouquet, /f teatro d i carter pp. 167-^0.

74 that a full score was to be copied fbr the second keyboard player/^ In addition, in 1737

Clerici was obliged to copy eight parts (four each for Grst and second violin), two viola parts, and four parts/^ In 1749 he had to copy one more part for each of the , as well as parts for horns, trumpets, and . A considerable enhancement of the orchestra occurred before the next contract, since starting in 1759 the Le Messiers and

Chiaves copied seven parts for first violin, six for second violin, three for viola, four for (a new addition to the orchestra), two for horns, five bass parts, and two bassoon parts. Trumpets and timpani are never again mentioned in the contracts, although these instruments continued to be present in the orchestra.^* The contract for 1765 stipulates the same number of parts for each of the aforementioned instruments except for the homs, to which two more parts were added. The final contract under discussion does not include a list of instrumental parts.

The number of orchestral players for each opera apparently varied during the years, which is suggested by clauses in the contracts for 1749, 1759, and 1765 that refer to the occasional need for copying of additional instrumental parts. In 1749, Clerici was paid L 10 for extra parts for the violins and violas, and L 8 for those for the basses. The situation was a bit different in 1759: this contract states that the three copyists received L

7.10 for each extra part for violin, viola, and oboe, and L 5 for each extra part for hom.

^ Contracts &om the 1760s mdicate that composers were to remain in the city after the opera opened and “to play for the fifst three or four evenmgs." Presumably the composer played and directed the orchestra fiom the first harpischord, and the copy of the fidl score was used by another harpsichordist. This possibility has particular significance with regard to the scores fiom Pelopida and Sojbnisba (in I-Tci), which were very likely used m performance. ^ See Appendix C, contract for 1737. Bouquet's transcr^tion may contain an error in the list of mstmments; “BaHi" in the fost paragraph was probably “Bassf* m the origmaL “Bassi” is indicated in the contract o f 1749; in later years these mstmments are referred to as “contrabassi di ripieno."

75 contrabass, and bassoon. However, in the case o f the need for fewer parts than the original number listed in the contract, the copyists^s stipend was to be reduced by these amounts.

Changes to the composer’s original score, such as additions or revisions to arias and other pieces, usually occurred during rehearsals or shortly after opening. When this happened, the copyists were obliged to recopy all parts for these pieces. For a certain period of time they documented their extra work and received 10 soldi per folio when extra copying was required. Although this practice is first mentioned in Clerici’s contract of 1749, it must have been followed for some years before it appeared in writing, since

Memoriali di copiatura, which were documents that detailed the extra copying, survive finm at least as far back as 1740.^’ As the documents reveal, the copyists were able to earn a considerable sum for their extra work, as in the carnival season 1747-48, for which the Memoriale di copiatura shows that Clerici received a total of L 396, which exceeded his regular payment for the copying of both operas. (His stipend at this time was L

173.10 for each opera, which totals L 34620 for two operas.)"*® This apparently did not go unnoticed by the directors of the Società, who decided to eliminate the practice of payment for extra copying when the contract for the Le Messiers was renewed in 1765.

Another difference in this contract is the elimination of the practice o f subtracting money fiom the copyists’ stipend if fewer parts than the number initially stated ware actually needed. Periiaps the directors attempted to compensate for the significant loss of

“ For «am ple, A.S.CT.,Carte sciolte 6188, theiVbre deirorchestra for 1773-74 and 1774-75 give the names o f three individuals who played trumpets and timpani for these seasons. ” A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6239, Memoriale di copiatura, 1740-41. A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6241, Memoriale di copiatura, 1747-48.

76 payment for extra copying with this change; the latter was certainly to the copyists’ advantage, but was probably not as welcome as payment for extra copying would have been.

O f utmost importance with regard to the manuscript scores to be discussed below is the sixth clause in the 1771 contract, which reads in part: “[The copyists] will copy and submit another original of each of the operas plaimed above, which will be placed in the archive o f the aforementioned Signori Cavalieri, and this will be done before the next operas o f the following year go into production.”^ ^ This stipulation proves that from

1771 forward, the copyists were responsible for copying another entire score for archival purposes within a year after the performances."*^ Judging from the foct that certain practices were customary before they became legally contractual, it is very likely that this particular practice occurred starting at some point before the year 1771. The manuscript scores from the collection o f Count Gotti di Brusasco, covering Turinese repertory from

1754 to 1785, are almost surely the scores referred to in this clause. The following discussion considers evidence from the scores in an attempt to address the many questions that still surround them.

. Copiare e rânetteie un altro originale dî ciascuna delle opere sevra dîvisati quali devra riporsi nell’archivio dî detti Sîgr. Cavalieri, e tal lemissiene verra 6tta prmia che vadmo in scena le opere dell’anno susseguente.“ ‘^Another origmaF refers te an “original other than that which they were to produce for the second harpischord player, which is mdicated m the first clause o f the 1771 contract. As stipulated in the sixth clause of the 1771 contract, the copyists were permitted to keep the composeras score for four months to make copies at the request of the paymg public. Apparently they were obliged to copy an original for the archives withm these four months as well, smce the contract gives no mdication of an mcrease in the period of time.

77 Manuscript Scores from the Brusasco Collection

The archive of the Accademfa fîlarmonica di Torino possesses manuscript scores

for thirty-eight operas performed at the Teatro Regio; this is the largest and most homogeneous «riant collection of musical material relating to opera at the Regio in the eighteenth century. Little has been known about the contents of this collection and its history.**^ It was inherited by the Turinese lawyer, music collector, and amateur composer Count Luigi Gotti di Brusasco (1761-1814) and bears his ex libris. Gotti di

Brusasco participated in the administration of the theater in the nineteenth century, and the scores were transported to his house for safekeeping during the French occupation of the city (1798-18 They were reportedly donated to the Accademia fîlarmonica in the second half of the century by a relative who had inherited them.

The scores firom the Brusasco collection bear dates spanning the period 1754 to

1785. The manuscripts are fair copies, most of which exhibit minimal corrections or additions.'^^ The good condition of the scores suggests that they were not used in performance. The volumes are uniformly bound in brown leather with spines exhibiting elegant gold tooling. The inside cover of each volume carries a bookplate displaying the

Brusasco coat of arms, which includes the inscription "Della Libreria del S. Gonte di

^ For a summary of the known history see Fragalà Data, “Q conredo dei beni musicali,” pp. 94-95, &om which the following brief sketch is drawn. A list o f manuscript and prmted scores of operas performed at the Regio 6om 1754 to 1833 ù given on pp. 96-99. Part of this list is transcribed m my Appendix A. The paper used m the scores is coarse and thic^ and no watermarks are visible. The only hypothesis thus Gir athranced regarding the production o f these manuscripts is by Fragalà Data, who maintains that none of the scores m this collection was copied contemporaneously with the productions smce “the paper is o f a rather coarse qualiQr, too thick for the period.” See idem, item IV.33, Nitteti, L ’arcemo incanto, p. 330: “ ...L a carta è di qualité piuttosto grossolana, troppo spessa per Tepoca. Tutte le partiture settecentesche del Teatro Regio presentano queste caratteristiche. . . ” A systematic examination ofpaper types and grades used in Turin m the eighteenth century has yet to be tmdertaken. See Basso, II teatro della città, chapter 2; and Bouquet, “Fortune e miserie,” pp. 185-86.

78 Brusasco.”^ The spine of each volume is stamped with the title of the opera, the number of the act, the last name o f the composer, and the date of production at the Teatro Regio.

Until now, the provenance o f the scores, the period during which they were copied, by whom and for what purpose, and the extent to which they represent what was actually performed at the theater have been uncertain, but they have generally been assumed to contain music reflecting the productions of these operas at the Teatro Regio.**^

The area on each spine displaying the opera’s title is highlighted in colon on the volumes containing music for operas from 1754 to 1773, this area is highlighted in beige; no volumes survive from 1774 to 1776; on the volumes that span 1777 to 1785, the area is burgundy. The title is embossed in gold over the painted portion. The volumes in the collection may thus be divided into two chronologically ordered groups based on the colored portion of the spine. Table A.1 (in Appendix A), which provides a list of the scores, reveals the incomplete state of the collection. A few scores are missing between

1759 and 1773; as already mentioned, a large chronological gap exists between 1773 and

1777; isolated volumes are missing between 1777 and 1783; and another smaller gap

A notable exception is one of the voltunes fbr£ 'Olimpiade (Basse, 1764), which exhibits numerous corrections and paste-overs. This plate is reproduced in Fragalà Data, “H corredo,” p. 96. ^ The thhd volume of the score for Ecuba ( 1769) is, in part, extremely peculiar in content. The music for the opera's thhd act is followed by four gatherings contammg arias and simple fiom an unidentified opera. These gatherings exhibit the hand of Turm C, presented m Appendix D. Three of the four gatherings include names o f two characters. Costanza and Gernando, which suggests that these are part of the same opera. The remaining gathering contams an arm that carries the composer attribution “SIg. FraiL Salari" and gives a singer's name at the beginning o f the vocal Ime (where characters' names are usually placed); "Sig. MorellL" The aria's text and musical s^le suggest that it belongs to an opera b u ^ The Teatro Regio prochiced no operas by Francesco Salart, but further inquhy, perhaps into the concurrent repertory at the Teatro Caripiano (where opere buffo were performed), might reveal the opera to which this music belongs. Originally horn Bergamo, Francesco Salari (1751-1S2S) was an opera composer actwe in Naples, Milan, and Venice. Since only one of his fomr known operas is «tant, a gathering contammg vocal music attributed to him is particularly valuable. See Siegfoied Qneinwieser, “Salari, Francesco,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 4:. 140.

79 exists between 1783 and 1785, the date of the last production for which a score survives.

Time constraints have prevented a thorough examination of the contents of the volumes after 1773. The following discussion, therefore, occasionally touches on the whole collection but mainly focuses on the scores that span the years 1754-1773, listed in Table

2.1.

The types of pieces found in the volumes vary over the years spanned by the collection. Each of the scores for the years from 1754 to 1759 contains music for a single opera. The contents of these volumes consist mainly of copies o f arias, scored for voice, continuo, strings, and occasionally obbligato instruments such as flutes or comi da cacda. Each aria occupies a separate gathering. The name of the composer usually appears in the upper right-hand comer of the first recto, and the name of the singer in the upper left-hand comer. Occasionally and small ensembles are included. These pieces, and arias together with passages of accompanied redtative, sometimes appear inside a wrapper that gives the titles of the pieces and name of the composer. On three occasions, ensembles or arias attributed to a composer other than that o f the opera itself appear. These pieces were presumably added for the Turin production.'^ Three volumes include parts for obbligato instruments.'*® These ten volumes never include simple redtatives or initial title pages identifying the operas.

■“ Duet attributed to Hasse in Bertoni's Lucio Vero^ 1757 (“Duetto / Del Sig Sassone,” fois. I69v-I80v); arû attributed to Holzbauer in Ciamprs4mnoe, 1758 (“Nelcamm<& nostra vita," fois. I70r-I75v; foL L70n “Del Stg Holzbauer^ in upper right cotner, “Ottanf in. upper left comer); trio attributed to Galuppt m BorgM’s Adriano in Siria, 1758 (fol. In “Terzetto del Sigr Baltbsar Galuppi / (fetto Buranello / Nell’opera dell'Adriano in SiriaT; trio for Fmirena, Famaspe, Orsoa (no smgers listed), “In quel patemo amplesso, m (niesto estremo addio," fois. lv-20v). Sesostri (Bertoni, 1754), parts for first and second bom, fois. 16r-17r; Lucio Vero (Bertoni, 1757), parts for fost and second horn for two separate arias, fob. 96r-97r and 116r-117r;.drrrnoe(Ciainpi, 1758), parts for fost and second bom (fois. lOr-I Ir) and oboe (fols. I2v-13r).

80 Season Opera Librettist Comooser Copyists

1754-55 Sesostri Pariati/Zeno Bertoni Le Messiers^ Andromeda Cigna-Santi Cocchi Le Messiers 1755-56 Ricimero Silvani Calderara Le Messiers Solimano Migliavacca Valentini Le Messiers 1756-57 Antigono (labeled Metastasio Pampani Le Messiers Demetrio on spine) Lucio Vero Zeno Bertoni Le Messiers 1757-58 N itteti Metastasio Holzbauer Le Messiers Arsinoe Galliani Ciampi Le Messiers 1758-59 Adriano in Stria Metastasio Borgfai Le Messiers Eumene Zeno Mazzoni Le Messiers 1759-60 La Clemenza di Tito Metastasio Galuppi (missing feom coUection) Enea net Lazio Cigna-Santi Traetta (missing from coUection) 1760-61 Artaserse Metastasio J.C. Bach Le Messiers. Chiaves, Turin A. Turin B Tigrane [unknown] Piccmni (missmg fiom coUection) 1761-62 Demetrio Metastasio Ponzo Le Messiers, Chiaves. Turin A Ifigenia in Aulide Cigna-Santi Bertoni Le Messiers, Turm A 1762-63 Catone in Utica Metastasio De Majo (missing from coUection) Pelopida Roccaferte G. Scarlatti (missmg from coUection) 1763-64 Arianna e Teseo Pariati Pasqua Chiaves, Turin C Sofonisba Verazi Galuppi Le Messiers, Chiaves, Turin A 1764-65 L 'Olimpiade Metastasio Basse Le Messiers Motezuma Cigna-Santi De Mafo (missmg from coUection) 1765-66 Alessandro nelle Indie Metastasio Saccbini Le Messiers O reste Verazi Monza Le Messiers 1766-67 Tancredi Balbis Bertoni (missmg from coUection) M itridate re d i Ponto Cigna-Santi Gasparini Le Messiers, Turin A. Turin C 1767-68 II Trionfo d i Clelia Metastasio Mystivecek Le Messiers Creso Pizzi Caffaro (missmg from coUection) 1768-69 II Gran Cidde Pizzi De&anchi Le Messiers, Turin D Ecuba Durandi Celoniat Le Messiers 1769-70 Enea in Cartagine d’Orengo CoUa Le Messiers Armida Durandi Anfessi (missing from coUection) 1770-71 Berenice Durandi Platania Le Messiers A nnibale in Torino Durandi Paisiello Le Messiers Spring. 1771 Issea Cigna-Santi Pugnani (missmg from coUection) 1771-72 Arubromeda Cigna-Santi CoUa Le Messiers Tamas Kouli Kan Cigna-Santi Pugnani (missing from coUection) 1772-73 Argea Boggio Aiessandri (missing from coUection) Didone abbandonata Metastasio CoUa Le Messiers

Table 2.1: Selected Scores from Turm^ L’Archivio dell’Accademia frlarmomca (I-TQ

™ **Le Messiers’* refer to Francesco Antonio and. Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier.

81 Begînmng A rtaserse (1760), the remaining volumes in the coUection transmit, in addition to arias, simple recitative (scored for voice and continuo) and passages o f accompanied recitative, choruses, and other pieces such as ensembles and marches. The arias and other pieces are scored for voice, continuo, strings, and sometunes with or without horns. From this point on, the scores generally reflect the contents o f the printed libretti for the Turin productions of these operas.^*

Accordingly, instead of a single volume per opera as before, there are usually three volumes per opera, one per act. Some volumes in this portion contain initial title pages; some do n o t

The scores containing repertory from 1754 to 1759 generally consist of gatherings comprising four or eight leaves. Occasionally gatherings of ten to sixteen leaves appear, usuaUy in the case of larger pieces such as ensembles. The gatherings are numbered in the upper left-hand comer according to their order in the volume. The volumes that span the period 1760 to 1773 sometimes consist of gatherings identified by two numbers

Occasional difierences fiom the prmted libretto include additions or deletions o f arias or marches, and changes in aria texts. Several scores that span 1764-73 exhibit gatherings that are missing, misplaced, or misnumbered, which sometimes result in scenes that are out o f order. For example, in the Grst act of Ecuba, gathering 11, which contains recitative for scenes ix and x (fols. 78r-79v) follows gathering 12; in Ecuba's third act, gathering S is missing (as this does not result in missmg musical material, prestunably the gatherings for this act were misnumbered). In the thhd act of Annibale in Torino, gathering 6 (recitative and aria making up scene viii, and recitative of scene be) is located at the end of the volume (fois. 54r-64v, which consist of a bifolio o f simple recitative into which the gathering containmg the aria was inserted). Ln/T Gran Cùü/e, scenes iii,iv, and v are missing &om Act L Although there are no breaks in the gathering tmmbers at this point, the scenes were not renumbered: gathering 3 contains recitative for scene h, but the aria that follows it (gathermg 4) is horn scene v m the libretto. The aria is followed by the recitative for scene vi (gathermg S). While possible, it is unlikely that three entire scenes were deleted m performance, especially smce the scenes as labeled m the score correspond to the printed libretto. This foct, together with the presence of other gathetmgs that exhibit irregularities, supports the likelihood that the music o f these scenes was probably performed, and that the gathetmgs containing it were accidentally left out at the tune of gathermg or ofbmdmg. This is one mstance m which the scores might not represent the opera as it was actually perftmned; another â the volume for Act H of Sofonisba (see Chapter S), which is a unique and radical departure ftom the printed libretto.

82 separated by a horizontal line: the act number appears above the line, and the gathering number below.

Starting with 1760, the first-act volumes usually include title pages that provide the in&rmation on the spine of the binding. In the case of the volumes that do not include title pages (namely, all volumes for 1754 to 1760 and second and third-act volumes for 1760 to 1774), the information on the spine is found written on tiny bits of paper, which were inserted and subsequently bound between the first and second leaves of these volumes.^^ This was presumably the manner in which the scribes who made the fiagments (different firom the ones who copied the scores) communicated to the binder what was to be stamped on the spine. Exactly when the scores were bound remains unknown. Several examples of these bits of paper are given in Fig. 2.1 - Fig. 2.5.

The information given on the spine always corresponds to that written on these paper fragments when they are present, even when, as is frequently the case, the fiagments contain misspellings of the composers’ names or other inaccuracies. In the case of Fig. 2.1, the title given on the fiagment is unclear. The text of the fragment reads

“opera prima 1757 Sigr. / Gaitano Pampani denestro”; the spine reads “Demetrio / Opera

/1 / Pampani / 1757.” Since “Denestro” has no meaning in the Italian language, presumably the binder misinterpreted the title in the fragment as “Demetrio” (a libretto by Metastasio). This mistake resulted m an incorrect title on the spine. D em etrio was not performed at the Teatro Regio at this tune; rather, the singers’ and characters’ names

° Only a few o f the volumes lacking title pages do not contam these fiagments; presumably they were tom outandlost. One score (Bertoni, £«ab Fëro, I7S7)mcIudes both a title page and a fiagment. For second and third-act volumes, the fragments list only the opera's title and act number.

83 tzî£ ^

I» «*»»-———t- —»..{ ^ t 17 « »»») 4. ••wA- '—-,

'7

% #'H^vw V -

"Tf: f ' ~-TC,^ wq^—^.mTZ:' r -%==c - - 1 -*,~l . #L J . I .* .. y • -• — - . —. I — • •• ■ u a i^ • «•—— - « I • —— »• m ^^3 — . - ^ .. . # . ,..!«« . »^|g——^— • — *** "' "Sg# • • • ggCp- •• • I • »—» - 11 I

ywc, ff^iCK. >T^ — - — — fir x<7£«a.j uf H -1 t4 —M y -4 -4 ' ^ t= “-T-- - I.

Fig. 2.1: Fragment found in [Antigono (1756)], 1-Tf, 10 V 5, fol. 2r i •V.

Fig; 2.2: Fragment found in /.mc/o Kero (1757), I-Tf, 10 V 16, fol. 2r e ^ ^ ( n ^ i t o 0

fîio ù é U - tdj ~Tl Ûiou ôH ' z'oj

Fig: 2.3: Fragment found in Nitteti (1757), I-Tf, 10 V 20, fol. 2r _ /,//// /fx i r v vu ffL icK

d tiv/tw t^

S

&AL, ailfàtiètniâr

Fig; 2,4; Fragment found in Arsinoe (1758), I-Tf, 11 V 15, fol, 2r anofiono fh'Stn'a», OQ

3 E ^ œ i

Fig: 2.5; Fragment found in Adriano in Siria (1759), IrTf, 10 V 19, fol. 2r listed on the arias in the volume correspond with those in the opera A ntigono, the first opera of carnival season 1756, composed by Pampani. No other volume in the collection is labeled Antigono, the opera that fits chronologically between Solim ano (1756) and

Lucio Vero (1757), and Pampani composed no other opera for the Regio. The binding transmits the in&rmation fiom the fiagmmt incorrectly; this is presumably the reason for the omission of this volume fix>m the list of scores published in the sole secondary source in which the collection is discussed.®^ In most cases, however, the information on the fi-agment and the spines is generally accurate. Other minor errors include occasional misspelling of titles or dates that are a year before or after the actual year of performance.

Significance of the Scores

Fortunately, the questions of copying date, provenance, and purpose may now be addressed using the aforementioned archival material. Comparison of handwriting in archival documents with that found in the scores, presented in Appendix D, confirms that these manuscripts were indeed institutional products, copied by the Teatro Regio copyists.^ The hands of the theater copyists, as identified in the archives, are easily found in the underlaid text in the scores and in other verbal entries accompanying the music. It is possible, therefore, to identify the hands that copied the music by correlating

” Fragalà Data, “H corrcdo,” pp. 96-99. ^ Other music preserved m the archive o f the Accademia filarmoiiica exhibits the hands of the Regio copyists as welL Scores for the Regio operas Vologeso (Soler, 1783), A chille in Sciro (Pugnani, 1785), and Lucio S illa (Morteilari, 1778) carry the bookplate indicating their mclusion m the Brusasco collection, but are bound differently fiom those mentioned above (see Fragalà Data, L 'arcano incanto, p. 331). Additional materiaf mcludes loose, unbound, unlabeled gathermgs o f vocal music that, according to the characters named and the scribal hands present, is likely to come fiom. the firllowmg operas that received perfi>tmances at the Regio: A nonnaeT ^eo (Pasqua, 1764) and iimnfir(Anfi>ssi, 1770). Further mquiry is necessary before certain attribution o f the music in these gathernigs is possible.

89 musical script with script of the verbal material embedded in the music itself: the copyists of the music consistently indicated instrumentation and dynamics, and marked passages of dialogue in simple recitative with abbreviated character names. The copyists of the music frequently copied the underlaid texts as well, but they did not always do so.

The distribution of the copyists’ hands throughout the scores provides valuable evidence that can be used to hypothesize possible dates on which the manuscripts might have been copied. As established above, the Le Messiers and Chiaves replaced Clerici as official copyists in 1759. Starting in 1765, the Le Messiers were under contract alone.

Francesco Antonio Le Messier received payment until 1774-75, and Giuseppe Antonio

Le Messier remained in the role of official copyist at least until 1783. The hands present in the scores dated 1760-73 are those of the copyists under contract for the respective years, with isolated exceptions of pieces copied by unidentified copyists. Particularly revealing is the presence of the hand of Giuseppe Chiaves only in scores containing operas produced in 1760-64, the few years in which he was under contract as a copyist.

It seems, then, that the scores reflecting productions dating from 1760 or later were copied around the time the operas were produced.

The scores from the 1754-59 group, on the other hand, were probably copied no earlier than 1759, since the Le Messiers, whose contract began that year, copied them.

Moreover, they seem likely to have been copied after 1764, since they do not exhibit the hand of Giuseppe Chiaves, who was under contract until that year but not after. As we shall see, however, Chiaves’s hand appears less and less frequently after 1761, so its absence here is inconclusive. Finally, since 1774 was the last year Francesco received

90 payment as copyist, the scores were probably not copied after that date. Thus, the scores reflecting productions o f 1754-59 were most likely copied between 1765 and 1773, but possibly earlier in the 1760s.

It will be recalled that the 1771 contract for the copyists mentions that a score for each opera performed at the Regio was to be copied expressly for the theater’s archive.

Certainly, identifying the scribes and hypothesizing copying dates close to production dates does not alone prove that the scores in the Brusasco collection were those copied for archival purposes; moreover, the clause in the contract offldally applies only to those produced after 1771. Nevertheless, circumstantial evidence suggests that the Brusasco scores are indeed those intended for preservation in the theater’s archive. Furthermore, as the dates above suggest, the practice of making archival scores apparently began in

1760. In any case, the roles assumed by each of the official copyists, which changed over time, can be observed in these scores. These roles, discussed in Appendix D, reveal much about the copying process.

A fortuitous finding in one of the scores in the 1754-59 group supports the likelihood that their contents reflect performance. The libretto for the Turin production oiEumene {1159Ÿ^ is supposedly that ofApostolo Zeno (Venice, 1697),®® but is actually a revision of that of Gioacchino Pizzi (Rome, 1749).®^ Comparison of the three libretti reveals Pizzi to be the source for many o f the aria texts and certain passages o f simple recitative m the Turin libretto. This finding corrects the longstanding misattribution of

Exemplar of libretto consulted; £i»nene (Turn: Gmcomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1759), I-Tci, L .0 .173. *ApostoIo Zeno, Eum ene (Venice: Girolamo Albrizzi, 1697), US-LA 450. The Turm libretto is attributed to Zeno m Claudio Sartori, I libretti italiani a stampa 3:75; Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 300; Viale Ferrero, La scenogrqfiay p. 214; Fragalà Data, “II corredo,” p. 97.

91 the Turin libretto to Zeno, and testifies to a revised version of Pizzi’s libretto, heretofore

not known to have been performed outside of Rome/® Tucked loosely into the binding

of the score for Eumene is a fragment of paper, shown in Fig. 2.6. The fragment

contains a complete list of titles of pieces (twenty-one arias and one duet) in the order in which they appear in the libretto for the Turin performance, written in the hand of

Francesco Antonio Le Messier. The titles listed do not correspond to the arias in Zeno’s

libretto,^ but match those in the libretto by Pizzi.

The pieces in the score for Eumene correspond to those in the list on the fragment, with a few exceptions: two arias contained in the score do not appear on the list (“Quel amplesso e quel perdono,” fois. I23r-I28v; “A consolarti il core,” fois. I55r-I60r); and one aria on the list does not appear in the score (the fourth aria listed in Act II, “Sposa perdona. . . oh’ pene”). The copies of the two arias that do not appear on the list carry an attribution to the composer of the opera, Antonio Maria Mazzoni. The first aria does not give the character’s name, singer’s name, or act number. The second indicates the character’s name only (Peuceste). Although the copy of the first aria lacks certain information usually included on most copies in these volumes, its attribution to

Mazzoni—who composed no other opera for the Regio—seems sufficient to link this aria securely with Eumene.

^ Gioacchino Pizzi, Eumene (Rome; Fausto Amidei, 1749), US-Wc, Schatz 503. ® The only setting of the Pizzi libretto given in Sartori (3:73-76) is Rome, 1749. ” Score in I-T^ 10 V 4 (fiagment 7 3 x 2 3 m.). The paper of the fiagment, although unruled, is the quality of that on which the music is copied. Nor do they correspond to the libretti for the I7I7 or 1723 Venetian revivals, US-LA 658 and 719. See Irene Aim, Catalogue o f Venetian Librettos at the University o fCalifornia. Los Angeles (Los Angeles: UnrversiQr o f California Press, 1993), pp. 278,405,446-47.

92 C tm r f* A

m a^/0H» i/m < jv f a t y » ^ y .%!; vj'* e /t4 \ r ^ *iXéLfia^* itfi^Û40Af4A^4féi(m^ 0O{Â4a accefiG lu " * ^ - *^f^C4n*éu4i /Ù^^y^uoi. ÎS jJiijeircm 0 k^#Pg,

• J ^ t i m l^/«p '"f- KftJO J^^iroLl Puf/U* aJnî£4u ^ ^

.. m

Fig. 2,6: Fragment copied by Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Eumene (1759), I-Tf, 10 V 4 The Ordinati transmit an intriguing bit of information supporting the possibility that the second aria, although it does not appear in the printed libretto, may indeed have been performed by the singer of the role of Peuceste, Carlo De Cristofari. This singer, whose role is labeled “ultnna parte” in the libretto (signifying a character of the third rank), received an extra payment of 40 lire “for the enhancement o f his role in the second opera [of carnival 1758-59].”®’

Although we have no way of knowing for certain why the list in the fragment was created, its content in relation to that of the score does suggest a possible scenario:

Francesco Le Messier drew up a list of pieces based on the printed libretto, presumably to plan the contents of the volume (the most plausible explanation as to why a copyist would have needed such a list). Later, other pieces, not present in the libretto but written by the composer of the opera (at least one of which was probably performed), were added to this group of pieces. The elder Le Messier, whether or not he was officially chief copyist at this point, might have had a great degree of responsibility both in the planning and in the production of music to be included in the volume.®^

We shall recall that several scores include pieces attributed to composers other than that of the opera of a given volume, and that most of these pieces carry nam% of the singers in the Turin productions. These facts, together with the foregoing evidence from the score o f EumenCy leads to the following provisional conclusions: the inclusion of arias attributed to the composer of Eumene that are not present in the printed libretto (for

AS.C.T., Ordinatt voL 4, p. 243: . . per la sua parte stata accresdata neOa seconda opera.” Transcribed m Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 301, ^ As we shall see, he and his son copied all o f the music m the volume.

94 them)—together with the mclusion of three pieces carrying both attributions to other composers and (on two occasions) names of smgers engaged for Turin performances— strongly suggests that the arias and other pieces contained in these scores are those that were performed at the Teatro Regio, even when the contents of the scores depart from the printed libretto. The scores from the early portion of the collection, then, even though they do not present operas in their entfrety, are apparently records of some of the material performed.

Production of the Scores and Their Reflection of Stylistic Developments

As we have seen, the scores spanning 1760-73 were very likely copied around the time of performance. The contract beginning in 1771 confirms that the archival scores, at least from then on, were to have been copied before the operas of the following year went into production. The wording of the contract—“another original,” copied for archival purposes—implies that the archival score was a direct copy of the composer’s autograph.

Neither the autograph (which the composer presumably used while directing from the first ) nor the copy made for the second harpsichord seems likely to have been available as a copying source until performances ended. Nevertheless, according to their contracts, the copyists were permitted to keep the composers’ original scores for a period of only four months; therefore, copying o f these scores (if indeed they are the archival scores) presumably happened during that period but most likely afler performances ended.

95 In any case, it is likely that the scores stem fiom materials associated with

performance, and that they reflect the operas as they were performed more accurately

than the printed libretti for the productions.^^ Many volumes contain variants with the printed libretti reflecting changes that probably occurred during production. As will be shown below. Act in o f Sofonisba in the Brusasco collection is textually equivalent to another score that was probably used in the performance of that opera. The two scores share a reading in an aria that varies fiom the text in the main body of the printed libretto.

Thus, not only the 1771 contract but also the scores themselves offer evidence suggesting the nature of the copying source: it seems to have been a score (presumably the composer’s autograph) into which changes for production had been entered. Several volumes contain numerous performance instructions, occasional detailed descriptions of scene settings, or other markings that seem to originate with the composer (who also participated as music director) and not with the copyists, because of their varied nature and their specificity in details of performance style.

The score f o r i 'Olimpiade, for example, is replete with lengthy and descriptive performance instructions and scene settings; no other score in the collection exhibits markings as extensive or descriptive as those found here.^ Presumably, therefore, the

Minor revisions m certain scores support this hypothesis. For example, the march m the first act of Mitridate, re di Ponto was copied into a bmio. Music covers the rectos and versos of the first three leaves, and the fourth leaf contams a part for timpani. The scormg of the piece does not mclude a timpani Ime; the ttmpani part might have been left out

96 markings stem ftom the composer himself^ Johann Adolph Hasse, and they illustrate his concern regarding performance style of both instrumental and vocal passages. Each of the instructions is in. the hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, who copied all o f the music. The opera’s is divided into two sections which are differentiated by scoring and tempo. At the foot of the first page of music is written ‘Tutto staccato, e sciolto alia Francese.” Several folios later, after the change in scoring, appears the instruction “Allegro, ma non presto, acciô i bassi non perdano la dovuta chiarezza.”

Later, at the beginning o f an aria, appears “Li Signori suonatori di Flauti, e Fagotti sono pregati di suonare con semplicita e senza omamt” At the beginning of the vocal line on the same page appears an instruction to the singer ‘Tempo Giusto, cioè più tosto

Amoroso, ma non troppo lento.”

The following scene opens with accompanied recitative for another character, which is marked, “Segue il Redtattivo [sic] con Stromenti, che attacca in .” On the recto on which the accompanied redtative begins appears the instruction, “più tosto allegro e sempre I’istesso tempo; ma non troppo cacdato, acdô ogni cosa riesca chiara.”

These instructions provide valuable insight into Basse’s compositional style and possibly the abilities of Turin’s instrumentalists as well. Basse also included in the score descriptive material firom the libretto. The first scene is mariced with the scene number and the names of the characters as well as the first phrase of the description o f the scene settmg: “Fondo selvoso di cupa, ed Angusta Valle.” hi the chorus m scene four, he included “Argene m Abito di Pastorella.”

associates it with Ttirin. 10 V 2bis, oa the other hand, exhibits unknown copyist hands and is &om a perfonnance in another city.

97 The physical appearance of the score for L ’Olimpiade suggests that significant revisions might have occurred during production, resulting in a revising process that was possibly confusing. This score, more than any other in the collection, exhibits numerous paste-overs, cross-outs, corrections, and several errors in gathering numbers.^^ It is possible that these mistakes reflect a state of confusion during copying of a score that had undergone many revisions. Last-moment alterations during production (rehearsal and early performances) were the norm, not the exception. Perhaps these alterations went on longer than for other operas, or perhaps the copying of this score started earlier than usual.

Hasse’s markings suggest his concern for effective performance. Instructions in other scores demonstrate similar attentiveness on the part of other composers. In some cases, moreover, departures from normal notation conventions in the scores clearly reflect stylistic innovations in the music.^ This situation may be illustrated particularly well with examples from Bertoni’s Ifigenia in Aulide, an opera in which formal types are

" This is the only score m the collection that «chibits mistakes m gathering numbers. The first three gathermgs are labeled as belonging to Act Q, even when '^Atto Primo” is mdicated on the first recto o f the &st gathering (the text in these gatherings corresponds to scenes i-iii in the printed libretto). The gatherings for this score exhibit a third set of numbers, which are single digits that appear below those including act and what is usually the gathering number (separated by a horizontal line). The numbers in this series are in correct order, and appear to have been added at some point after copying, possibly when the gatherings were assembled for bindmg. There is no break in succession of these numbers even when, on one occasion, one gathering is missmg; the gathering that should be labeled ”1/11” accordmg to the procedure evident in other volumes is not present. This omission, and the additional series of numbers, is further evidence of confusion (hiring copying. ^ The typical notational pattern, as one might expect, reflects the traditional relationship of Qfpes of setting: a passage of simple recitative ends with a cue for the more elaborate settmg to follow—for mstance, ”segue con strommti” preceding a passage of accompanied recitative, or “segue aria di [character's name]” before an aria. The ensuing piece is most often an exit aria, which ends with a clean break before the return to shnple recitative. In the Brusasco scores arias and other such pieces were normally copied separately fix>m sùnple recitative, in indiviifaial gathermgs. The smiple recitatives were copied later and linked to the ensumg pieces with “segu^ markings such as those given here; the “segue” cue appears at the foot of the last page of recitative, and the piece begins on the fost recto of the new gathermg. This situation is described m greater detail in Appendnc D.

98 juxtaposed in unconventional ways (see Chapter 4), and the composer has taken great pains to ensure fluid transitions between them.

In one case (H, iv) a passage o f accompanied recitative follows a cavata,^^ a highly unusual order of events; these settings are seamlessly connected in the score, with no change of page or “segue” marking of any kind to mark the beginning o f the recitative. Of course, none is needed since the orchestra plays throughout. On the other hand, the accompanied recitative is followed by the marking “segue subito,” and the simple recitative that begins the next scene is notated immediately thereafter, on the same page. The unusual marking “segue subito,” which presumably stems from the composer, alerts the performers to a departure finm the exit convention. Later in the opera (III, ix), a seamless connection from a processional march for orchestra, to a very brief moment of simple recitative (stark in the sudden silence of the orchestra)®* to a dramatic recitative accompanied by sustained strings, is notated in orchestral score throughout and without

“segue” markings of any kind. As in the preceding example, however, the accompanied recitative does not culminate in the expected aria but is instead followed unconventionally by simple recitative. At that point the instruction “Segue

Agam[ennone]” appears, alerting the performers to this unusual turn of events.

In another passage, the transition from simple to accompanied recitative is notated in an unusual way. Simple recitative apparently ends on the final recto of a gathering, for it is punctuated by the standard instruction “segue con stromenti,” implying that

Short arias not followed by an exit in the libretto are usually labeled “cavata”; foQ-Iength arias without subsequent exits (such as Agameimone's in Ifigenia in Aulide) do not carry a label that dutinguishes them Gum other arias.

99 accompanied recitative will follow. As expected, score notation providing for strings is introduced on the verso, but there are rests in the string parts; the actual texture, voice plus continuo, continues as before. Finally, truly accompanied recitative begins on the ensuing recto, the start of a new gathering. This is Ifigenia's dramatic accompanied recitative in Act in, sung at the point at which she announces her resolve to die for the glory of Greece. It is preceded by a simple dialogue between Ulisse and Achille that ends when they draw swords against each other, then several highly agitated lines for

Ifigema, probably sung rapidly. The notation, with its transitional passage, suggests a smooth linkage from one type o f setting to the other. Perhaps the copyists wrote two cues for the vocal line in the parts used by the string players, one indicating the start of the measures of rest, and the other indicating the actual entrance of the strings.

Finally, it remains to mention a foll-length aria without subsequent exit (HI, vii).

The recitative that follows the aria, to be sung by the same character, is marked “subito doppo Taria," alerting the continuo players to this unusual situation. This and the other markings described here, all calling attention to unconventional structural features, are performance instructions likely to have been prescribed by the composer, Bertoni, and not added by the copyists of their own accord. More than any other score in the collection, Ifigema in Aulide demonstrates the practical implications of stylistic innovation.

Examples from other operas show that Bertoni was not alone in his experimentation. For instance, the third act of Mitridate, re di Ponto contains an

^ Ifigenia, about to be sacrificed at the altar, poses this solemn question to her &then “Che in questo giomo, O Padre, / La tua misera figlia /A. tal vicenda soggiacer dovesse, / Chi mai pensato avrebbe?”

lOO extended passage of accompanied recitative within which both a and a fidl length aria are interspersed. Here Gasparini mariced each of the sections with appropriate instructions: where the first section of accompanied recitative grows out of the preceding simple recitative, he wrote “segue con w ii” (“segue with violins”). The first accompanied section concludes with “segue la cavatina,” after which appears “segue subito / Reccvo.”

Although Metastasio’s libretti are the benchmarks by which conservatism is measured ft)r this era, they do occasionally exhibit unconventional features that have largely escaped critical attention.^^ Among the innovations in Métastasions II Trionfo di

Clelia is Clelia’s extended monologue that opens Act HI, which contains simple recitative, a full-length aria with no exit, and more simple recitative to which violins are eventually added. The composer, Josef Myslivecek, marked “con w i” where the accompanied passage begins, and at the end of the scene, since Clelia exits without an aria, he clarified the beginning of the next scene with “segue scena 2nda.”

Annibale in Torino breaks with convention in significant ways. For example, II, viii is a lengthy concatenation of simple recitative followed by accompanied recitative, which culminates in a cavatina. It is followed by a full-length aria for the same character and a dance with which the scene concludes. The dance that is integrated into the action of a scene, as well as the presence o f an extended complex of varied types of vocal music, distinguishes this libretto as experimental. Paisiello was undoubtedly aware of this, marking each of these events with instructions clarifying them sapience: the first

lOI accompanied recitative is preceded by the customary “con w ii/’ and concludes with

“segue subito cavatina.” The cavatina is followed by “segue aria” (a rare instance of an aria of any type exhibiting a “segue” indication). The aria is followed by “segue piccol

BaUo.”

Among other operas displaying innovative features that carry markings of interest are Enea in Cartagine and Ecuba. The libretto for the fonner contains an accompanied passage that is set apart from the preceding recitative. It is unusual both in its brevity and in the musical setting it receives. Before the opera’s final coro, Enea and Elisa, who had been singing in shnple recitative, pledge their love to each other in this brief, violin- accompanied passage. At the end of the preceding recitative, this passage is signaled by the instruction “segue il giuramento a due.” This instruction, although unusual, communicates a change in musical setting and shows that the passage is not of sufficient length to warrant such a maridng as “reccvo.” Before Ulisse’s Act in aria in Ecuba, at the beginning of the aria text in the libretto, appears the following paragraph: “si sente di dentro strepito d’aimi, e di militari strumenti.”™ This corresponds to a brief passage in the score for horns, oboes, and basses marked “proposta infra le scene.” This unconventional marking indicates that music was played by instrumentalists located on stage, which is confirmed by an entry in the OrdinatiJ^

^ See Marita McCtymonds, T h e Myth of Metastasian Dramaturgy,” Proceedings o fthe Inaugural Conferencefo r the Ricasoli Collection: "Patrons, Politics, Music and Art in Italy, 1738-1859," ed-Mansa. Green, m press. ™ Jacopo Durandî, Ecuba (Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1769), p. 39. Two mstnunentalists, a bassoonist and an oboist, received extra payment for having played fiom the stage m. this passage; see A.S.C.T., Ordinati voL 53, p. 146: “alli sign Gio. Lobetto suonatore di fagotto e

102 Other Manuscript Musical Sources

With the Teatro Regio copyists’ hands identified in the scores from the Brusasco collection, it is now possible to address questions of provenance surrounding manuscript collections found in other libraries and archives in and near Turin.^ The hands o f the principal copyists are evident in numerous pieces in the Accademia filannonica’s large collection of manuscript volumes containing copies of arias and ensembles, firom both opere buffe and opere serie, entitled “Raccolta d’Arie.”^ Most of these pieces lack attributions or other identifying features, and the collection has never been subjected to scholarly inquiry. Pieces and copyists’ hands exhibited in volumes 18 and 19, which contain exclusively arias from opere serie performed at the Regio, are listed in Appendix

A.^"* These volumes include pieces from several operas discussed here, including Enea nel Lazio, Artaserse, Demetrio, Ifigenia in Aulide, L 'Olimpiada, Sofonisba, Oreste,

Mitridate re di Panto, Eaiba, and Moteziuna. Since scores are missing from the

Brusasco collection for two of these operas {Enea nel Lazio and Motezuma), the copies of

Giuseppe Garbato suonatore d’oboè per aver suonato alia 2da opera suI palco nell'aria prima dell'atto 3V* Cited m Bouquet, li teatro di corte, p. 342. ^ For «ample, Tuim’s Biblioteca tklla Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe VerdT holds manuscripts of a concerto and a nottumo composed and copied by Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (I-Tc, ms. 1,83-84. I am grateful to Alberto Basso for alertmg me to the existence o f these pieces). The following discussion is by no tuMiis an exhaustive study of ail other Turmese manuscript collections o f operas performed at the Teatro Regio; rather, the focus is on largely unexplored collections that exhibit the Regio copyists' hands m music performed in the second half of the eightemith century. For further information on other sources for operas performed m Turm, see Alberto Basso, It Conservatorio di Musica "Giuseppe Verdi " di Torino: Storia e documenti dalle origini al 1970 (Turin: UTET, 1971); Fragala Data, “II cotredo,” pp. 98-99 (which lists scores o f operas horn 1803-1842 held at the Conservatory Library); idem, L 'encom io discreto: catalogo delle musiche economastiche e celebrative della Biblioteca reale di Torino (Turin: Centro Studf Piemontesi, 1991), which catalogues sources for operas performed m the nineteenth century held at Turm’s royal library. ” l-Tf,2IVl-l9. Lhnited tune and access prevented my undertakmg a thorough examination o f this collection, which comprises 19 volumes. A cursory observation, however, revealed the presence of the fomilmr hands in many pieces m other volumes m the collection.

103 arias in these volumes might represent some of the only surviving source material for music 6om these productions.

The hands of the Le Messiers^ Chiaves, and unidentified copyists are foimd in pieces belonging to operas performed at the Teatro Regio that are included in manuscripts at Turin’s Biblioteca civica musicale “Andrea Della Corte.” This large collection includes bound scores of individual acts of operas and unattributed arias in individual gatherings and bound volumes. Some newly identified pieces fiom this portion of the library’s collection are listed in Appendix A.

The two scores containing single acts of operas performed at the Regio are those for Act II of Pelopida (1763) and Act 111 of Sofonisba (1764). Both scores have untrimmed, finying leaves and flimsy cardboard covers that are marked with either

“A.S.” in the case of Pelopida (“Atto Secondo”) or “A.T.” in the case of Sofonisba (“Atto

Terzo”). The same band labeled the covers of both scores. With the exception of the text o f one aria in Pelopida, each score corresponds in content to the printed libretto for the

Turin production.^^ (In the case of the score for Sofonisba, both the Biblioteca civica and the Brusasco scores include the variant text of the aria in scene i prescribed by an added leaf found in some exemplars of the libretto, which will be discussed in Chapter 5 below.)

Gaetano Roccaforte, Pelopida (Turm: Gaspare Bayno, 1763), I-Tci LO. 203. The aria nt scene xiv (p. 33) exhibits a variant text.

104 The score ïot Pelopida, copied entirely by an unknown copyist,'^ exhibits paste- overs and corrections, as well as numerous performance instructions in a different hand and ink; these include dynamic and interpretive markings, accidentals, and corrections of spelling and omissions in the text, and they strongly suggest the use of the score in performance. Pages from the score appear in Figs. 2.7,2.8, and 2.9.

The Biblioteca civica score for Act HI of Sofonisba was copied entirely by

Giuseppe Chiaves, known to have been active as copyist around the time of the production. In addition to the label “A.T.” (“Atto Terzo”), the cover is also marked with the year of performance, 1764. The score does not exhibit emendations of the type found in Pelopida, but the physical similarities between them link both scores securely with the

Regio. It will be recalled that the theater copyists at the Regio were required to produce frill scores for use by the second harpsichordist These two scores are probably those used by that person. Not surprisingly, the Biblioteca civica score for Act III of Sofonisba is essentially equivalent to the corr^ponding score in the Brusasco collection in both music and text.^ Pelopida is an opera for which no score survives in the Brusasco collection.

The Biblioteca civica di Casale-Monferrato, near Turin, also possesses two manuscript scores of music friom operas performed at the Regio that exhibit the hands of

It was probably copied ccnttnuoasly from the composer’s manuscript. It consists of gatherings o f bmios exclusively, which are numbered consistently with, a single digit onfy m the upper left comer. Arias occasionally start on the versos o f certam frifros, the rectos of which contain recitative. ^ The few variants between them include mmor diffrrences m dynamic markings, scormg, doublmg; presence of bass frgmes, notation, and recitative poetry. None ofthese constitutes atextual variant o f great significance finm a musical pom tof view.

105 '.r-

t i ; Y-i T) f

. J 4 ' ; 4 , ü

L ' i' ' L- '> • g

L

Fig, 2.7: Unknown copyist, Pelopida (1763), Act II, 1-Tci, Mus. ms. 55, fol. 59r riff

./r).

U

Fig, 2,8: Unknown copyist, Pelopida (1763), Act II, I-Tci, Mus, ms, 55, fol, 87r s

Fig. 2.9: Unknown copyist, Pelopida (1763), Act II, I-Tci, Mus. ms. 55, fol. 99r the official copyists: La Clemenza di Tito (Galuppi, 1759) and Tigrane (Piccinni, 1761)7*

Both scores are fair copies that exhibit no corrections or additions. They are identically

bound in rich burgundy leather and ornamented with gold tooling, and their covers are

stamped with the Savoy coat of arms.’’ These two scores include title pages that list the

titles, years of performance, and names of characters, singers, dancers, and composers of

the Regio productions. The scores lack simple recitatives and contain mainly arias in the

order in which they appear in the printed libretti for the Turin productions.*® Unlike other

sources consulted for this study, these scores transmit music for the entr’acte ballets. The

absence of simple recitative indicates that the scores were probably not used in

performance (not to mention their ornate bindings and excellent condition). Although the

Brusasco collection lacks scores for these two operas, these two volumes were almost certainly not part of this collection originally; their contents and bindings differ significantly fiom those of the Brusasco scores.

Like the Brusasco scores, however, these scores were very likely copied around the time of the productions, as evinced by the copyist hands present in each. The ballets in each score were copied entirely by Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier.*' The score for La

Clemenza di Tito features the hands of Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio Le

™ I-CMc, La Clemenza d i TitOr 091.78.5; Tigrane, 091.78. IS. I am grateful to Alberto Basso for making me aware ofthese scores. ^ The coat of arms stamped on the covers matches one identified by Francesco Malaguzzt as belongmg to the . See Malaguzzi, Legatori e legatwre del Settecento in Piemonte (Turm: Centro Studi Piemontesi, 1989), fig. 14, which presents a reproduction of a book cover bearmg this coat of arms and is labeled ‘*Legatura a pizzo, armi femmfmTi, 1746.’* ™ Each score ends with a &ial chorus o f soloists, and L a Clemenza d i Tito also mcludes two accompanied recitatives. Other pieces in each score wOI be discussed presently. He also composed the music, as he did for all entr’acte ballets fi>r opere serie (hirmg the decade. See Bouquet, et. aL, Cronologjie, pp. 322-23. The titles of the ballets, the names o f the leading dancers, and thenr designations C’Seq.” or^GroteschT) are given on the title pages after the names o f the singers for

109 Messier, an unidentified scribe that I have designated Turin A, and other unidentified copyists. The score for Tigrane was copied by Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio

Le Messier, Turin A, and Giuseppe Chiaves. We shall recall that the contract for the Le

Messiers and Chiaves went into effect in April 1759. The presence and absence of

Chiaves’s hand in the scores correspond to the period during which he was under contract: he was not yet an official copyist when La Clemenza di Tito opened (26

December 1759), but he was active in that capacity during the performance of Tigrane

(which opened on 10 January 1761).

The archival payment records, printed libretti, and an added page found in an exemplar of the libretto for Tigrane help in assessing whether the contents of the scores reflect actual performance. With the exception of two arias and one duet, the pieces in the score for Tigrane correspond to those in the printed libretto. One aria was apparently cut,*^ and the text o f the other aria and the duet were added to the libretto by means o f an unpaginated printed bifolio added to at least one of the exemplars. This bifolio is shown in Fig. 2.10.“

The inner opening contains the text for the duet added to II, xi, and a bit of recitative and an aria to be added to II, xiv (the outer pages are blank). These pieces appear in the appropriate spots in the score for Tigrane, and their addition to the libretto

each opera. The music for each ballet comprises mimeroas sections, some of which Giuseppe Antonio labeled with abbreviations o f dancers' names or dance types. The aria for Cleopatra, H, ix, is present m the libretto but absent &om the score. ° It is mserted in the bmding between pages 36 and 37 (at the end ofAct Q) after prmting, collatmg, stacking o f gathermgs, and foldmg, but presumably before bmdmg no D u e t t o , e d A r i a Nrl itlto Jifte, Sttna X iV . AGGIUNTI NEL DIIAMMA Oron. Morirc ! Ah lolp,a il Ciclo Aupuilo si funtilo, D J E bench) Il li.ro arrcllo Pib che la lua, la morte mia décida. TIGRANE. Al real pi) prolUato Con memorando clemplo Sovra di me cummutcib lo (cempio. NffF Att« Stmit S»na XI, Pupille tare, Jig, Parto da ic, ben m io, Luci amorole. Ma il cor, che u co relia, Bench) (ilegaofe, Serbalo, o cara, In le, V I voglio aniar, Cltpp, Tu parti, io redo, oh Dio! Senta Iperar. Ü forio mia funclla Se poi morire Non vuol, eh'io fia con te « Vol mi vcdrece, Tig, Addio, Piciade avrete CItPf, M orir mi fenW» Pci mio penar. Jig, Cara, Pupille, ec, p»nt. Che fier tormentû, « a , Scelle, che crudcltl. Vol p u r, ch« folle amantir N um l, de' nollrl planta SentUe almen pieia.

Nrl

Fig, 2,10: Inner opening of printed bifolio added to exemplar of libretto for Tigrane, l-Tn, F VII 363/2, between pp. 36^37 suggests that they were performed in the Regio production.*^ The score for La Clemenza di Tito transmits music and text for a chorus that was probably not performed, however.

The texts of this chorus, a second chorus, and two arias are surrounded by quotation marks in the Turin libretto, which indicate the deletion of these pieces firom the original

Metastasian libretto;*^ the second chorus and the two arias do not appear in the score.

Furthermore, the Libra canto for the 1759-60 season contains no record of payment to choral members nor to any individual who organized and rehearsed them (as there are for other operas that featured choruses). Thus, the scores in the Biblioteca civica di Casale-

Monferrato cannot be entirely trusted to represent performance at the Regio.*^

It is hoped that the present study will facilitate future inquiry into the rich collections of manuscript musical sources for opera at Turin’s Teatro Regio located in Turin and

As we shall see, choruses ia Sofonisba were reinstated by means of leaves added to some exemplars of the Turin libretto, and the reinstatement is corroborated by entries in the Libri conti and O rdinati. One would not expect the addition of a duet and an aria to be reflected in the payment records for Tigrane. However, the exemplar of the libretto for Tigrane that transmits the added bifblio is part of the same collection as one of the exemplars of Sofonisba that feamres the added bifolio for that opera (both are located at I-Tn, in the collection under the call number F VII). This is evidence for the Turinese provenance of the bifblio in the Tigrane exemplar, and that this bifblio can be trusted to reflect performance. This was standard practice for emending Metastasian libretti durmg this era. Other features of the scores prompt speculation on the possibility that their contents reflect performance. In the score for Tigrane^ an aria scored fbr voice and strings is immediately followed by another setting, for voice and continuo, of the same text (aria for Cleopatra, “Dover mi scaccia mi chiama amore,” orchestrally accompanied aria, 4lr-44i~ continuo accompanied aria, 4Sr-46r). The vocal line in the setting with continuo is much more florid and ornate than that of the settmg with strings. Although it is impossible to know which aria was performed (if indeed these scores reflect actual Regio performance), the singer of the role of Cleopatra, Maddalena Pariggi, would probably have fovored the more elaborate settmg. The score for Za Clemenza di Tito includes two arias for ViteOia m succession, with similar texts (“Dehsepiacermi vuoi,” 7r-llv, labeled “nella Clemenza di Tito"; "Se piacere a me tu vuoi," I2r-I7r, labeled "Atto Pmo”). The text of the second arm appears in the printed libretto for the Turm production (I, ii). However, the text of the Srst aria corresponds to the original Metastasian libretto, and a copy of this aria appears m I-T^ "Raccolta di Arie,” voL 18,109r-l I3r (see Appendnt A). The renowned Caterma Gabrielli sang ViteHia in Turm. Many o f ViteOia's arias m the score for £a Clemenza di Tito mchibit tmcts that differ fiom the printed libretto for the Turin pnxhiction; perhaps Gabrielli brought "Deh se placer mi vuoi" and other arias with her when she sang in Turm, followmg the long-standmg practice of stars of her caliber.

112 elsewhere.*^ Findings regarding the nature o f copying procedures and relationships among sources, for example, shed light on the music itself. Archival material fecilitates identification of the copyists and a study of their activities. When taken together with evidence fiom the scores, this material makes it possible to assess the extent to which the manuscripts reflect performance. Discoveries such as these ultimately lead to a fuller appreciation of both the music and the circumstances under which it was created.

Another copy o f “Ah non. lesôte ü cor” (27gr

113 CHAPTERS

THE BEGINNINGS OF REFORM: ENEA NEL LAZIO

Enea nel Lazio (1760) represents a decisive break with stylistic norms established

at Turin, and foreshadows changes that would come in successive seasons. A

"'multifaceted project connecting poetry, music, dance and even scenery to create a

unified expressive result,”^ Enea nel Lazio was Tommaso Traetta’s only work for Turin,

and was Cigna-Santi’s second original libretto." The opera coincided with a crucial juncture in Cigna-Santi^s career as a poet and man of letters, and certain stylistic features

of the libretto can be linked to biographical circumstances. External evidence regarding

the opera reveals important associations between Turin’s Nobile Società dei Cavalieri and

‘ Mercedes Viale Ferrero, '"Enea n el Lazio: II melodramma e l’antichità ciassica,’" Illusione e pratica teatraley eds. Franco Mancmi, M ara Teresa Muraro, and Elena Povoledo (Venice: Neri Pozza, 1975), p. 163. ~ Cigna, Vittorio Amedeo, Enea n el Lazio (Turin: Giacomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1760). Exemplar in US-Wc, Scbatz 10391 (other exemplars consulted cited in list of sources below). No score survives for this opera m the collection conserved at Turm's Accademia Glarmonica. Scores fbr the Turin production, which I have not had the opportunity to consult, are held at P-La and D-Bds; see Marita McClymonds “Traetta, Tommaso (work-list),” The New Grave Dictionary o fOpera 4:778. A copy of one aria presumably belongmg to the pnxhiction is found m the Accatkmia filarmonica’s “Raccolta di arie”: 2 IV 4 “Serie Antiche,” fols. 88r-9 tv. Aria for Enea, “Tu serba costante^ (Act H, scene bt). Another aria in the collection, “Vago Dio che m’mnamori” (2 IV 19, “Serie Antiche,” fois. 9 Ir-l lOv), is not itkntifîed with a character's name but carries an attribution to Traetta. No aria with this text incipit appears m the prmted libretto for Enea n e l Lazio, but smce Traetta composed no other opera for die Regio, it is possible that this aria might have been an addition or substitution m the Turm pnxhiction o f the opera. Music o f the ballets fiom Regio productions between 1748 and 1762 survives m a collection entidedifoccoAn de ' fatti nelle opere del Real Teatro di Torino con la spiegazione dei medesmi e gli nomt dei compositori, in I-Rsc,

114 the administratioii of the theaters at both Parma and Vienna. The opera’s experimental

features document the Societa’s interest in innovations occurring at both revolutionary

centers.

Links with Parma and Vienna

Circumstances surrounding the production of Enea nel Lazio demonstrate that the

Società was aware of the stylistic experiments at Parma and Vienna from the outset The

directors seem to have been greatly influenced by the success o f at

Parma in 1759.^ This production, of monumental significance in the early stages of

French-inspired reforms, was praised by Francesco Algarotti as embodying the essence of

his ideals for a new type o f musical drama.^ With direction by Guillaume Du Tillot,

poetry by Carlo hmocenzo Frugoni, and music by Traetta, Ippolito represented a merging

of the greatest creative spirits associated with reform experiments, and news of the

production swept through Europe.^ The premiere occurred on 9 May 1759 at the Teatro

Ducale, and the death of Duchess Luisa Elisabetta Famese later that year resulted in the

temporary suspension of productions at Parma.^ The Società must have been following

Con. Mus. 12-13-15. See Lorenzo Tozzi, “Musica e ball! al Regio di Torino ( 1748-1762),” La D am a italiana 2 (Spring 1985): 5-21. ^ See Daniel Heartz, “Operatic Reform at Parma.” See also Gian Paolo Minardi, “Parma,” The New Grove D ictionary o fOpera 3:886-88. * Viale Ferrero, “'Enea n el Laziof p. 164; Letter 6om Algarotti to Voltane, 31 May 1759: “Un’opera di un gusto nuovo dove sono riuniti Io spettacolo fiancese e la musica italiana.” Cited in Heartz, “Operatic Reform at Parma,” p. 271. Algarotti was directly mvolved with the reform at Parma, a fact largely ignored by historians; see idem, “From Garrick to Gluck: the Reform of Theater and Opera m the mid-Eighteenth Century,” Proceedings o f the Royal Music Association 94 (1967-68): 111-27. ^ Heartz; “Operatic Reform at Parma,” p. 295: “The premiere of ip p o lito was one of the most glamorous and best advertised events of the decade.” * Viale Ferrero, “fiiea to/Lozib,” p. 164. Luisa Elisabetta Famese died on 6 December 1759. See A. C ^pelli, Cronologia Cronogrqfia e Calendario Perpetuo dal Principio DelPBra Cristiana ai Nostri

115 closely the events there, since they hired Traetta immediately after the premiere for the second opera of Turin’s 1759-60 season, issuing to him the contract transcribed in

Appmdix G, which he signed on 15 May. The brief period between the opening o f the opoa at Parma and the date of Traetta’s contract for the Regio suggests not only the directors’ awareness o f the resounding success o ï Ippolito ed Aricia, but also the presence of an envoy from Turin at Parma, who might have acmally presented the contract to

Traetta there (although no evidence to that effect has yet come to light). Caterina

Gabrielli and Filippo Elisi, the renowned performers featured in Ippolito ed Aricia, were also the leading singers in Turin for the season that included Enea nel Lazio? Parma also took an interest in the story of Enea as a subject; in April 1761 the Teatro Ducale presented the opera seria Enea e , also with music by Traetta.*

Connections between Turin’s Teatro Regio and Vienna’s Burgtheater were longstanding, dating back at least to the 1740s. The second manager of the Burgtheater,

Baron Rocco lo Presti, had considered modeling the theater’s directorship on the

G iom i (Milam Ulrico Hoepli, 1988), p. 365. ^Contracts fbr some of the singers of Turin’s 1759-60 season—Gabrielli, Elisi, Ottani, Pesci, and Calcina—are transcribed m Appendix G (documents located in A.S.C.T., Carte scioite 6242). Elisi signed his contract on 12 January 1759, and Ottani signed his somethne that month as well (date missing &om document). Although G ^rielli’s contract is undated, she may have been hired around the same tune; neither the date on which Gabrielli was hued, nor any other information regardmg production decisions for Enea appears in O rdinati vois. 4 and 5, which cover the 1759-60 season). Calcina and Pesci, who portrayed mmor roles, signed their contracts later in the sprmg of 1759 (5 February and 28 April respectively). ’ The libretto fbr Parma’s Enea e Lavinia, written by Jacopo Antonio San Vitale, was based on the French (faama o f 1690 by Bernard Le Bouvier de Fontenelle. FonteneHe’s drama was set by Dauvergne fbr Paris hi 1758; this was probably the source for the Parma production. See Oscar Soimeck, Catalogue o fOpera L ibrettos 1:436-38; see also Viale Ferrero, “Enea nel Lazio," p. 165. Viale Ferrero notes, ia L a scenogrqfia, p. 219, n. 15, that the Parma protfaiction involved two o f the smgers who had just appeared m Enea n el Lazio in Turim Caterma Gabrielli and Gaetano Ottani. Regarding the music for the two productions, Viale Ferrero conjectures, “Knowmg the conventions o f the tune, one might surmise that Traetta used music basvaEnea o fTurm. at Parma” (“conoscendb gli usi del tempo - vi è da sospettare che Traetta utOmasse per Parma qualche musica deU’Enea torinesel.

116 administrative statutes of Turin’s Nobile Società dei Cavalieri.’ Indirect associations between the two cultural centers can be observed in the years leading up to 1760, when

Viennese experimentation, particularly in the area of dance, strongly influenced style in

Turin: the ballets of Enea nel Lazio were highly innovative by Turinese standards. The choreographer for the 1759-60 season was Giuseppe Salamoni “detto di Portogallo,” an appellation that he had adopted to distinguish himself from his father (Giuseppe Salamoni

“detto di Vienna”).*’ The elder Giuseppe Salamoni (and presumably both sons, Giuseppe and Francesco, as well) was known for his association with the experimental Franz

Hüverding in Vienna, the mentor of Gaspare Angiolini.* * Entr’acte ballets in Italian practice were traditionally based on subjects that complemented those of the operas, but were clearly separate from them. The ballets for Enea nel Lazio^ by contrast, were closely associated with the opera’s narrative, depicting spectacular events in the opera’s plot.*^

Cigna chose specific events from his source, the , as subjects for the first two ballets, and cited the relevant passages in the body of the libretto (these will be discussed further below). Although the music for the ballets was not composed by Traetta (as in

^ Robert Maria Hass, Gluck und Durazzo, p. 179. See also Bruce Alan Brown, G luck and th e French Theater in Vienna (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 15, n. 41; here the author reports that a copy o f the statutes &om Turm, drawn up in 1744, is preserved in the Vienna Staatsarchiv. Irene Aim, “Salamoni,” The New Grave Dictionary ofOpera 4:139-40. The two sons of Giuseppe Salamoni (padre), Giuseppe and Francesco Salamoni, were both active m Turin, the former m the production under discussion, and the latter for the 1765-66 season, which inclucfed Cigna-Santi’s origmal libretto M otezuma, See ib id ., p. 140; Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, pp. 312-13. " Viale Ferrero, “'Enea n el Lazio,” p. 165. See also Bruce Alan Brown, “Hüverding van Wewen, Franz (Anton Christoph),” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 2i 720-21. Angiolini had also been active m Turm, in 1756-57, when he bad choreographed ballets Tor Antigono and Lucia Vera (see Bouquet, I I teatro d i corte, pp. 295-96). A student ofAngiolmi, Vmcenzo Galleotti, choreographed the ballets for the 1766- 67 season (see Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 319; p. 380, n. 244). ^ Hüverdmg had linked entr’acte ballets with elements of the plot in opera seria productions m Vienna m 1753 and ’55; see Brown, “Hüverdmg Franz,” p. 720, For extensive discussion of Hüverdmg’s contributions to the reform of ballet, see irkm, Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna, chapter 5.

117 other operas of the 1760s, the ballet music was composed by Giuseppe Antonio Le

Messier),'^ the innovative nature of the ballets suggests contact between the choreographer and the librettist, which was unconventional. In fact, Turin’s approach to the ballets in Enea nel Lazio was even more innovative than that o f Parma for the production of Ippolito, in which Frugoni had considered the dances merely decorative.

Giuseppe Salamoni’s efforts va. Enea nel Lazio foreshadow those of Angiolini in Orfeo two years later, a production that achieved a thorough integration o f dramatic elements; the treatment of dance was similar in the two productions, specifically in the scenes of

Orfeo involving the Elysian fields.’*

Further evidence of connections between Turin and Vienna can be seen in the populari^ of Enea nel Lazio as a subject and in the connections between artists in the two centers: in 1765 Hüverding was to choreograph a ballet for Vienna on the theme of Enea in Italia}^ Moreover, Traetta’s Enea nel Lazio falls chronologically between two of his radically experimental operas: Ippolito ed Aricia, which he composed for Parma in 1759, and Armida, which he set at Vienna in 1761. Thus, Enea occurs at a turning point in

Traetta’s career, as he was becoming involved in experiments at the major centers for reform.

This was the same mdtvidoal who also served as orchestral violîaèt and one of the theater's ofhctal copyists. Viale Ferrero, “£neo n el L a zio ^ p. 165: “Rispetto a Parma, dove d Frugoni considerava i Balli un ‘^omamento accessorio,’ la posizione di Torino era piu avanzata”; Heartz, m “Operatic Reform at Parma” (p. 292), states that Frugoni referred to the dance as “acconciamente” (“decorations”) and mentions several scenes m Ippolito ed Aricia with dance treated m a manner that eem phfie Frugoni’s pomt of view. Viale Ferrero, “iEnca nel Lazio," p. 165. '^Ibid^p. 165.

118 The archival record at Turin contains evidence of requests fbr information fix)m both Parma and Vienna during the early 1760s. In 1761, an ofGcial from the court of

Parma wrote to the directors of the Società to request a copy of their organizational statutes, presumably for use by the Teatro Ducale’s administration. A year later,

Giacomo Durazzo, the director o f the theaters in Vienna, sent for models of stage machinery created by the Turinese designers.T he significance of Durazzo’s request, which must have concerned, in part, the spectacular element of [figenia in Aulide, will be explored below; his interest in Turin’s stage machinery certainly testifies to the expertise of Turin’s designers and to the magnificence of the scénographie effects at the Regio at this time. Spectacle also played a significant role in Enea nel Lazio, as we shall see.

The Libretto

Enea nel Lazio was extremely successful with the Turinese public. It was performed twenty-eight times, the number of performances received by the most popular operas of the 1760s.** In the year of the premiere of Enea at the Regio, Cigna published the libretto in a volume that includes Andromeda, his first libretto, and some of his other poetry;*^ the works in this publication were favorably reviewed in the Novelle letterarie

A.S.C.T, O rdinati voL 5 p. 151,1762,25 January: “Si è pregato ü Sig. Conte di RobOant di far fare gK mndellf delle macnhfiig del Regio Teatro, che il Sig. Conte di Durazzo Direttore de' Spettacoli della Corte dt Vienna ha desiderato d ' avere." Quoted in Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 164. '* Numbers ofperfi>rmances were largely determined by the success o f the prothiction, although the total number ofperformances fbr operas o f the 1760s never exceeded twen^-eighL See Bouquet, et. aL, Cronologie, pp. 75-76. Biea nel Lazio opened on 19 January and closed on 19 February 1760; see A.S.C.T, Libri conti (jGiomaie) voL 39, p. 4. See also Table 1.1 above. Cigna-Santi, Poesia per musica di Vittorio Amedeo CigpaAccackmico Trasfbrmato (Turm: Giacomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1760).

119 di Firenze several years later/° Praised by Cigna’s contemporaries, Enea nel Lazio was included with two of his later works, Ifigenia in Aulide (1762) and Motezuma ( 1765), in

Ottaviano Diodati’s collection of dramas entitled Biblioteca teatrale italiana?^ The libretto caught the attention of Metastasio himself, who expressed his admiration fbr it in a letter to Tommaso Filipponi, the secretary of the University of Turin: “It pleases me that the Turinese poet Cigna-Santi has found a way to bring the subject of Enea nel Lazio successfully to the stage. For more than thirty years it has remained among my notes, and although it has passed before my eyes many times, until now it has never appeared to me in a guise that satisfied me... Cigna’s Enea might have been set at least once outside

Turin, perhaps in Modena.^

Novelle lettera rie d i Firenze 23 ( 1762), p. 302: “Poesia per musica di Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Tormese, Accademico Trasfbrmato. . . Tutte queste opere drammadcbe del Signor Cigna sono buone e meritano lode e applauso, o si riguardi la poesia elegante, o la disposizione giudiziosa, o la scelta degli argomenti. Di questa tempra è ancora la Tragedia, che segue del medesimo illustre Autore. Ifîgem’a in Aulide.. ^ Ottaviano Diodari, Biblioteca teatrale italiana (Lucca: Giovanni della Valle, 1761-65). Cited in Gianni Marocco, “Cigna Sand, Vittorio Amedeo,” Dcribnarib biogrqftco degli italiani, ed. Alberto M. Ghisalberd (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1981) 25:501. Enea nel Lazio was published in vol. 8 (1762), Ifigenia in Aulide in. voL 6 (1762), and M otezuma invol. 11 (1765). A copy o f this collecdon is held at US- Cu. This collecdon is dequently mendoned in Novelle letterarie di Firenze, in which the contents of individual volumes are given, occasionally with posidve cridcal commentary. Diodad's voL 8 is mendoned m Novelle letterarie of 1764, vol. 25, pp. 468-69, in an entry that lists “Enea nel Lazio Dramma per musica del Sig. Vettorio [sic] Amadeo [sic] Cigna.” For more mfbrmadon on Diodati, especially regarding his publications of French and French-mfluenced works, such as this collection of dramas as well as a translation o f Diderot’s Encyclopédie, see Mario Rosa, “Diodad, Ottaviano,” Dizionario biografico degli italiani40 (199 l)t 179-83. A.C. Keys notes the emphasis on transladons and adaptadons o f French dramatists in Diodad’s collecdon; see “Two Eighteenth-Century Racnuan Operas,” Music and Letters 59 (1978): 1-10. ^ , Tutte le opere di Pietro Metastasio, ed. Bnmo BruneOt (Milan: Mondadori, 1943-54) 4: 132-33, Vienna, 27 February 1760: “Piacemi checotesto poeta il signor Cigna Sand torinese abbia trovato la maniera di collocar con applauso m teatro il soggetto d7Enea n el Lazio. Io I’ho da pin di trent’anni fiu le mie memorie, e ripassandomi tante volte sotto gli occhi non mi si è mai presentato fiiora m un punto di vista che mi soddisfL. . . ” The letter is cited in Marocco, “Cigna Santi,” Dizionario biografico degli italiani 25:501, although its locadonin the edition by Bmnelli given there is incorrect. ^ Franz Stieger, Opemlexicon (Tutzmg: Hans Schneider, 1975-83) 1/1:389, lists it as havmg been set by Gardi fbr Modena’s Teatro Rangoni m January 1786. SvenHanseR concurs with this, listing Cigna as librettist of the settmg by Gardi (“Gardi, Francesco,” The New Grove Dictionary ofOpera 2:350-51). (Presmnably Sdeger and HanseR have « cammedthe poetry smce this libretto carries no attribution to a

120 In his argomento, Cigna-Santi explains that he has followed Virgil’s Aeneid for the events of the story, and fbr its narrative he claims to have drawn upon Dionigi di

Alicamasso, a contemporary o f Virgil.^'* The opera’s plot concerns the rivalry between

Aeneas, Prmce of Troy, and Tumus, a relative of , King of Latium. Aeneas, having arrived in Latium after the massacre at Troy, is befriended by Latinus, who promises Aeneas his daughter, Lavinia. This angers Tumus, Lavinia’s suitor, who creates an alliance against Aeneas with the Rutulians; in Virgil’s original, Tumus is killed in the ensuing battle between Latinus and the Rutulians for the hand of Lavinia. Aeneas, who before the battle had been given impenetrable armor by his mother, , which she had procured fr"om Vulcan, emerges victorious. In the argomento Cigna indicates his changes to the original telling of the myth, which include the addition of the minor characters

Segesto, the captain of Aeneas (Enea) who is actually Venus in disguise; Ersinda, who loves Tumus (Tumo); and Alcandro, one of the captains of Latinus (Latino) who is also ambassador of the Rutulians. The significant revisions in the plot involve the events of the frnal scene, where, during the battle between Latino’s soldiers and the Rutulians,

Venus descends from the heavens in a spectacular machine and saves the lives o f Tumo

poet; see Sartori, I libretti a stampa, 3:28.) * Turm libretto, p. Hi: cost ooto d soggetto del presente Dramma, che si rende inutile lo estendersi molto nel riferime Targomento, e solo si awertono alcune cose, neQe quali non si è fëdebnente seguito rhnmortale Vnrgilio. Da questo poeta si è tolto quanto faceva al proposito per le azioni, gli apparati, e gli spettacoli; ma nella della Favola si è piuttosto avuto m nma Io Storico Dionigi di Alicamasso. Narra egli, che venuto dopo Teccidio di Troia Enea in Italia.. . Dionysius of%licamassns (60 a.c.-7 ca. d.c.) was a histormn and rhetorician whose works mclude a twenty-volume history of ancient Rome (ten volumes o f which are octant); se&Nuova Enciclopedia Universale Garzanti (MQan: Garzanti, 1982), p. 427; “DdA: (storico e retore greco atticista; autore &Antichità Romane m 20 libri (rœtano i primi 10).” See also Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ibe Roman Annuities ofDionysaa o fHalicarnassus, trans. andecL Earnest Cary, The Loeb Classical Library 1 (London: William Hememan Ltd., and Cambric^: Harvard UniversiQf Press, 1948); pp. 209-13 concern Aeneas's adventures m Italy.

121 and of Enea’s other enemies. She then grants Ersinda to Tumo in consolation for Tumo’s loss o f Lavinia to Enea.

Enea nel Lazio is stylistically consistent with Italian dramaturgical tradition: it consists primarily of lengthy passages o f teds for simple recitative that culminate in arias at the ends of scenes. The libretto contains one duet and one cavata^ and no choruses or extended scene complexes involving solo singing. Despite its conservatism, however, the libretto does include features that were progressive for Turin in the early 1760s. An ensemble for the five principal characters, which is structurally innovative, opens the scene in which the great battle occurs.^ This invocation, as it is referred to in the libretto, consists of two simple poetic quatrains. This is not an ensemble consisting of dialogue in the traditional manner, and its placement and the number of characters it involves are unconventional.

Moreover, the libretto is replete with dramatically intense scenes, particularly those in which military spectacle and elaborate display figure prominently. Cigna heightens the drama these scenes by adding to his dialogue extensive, emotionally- charged stage directions. He outlines specifically the succession of events occurring in the battle, in paragraphs of text that are unusual in their length and degree of detail. At tunes these passages approach the fierceness and compledty o f the descriptions of the military scenes in the libretti of Sofonisba and Ifigenia in Tauride of Mattia Verazi (see

Chapter 5 below). Many of these scenes occur together with sinfonie or marches, and contain spectacular effects involving sacrifices, processions, richly chessed pages and

“ Turm libretto. Act m , scene x, p. 51.

122 other supernumeraries, burning bridges, attacks and counterattacks, the seizing of prisoners, and other elements designed to delight the eye. The first of them takes place at the end o f the &st scene in Act I, and is described in the following stage direction:

The smfonia follows, and while Latino ascends his throne, attended by Tumo, the others take their places; and fiom the back of the stage Enea and Segesto approach, preceded by various richly dressed pages carrying the gold cup on silver basins with which Anchise made the sacrifice, the scepter, tiara, and crown of King , and various purple vestments embroidered by the Trojan women.

Another stage direction, more extensive than the first, occurs in scene xiv of Act n, in which a march accompanying a procession of soldiers and prisoners follows a violent battle scene:

Led by Tumo, the Rutulians cross their bridge and the defenders, springing ahead o f the lead and forming the testudo, begin the assault of the fences; the Trojans advance to their defense, [and] in the meantime make a determined sally. But the number of RutuHans increases, who, guided by Alcandro, attack the other bridge; the Rutulians are split in half and barred fit>m the door, while another unit breaches the fences by fire, and they ascend them fighting. Instantly Enea with his troops arrive from the other side of the river, and, attacking the lost bridge, he prevents the flight o f his men. Thus the heartened Trojans attack fiercely together, and push back on all sides the Rutulians and Tumo himself; [the latter] withdraws defending himself from his enemies and fium Enea, who pursues him. A battle begins on the bridge of the Rutulians, who bum it as they withdraw. The bridge collapses, but Enea and part of the Trojans cross it nevertheless; after the defeat of their enemies [and] to the strains of a festive march, [Enea] returns followed by the victors leading prisoners.” ^

lbid.y p. 2: “Segue sinfonia, ed mtanto Latino servito da Tumo va sul Trono, gli altn prendono i loro posti, e dal fbndo della Scena si vedono venire Enea, e Segesto preceduti da vaij Paggi riccamente vestiti, e recanti su bacili d’argento la Coppa d’oro, con oui Anchise sacrffîcava, Io Scettro, la Tiara, e del Re Priamo, e varie vesti di porpora ricamate dalle Donne Trojane. Vien dietro ad Enea un corteggio numeroso di Nobüi Trojani.” ^ Ibid.r pp. 36-37; “Guidati da Tumo passano i Rutoli d ponte loro, ed alzati sopra ü capo gli scudi, formando latestuggme procedono aH'assalto degli steccati, alia d%sa de' quafi si vedono cSsposti mtomo i Trojani, che &mo mtanto una vigorosa sortita. Ma crescono d numéro de' Rutoli, che giudati da Alcandro attaccano I’altro ponte, vengono tolti in mezzo, ed esculsi dalla porta, menue un altro corpo di Rutoli apre con mcendio un brcccm negli steccad, e vi sale combattendo. Giunge in questo istante Enea con seguito di qua dal Sune^ e si oppone alia fuga à e ' suoi, attacando d perrhito ponte. Rmcorati perciô i Trojani assalgono ristretti tosieme, e respmgono perogni parte i Rutoli, e Tumo medesimo, che si rdûa difèndendosi da' nemici, e da Fnaa, che lo mseguono. Segue combattimento sul ponte de' Rutoli, che Io

123 The action described in these passages strengthens the drama of the scenes in which they occur. Furthermore, since the passages involve characters and events common to the scenes that precede and follow them, the action in them helps create smooth transitions from one scene to the next. The battle and procession in the second passage might have involved dance or pantomime, given the specificity of the movements of the numerous groups of soldiers. The same might be proposed fbr the scenes making up the entire second half of Act III. This act contains no fewer than six spectacular events described in elaborate stage directions, occurring in each scene from scene x to the end of the opera. The clearly specified actions reveal Cigna^s attempt to shape the scenes carefully in order to build to the climax, culminating in both the final battle (scene x) and in Venus’s appearance and her resolution of the conflict (scena ultima).

In the penultimate scene Cigna introduces a striking innovation: his instructions indicate that Latino’s recitative near the end of the scene occurs during stage action that gradually becomes hidden from the audience’s view. The recitative begins while the battle takes place behind Latino, during which the stage fills with thick, dark clouds and lightning strikes. Gradually these clouds descend so that finally the city and the battle are no longer visible, and Latino is left alone onstage. Toward the end of the recitative the clouds begin to dissipate, Tumo advances and falls wounded on the stage, and the Roman soldiers fill the available space. Cigna’s descriptions here are so clearly and elegantly written that one can visualize the descent and ascent of panels painted with clouds that incendùno nel rîtûarsL Cade nifianto 3 ponte, passandovi pern ancora Enea con parte de’ Trojani, 3 quale dopo la dis&tta degl’ nimuci al snono di festiva marcia ritoma seguito ck’ vmcitori, che conducono prigionieri.”

124 might have concealed the action o f the battle. Changing the stage setting in this manner provided an additional avome for spectacle as well as an element of suspense; the audience would not only have marveled at the trick o f the stage machinery, but the gradual transition from a stage full of fighting supernumeraries to one containing a single would have provided more interest than if the groups of soldiers had simply been directed offrtage to begin the battle. Moreover, recitative sung during stage action, such as Cigna created here, was experimental in mid-century style.

Cigna suspends the exit convention for this scene, and places the focus clearly on the action: all characters involved in the beginning of this scene, apart from Latino, become involved in the battle; their “exif ’ is created by the descent of the clouds.

Nevertheless, this does not coincide with a change of scene in the libretto; scene x continues beyond Latino’s recitative. The specificity with which these events are described suggests that collaboration between Cigna and the scenographers, Fabrizio and

Bernardino Galliari, might have occurred; this type of relationship would have been extremely unusual for an Italian theater at this time.

The entire text of scenes ix-ultima (pp. 50-56), including dialogue and stage directions, appears in Appendix H.‘* For a librettist to dictate with such a great degree of precision aspects of the drama ranging fix)m specific staging of groups o f soldiers (“in due colonne. . . lasciando nel mezzo un ampio spazio”) to the mood of a portion of the music accompanying action (“una melodiosa sin&nia”), is highly irregular in the style of this

^ The text &om pp. 50-56, which I have transciibed from an «templar of the libretto conserved at I-Tn (F VH 362/4), is given m this appendix. (The exemplar in US-Wc,Schatz I039I exhibits severe damage on pp. 39-56; some o f these pages are fllegibk on microfilm.)

125 period. Unfortunately the collection of manuscript scores consulted for the present study lacks a score for Enea nel Lazio; Cigna’s meticulously described, dramatically intense stage action might have inspired Traetta to a musical settmg of similar dramatic force.^

The Ballets

As suggested above regarding Turin’s relationship with Vienna, Enea nel Lazio's most striking innovations concern the ballets. The action in them is described in detail with stage directions that appear in the libretto immediately after the final arias in Acts 1 and n and after the final coro of soloists in Act UT. These descriptions, with headings that include the titles given at the beginning of the libretto, appear below. As noted above, while the ballets occurred between the acts and at the end of the opera in conventional fashion, they are not superfluous to the drama, but play an integral role in the plot. Furthermore, Cigna regarded the ballets as conclusions to the acts, not as entr’actes; “Fine dell’Atto Primo / Secondo” appear after the ballet descriptions for Acts 1 and n respectively.^'

^ As mentioaed, scores for Turm’s production o f Enea n el Lazio are held at P-La and D-Bds; see McCtymonds, “Traetta, Tommaso (work-list).” “ Turm libretto, pp. 19 (Act I); 38 (Act II); 56 (Act III). The placement of the ballets in this libretto (after each of the acts and before “% e deO’Atto Primo / Secondo”) is unique to this opera during the period under discussion. In the libretti ofTurmese operas fiom the 1750s and ’60s, the three ballets, mcludmg titles and descriptions of action, are consistently (bund printed at the end o f the opera. The baQet after Act I required a change o f scenery. Cigna mamtained dramatic contmuity tretween the last scene o f the act and this ballet by the textual description and the quotation Som the Aeneid.

126 Ballet, Act I, “Of the Cyclopes and Sea Nymphs”^

The scene changes to show a remote part of the island o f , which the ancients called Vulcania^ on the banks of the sea. On one side a vast cave is visible, inside which the foundry of Vulcan is located. Virgil speaks of this in Book 8 o f theyëengfd: This is the house where Vulcan works, which he calls Vulcanfa, and here, to forge his armor, the great Aeneas descends. The idea of the ballet is drawn from this subject; [the ballet] represents the arrival of Venus to the aforementioned island to obtain the arms from Vulcan for Aeneas, her son. The group of dancers enact her reception by Vulcan and the Cyclopes and the celebration caused by the meeting, which concludes with the presentation of the gift that Vulcan makes to the goddess of the armor that she desires.

Ballet, Act II, “Of the Soldiers and Sutlers”^^

At the end of the aria various groups of soldiers return in a disorderly manner carrying booty collected from the preceding battle; this makes it possible for several characters to form a well-ordered scene, based upon them situations. This is interrupted by an order from camp to construct a war monument made from the aforementioned booty. Of a similar war monument constructed by the

Ballet, Act I, “Di Ciclopi, e di Nereidi”: “Si muta la Scena, e rappresenta una Parte rimota dell’isola di Lipan, detta anticamente Vblcama, ia riva al mare. Da tm lato si vede tm’ampia Cavema, dentro la quale si scorgono le Fucine di Vulcano. D’essa cosi parla Vtrgilio nel lib. 8 dell’Eneide; Quest’è la Casa, ove quaggiù s’adopra Volcano, onde da ltd Volcania è detta, E qui per I’anni fabbricar discese Del grand' Enea. Da questo soggetto si è presa Tittea del Ballo, il quale lappresentera la venuta di Venere nelllsola suddetta per avere da Vulcano le anni per Enea suo figliuolo. L'accoglimento 6ttoIe da Vulcano, e dai Ciclopi, e le leste, cfae in tal congiuntuia si âim o, allé qnali si & Sie col dono, che Volcano 6 alia Dea delle anni desiderate, ne fonnano tutto d Corpo.” Ballet, Act n, “Di Soldati, e Vivandiere”: “Tenninata Taria si vedono ritomare disoidmatamente varie sorti di Soldati carichi di spoglie tolte nell'antecedente confHtto: cost si dà luogo a diveisi caratteri di foimare coHe loro situazioni un non confiiso quadro; che verra mterrotto da un ordme pervenuto dal Campo d'mnalzare colle suddette spoglie un Tro&o a Marte. Di un sunde Trofèo innalzato da' Troj'ani dopo la morte data a Mezenzio, cosi parla il sopracitato Poeta nell'Bieide al lib. IL Tronca de'rami una gran Quoda eresse, Dell’armi k rmvolse, e delle spoglie L'adomô di Mezenzio, e per Trofeo A te, gran Nbrte, dedicolla. Dopo L'erezione del Trofeo, si fa luogo aQe varie danze de' Soldati festeggianti la loro vittorm.”

127 Trojans aft»: the death o f , the aforementioned poet speaks in Book 2 ofthe^eneft/: [He] erected a great oak tree from broken-off boughs, he «ifolded it with armor, and he adorned it with the booty of Mezentius, and he dedicated it to you, great [god oQ wan After the raising of the monument, dances of soldiers celebrating their victory occur.

Ballet, Act HI, “Of the Legendary Deities, Entourage of Voius”^

As the chorus is sung, the entourage of Venus descends from its realm; it frirms the entire group of dancers for the final ballet, which will be broken up by a succession of various short [solo and couple] dances; these are mingled with different contredanses, which culminate in a final dance for the fidl group, with which the production concludes.

The baUets in Enea nel Lazio must have impressed the Turinese audience as strikingly different from those usually performed at the Regio. Guided by the printed descriptions in the libretto, the audience was encouraged to perceive the ballets as danced p ortions of the opera, during which stage action continued. Both Salamoni and Cigna-

Santi were presumably involved in the integration o f the ballets into the action in this maimer; in an age when dance and opera were generally kept separate in the Italian style, such collaboration between librettist and choreographer was unusual. Perhaps influenced by the positive reception of the choreographic innovations in the ballets o f Enea nel

LaztOy the directors engaged Giuseppe Salamoni himself (the father, “detto di Vienna”) for the 1764-65 season. Here he was called upon to create ballets for another original libretto by Cigna, Motezunuty a production whose success rivaled that o f Enea nel Lazio

^ Ballet, Act HI, “Di Divinità &voIose seguact di Venere”; “Nel tempo del Coro discendendo dalla Reggia Q segoito di Venere, fbimerà Tintiero Corpo dell’oltnno Ballo, che veira mterrotto da diverse successive piccole entrate, fiammisdimndovBi varie Contradanze, che poi nella générale si termineranno, e cosi si darà 6ie allo spettacolo.” Because o f the sudden death of his wi&, Giuseppe Salamoni was replaced by bis son, Francesco, for the Etegio's 1764-65 season. Neverthelos, the entr'acte baBets R)r AArezuma were Imked to the action m a

128 That Enea nel Lazio was mfluenced by the «cperiments at Parma and Vienna is most clearly seen in the integration of the ballets into the drama. By convention, entr’acte ballets were not only based upon a story or theme separate from the acts of the opera they adorned but also relied on traditional dance steps; for Turin’s Enea nel Lazio, by contrast, the presence of the choreographer Salamoni—who was active with Eîilverding, the “true restorer of the pantomimic art”^^—together with the presence of the descriptive stage directions in the libretto strongly suggest that interpretive pantomime was used instead of conventional choreography. As of 1760, however, not all innovative features evident in works at Parma and Vienna appear in Turin: as mentioned above, the libretto includes no choruses or French-inspired scene structures.^^ Nevertheless, Turin soon adopted these stylistic innovations, and strove to achieve a more thorough integration o f them.

Certain events in Cigna’s life during the early 1760s suggest compelling reasons for the stylistic features o f Enea nel Lazio, Cigna’s classical background and his memberships in literary societies (the Accademia dei Trasformati in Milan and the Arcadi manner similar to those of Enea. “ Gasparo Angfolmi, Lettere di Gasparo Angiolini a Monsieur Noverre sopra i balli pantomimi (Milan: G. B. Bianchi, 1773), p. 9: “il vero ristauratore deil’arte pantomima,” quoted in Brown, Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna, p. 143. McCIymonds clanns that Cigna revised Verazi’s version o f Enea n el Lazio (origmally set to music by Jommelh m Stuttgart in 1755), in so domg eliminating most o f the French-inspired elements in the expernnental original. See Marita McCIymonds, “Coltellmi, Traetta and the Revitalization of Opera Seria,” Austria 996-1996: Music in a Changing Society, ed. Walter Kreysig, m press. While it is possible that Cigna was mfluenced by Verazi’s libretto, since they bear certam similarities, the manner in which Cigna (hew on pre-eristihg libretti when creatmg his own works (for «am ple, his extensive borrowmgs horn Zeno, Verazi, and Algarotti for Ifigenia in Aulide, as will be discussed below) û not evident here. Moreover, external evidence seems to Imk the origms of the libretto with Cigna rather than with another poet This evidence mcludes Cigna’s citation ofVhgil and Dionigi d’Alicarnasso as his sources, the attribution to Cigna as poet on the title page, the libretto’s sufasecjuent publication m both Cigna’s own collection o f poetry to be set to music and m the Diodati collection, and the 6 ct that the Regio’s payment records specify diat the libretto was an origmat rather than a revision of a pre-edsting work: AS.C.T., L ib ri contivoL 39, p. 84,“L400 al Sigx Vittorio Cigna per la Composcdone del Orammadell’Enea nel Lazio, e per ricognhrione de’ disturbi, che si è dato per correggere, ed aggiustare la prmia Opera deHa Clemenza di

129 in Rome) testify to his conservative literary interests. He clearly revered the works of

Metastasio, evoking the style of the renowned poet in his libretti. Nevertheless, Cigna accepted the revolutionary principles espoused by Francesco Algarotti. These are manifested in Enea nel Lazio in significant ways. They are clearly evident in the remoteness o f the opera’s setting (the tale is set in ancient Latium); the elaborateness of the spectacle not only in the numerous battles and processions, but in the complexity of the movements of scenery (the gradual descent and ascent of the clouds, for example) and in the elaborate machine that facilitates the descent o f the goddess in the final scene; and finally, the integration of the aitr’acte ballets into the drama, not only in subject matter, but with texts prescribing their role in the dramatic context.^* Enea nel Lazio suggests that in 1760 Turin was poised to become an active participant in the operatic reform movement

T ito ....” Algaiotti's ideals influenced opera m Turin m other ways as welL The Galliari brothers as well as the Regie's costmne designer, Stehmo Marnai, seem to have been influenced by his views on the roles played by scenography and costumes m the enhancement o f the maraviglioso. See Viale Ferrero, La scenografia^ chapters 3 ,4 , and 5.

130 CHAPTER 4

FRENCH-INSPIRED INNOVATIONS IN IFIGENIA IN AULIDE

On November 20,1760, the directors of the Società made a decision that was to result in the most experimental opera produced in Turin during the 1760s. The entry in the Ordinati on this date reads as follows:

We have established that the first opera of next year wül be Catone in Utica by Metastasio; and for the second opera of that year Sigr. Cav. Di Salmor has proposed, from among those operas that have previously been performed, Pelopida and Alessandro Severo, and from those yet to be written by Sig. Cigna, Montezuma [sic] and LTfigenia; and we have postponed deciding from among the four operas proposed, and in the meantime we have decided to establish a budget based on an opera exhibiting the greatest spectacle possible in regard to both scene and costume design.'

The resulting opera, Ifigenia in Aulide with libretto by Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi with music by Ferdinando Bertoni, was unprecedented in the extent to which it incorporated

French-inspired elements such as flexible scene complexes integrating chorus, dance, and supernatural spectacle. In keeping with Turinese practice, the production featured

' A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 54,20 November 1760: “Si è stabilîto per prima opera dell’aimo ventoio 1761 m 176211 Catone ia Utica del Metastasio e St sonopioposte dal Sigr Cavalieredi Salmor per ia secotida opera di d[etto] anno fra le opere g& i^presentate Pelopida, ed Alessandro Severo, ed ancora (ki comporsi dal Sig Cigna Q Montezuma, L*Tfigenia,e si è sospeso di scegliere fra le proposte quattro opere e fiattanto si è stabdito di friimaie il bOancio sol piede di on' opera deQe pin spettacolose si a riguardb del scenario, che del vestiaiio.“ Turm productions of the other operas mentioned above occmred as follows: Catone in Utica to. VTGlrPetopida m 1763 (previously performed m Rome m 1747),iVessoiufroShvero in 1717, vcAMotezurna m 1765.

131 singers of the highest caliber and greatest renown: Caterina Gabrielli, Giuseppe Aprile, and Gaetano Ottani. Certainly the fame of the singers contributed to the work’s great success, evident from the twenty-seven performances it received in the initial production, from 23 January to 23 February 1762. Cigna-Santi’s libretto^ was praised by his contemporaries (to be cited below), and was revived in Rome with music by Carlo

Franchi in 1766. Ifigenia in Aulide has been slighted in the scholarly literature; nevertheless, its striking characteristics highlight Turin’s interest in stylistic innovation and experimentation. This interest is underscored, as we shall see, by Cigna’s direct reliance on a reformist manifesto, Francesco Algarotti’s Saggio sopra I’opera in nmsica, as a source for the libretto.

The opera’s plot is drawn from the Greek myth, as told by , of the sacrifice of to the gods. An oracle commands Iphigenia’s death so that the winds may blow and the Greek fleet, marooned at Aulis, may sail and fight the Trojan war for the rescue of Helen firom her abductor, Paris. At the moment of Iphigenia’s sacrifice, according to Euripides’s version, the goddess rescues Iphigenia by substituting a deer in her place. Spirited away by Diana to Tauris, Iphigenia becomes a priestess of Diana’s temple. This story and the ensuing sequel, Iphigenia m Tauris, were popular subjects for opera librettos throughout the eighteenth century.^

' Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi, Ifigenia m A ulide (Turm: Gaspare Bayno, 1762). See Appendix M for title page transcrÿtions and list of exemplars consulted. All exemplars are uniform with the exception of those fiom I-Tn, CoIL San Francesco, and hom US-Cu, in winch there is a prmtrng variant: on page 8, the signature A3 appears erroneously. These aemplars are otherwise tettuaHy equivalent to the others consulted. ^ Iphigenia in Aults^ in E uripieks IV and Iphigenia in Tauris^ m Euripides H, The Complete Greek Tragedies, David Grene and Richmond Latthnore, eds. (Chicago: The Uhrversi^ o f Chicago Press, 1958).

132 Dismissed as “conservative” by the single study that mentions it critically/

Ifigenia in Aulide of Bertoni and Cigna-Santi m arts a high point in stylistic experimentation occurring in Turin during the 1760s. Typical of Turinese style in many respects, it features successions of recitatives followed by da capo or dal segno arias.

Most of the aria poetry consists of traditional pairs of quatrams, the structure typical of

Cigna-Santi’s poetic style. The opera’s unconventional features are decidedly more numerous. Those most clearly French-inspired include the presence of the deity Diana, who functions as a dea ex machina, and two choruses integrated into the action of the scene, one of which includes dance. There are two ensembles, a duet and a trio, the latter occurring in the middle of the scene. Two full-length arias are positioned unconventionally in relation to the action. After one of them, the action continues despite the character’s exit; after the other, the character remains onstage and the scene continues.

One scene opens with a cavata,^ and there are seven highly dramatic passages of recitative that lend themselves to musical setting with accompaniment. Rather than simply culminating in an aria in the traditional Metastasian fashion, accompanied recitative is used more creatively here; one scene features accompanied dialogue (a rare occurrence in this style, in which accompaniment was generally reserved for

* Julie E. Cummmg, ‘"Gluck’s Iphigenia operas: sources and strategies,” in Opera and the Enlightenment, eds. Thomas Bauman and Marita Petzoldt McCIymonds (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversiQr Press, 1995), p. 238, n. 8. The work is briefly mentioned or discussed m the fbOowmg studies, although none of them offers a critical evaluation: Bouquet, II teatro di corte, pp. 305-07; Cummmg, “Iphigenia in Aulis,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 2:815-16; George Truett Hollis, “Bertoni, Ferdinando,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 1:455; hbrita Petzoldt McCfymonds, “Transforming opera seruu Verazi’s nmovations and them impact on opera mItaIy,”QperaarufrAe£>t/igAreRinenr, p. 120 and “Verazi, Mattia,” The New Grove Dictionary ofOpera 4:930-32; Mercedes Vtale Ferrero, La scenogrqfia dalle origmi at 1936, pp. 221-33. ^ Aldtough “cavatma” was more cotmnonly used at thü tune to denote a short non-, the term “cavata” is found in the m anuscrit score for the opera (e.g., voL H, foL I4v, “segue la cavata”), and I have

133 monologues), while in another the composer creates a smooth transition from simple to accompanied recitative and then returns to shnple. Stage directions, uncommon in

Cigna’s previous librettos, appear here rather frequently.^

The Societa’s deliberate decision to enhance the spectacle of Ifigenia allowed the designers, the internationally renowned Galliari brothers, to create an extremely elaborate series of stage designs including eight different scenes. The account books give extensive lists of items especially purchased to create various scénographie effects. The supernumeraries numbered ninety-two, and many elaborately costumed horses were present The crowning glory of the stage spectacle must have been the elaborate machine in which the goddess Diana was lowered onto the stage during the final scene. The succès of the opera might have resonated long past carnival season; ’s neoclassic tragedy Iphigénie en Aulide (1674, in alexandrine verse, without music) was performed at Turin’s Teatro Carignano the following April.^

Production Decisions: Hiring o f Personnel

The first decisions made regarding the production were, as usual, those concerning the leading singers, who were hired far in advance and for an entire season.

Since the Ordinati lack entries for early January to early April 1760,* it is impossible to determme if certain decisions regarding Ifigenia in Aulide were made during that period; adopted it for the foDowmg discussion. ^ This innovative characteristic was a hallm ark of the sQrle of Verazi, a poet known for his experimental tendencies. Promment examples ofstage directions m this libretto include those on pp. 36-37,42-43, and 51. ^ Etacine's Iphigénie was performed at the Teatro Carignano from 1 April to 3 July 1762. Viale Ferrero, “£flscenogrqpal' p. 232.

134 however, the contracts for some o f the singers from this season provide valuable

information.^ The first known decision made for the 1761-62 season was the hiring of

Caterina Gabrielli, who had sung in the successful Enea nel Lazio two seasons earlier. In

fact, the directors profited both firom her talents in Enea and from her presence in Turin

during that opera’s final performances by issuing to her the contract for the 1761-62

season, which she signed on 18 February 1760; she was hired for the season that included

Ifigenia, then, almost a year before the first opera of the season opened.

Giuseppe Aprile was one o f the most sought-after castrati of the period, but the

differences in their hiring dates suggests that Caterina Gabrielli’s reputation was even

greater than his: Aprile was first contacted on 23 April 1760, several months after

Gabrielli had been hired (and he signed his contract on 25 July). Initially, there was some discussion over his fee.'° He was offered 800 gigliati but turned it down, asking for 850

and a gift o f some kind. As the Società remained firm in their offer of 800, they decided

to break off negotiations with Aprile until 9 July, when they proposed the same fee for a

second tune. Shortly thereafter, on 12 July, they received a response from Gabrielli, who must have been in contact with Aprile; she reported that Aprile would accept the stipend

* A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 4 ends with 7 December 1759, and vol. 5 begins with 3 April 1760. ’ The contracts for the composer, Bertoni, and the singers Aprile, Caterma and Francesca Gabrielli, L’Eglise, and Ré are transcribed m Appendnc. I (documents located in A.S.C.T., Carte scioite 6242). A.S.C.T., O rdinati vol. 5, p. 6,23 April 1760: “H Sig M. Granery avendo mfbrmato che avendo trattato col musico Aprile per primo uomo deH'opera dell'anno 1762 edoffîûgli gig. 800, se gli era risposto che ne voleva 850; ed un regalo per quella persona, che lo trattava, si è stato fermo m non voler eccedere d gig 800, non contmuandosi per ora detta trattativa”; p. 24,6 July 1760: “Q Sig C. Malines ha proposto di continuare la trattativa con d musico Giuseppe Aprde per d camovale 1761-62 si è conveimto di of&irgli giglmti 800 se d medesnno gli dire di spedirgli I'opportuna capitulazione”; p. 35,21 Jtdy 1760: "dS C di Pertengo per parte di S C Malines ha ditto lettura di una lettera deHa Gabrieli, coda quale aw ga che d musico Giuseppe Aprde ha accettato I’onorario di gigliati 800 per vende a recitare, e cantare m qualita di primo soprano per d camevale 1761-62 sopra di che si è (kterminato speddgliene ropportuna capitolazione.”

135 o f800 gigliati. This is a rare example of negotiations betweai the Società and an internationally-known singer in which the Società emerged victorious in a battle over wages; star singers usually requested more than was initially offered, and the Società usually paid what they requested.

The hiring of dancers began in November, shortly before the deliberations over the choice o f opera. Twelve days after the directors decided to draw up a budget based on the cost of an opera with great spectacle, the budget was presented, but no mention is made regarding the choice of an opera. ‘ ^ In fact, the Ordinati give no such indications until 19 May, when the entry of that date refers to the addition of supernumeraries, choruses, and two roles.'^ Although the opera is not named in this entry, it would obviously have been chosen by this date.

A little over a year in advance of the production, during December 1760 or

January 1761, Elloy Devisse, the primo ballerino and choreographer, and Gaetano Ottani, the tenor, were hired.*^ As sometimes occurred, Ottani was hired for two successive seasons, although his payment was less than what he had received &om the Società at an earlier time. Quite a bit later, in April of 1761, Carlo Martinenghi, at the rank of seconde

" Ibid., p. 57,2 December 1760: “Si è presentato dal Maichese d'AgIfè Tmfiasto Progetto del BtUancio Generate per le opere del 1761 m 1762 ü quale è stato unammente approvato.” “ A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 116,19 May 1761. The title o f the opera “Ifigenia” is mentioned in an entry o f 25 May. Ib id ., p. 61,5 December 1760: “H Conte Pertengo avendo fhtto lettura d'una lettera del ballerino Devisse, con cui accetta laproposizione stata 6ttagli per parte della Società di vennce per primo ballerino Iui,elaSigraAverettipercam 1761 in62” (see also Bouquet,/! teatro dr corte, p. 241); p. 62,10 December 1760: “Essenchist proposto dal Marchese d'Agile se si voleva prendere Ottani per tenore nell'opera del camovale del 1762 si è stabOito, che se voleva dimhnnte gigliati 50 daU’onorarfo da esso avuto per Taddietro di giglmti 350 si sarebbe anestato peramn (hie”; p. 63,17 December 1760: “Ottani aveva accettato gli gigliati 300 per cad. anno, per servire in qualità di tenore questo regio Teatro cioè per il 1761-62 ed 11762-63.”

1 3 6 uomo, was contacted and hired/'^ With respect to the hiring of singers, the greater them renown, the further in advance of a given production they were contacted/^

Approximately a year before the opening of the opera he would compose,

Giuseppe Ponza, the composer of the &st opera o f the season, was hired. The directors selected Ponza before deciding which of the two operas he would set; he was proposed as

“one of the maestri di cappella” of the season.'^ This is unusual; references to composas for other operas during the 1760s clearly indicate whether the composer is selected for the

Grst or the second opera of the season.

The directors had more difSculty selecting the second com posa for the 1761-62 season than for any otha season during the decade. From approximately April to

Novemba 1762 six different maestri di cappella w ae contacted. The first reference to this process in the Ordinati, dated 8 April, indicates that the directors’ first choice was

Nicolô Jommelli, whose popular setting of the Iphigenia myth, on a libretto by Mattia

Verazi, was composed for Stuttgart in 1751. Jommelli declined their offer because the

Duke o f Wurttembag would not allow him to accept.*^ It is likely that the directors had

^*Ibid^ p. 112,18 April 1761; ‘^Avendo d Musico Carlo Martmenghi acettata laproposizione âttagli di gigliati 200 per cantare il secondo uomo nell’opera seria del Camovale se lie spedita la capitulazione”; p. 113,25 Aprü 1761: “H musico Martenenghi ha accettata la capitulazione di secondo uomo.” To the hiring chronolo^ of the aforementioned singers may be added Francesca Gabrielli (seconda donna), who signed her contract the same date on which her sister signed her own, 18 February 1760 (which suggests the presence ofFrancesca m Turm at that time as well, although she did not sing at the Regio m 1760), and L’Eglise ("Tulthna parte”) and Ré (the role o f Diana), who were both hired in June of 1761. p. 72,24 December 1760: “Marchese D’Agliè come incaricato della nmsica ha proposto per uno dei maestri di cappella per le opere del camovale ventuio il M. Ponza Napolitano, m conseguenza si è pregato il Sig, CdiLavoiianodiofi&ûrglî la solita capitulazione a tal efiètto in gigliati 150”; p. 83,12 January 1761: “Si è sottoscritto dagli Signori Conte di Lavriano, e Marchese D’Agliè, la capitulazione del maestro di c^tpella Giuseppe Ponza, per comporte lamusica della prima opera deR’aimo venture m ediante I’onorario di zecchmi gigliati 150.” 103,8 April 1761: “II Marchese D’Agliè ha pure informato, che il Maestro Jomelli per una sua missivasierascusatoatteso dsuoserviziopresso 3SigDnca(E\^temberg;siaspettaancoraatal

137 chosen Ifigenia in Aulide by this date, since they sometimes sought out composers of

successful settings of pre-existing librettos when those librettos were set in Turin/*

Since Jommelli was not available, the directors wrote next to Giuseppe Scarlatti, then to

Gluck, to Traetta, and to Giuseppe Casali, each of whom was either occupied with other commissions or was not able to receive permission firom his patron to come to Turin for the premiere/^ The offer was finally accepted on 15 August by Ferdinando Bertoni, who at that time had slightly over two months to compose the entire work.“°

It is significant that Jommelli, Traetta, and above all, Gluck, were among the

Società’s choices for composers during this period, a fact that demonstrates “an

proposito le risposte di Gluck, e dello ScarlamV’ * This occurred in the case of Verazi’s Sofomsba, originally set by Traetta in 1762 (Turin setting by Galuppi, 1764) and Roccaforte’s P elopida, set by Gholamo Abos in Rome, 1747 (Turin setting by G. Scarlatti, 1762). This is not meant to suggest, however, that Verazi’s libretto was intended to be used m Turin as welL '^O rdinati vol. 5, p. 112,18 April 1761: “R Sig M D’Agliè ha mandate un bighetto al maestro di cappella Sig Scarlati presenz.a Vienna qual biglietto servirà di capitulazione, se sia bisogno per comporre la 2nda opera dell’anno prossimo 1761-62 med. il solito onorario di Doppie 100”; p. 115,19 May 1761: “Li maestri di cappella Scarlati, e Gluck hanno scritto da Vienna di non potere servire la società per il camovale prossnno, epperô si è determmato di scrivere a Traetta di far sapere se puô comporre la 2nda opera del camovale venture medknte il solite onorarie di zecchini 150, a condizione che si trovi in Terme per le feste del Natale”; p. 118,1 June 1761: “Siccome dalla rispostaavute da Parma dal Maestro Tomase Traetta con sta essere il med." impegnate per la p.a opera m Roma, e non potersi ritrovare in tempo in Torino, haime comesso al Conte di RebOant di scrivere al M. Casali Romano, oCferendoli la composizione della 2nda opera per il venture camevale.” ^ Since the opera had already been chosen by 15 August, it is not surprising to find the title mentioned m Bertoni’s contract, although composers’ contracts usually refer only to “the firsf’ or “the secontf’ opera o f a season. Despite the late luring of Bertoni m comparison to other composers, the directors held him to the usual term s; he was to send the music for the first two acts to Turm during November, and to brmg the third with him upon arrival m the city m December. Bertoni’s hning is confirmed by the entry in the O rdinati of 12 November 1761 (p. 128): “Essendb stata mandata dal Conte di Robilant al Conte di Lavriano una risposta del M. Casafi, colla quale sperava di poter servnre la società per la seconda opera del venturo camovale, e non avendo potato avere la si è offèrto per un altra volta, m seguito di che essendosi trattati vari m aestri si è spedita Capitulazione al Maestro Bertoni m Gigliati 130 sottoscritto Porporati, la quale è stata accettata, e runandata la controscritto.”

138 orientatioii toward the up-to-date and progressive” on the part of the directors/'

Jommelli had been corresponding and working with Verazi from the early 1750s, and his

French-inspired experimentation in Stuttgart had begun as early as 1755, with their collaborations Pelope and Enea nel Lazio, In 1758-59 the Stuttgart theater was renovated, and Jommelli’s output in the seasons immediately preceding the Societa’s commission in April of 1761 included works set to extensively modified Metastasian texts, with French-style prologues appended and ensembles and choruses added.^ In addition to the commission of 1761, the Società requested Jommelli’s presence in 1764 for another highly spectacular Turinese opera of the 1760s, Motezuma,

As for Traetta, Turin had engaged him in 1760 for Enea nel Lazio, requested him to return for 1761, and again for 1764. As noted above, the directors were undoubtedly aware of his activities at Parma, where he had set Frugoni’s Ippolito ed Aricia in 1759, a reworking o f Jean-Philippe Rameau’s that introduced French-style choruses and dance into aria opera.^ With successive commissions for Vienna in 1761

(Armida), Mannheim in 1762 (Verazi’s Sofanisba), and Vienna again in 1763 (Marco

Coltellini’s Ifigenia in Tauride), Traetta’s name became quickly and firmly linked with

French-inspired reform works.

Gluck had set Metastasio’s Para for Turin back in 1744, but was not called again to Turin until 1761. Having settled in Vienna in 1752, from then to the mid 1760s he

Viale Ferrero, La scmografia, p. 223: “un mdnûzo crîtico aggiomato e avanzato.” ^ Marita McCIymonds, “Jommelli, Niccolo,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 2:909. ^ Daniel Heartz, “Traetta, Tommaso,” The New Grave Dictionary o fOpera 4:776; idem , “Operatic Etefbtm at Parma. “

139 composed ballet music and adapted French opéras-comiques for the Viennese theaters."*^

The first opéra-comique with music entirely by him premiered in 1758, and for the next

six years he produced similar original works. His ballet , which marks his first

collaboration with Calzabigi and Angiolini, was to premiere later in the same year as the

Turin commission, 17 October 1761, and his ground-breaking Orfeo appeared the

following year, 1762. Gluck’s style was more radical than Jommelli’s or Traetta’s in its adoption o f new French-insphed characteristics; the choice of Gluck for this opera indicates especially clearly that the Turinese were far from conservative.

It is clear that Turin wished to incorporate not only French-inspired poetry and spectacle but music as well; the directors tried repeatedly to attract the composers who were demonstrating a commitment to the musical components of the new style. The composer whom they finally managed to engage, Bertoni, was not known for his efforts in French-influenced reform; this demonstrates perhaps that Turin’s commissions were not as attractive as those of Vierma, Mannheim, or Stuttgart,^ or that those composers did not have the freedom to leave the patrons who were undoubtedly aware o f their rising popularity. The directors’ efforts, however, reflect a general acceptance of the most striking features of the new style.

Jeremy Hayes, “Gluck, Christoph WiHibald,” H e Mew Grave Dictionary o fOpera 2:453. See also Brown, Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna, ^ VMe Ferrero, “"La scenogrqfia," p. 223: “Se poi tutti gli mterpeOati risposero negativamente, e a Tormo ricomparve E Bertoni, non fit proprio tutta colpa dei CavaHeri." Footnote to this comment, note 36: “hi effetti, gli mgaggi di Torino non erano proprio aHettanti; né^ d’altra parte, E prestigio di Tormo poteva essere paragonato a qneEo di altre sedi di spettacoIiT

140 Production Decisions: Elements o f Spectacle

Spectacle was always an essential component o f opera at Turin^ as shown in the documents that reveal the directors’ decision-making process. The Ordinati mdicate that

Ifigenia in Aulide was to emphasize spectacle more than usual; beyond the obvious deference to the king’s taste for extravagant display, the directors might have chosen to do this based on the relative lack of success of the three preceding productions. As we have seen, the new directors elected in December 1759 were responsible for the stylistically innovative and highly successful Enea nel Lazio, which received twenty-eight performances. Not since Enea had there been a production that had been as popular with the public; the intervening operas had received considerably fewer performances."^

Moreover, the directors must have been eager to avoid a season like the one immediately preceding, 1760-61, which had lost a great deal of money: the profits fix>m 1759-60 (of which Enea nel Lazio was the second opera) totaled L 17054.18.6 while those of 1760-61 were only L 4595.11.9, or less than a third of those fix>m the preceding season.^ Judging fi’om the success of Enea nel Lazio, the Società might have assumed—correctly—that attendance at the performances would increase with the elaborateness of the production.

Given the initial reference in the Ordinati to ‘^m’opera delle pin spettacolose,” it is not surprising to find numerous entries m the Libri conti for itons contributing to the elaborateness of the stage setting. The extra items required for the enhanced visual and aural effect of Ifigenia in Aulide included thunderbolts and comets; noise of the wmds

^ Tigrane (1761) came close with 22 perfoimances, but the others between Enea and Ifigenia were not successful: Artaserse (1769) received only 7 and Demetrio {1761} received 18. See Cronologie, p. 75. ^ VMe Ferrero, scenogrqfiaT p. 231, n. 76.

141 (for which the orchestra’s percussionist was paid); a large basin coated with silver inside and out; 900 sheets o f green material, 400 sheets of brass or copper, and 400 sheets of parchment (with which the designers formed painted, gût leaves and flowers covered in brass or copper, for use in the decoration of the costumes’*); 18 flowers made of linen or other material; paintings o f elms; gunpowder representing the lightning bolt (which strikes the altar in Act I); olive, laurel, and cypress branches; cypress wreaths made of parchment; garlands of various ^ e s ; and unspecified cardboard models for the scene design.^ Beyond the payments to the various designers and their staff for these items, there are payments to the drum player and the soldier who assisted with the thunder and the smoke, and to the servants of one of the members of the Società who assisted with the live bull (presumably the animal intended for sacrifice in Act 1).

The supernumeraries required ïot Ifigenia merited a discussion that is transmitted in the Ordinati. On 19 May 1761, the Count of Robilant (the director in charge of scene design) presented the list of supernumeraries (comparse) required for the two operas in

^ I am grateful to Mercedes Viale Ferrero (personal communicalioa) for clarifying both the meaning o f these terms and the maimer in which the items were used. ® A.S.C.T., L ibri conti voL 42, various entries, pp. 37-57. Transcribed in Viale Ferrero, “la scenogrqfia” p. 232, n. 77: “c. 37: pagamenti al pittore Farigliano, per decorazioni per l’Ifîgenia; e per la stessa, rhnborso di materiale ah’Agente Bayno “per fidmmi e cometa”; c. 57, sempre per ITfîgenia, pagamenti al cembalista Rolando di “ordegni 6 tti p. il rumore del vento.“ Ibidem, vol. 43, G iom ale, a c. 36: “AllTndoratore. . . Farigliano per aver argentato dentro e fhori un gran Bassmo, L. 12“; “a Giuseppe Fmestra per n. 900 fbglie verdi, 400 fbglie di Carta pecora, 400 foglie d'orpaglio, 18 Gori di tela, e foglie di carta pecora, e diversi altri Gori L. 200“; a c. 37: pagamento al pittore Mandotto per pitture di elmi ecc. L. 90; c. 40: “per una libra Polvere da Schioppo per uso del Fulmme neHa 2a opera. . . a G ppe Fmestra per diversi Rami d'oOiva di Carta pecora, sei rami di Lauro, sei Rami di Cipresso, Sei Corone di Cipresso di Carta pecora, e varie ghndande“; c. 44: “AGi DomesGci del Sigx Conte Perrone che hanno servito col H ue. . . neh’Opera dTfGgenie L. 48“; “Al Sigx Sunone Dugut [cioè Dughet] per Modelli Forme Cartoni, 6tG e provisti per E Scenario L. 55“; “al Tamburo Feleny et Soldato La Bellezza che baimn servito p. E Tuono, e Gnnata (fella 2.a Opera d*E£Ggerue L. 18.“

142 the season.^*^ The list fat Ifigenia is reproduced below just as it appears in the Ordinati^^

with the ^ e s of supernumeraries on the left and, on the right, labels indicating where in

the context o f the drama the first several groups appear (the group labeled simply

“comparse” were mute supernumeraries in the sacrificial scenes in Acts I and HI):

“Per L’Ifigenia”

1 Diana Per la Machina 2 Piccole Ninfe

1 Gran Sacerdote Comparse 4M inistri

6 Altri Ministri Del Tempio Cantanti 6 Fanciulle

24 Mirmidoni, seguaci d’Achille 36 Soldati Greci in 2 o 3 squadre 12 Marinai con sopra veste

A.S.C.T., Orrfwori voL 5, p. 116,25 May 1761: “II Conte di Robilant ha presentato io Stato delle comparsev che crede necessarie per I'omamento, e decorazione delle opere del venturo camevale, quale hanno mtieramente approvato, e qui registiate, e siccome nel med.*^ per maggiore omamento della 2nda opera propone li cori, ed una setttma parte per la parte di Diana hanno mcaricato 3 Sign Conte di Lavriano di trattare le cantanti. La L’Eglûe per ultima parte, e la Rè per la parte di Diana, m oltre di sentire li partiti che vi saranno per It corL” Thé chart is reproduced m. Bouquet, U teatro di corte, p. 307, without, however, reference to a margmal note appearmg in the O rdinati on the left side of the same page, “cioè no. 15 per Attori, e no. 77 per Soldati," totals which, do not seem to be accurate. The Libri conti indicate the foOowmg payment for the members of the military: “Soldati che hanno fotto da comparse nell R 45 e prove: L 1306.16.8.” A.S.C.T., O rdinati vol. 5, p. 116, 19 May 1761.

143 The number o f supernumeraries for the opera, then, totaled ninety-two (including the choral singers and the singer of the role of Diana, here considered a supernumerary), a large number of whom represented monbers of the military: Greek soldiers in two or three groups (Soldati Greci) and sailors (Marinai). The others portrayed troops of

Achilles (Mirmidoni), priests (Sacerdoti, Mmistri), and the girls (Fanciulle) who were maidens consecrated to the goddess Diana. Judging from the libretto, which shows that different groups of supmiumeraries were onstage in most scenes, there must have been plenty to engage the eye.

The list given above provides intriguing evidence regarding the spectacular machine that descended in the final scene of the opera: it carried not only the goddess

Diana, but two female supernumeraries portraying nymphs.^^ The machine must have been quite sturdy, as it supported a total of four bodies: also present was a violist, who accompanied Diana’s aria on the violin.^^ The manuscript score (to be discussed below) does not provide an obbligato part for this aria; while it is possible that one existed and was not included in the score, more likely the orchestral player was asked to double the vocal line from the machine. This would have lent support to the singer, who, suspended above the stage at what might have been a great distance from the orchestra, might have needed some assistance.

^ A.S.C.T., Libri conti voL 42, p. St: “aHe mfrascritte Donne per aver &tto ta Ccmpaisa di Nmfb neila 2.' Opera, Margarita Zenta, 13.10; Mariana Valetti, L. 13.10.” “ A.S.C.T., Ordinati voL 5, p. 158,3 March. 1762: “Mandate di L20 spedho al hivcre del saonatore Spotomo per aver suonato nella machina della 2nda opera” The G iom ale &om 1761-62 (voL 43) indicates that there were three orchestral players named Spotomo: Agostmo (violoncello), Biaggio (Gtggotti) and Camillo (viola), but the reference is clarified by this entry in the Libri Contis Ubro Mastro (voL 42) p. 34: “A cassa lire 20, pagate al Sigr. Camillo Spottomo per aver suonato del violmo nella macchma della 2nda opera” (this is cross-re&renced with the G iomale^ voL 43, p. 70, which gives the identical information).

144 The scene designs were created by the Galliari brothers Fabrizio and Bernardino, renowned throughout Europe for their elaborate and spectacular stage settings.^ For

Ifigenia they were paid a high fee, L 4800,^^ and their designs for this opera represent a departure from established practice: rather than the typical alternation of two types of scenes, “long” (lunga, which required the foil space o f the stage) and “shorf ’ (corta, using a small portion of the stage), the designs for Ifigenia show a variety o f types:^®

Magnifrco padilione corta Seno di mare lunga Gabinetto nella Reggia corta Luogo ombroso mezzo teatro Appartamenti corta Bosco sacro a Diana mezzo teatro Portici corta Grande e Magnifrco Tempio (lunga)

The scenes designated “lunga” are those in which the greatest spectacle occurs, consistent with the vastness of space required for the elaborate display: the interrupted sacrifice to the gods, which featured the live bull, dancing, and the storm complete with thunder and lightning, occurred in the “Scena di Mare” (1, v), while the sacrifice oflfigenia, including the procession and Diana in her machine, occurred in the “Grande e Magnifrco Tempio”

(m , ultima). The choruses, the groups of supernumeraries—including priests, soldiers, and maidens consecrated to the goddess Diana—as well as most if not all of the solo

^ Vmie Ferrero, La scenogrqfia d e l "700 e ifira telli G alliari (Turm, 1963). “ A.S.C.T., U b ri conti voL 42, p. 37. ^ Viale Ferrero, """La scenogrqfiar p. 228, and nn. 62-63. Vtale Ferrero ecplams that the designations in this chart are taken not finm. the libretto but &om the manuscrits of Fabrmo GaHiarL She further expiants that there is no scene ^ p e prescribed for the final scene, “Grande e Magnifico Tempio,” but that it must have been “longT to accommotbte the machme m which Diana is lowered on to the stage. Viale Ferrero reproduces three scene designs by Fabrmo Galliari far Ifigenia in Aulide^ found ut Turin's Biblioteca Reale (no call numbers are given): Fig, XXH A, “Scena di mare ingombrato da navi Greche. hmanzi porto d'AuIide” (Act I, scene v); Fig. XXE B, “Rovme d'antico acquedotto da una parte; bosco daU'altra con un piccolo Tempio di Diana, Mare m prospetto” (Act m , scene 0; Hg. XXm A, “Portico rustico, per cui dal

145 singers, were present during each of these scenes; thus, the human bodies onstage would have numbered over one hundred, and the visual effect must have bear astounding.

Choruses are a prominent component of opera in the Fraich style; although they occasionally occur in Metastasian librettos, the integration of them within the action of the scenes of opera seria librettos around mid-centiuy generally suggests French influence. Choruses were first seen on the Regio stage in 1750, as part of the La Vittoria d ’Imeneo; they began to appear in opera seria at the Regio in the

1760s, and became more fi’equent in productions at this theater starting in the 1770s.

Ifigenia in Aulide was the first original opera seria libretto produced in Turin to have included choruses, and the decision to incorporate them was closely tied to the decision to deliberately enhance the opera’s spectacle; when the Conte di Robilant proposed the ninety-two supernumeraries mentioned above, he also proposed, “for maximum ornamentation,’’ the addition of choruses.

While the choruses were clearly a valued part of the production, the choral singers did not receive high payment. The directors hired Tommaso Vallino, a Turinese musician, to form a chorus of twelve singers, six men and six women, with total payment to them fixed at L 80 “or whatever fee might seem most appropriate” per evening.^^

Later it was determined that the payment to the group of singers should be decreased to L

70, and it was apparently necessary to clarify that this amount constituted their full payment “for each performance, including the rehearsals, for which no one will be paid luogo, dove SÎ custodiscono le vittme, si passa al Tempio di Diana" (Act IH, scene vi). ^ AS.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 134,12 December 1761: “Si è detenniiiato cfae ü Maicfaese d’Aglié possa trattare con Vallmo per la provista di 12 musici de cori della 2nda opera del prossimo camevale antotisandolo ad offiirgli smo a L 80 per sera o qoella somma, cfae parera püt convenevole al Sig Marcfaese

146 [extra].”^* The reason for the decrease in the fee paid to the choral singers is not

indicated. The Libri conti show that Vallino received L 1890, out o f which he was to pay

the singers, and received an additional payment for his services.^’ The payment per

singer per night thus averages out to L 5.83, a small sum compared to most other

components of the production (but more than the choral singers were paid in Sofanisba,

which will be discussed below). The Ordinati indicate that the singers requested

costumes, which were not provided for them by their contract Their request was

apparently denied, and they were told to follow the procedures o f 1750 for costuming themselves.'*® The evidence suggests that although the choruses were considered

important components of the opera, the choral singers were treated less than warmly by the administration.

The Libretto

Ifigenia in Aulide was Cigna-Santi’s third libretto for Turin and undoubtedly his most experimental. As mentioned above, it was praised by his contemporaries,'** and it

suddetto.’^ See also Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 306. A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 137,27 December 1761: “Si è detenninato spedirsi capitulazioue per gli cori della seconda opera in capo del musico Vallmo per la provista di dodeci voci per il prezzo di L 70 per cade récita, comprese le prove, per le quali non potra fbrmare pretensione veruna.” ” A.S.C.T., Libri conti voL 42, p. 34. Twelve singers paid L 70 per performance for twenty-seven performances totals L 1890. A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 150,24 January 1762: “Gli musici e musiche & cori avendo cbmmato il piccolo vestmrio, il quale non si è parlato nella loro Capitulazione, si è determmato mfbrmarsi del praticato all’opera 6tta m occasione del Matrnnomo di SAR per unifbrmarvisi.’’ Neither the O rdinati nor the L ib ri conti for 1750 (O rdinati vol. 3 [1744-52], Libri conti voL 23 [1750]) provide any m&rmation regarding the costummg o f the choruses for La Vittoria d'Lmeneo- It will be recalled that Ifigenia in Aulide is cited m Novelle letterarie di Firenze, voL XXEH (1762), p. 302, at tfie end of the entry forCigna^s publication oîPoesia permusicaof 1760: “ — di questa tempraè ancora la Tragedia, che segue del medesnno illustre Autora ffîgenia in Aulide —

147 was published with Enea nel Lazio and Motezuma in Biblioteca teatrale italianaf^ More

evidence of the libretto’s favorable reception was its revival in Rome in 1766, where it

was set to music by . The libretto for the Roman production mcludes a

complimentary reference to the poet, although Cigna is not named: Ifigenia is called “a

work by an illustrious, living man of letters, still praised for his other fine works.”^^

Ifigenia in Aulide is the second libretto in which Cigna’s name appears in print, where he

is listed with the singers and the composer (the first was Enea nel Lazio). As noted

above, Cigna’s Turinese Arcadian affiliation is indicated here for the first time as well:

“The poetry is by the Turinese Sig. Vittorio Amedeo Cigna, known among the Arcadians

as Ginestrio Argeatide.”^ Although he was not paid regularly or well for his revisions of pre-existing librettos, Cigna received L 480 for Ifigenia in Aulide, his highest payment o f the decade.^^ The entry in the Libri conti shows that he provided assistance of some kind during the production as well, which may explain the increased payment.**^ This

Diodati, Biblioteca teatrale italiana, voL VI ( 1765), pp. 83-159. A copy o f this coUectioa is held at US- Cu. Comparison of an exemplar of the 1762 libretto (also at US-Cu, and textually identical to other exemplars consulted) with the libretto as reproduced in this collection reveals the following variants: a cavatma for Achille consisting o f five lines is added before his recitative in the opening of I, vi (Diodati vol. 6, p. 99), and two additional stanzas are added to Clitennestra's aria at the close ofm , iv (Diodati vol. 6, pp. 140-41). These variants do not appear in the manuscript score reflecting Turinese performance (to be (hscussed below), and this collection antedates the Rome revival m 1766. These changes were presumably added by the author before publication m Diodati’s collection. Vol. VI of Diodati’s collection is cited m Novelle letterarie, voL XXIV ( 1763), and Ifigenia is mentioned on p. 2 2 1 :"... Ifigenia m Aulide, Dramma per Musica del celebre Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Tormese fia gli Arcadi Ginestrio Argeatide.. . . questa scelta, ed edizione seguita ad essere bella al solito.” Oscar Sotmeck, Catalogue o fOpera Librettos, vol. 2, p. 607, Ifigenia [Rome, 1766], “[The libretto mcludes] this allusion to the author 'opera d’msigne letterato vivente, celebre ancora per altre sue felici produzionL* Comparison proved this to be Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi’s Ifigenia in Aulide^ "La Poesm è del Sig. Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Tormese, fia gli Arcadi Gmestrio Argeatide.” 1762 libretto, p. VL ® A.S.C.T, G iom ale vol. 43, p. 45 (also Libro M astro voL 42, p. 16), 26 Feb. 1762: “Lire 480 al Sig. Cigna per aver composto il dramma d’Ifigenia e per Tassistenza prestata nel corso della suda Opera.” Cigna's payments, which always mchided compensation both fi)r new works and for revisions to preexistmg librettos, varied over the course of the 1760s; he received L 400 for the origmal libretto fiheu

148 reference to a relatively high payment that includes helping with a particular opera during the course of production is the only one of this sort that appears during the years under discussion. Although its meaning is unclear, the “assistance” might have involved last- minute textual revisions, or the composition of an additional aria for Achille, to be discussed below.

As we have noted, Iphigenia in Aulis was a popular subject for opera seria librettos throughout the eighteenth century. While its source is the drama by Euripides, most librettos follow the version of the story set forth in Racine’s Iphigénie en Aulide. hi

Euripides’s version, the Greek fleet is stranded at Aulis where it has assembled to sail for

Troy to rescue Helen, who had been abducted by Paris. , father of Iphigenia, is commanded by an oracle to sacrifice his daughter in order that the winds may blow and the ships may sail. He vacillates while Iphigenia’s mother, , protests;

Iphigenia’s fiancé, the great warrior Achilles, defends his intended. Iphigenia proceeds willingly to the altar, but just as the sacrifice is about to occur, the goddess Diana intervenes and carries Iphigenia off, leaving a deer in her place. Diana is not invoked in

Racine’s version; Racine introduces a second Iphigenia, Eriphyle, whom the priests realize at the last moment is the gods’ true intended victim. She sacrifices herself, and

Iphigenia and Achilles are fiee to marry.

Racine’s influence is evident in the libretto by Apostolo Zeno (1718) and that by

Mattia Verazi (1751), which was modeled on Zeno’s. In the version by Leopoldo de n et Lazio and revisions to La Clemenza di Tito (1760-61), L 480 for the present season (seeprecedmg footnote), and L 473.68 for the original libretto Motezuma and revisions to Sofanisba (both second operas of seasons 1764-65 and 63-64 respectively). L 480 probably mcloded revisions to the libretto of the season's fust opera, Demetrio^ as well as those for the new libretto of Ifigenia and the assistance he

149 Vülati (1748), Ifigenia is saved by Diana, who then returns her to Achille so they may be married. Francesco Algarotti’s French libretto, Iphigénie en Aulide^ appended to his 1755

Saggio sopra I ’opera in musica,^^ draws upon Euripides, rather than Racine, as its source, thus standing apart from eighteenth-century tradition. In Algarotti’s libretto, Diane saves

Iphigénie from the sacrifice by substituting a deer at the last moment, while in Racine’s version, Eriphyle sacrifices herself. Eriphyle (Erifile) is not present in either Algarotti’s or Cigna’s libretto. Cigna’s libretto bears other similarities to some of these pre-existing versions; these will be discussed presently.

The Plot

In Cigna’s argomento, we leam that the Greek fleet has been detained at Aulis, and that Ifigenia has been promised to Achille by Agamennone. The opera opens with

Agamennone, his confidante Arcade, and his military advisor Ulisse, who discuss military matters. They are soon joined by Ifigenia and her mother, CUtennestra, who ask why

Achille has not yet returned fium his conquests of the enemies at Lesbos. Clitennestra her fears to Ifigenia that the reason for Achüle’s tardiness is his infidelity to

Ifigenia, who refuses to believe her mother’s suspicions. The scene ends with a tender da capo aria in which Ifigenia sings of her love for Achille. After a change in stage setting shifting the action to the seaside where the Greek ships are stranded, Achille arrives and encounters Ulisse. Their exchange is interrupted by preparations for the ceremony intended to placate the gods, a sacrifice of an ox. A chorus of priests sings a prayer to the provided.

150 gods to render the sea and winds favorable 6 r the voyage^ and a group o f warriors dance in celebration of the coming victory. The chorus and dancing are interrupted by a terrifying storm that presents many opportunities for spectacular display: sudden bursts of thunder, turbulence at sea, dark clouds that cover the heavens, and constant lightning, a bolt of which strikes the altar itself. A frightened Agamennone tells Arcade to go and discover why the gods are displeased. Back in Ifrgenia’s chambers, Clitennestra continues to urge her to be cautious, and Ifigenia begins to believe that her mother may be right. Achille finally arrives and although he declares his faithfulness, Ifigenia is ambivalent The act closes with an extended aria in which Achille expresses his love for

Ifigenia and his firustration at her doubts.

Act II opens with Agamennone receiving the unwelcome news fix)m Ulisse that the gods demand the sacrifice not of an animal, but of his only daughter. Agamennone vacillates between paternal love and regal duty, finally asking Ulisse for advice. Ulisse, the consummate strategist, urges Agamennone to obey the gods above all. Agamennone concurs, yet changes his mind once again. Confused and fiustrated, he orders Arcade to take Ifigenia to safety, and to tell Clitennestra that Achille refuses to marry until he sees

Troy destroyed. Upon receiving this news from Arcade, the women are distraught

Ifigenia confiants Achille, who denies Arcade's story, declaring anew his devotion to her.

Ifigenia is then genuinely confused, not knowing whom to believe. She encounters

Ulisse, who tells her that indeed Achille is telling the truth, but that she should remam in

Aulide (since she must be sacrificed, of which only he and Agamennone are aware at this

Francesco Algarotti &iggto sopra ropem in musica, m Saggf, ed. Giovanni da Pozzo (Bari: Laterza,

151 point). Ifîgenia trustingly believes him, exits, and Ulisse condemns Agamennone for having softened. After the third change of scenery in the act, Clitennestra confronts

Agamamone, refusing to believe that he would order a halt to the wedding and destroy his daughter’s happiness. In an extended and dramatic aria, Agamennone blusters at her that his word is final and will be obeyed. Clitennestra sadly informs her daughter of

Agamennone’s decision. Arcade appears and finally reveals to Ifigenia, Clitennestra, and

Achille the decree of the gods; Arcade promises to lead Ifigenia to safety, while Achille vows to defend his beloved. In an extended final scene culminating in a tender duet, the lovers struggle with their conflicting emotions: Ifigenia’s fear for her life and doubts about Achille’s devotion; Achille’s fury at his unhappy fate and his love for Ifigenia.

Achille convinces Ifigenia that although he does desire honor, glory, and his country, his affection for her is sincere.

As Act ni opens, Ulisse is preparing to trap Arcade and the fleeing women. He succeeds, only to be confronted by Achille who rushes in to defend Ifigenia. The two soldiers draw swords but they are interrupted by Ifigenia’s pronouncement that she wül offer herself as a willing victim for the honor of the Greeks. Clitennestra despairs and

Achille’s fiiry returns, but the sacrifice is prepared. Agamennone is beside himself with grief, and Clitennestra and Achille plead with him to relent In a moving trio, each character expresses his own fimstrations and together they lament the decree of the gods.

This climactic ensemble moves the action smoothly into the sacrificial scene, in which a procession o f numerous groups of soldiers, priests, and maidens consecrated to the

1963), pp. 149-92 (libretto, pp. 197-223).

152 goddess Diana march to the temple, followed by Ifigenia draped in white robes. The striking image of the procession in which the willing victim draped in white slowly approaches the fimeral pyre accompanied by a “sinfonia lugubre” is a convention of the

Ifigenia operas, appearing in all the important libretti of the century, including those by

Villati, Verazi, and Algarotti."** This scene must have been popular not only for its visual spectacle, but for the appeal to the neoclassical sensibilities of eighteenth-century audiences."*’ A chorus, the opening and closing stanzas of which frame the scene, introduces Ifigenia's declaration that she is willing to accept her own sacrifice for the sake of the victory of the Greeks against Troy. This is followed by Agamennone’s brief prayer, and after the choral refrain, the priest strikes Ifigenia, who disappears and in whose place a deer instantly and miraculously appears. At that moment the clouds open and Diana descends. Achille rushes in to defend Ifigenia, pursued by Ulisse with sword in hand. Everyone gasps in surprise at the appearance of the goddess, who explains that the blood of Ifigenia was too precious to be spilled, and that she will aid the Greeks in their coming battles. After an elaborate aria, she ascends again to the heavens, Achille turns his attention towards victory, and the opera closes with a traditional coro anticipating the glory of the Greeks.

^ As Zeno's libretto is modeled on Racme’s retelling of the myth, it does not mclude a procession; Ulisse tells the other characters o f Elisena's (Erÿhyle's) suicide and Ifigenia is saved. ■*’ Cummmg, “Gluck’s Ifigenm Operas,” p. 221.

153 Cigna’s Models

The O rdinati reveal that Cigna-Santi was given the task of creating an opera with enhanced spectacle. In order to better understand the significance of the innovations in

Cigna’s libretto, and how he chose to handle the spectacular element, it will be helpful to examine works that served as his models.

The libretto of Apostolo Zeno (1718),^° set to music by , was the most popular version of the century, set seven times after its premiere in Vienna.^' In his argomento Zeno states that he has drawn elements finm both the original Greek myth and the play of Racine. He explains the literary precedents for the three different endings of the story; first, that Iphigenia was actually sacrificed (the ending found in and

Sophocles); second, that she was saved fi’om the sacrifice by Diana, who substitutes a deer in her place (that adopted by Euripides); and third, that the daughter of Helen and

Theseus, also named Iphigenia but raised under a difièrent name, is sacrificed instead of

Iphigenia (that found in Pausania, book H, and adopted by Racine, who calls her

Eriphyle). He eliminates the first two endings: “The first leads to an ending that is too tragic, and the second to a resolution that is too unbelievable.”^^ Evidence o f Racine’s play remains in certain aspects of the plot, in the absence of the characters O rests and

Menelaus, as well as in the presence o f Ulysses, king of Ithaca and fellow warrior, and

Areas (Arcade), who do not appear in Euripides’s original. Zeno changes the name of

” Apostolo Zeno, (Venice: per Domenico Lovisa, 1718). Exemplar consulted: US-Wc, Schatz 1484. Julie Cummmg m “Iphigenm in Auiis,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 2:816 lists them as follows: Orlandmi (1732), Giovanni Porta (1738), Porpota (1735), Afaos (1745), Sarti (1777), Tarchi (1785), and Gniseppe Giordani (1786). ^ Zeno., p. 4: **... la ptuna menava la fkvola a un fine troppo tragico, e la seconda ad uno scioghmento

154 Eriphyle to Elîsena, and adds a male character of the same rank, Teucro, who is Elisena’s lover.

Fxamination o f Zeno’s libretto reveals it to be an important source for Cigna’s version. In general, the action is more tightly condensed in Cigna’s reworking; without the amorous intrigues involving Elisena and Teucro, all attention is focused on the events surrounding the main characters. With the exception of the absence of the subplot, and the difference in the endings, there are many parallels in plot and characterization, and

Cigna frequently borrows particular lines and turns of phrase horn Zeno. Ifigenia’s hnpassioned recitative in which she declares her willingness to die for the glory of the

Greeks is a fine example of the manner in which Cigna both adopts and transforms

Zeno’s text.^^ Several important phrases are lifted directly fi’om the original, and the rest is similar in tone and content. The dramatic context of the passage is the same in both versions: Ulisse, having rushed in and confronted Achille, Clitennestra, and Ifigenia, begins to argue with Achille; the two draw swords, uttering “All’armi, all’armi,” and just as they begin to fight, Ifigenia urges them to stop. This passage is accompanied by orchestral mstruments in Bertoni’s score (to be discussed below); presumably it received similar emphasis in the musical setting for Vienna, by Caldara, given the impassioned language in the libretto:

troppo tDctedible.” ^ 1718 libretto, p. 49; 1762 libretto, pp. 43-44.

155 Zeno, Ifîgenia’s recitative, HI, xii Cigna, Ifigenia’s recitative, HI, in

Duci, fermate. Ifigenia ven prega. Ah per pietà fermate, Uditemi; e se cose Vel chiede Ifigenia. Meudite, ea Diro dalle passate assai diverse. quanto Da un’incognita fbrza Le diro, qual chi scosso Spinta diro, cessin le risse, e Tire. Da lungo sonno, apre le Inci, e vede 10 risolvo morire. Non pria veduti oggetti. Ma non basta pero: la morte mia Di me degna, e di voi convien che sia. Ecco che in me tien fissi Ecco che in me tien volti Gli occhi la Grecia tutta> Aure Gli occhi la Grecia intera. Aure propizie seconde Ella attende a’ suoi legni: Ella n’attende a’legni suoi, vittoria Vittoria a’ suoi guerrieri; e vedrà in A’ suoi guerrieri. Ed io breve Tradiro tanta speme? Ahmadre, io Paride estinto, llio disfatto ed arso. nacqui Tutto, tutto awerra con la mia morte. Per me non già, ma per la patria, e Di tanti, che qui sono uomini eletti, quando Qual c’è mai che paventi, Salvar la posso al di chiudendo i rai. O rifiuti la morte? lo tanto vile Non compiangermi, o madre, io vissi Sard, che thnorn’abbia? assai. E di si degna impresa arresti il Tu si bell’opra, Achille, corso? Deh non tuÂar. Giacchè il destin mi O ignominia! O rimorso vieta Peggiordimorteî Andiamo, Greci, Di viver teco, di mia morte il frutto andiamo. Almen non mi rapir. Tu délia Grecia Ftglia son della patria. Figlio pur sei: de’ suoi nemici a danno S’armi solo il tuo sdegno, e ti consola, Che il Cielo, e non la Grecia a te m’invola. Vittima volontaria Eccomi, o Greci, a voi ne vengo. Ecco il petto, ecco ü capo. Applaudo Andiamo: al colpo, Spargasi appiè dell’Ara Che a voi rechi salute, a me dia Dsanguemio: valor, fidanza accresca gloria. 11 sagrifîcio illustre a’ vostri cuori, Questi, questi saran pregi hmnortali. E mie glorie saranno i vostri allori. La mia dote, i miei figli, i miei sponsali.

156 Borrowings such as these, not only of specific phrases (for example, “Ecco che in me tien fissi [or “voltT’] / Gli occhi. . . ”) but of ideas in general, occur more often in passages of recitative than in arias. Cigna’s aria texts do not seem to rely heavily on

Zeno’s; moreover, there are fewer of them. Zeno’s libretto includes thirty-one full-length arias in contrast to Cigna’s twenty-two (each libretto contains a single cavata).

Occasionally a single line of Zeno’s recitative text provides the basis for an aria in

Cigna’s libretto; or, as in the following example, Cigna adopts a simile fi-om an aria in the original and and reworks the hnage:^ .54

Zeno, aria fi>r Achille, 0, xvi Cigna, aria for Achille, III, v

Se mai fiero leon vede assalita Fiero Leon, che teme Da alpestre cacciator la sua Perdo* la sua compagna, compagna, S’alza rabbioso, e fteme, 11 bosco e la ca[m]pagna—empie E fa col suo ruggito fremendo. n bosco, e la campagna In suon muggendo—di pietà, e di Intomo risonar. rabbia. Non men féroce anch’io Sormo[n]ta ogni riparo infirange ogni Sapro di sdegno armato asta: Difender I’idol mio. Tutto scompiglia, e guasta; Me stesso vendicar. Nè fa ritrar dalla féroce pugna L’acuto dente, e I’ugna, Che non la mtri insanguinar la sabbia.

In both arias, Achille compares himself to a proud lion protecting his mate. The arias appear in different contexts in the two versions. In Zeno’s libretto, Achille’s aria appears at the end o f a scene of dialogue among hnnself, Ifigenia, and Clitennestra. Two scenes earlier, Achille and Ifigenia had argued about Agamemnon’s fateful decision:

1718 libretto, p. 38; 1762 libretto, pp. 46-47.

157 Ifîgenia urges Achille to accept the &ct that she cannot disobey her father. Achille is furious at Ifîgenia’s willing acceptance of her father’s decree; Clitennestra enters and pleads with Achille to save her daughter. With her lover enraged and her mother despairing, Ifîgenia suddenly changes her mind; she decides to plead with her father for her life. Achille expresses his determination to save his beloved in the impassioned aria that concludes the scene. In Cigna’s version, Ifîgenia undergoes no such change of heart; she accepts her father’s wishes and goes willingly to the altar. Cigna places Achille’s aria at the end of a monologue scene in which he expresses his conflicting emotions of love, anger, and grief; he resolves to let his fliry guide him. Cigna’s scene consists mainly of simple recitative which gives way to accompanied in the last few lines before the aria begins.

Cigna’s liberal borrowing o f Zeno’s text demonstrates the esteem with which the works o f the earlier poet were regarded throughout the century. Whether he adapts speciflc passages of text or draws on poetic ideas or elements of plot that he then reworks, Cigna demonstrates an appreciation of Zeno’s greamess and o f the literary tradition he represents.

Zeno’s libretto influenced all successive poetic settings of the Ifîgenia story, including that of Mattia Verazi.^^ Although L 'Ifigenia (1751) was Verazi’s flrst opera seria libretto, it already shows the poet’s tendency toward innovative structural features despite its performance in Rome, a very conservative cultural center. As his version is a reworking of Zeno’s, it ends with the suicide of Eriflle (Bnphyle), and Diana does not

Mattia Verazi, L 'Ifigenia ^om e, 1751). Copy consulted; US-AUS, KL 17-98.

158 appear. Verazi breaks with eighteenth-century dramatic conventions in several important ways: Ifigenia does not exit after her major aria in Act EH; the suicide of Enfile is staged; and an extended ensemble for the principals occurs at the opera’s close. Many of the aria texts exceed the traditional length of the double quatrain.

While Cigna draws on Zeno for elements of plot and features of his text, he is influenced by Verazi’s structural innovations and strength of characterization.

Particularly interesting is Cigna’s adaptation of Verazi’s Act HI aria for Agamennone:

Verazi, aria for Agamennone, IH, i Cigna, aria for Agamennone, H, ix

Superbo, ancor non cedi? Superba, ancor non cedi? Io cost voglio, e taci. Lasciami, parti, e tad. Que’ sensi contumad Que’ sensi contumad M’empiono di furor. Mi destano a furor. (Spiegar potessi almeno L’affanno del mio cor!) Figlia tu forse credi, Barbaro tu mi credi, che teco io sia severo; E barbara tu sd. Ma Figlia non è vero. Se ingrata a’cenni mid Ah: mi vedessi il cor. Puoi contrastare ancor. (Ah mi leggesse in seno! Ah mi vedesse il cor!)

Although the texts are similar, the arias differ in structure and in function within the respective dramas. The traditional double quatrain structure of Verazi’s aria is ap ical of this poet, who tends toward more extended structures in his arias. In the first stanza Agamennone berates Achille for not respecting his dedsion to placate the gods with Ifigenia’s sacrifice, and in the second, addressed riietorically to Ifigenia who is absent fix>m the scene, he voices to himself his private regrets and fiustrations. Here

Agamennone is rendered pathetic; he is tom between his anger at Achille’s lack o frespect

159 and his frustration over his powerlessness, and his rhetorical address of the entire second stanza to Ifîgenia further emphasizes the pathos of his situation.

hi contrast, Cigna’s rewoiting of the piece in the less conventional structure of two six-line stanzas conveys Agamennone’s dilemma more effectively. Here, Clitennestra pleads with Agamennone to allow Ifîgenia to remain in Aulide, unaware that her daughter’s sacrifîce has already been decreed. Agamennone tells her to leave him in peace just as he tells Achille in Verazi’s libretto. Cigna’s aria allows expression of a greater range of the character’s emotions: both stanzas end with rhetorical asides revealing the tenderness behind Agamennone’s blustering, asides similar in tone and function to the entire second stanza of Verazi’s aria. The more frequent vacillation between the two extremes of his conflicting emotions gives Agamennone a depth that is merely hinted at in Verazi’s version. The extended structure, which Cigna reserves for moments of dramatic intensity, and forceful language, emphasize Agamennone’s torment and iimer conflict.

Ifigenia’s climactic aria in Act IH is the centerpiece of the drama in Verazi’s libretto.^^ Cigna adapted parts of this text for his aria for Ifigenia at the corresponding point in the drama (although he does not adopt the lack of exit). Here Ifigenia, fully

^ Verazi’s libretto was set to music in other cities after the Rome premiere, mclading Mannheim later the same year (see McCIymonds, ‘^Mattia Verazi,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 4:930). Comparison o f the Rome, 1751 libretto to that o f Mannhehn. o f the same year (copy consulted: I-Tci, L .0 .142) reveals cuts involving several passages o f recitative and arias, which are present in the Rome version but are absent Gom Mannheim: the arm in the foHowmg discussion (“Pache, Addio”) is one o f these. It would appear that, given the 6 ct that Cigna reworiced this aria m the composition of ”Madre. . . Sposo,” Cigna (hew on the Rome original rather than the Mannheim revision. This becomes more significant considermg Cigna's known connection to the Roman Arcadi m 1765; it is possible that hm association with Rome had begtm mucheariier.

160 cognizant o f the gravity of her situation, sings a touching farewell to her fiancé and father

(in Verazi’s version) and to her fiancé and mother (in Cigna’s):

Verazi, III, ix, aria for Ifigenia Cigna, HI, iii, aria for Ifigenia

“Padre, Addio: Ti lascio o caro “Madre„.Sposo...OhDio, piangeteî Vado a morte.. .Aime, piangete! Ah quel pianto nascondete Deh qnel pianto nascendete A quest’occhi per pietà. Nascondete alle mie ciglia: Son tua Sposa, son tua Figlia, Non resisto al rio dolor. Da voi parto, è ver, ma quando Non mi da terror la morte, Chiuse avro le luci al giomo. Ma a quel pianto il cor men forte. Ombra ancora verrowi intomo No, resistere non sa.” Ragionando al vostro Cor.”

Cigna shortens and changes Verazi’s text, but the first stanzas bear striking

similarities. Verazi’s treatment is more pathetic; Cigna’s is more restrained. The lack of exit after this aria, one of the experimental features o f Verazi’s libretto, is not adopted by

Cigna at this point In Cigna’s version, Ifigenia exits and reappears several scenes later when the sacrifice is to occur. In Verazi’s, the sacrifice is prepared immediately after the aria.

Cigna demonstrates keen awareness of Verazi’s strength as a dramatist by selecting as models these two arias, which are among the most dramatically memorable pieces in the work. But Cigna’s debt to Verazi extends beyond simple reworking of aria texts. More significantly, Cigna was influenced by Verazi’s approach to structure in the final scenes of the opera. Toward the end of Act m, both poets include an aria without a subsequent exit, which allows for a gradual growth in intensity over several scenes,

leadmg to the climax of the opera:

161 Verazi, Act IH, scene viü to end Cigna-Santi, Act HI, scene vii to end

scene viii: “lugubre Sinfonia” and scene vii; Agamennone alone procession, Iftgeniaand Achille. (aria with no exit)

scene ix; Agamennone and previous scene viii; Clitennestra, Achille, and characters previous. Clitennestra faints and is (Ifigema: aria with no exit) led away.

scene x: Euribate and previous scene ix; “lugubre Sinfonia” and characters beginning of procession, Ifigenia and previous characters, final scene; Erifile and previous at end; Ifigenia, Agamennone and characters procession move into temple, Achille withdraws to other side of stage.

scene x; Ulisse

scene xi: Ifigenia, Agamennone, Arcade, and procession

final scene; Achille, Ulisse, Clitennestra, Diana, and previous

In Verazi’s libretto, the climax begins to build startmg with Act HI, scene viii, which opens with the procession to the sacrifical altar led by the royal guards, soldiers, and priests, followed by Ifigenia draped in white robes. While in Cigna’s version some of these groups comprise choruses that sing during stage action involving them, Verazi’s supernumeraries are mute, and the procession is accompanied only by the “lugubre

Sinfonia.” The scene continues with the sudden entrance of Achille, who tries to convince Ifigenia to flee with him. She protests, Agamennone enters, and the three central characters lament the fate of Ifigenia, who then smgs the farewell aria described above. The reprise o f the aria’s fost section is interrupted by the entrance of Euribate

(Agamennone’s confidante in Verazi’s version), hence the lack of exit afier Ifigenia’s

162 aria. He brings the good news that it is not Ifîgenia that the gods demand, but Erifîle, who enters and sacrifices herself by leaping into the sea. The fînal scene ends with an unconventional complex ensemble for the remaining four characters. The lack o f exits from scene viii to the end of the opera allows the entfre cast (except Erifîle) to be present onstage frr the fînal scene.

Cigna begins gradually building to the opera’s climax several scores earlier than does Verazi. His scene viii begins with Agamennone alone, musing over the news he must bring to Ifîgenia and Clitennestra. Agamennone’s recitative culminates in an aria, after which he does not exit but continues singing in recitative, as he prays for strength upon noticing the approach of Clitennestra and Achille. In the following scene

Agamennone brings himself to reveal the will of the gods, and Clitennestra faints and is led away by her servants. The next scene begins with the traditional procession to the altar. Recitative in this scene leads to a trio for Ifîgenia, Achille, and Agamennone. The last two then proceed to the temple, Achille withdraws to the other side of the stage, and

Ulisse, Achille’s nemesis, rushes in. After Ulisse’s lengthy da capo aria and subsequent exit, the following scene begins with the choral invocation of the goddess while the royal guards, priests. Arcade, Agamennone and other soldiers surround Ifîgenia. She aimounces her willingness to die for the honor of Greece, Agamennone utters a brief prayer, then hides his face in horror in his cloak. After the choral refirain that follows, just as the high priest is about to stab Ifîgenia with the sacred knife, a deer miraculously appears in Ifîgenia’s place, while the heavens open and clouds descend, indicating the presence of the goddess. The fînal scene begins with the entrance of the remainmg

163 characters: Achille, returning from the other side o f the stage, Ulisse, pursuing hhn with his sword drawn, and Clitennestra. As Achille runs furiously towards the altar, the clouds open, revealing Diana. All express astonishment at the presence of the goddess and her rescue of Ifîgenia. Diana sings an aria and exits by reascending to the heavens in the machine. Her exit is not accompanied by a change in scene number in the traditional manner; thus, the libretto includes two arias that stand against poetic convention in this manner. The action continues with a brief recitative sung by Achille, who at the loss of his fiancé takes heart in the power o f the gods and in the coming victory and glory of the

Greeks, and concludes with a conventional choral ensemble consisting of the primary characters.

More exits occur in Cigna’s version than in Verazi’s, which might appear to break up the continuity of events leading to the climactic ending. However, the stage design created for the Turinese performance permitted Cigna-Santi to construct action that builds to a clhnax over a longer period than Verazi’s: scenes vi through x occur at a set of gates through which the temple of Diana is reached, and the fînal two scenes take place in the temple. The seamless coimection between these sets o f scenes, which occur on different parts of the stage, is created in part by the fact that the procession beginning in scene ix does not move the action from the gates into the temple until the end of that scene: the entirety of scene ix, including the terzetto, takes place at the gates, after which Ifîgenia and Agamennone with their retinue enter the temple (this action occurs during scene x, which consists of Ulisse’s monologue and is the last scene to take place in finnt of the gates). When the procession starts in scene ix, the remaining scenes follow as a natural

164 extension of those preceding. Moreover, the presence of Agamennone in every scene from scene vii to the end (with the exception o f Ulisse’s monologue)—because he stays onstage after his aria in scene vii—contributes to the continuity of the second half of the act, Just as the presence of Ifigenia for the final scenes in Verazi’s version helps to create the same effect.

Cigna was clearly influenced by Verazi’s L 'Ifigenia, which breaks with tradition in important ways. But Cigna goes even further than Verazi in stretching the boundaries of convention. In his incorporation of experimental features such as choruses, duets, trios, and dance integrated into the action—elements which, with the exception of a short duet within the rather extended final ensemble at the end of Zeno’s Act III, do not appear in Zeno’s or Verazi’s librettos—Cigna departs radically from tradition.

His most significant model from the standpoint of French-inspired structural innovation is Algarotti’s Iphigénie en Aulide, a libretto in French appended to his Saggio sopra I'opera in musica (1755). As mentioned in Chapter I, the Saggio was the best known and widest ranging of the critiques of opera seria published around mid-century.

Iphigénie en Aulide put into practice the principles spoused in the Saggio; it dethroned the virtuoso singer with its focus on multiple choruses, ballets, and stage spectacle integrated into the action. Although never set to music, Algarotti’s libretto was “part of the thinking on reform opera,”^ and seems to have been the inspiration for the most striking features of Cigna’s Ifigenia in A ulide,

^ Cummia& "Iphigenm in Aulis,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 2:816.

165 Cigna was certainly influenced by Algarotti’s use of the chorus. Although choruses figure more prominently in Algarotti’s libretto than in Cigna’s (Algarotti includes them in each of the five acts, while Cigna uses them in two scenes), Cigna’s choruses bear striking similarities to those appearing at the corresponding moments in

Algarotti’s drama. The two choruses in Cigna’s libretto are sung by the same groups of individuals as two of those in Algarotti’s, and they are integrated into the stage action in much the same way. In Algarotti’s Act UT, scene vi, a chorus o f priests sings at the moment that Calchas, the high priest, calls on the oracle to speak. This scene might have been Cigna’s inspiration for his interrupted sacrifice to the gods in Act I, scene vii, in which a chorus of priests prepares the sacrifice of an animal, which they mistakenly believe is desired by the gods. (In Cigna’s libretto, a festive dance of warriors occurs during the singing of the chorus and the preparation for the sacrifice.)

The librettos correspond most strikingly in their concluding scenes (see Appendix

J, in which these scenes are transcribed). In both versions the choruses represent priests and maidens consecrated to the goddess Diana. In the penultimate scene of [figenia in

A ulide, Cigna follows Algarotti’s example fiom act V, scene ii, in his use of a recurring refirain separated by stanzas of new text The refirain text in the two versions is similar in tone and content “Prenez votre victime. Déesse, et déchaînez les vents,’’ the choral refirain in Algarotti’s Act I, scene v, is &st spoken by Calchas and hnmediately echoed by the chorus. Similarly, in Cigna’s choral scene, the final two lines of the first stanza,

“Questo sangue accetta, e rendi / Fausto il vento, amico ü mar,” form the choral refirain, returning between successive stanzas of new tect. The entire first stanza returns at the

166 end, creating a choral hamewodc for the scene, and the action that follows creates a smooth transition to the final scene. This flexible approach to scene structure is evidence of Cigna’s deeper understanding of French-influenced principles.

From this point on, portions of Cigna’s text are practically translations of

Algarotti’s. Ifigenia’s brief recitative in which she offers herself as a victim, “Eccomi pronta, o Padre,” corresponds directly with Algarotti’s text, “Me voici prête, o mon père”

The recitative by Agamennone that follows, “Alma di Giove figlia” resembles the prayer uttered by Calchas, “Déesse, qui prêtez à la nuit,” earlier in Algarotti’s scene ii. Achilles enters immediately before Diana’s descent in both versions. Algarotti’s reference to “un bruit des armes” appears in Agamennone’s line, “Ma quale / Odo strepito d’armi?”

Achille’s response is a direct translation: “C’est Achille, qui défend ses droits,” becomes

“I suoi diritti / Difende Achille.” Calchas’s expression of astonishment at Diana’s presence, “Ah prodige!,” echoed by the chorus, becomes that of Clitennestra, “Oh prodigio!,” and then Ulisse, “Oh portento!” Finally, Diana’s recitative is made up of elements drawn from passages for both Diane and Calchas in Algarotti’s final scene.

Cigna’s stage directions are closely related to Algarotti’s as well. Cigna’s

“lugubre sinfonia” used in the procession during the sacrificial scene, by that time a convention associated with librettos on the Iphigenia story (see above), appears in

Algarotti’s as “une musique lugubre.” Agamemnon covers his face with his cloak in both versions: after his “Hélas!,” which he utters when Iphigénie declares herself a willing victim, “II se voile la tête” is indicated. The same direction appears in Cigna’s libretto at

167 the corresponding point in the action (at which Agamemnon offers a prayer before the sacrifice begins): “Si copre ü volto col manto.”

Cigna’s Ifigenia in Aulide includes two ensembles, one duet (ü, iv) and one trio

(in, ix). Ensembles are not prominent in Cigna’s librettos up to this point; he may include one o f either type, but never both in the same libretto. These ensembles might have been inspired by Algarotti’s examples, or by those in the libretto by Leopoldo de

Villati, in which they figure prominently. Villati was court poet at Berlin, where he wrote a on the Ifigenia story (1748, revived in 1768; set to music by Karl Heimich

Graun).^* Villati’s Ifigenia in Aulide demonstrates the interest in operatic reform on the part of , who may have sketched the scenario.^^ Its first performance caught the attention of Algarotti, who mentions its success in a footnote to his Saggio sopra I ’opera in musica.^ Both Villati’s and Algarotti’s versions contain numerous accompanied recitatives, ensembles, and integrated choruses and ballets, and they are similar in plot^^ Although Cigna’s libretto exhibits these structural features, Cigna places them in different contexts from Villati’s. Apart from occasional similarities in plot, there seem to be no strong resemblances between the librettos of Cigna and Villati; any similarity that Cigna’s version bears to Villati’s is borne also to Zeno’s, or to

Algarotti’s.

" [ have not bad the opportuni^ to examine the 1748 libretto; my comments are based upon that of the revival o f 1768: (Leopoldo de Villati, Ifigenia in A ulide (Berlin, 1768), exemplar m US-Wc, Schatz 4102). ^ Cummmg, “Gluck’s Ifigenia Operas,” p. 221. Algarotti, SaggiOy p. 191: “Una ’Ifigenia m Aulide’ è stata rappresentata nel regio teatro di Berlmo con ^lauso grandrssuno.” ‘ W lati’s version bears occasional snnilarities to Zeno’s. Like Cigna, Villati occasionally borrows lines of tert fiom Zeno; for example, Villati’s IT, vi (1768 libretto, p. 48) includes two Imes o f text that are taken fiom Zeno’s E, xin and xiv (I7I8 libretto, pp. 33 and 35); Ifigenia, “II Padrel E m che peccaiT’ and

168 Cigna’s indebtedness to Zeno and Verazi extends from plot elements to poetic

structure; his effort to provide the Società with “un’opera deile pin spettacolose” draws

him to Algarotti. Cigna’s libretto is a compendium of elements from highly revered

sources, both conservative and progressive; the skillful integration o f experimental elements within a traditional framework reveals Cigna to be at once well-versed in

literary convention and committed to stylistic experimentation.

The Music

Apart from minor differences in spelling and language, the manuscript score of

Ifigenia in Aulide preserved in Turin’s Accademia frlarmonica corresponds with the printed libretto.^^ This was Ferdinando Bertoni’s third opera for Turin; he was to write a total of five during his career, the maximum number for any composer of operas for the

Regio frrom 1740 to 1780 (Galuppi wrote four operas for the Regio during this period).

Although he received many commissions from the Società, Bertoni was not among the directors’ first preferences for this opera; he was the sixth composer selected, and his stipend was low in comparison to payments to other composers during the 1760s, especially those for second operas of carnival seasons: he received only L1230.13.4.^^

A popular opera composer in the eighteenth century, Bertoni fulfilled commissions for many of the important Italian houses during the course o f his career.

Clitennestra, 'To I’ethicai per tè.*^ hi other places, the mflaence of Zeno is evident in tone and content without strict boirowmg of text. ^ Ferdinando Bertoni, Ifigenia in Aulide^ manuscript score, I-Tf I Vm S-7-7bis. ® A.S.C.T., Libri conti voL 42, p. 34. This payment to Bertoni appears m the iibro conto with an error that reads aver mess m scena la prnna op di Demetrio.” The payment to the composer of DemetriOy Ponzo (paid L 1420), appears hnmedmtely above and is worded in exactly the same way. For a comparison of

169 most of which was spent in Venice.^ Elected to the position of first organist at Saint

Mark’s Cathedral in 1752, he succeeded Galuppi as maestro di cappella there in 1785.

His melodic style and “clear and well-arranged harmony” were praised by Charles

Burney, who called his overall style “natural, correct, and judicious; often pleasing, and sometimes happy.” Bertoni exhibited progressive tendencies in his aria forms, demonstrating a preference for the cavatina. Also evident in his works are large scene complexes with accompanied recitative and full orchestration.

Choruses

Ifigenia in A u lid e's two choruses differ in structure, poetic content, and function.

The first (I, vii)^® exhibits a regular poetic structure of four successive quatrains. It occurs during the sacrifice to the gods in which a live bull is brought forward as an offering that is then rejected as the violent storm begins. The libretto indicates extensive stage action at this point: during the singing of the chorus the priests light the sacred flame, lift the victim onto the altar, bum incense, and make the usual preparations for a sacrifice. Also at this point, as indicated by the note found at the end of the libretto,*^ there occurs a festive dance of warriors and sailors carrying bunches of laurel and garlands.

payments to composers (knmg the 1760s, see Append» F. George Truett Hollis, “Bertoni, Ferdinando,’^ New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 1:455-56, and “F. G. Bertoni (1725-1813): A Stocfy^ of His Operas and His Contribution to theCavatma” (Ph. D. diss.. University o f , 1973). "^1762 libretto, p. 11. “ Æ ât,p .6 0 .

170 This is the first time Turinese audiences had ever been treated to a dance integrated into a scene in this manner.^^ No additional music is provided in the manuscript score at this or at any other point in the scene; the dancing must have occurred during the singing o f the chorus or during the eight bars o f instrumental introduction.®*

The chorus, marked allegro and in triple meter, is scored for two homs, violins, and viola,"^ with three separate vocal lines; canto, , and tenori and hassi in unison. The piece is melodically, rhythmically, and harmonically simple, and dotted figures in the first phrase lend it a military flavor appropriate to its label in the score, which differs fiom that of the libretto: in the score it appears as “Coro di Guerrieri,” while in the libretto it is labeled “Coro di Sacerdoti.” The two treble lines (both sung by males) remain in parallel thirds throughout; two sections o f music alternate producing a simple binary structure over the course of the four stanzas (AB AB). Although the chorus is interrupted by thunder and lightning, as indicated in the libretto, the interruption is not depicted musically; instead, the piece cadences firmly on the tonic. It is followed by recitative and the continuation of the scene.

The second chorus (III, xi)™ is decidedly more complex in poetic structure (see

Figure 4.1). Singing that accompanies stage action was, at mid-century, rather unusual;

As we have seen, the entr’acte ballets m Enea nel Lazio received innovative treatment in their integration into the opera’s fioal scenes by means o f textual descriptions; th6 dance, however, is cleariy more experimental than those m Enea m both, placement and function. ^ Neither the O rdinati nor the U bri co n ti provide any mformation regarding this brief dance; there are no arfdtrinnal payments to dancers that might reflect compensation for extra wodc, nor are there mdications for any special costumes that the dancers might have had for thû scene. ^ In the score the term ’’violetta" is used; this « a generic term for viola, used particularly m Germany m the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. ™ Libretto., p. 55.

171 I 'I'lV y _

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Fig, 4.1 : Chorus, Ifigema in Auiide (III, xi), l-Tf, 1 VIII 7, fol, 77r w

Fig. 4.1 (continued): Chorus, Ifigenia in Aulide (III, xi), I-Tf, 1 VIII 7, fol. 77v £y}c./'// Cm vh

Fig, 4.1 (continued): Chorus, Ifigenia in Aulide (111, xi), l-Tf, 1 Vlll 7, fol. 78r o!

fito ra/iûut'û<'CeTr(L.' CL

Fig, 4.1 (continued); Chorus, Ifigenia in Aulide (III, xi), I-Tf, I VIII 7, fol, 78v oî

fm-jWil Pemd awico il )?far

Fig. 4.1 (continued): Chorus, Ifigenia in Aulide (III, xi), I-Tf, I VIII 7, fol, 79r g

» »

!=OCp#E#riI y r . 1 4

^ IT ! î u'M ' II r r n n

/ / W ^luJtr ^ j'an^i^^ccè.t^cu e^ re'nèi /a ii^io U ^ fllj M l'i I#

Fig, 4,1 (continued); Chorus, Iflgenia in Aulide (111, xi), 1-Tf, 1 Vlll 7, fol. 79v 00

affii - CO U //Mr a - w/Vv a / / / a r

Fig, 4,1 (continued); Chorus, Ijigenia in Aulide (III, xi), l>Tf, 1 VIII 7, fol. 80r ------^ ca.).iiuc-'.-uifàc~\ —

7

>/h7Wf g7;/Æl A..'.Vcf^n. wtvt: fm/M.

UiJei^â am tco U /fla t

Fig. 4.1 (continued): Chorus, Ijigenia in Aulide (III, xi), I-Tf, I VIII 7, fol. 80v this lengthy chorus occurs during the procession to the temple o f Diana, immediately preceding the sacrifice of Ifigema. Sung by priests and maidens consecrated to the goddess, the piece exhibits an interesting structure of quatrains sung by part of the chorus, alternating with a two-line refrain, sung by the entire chorus. After three statements of the refi-ain, the scene continues with simple recitative sung by Ifigenia, followed by recitative accompanied by sustained strings for Agamennone. After he finishes, the final stanza of the chorus is repeated. This framing of the scene by a recurring choral stanza is highly unusual and very much in the French style. The similarities to Algarotti’s libretto, in textual structure and content, have been noted above.

Musically this chorus resembles the first, with simple harmonies and rhythms and diatonic, conjunct melodies. The scoring, meter, and tempo are the same as the first chorus as well. Although Cigna provided opportunities for a varied musical structure by alternating different quatrains of text with a refiain, Bertoni sets the text strophically. The copyist wrote out the music (one stanza and one refrain) only once, and provided instructions and poetry for subsequent repetitions,including the one at the end of the scene (which serves as the accompanhnent to the miraculous transformation of Ifigenia and the descent of Diana).^

Manuscript score, fol. 80v: “Si replica due volte con li Seguenti versi” is followed by the text listed exactly as it appears m the libretto, including divisions between verses to be sung by parts of the chorus and fWI chorus. ^ n>id.y fbl. 83v: “Si replica la prima parte del Coro antecedente.” The musical simplicity of this chorus might be attributed to the short period of tune durmg which the choral music had to be taught to the choral smgers. This was due to cncumstances outlmed m the composer's contract, which mdicated that he was to brmg the music of the opera's thud act with hnn when he arrived m the ci^, approxnnately a month before opening.

180 Accompanied Recitative

Bertoni’s creative use of accompanied recitative emerges as one of the distinctive

features of this work. In the opera’s seven passages of accompanied recitative Bertoni

shows stylistic versatility, careful attention to the text, and ability to enhance the moments

of greatest dramatic intensity.^ The opera’s first accompanied passage (in I, ix) is the

only example found in Act I and occurs during Agametmone’s confusion over the

interrupted sacrifice. The beginning of this recitative exhibits the richest orchestration of

all accompanied passages in the opera; while all other passages are scored for strings only, typical of the style, this passage features added homs. These do not play a signficant role in the texture, however; the homs double the basses at the beginning of the passage and only on sustained notes. They alternate with the voice (the part is written on the vocal line) and do not reappear after the tenth measure of the passage. The turbulence of Agamennone’s spirit is mirrored in the rapidly articulated string passages that alternate with sections of text in the style of redtativo obbligato. Sudden dynamic contrasts and string tremolos in the orchestral inteqections emphasize his confusion as he poses a series of rhetorical questions. A change in texture and tempo mirrors his change m focus, as he begins to reflect upon his doubts, and then to address the gods directly. The passage, which had begun “im po’ lento,” begins to move more quickly at this point with the marking ''un po’ andante,” the accompaniment becoming more regular, with eighth notes

on alternate beats in the strmgs. The dynamic level gradually grows firom this point to the

^ M anuscrit score, voL 1,58r-6 Ir; voL 2 ,15v-I7v; voL 2 ,74r-75v; voL 3 ,4v-lOv; voL 3 ,2Ir-22v; voL 3, 53r-56r; voL 3 ,81v-82r.

181 beginning of the aria that follows, and the final forte emphasizes the vehemence o f his call to the gods.

The next appearance of accompanied recitative is very different in style. Rather than introducing an aria, this passage follows the single cavata in the opera (found in the opening o f II, iv) and leads into the simple recitative that begins the next scene, creating a smooth transition between the two scenes. This entire passage is shown in Fig. 4.2.

In this recitative, Ifigenia expresses confusion in much the same spirit as did

Agamennone two scenes earlier. Her brief cavata, melodically lyrical with graceful triplet figures and a tempo marked “un po’ lento,” never cadences to tonic but ends with a recinring deceptive cadence, and is then linked seamlessly to her recitative with a gentle modulatory descent in the bass and ascending figures in the strings. Her doubts, tentatively voiced in the cavata, are more urgently expressed in the recitative, which, beginning piano with sustained strings in the accompagnato style, suddenly shifts at

“Amore, Amor tiranno” as bursts of obbligato-style figuration marked “presto” emphasize her curses. The passage continues vacillating in mood between vehement interjections from the strings to moments of sustained adagio, and ends abmptly as she is overtaken by her anger at being betrayed. The copyist writes “Segue subito” at the end of the passage, leaving no doubt that although it is stylistically unconventional for a new scene to proceed fi-om a passage of accompanied recitative, here simple recitative should follow hnmediately.

More traditional in context is the final appearance of accompanied recitative in the act (H, xiv), which grows out o f the scene’s simple recitative and culminates in the duet

182 V •

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< & #

qW dM > . . -r- ; . I ■ ^ f=\=- \ - \ r-'_ <3. O ^ ^ 1 ; . r f =rM \=^-- y-=f-h ' ------~ T } ■ :------. — . ._ L . H

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Fig. 4.2; Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Ifigenia in Aulide (II, iv), 1-Tf, I VIII 7, fol. I5r ^of^v' /ai.Vc, ////'<■ I> //>->/.v ^

—T 7 ------j— s / ç ffr _ Ç f '^ ' •

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Fig. 4.2 (continued); Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Iflgenia in Aulide (II, iv), l-Tf, 1 VIII 7, fol. I5v ' 1 J \ = O ------

> ' J ' V. 1 fp p t'h ci CCC m M i X'/U' p i -W/i f c . /«K«u /(jti/l'e^aP /nA (ore, o q / i i IL-, S— ■ ? =4 s

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Fig, 4,2 (continued): Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Ifigenia in Aulide (II, iv), I-Tf, 1 VIII 7, fol, I6r s I ’ ' . M

\,lK>ltùniciJlrarmlfiniùiViifi\Mi(LcièCo r'0,evl'.O / //'/..'/i',', 'in'c'- ' /uf^afaù id,

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Fig. 4.2 (continued); Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Ifigenia in Aulide (II, iv), I-Tf, I VIII 7, fol. 16v (aro pe/fc>,c/ii^cA' r^oY' ^;e// h^/i0

Fig, 4.2 (continued); Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, /j7gem a in Aulide (II, iv), I-Tf, I VIII 7, fol 17r — ■ ■ ■ 1 _ r 1 ■—^ -1 — ' . • — « " ,-N

* ' * ^

^ r 1 l . T r 1 II. II i»-i^.i,ii ■ 1 .111, f ■ \ — O 1 / rm 9^" r '— ■ I %

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Fig, 4.2 (continued): Cavata and Accompanied Recitative, Iflgenia in Aulide (II, iv), M f, 1 VIII7, fol. 17v between Ifigenia and Achille (which closes the act). After Achille’s repeated attempts during the scene to convince Ifigenia of his loyalty, his fiustration at her ambivalence erupts in this passage, which features forceful, dotted rhythms, abrupt dynamic contrasts, and active string lines. The poetic high point of the passage, ‘Troppo mi costa /

L’acquisto di quel core / Per perderlo cosi,” is emphasized by a change in texture as the accompaniment becomes sustained and soft. After a brief return to adagio, the passage ends forcefully. Here Bertoni communicates effectively the character’s emotional extremes, as Achille vacillates between tenderness on the one hand and aggression on the other.

The moment of greatest dramatic tension in the opera occurs when Ifigenia declares herself a willing sacrificial victim (III, iii). This revelation is effectively set as the lengthiest passage of accompanied recitative found in the work. Consisting of an accompanied dialogue between Ifigenia and Achille with intersections by Cliteimestra and

Ulisse, it serves as a fine example of Bertoni’s progressiveness. Just as Achille and

Ulisse draw swords to fight for the life (or death) of Ifigenia, she stops them with recitative that is first set to sustained bass notes in the continue but which then moves into full accompanhnent, with a steady tempo and soft, sustained strings punctuated by forte cadences at line endings. Given the density o f the texture at the beginning of the passage, the orchestra’s sudden rest at her revealing lines “Ed io / Tradiro tanta speme?” creates a striking effect After that point she adrhresses her mother and Achille directly, whereas previously she had been speaking to the assembled group, and this change is reflected musically in the sparseness of the accompanhnent and the steadier tempo, wtiich

189 lasts until the end of her speech. The brief, plaintive inteqections of Ulisse and

Clitennestra, set to moumfhl descending figures, are followed by a flurry o f activity in the

strings marked ‘‘presto,” mirroring Achille’s desperation as he pleads with Ifigenia to

change her mind. From then to the end of the section, after which Ifigenia sings a moving

aria bidding them all farewell, the remainder of Achille’s recitative and Ifigenia’s final urging that he think not of her but o f his coming victory are set to accompaniment that fluctuates in texture, tempo, and mood, reflecting the intensity of the situation.

The fifth appearance of accompanied recitative grows out of a passage of simple recitative and functions simply as an introduction to the aria it follows, that of Achille as he struggles with the realization that Ifigenia plans to sacrifice herself (HI, v). It is the briefest and musically simplest of all the passages of accompanied recitative in the opera, but it creates a crescendo of intensity as he moves fix>m incredulity to fury. It consists of recitative punctuated by brief orchestral phrases, and comprises the last four-and-a-half lines of recitative preceding his vengeful aria.

The climax of the drama, in which Ifigenia follows the procession to the altar (1 1 1 , ix), includes the passage that exhibits the most original structural placement. After the

‘‘lugubre sinfonia” that opens the scene, Ifigenia’s extended solo passage begins. For the first three-and-a-half lines of text, she questions her father accusingly and directly, and this is reflected musically in the sparse style, set to continuo alone: “That on this day, oh

Father, your unhappy daughter should be subjected to such a turn of events, whoever would have thought it possible?”^^ Although the passage begins without orchestral

™ 1762 libretto, p. SI: "Che no. qoesto giomo, o Padre,/ La toa misera fîglia / A tal vicenda soggiacer

190 accompaniment, from the outset it is scored for strings; these do not enter, however, until the middle of the fourth line. The accompaniment, of sustained pianissimo strings throughout from that point on, emphasizes the moumfulness of her text She laments the irony of the situation as the accompaniment begins: “You call me to my happy wedding, and instead ofjoyfril festivities I discover morose surroundings; suddenly I see crowns become squalid headbands and my nuptial bed is transformed into a funeral pyre.”^^ A sudden flurry of activity emphasizes the words “all’improwiso” (“suddenly”)» and the simple, sustained accompaniment returns and continues to the end of her text. Here the singer is allowed a great deal of interpretive freedom as the lack of fixed tempo and rhythmic activity focuses full attention on the vocal line. Her passage is followed immediately by a response by Agamennone in simple recitative, which continues until the duet that ends the scene. The series of varied structures in this scene—an orchestral piece followed by accompanied recitative, then simple recitative, then a trio (which in itself is structurally creative)—is highly original and shows an effort to render the music an active participant in the drama.

This concern is particularly apparent in the final instance of accompanied recitative in the opera, when Agamennone prays sadly as the sacrifice begins (HI, xi). His passage, with accompaniment o f sustained strings, is very much like that sung by his daughter in the scene described above. The structures in these two scenes seem parallel;

Ifigenia’s mournful accompanied passage is followed by Agamennone’s response (in dovesse,/CM mai pensato aviebbe? AIietenozze/TamicMamasti,enivece/DiiniziaIipompetoqat ritrovo / Lottuosi appaiad: aU'nnpiowiso / Veggo m squaOide bende / Cangiaisi le cotone, / Ed Q talamo m ro g o ...” ^ See preceding footnote.

191 simple recitative); Agamennone’s ardent accompanied prayer comes on the heels of

Ifigenia’s passage (also in simple recitative). This musical relationship serves to

strengthen the dramatic bond between the two characters, and renders Ifigenia’s final

sacrifice and salvation all the more intense.

Arias

Most o f the arias in Ifigenia in Aulide exhibit the dal segno form popular in the

second half of the century and are scored for strings only, with occasional additions of

instruments such as flutes, homs, and oboes. Characters are differentiated by the number

and types o f arias they sing, as well as by musical features such as scoring and tempo. Of the opera’s twenty-two arias, fifteen exhibit the traditional poetic structure of the double quatrain. These fifteen are not musically elaborate nor are they lengthy; each aria of this type is copied on four leaves in the manuscript score. Except for that o f the opera’s seconda donna, each character’s initial aria exhibits the traditional poetic structure and scoring. The poetry of five arias exceeds the standard length and structure; each primo or secondo character, with the exception of Ifigenia, sings at least one aria of an extended type. Three o f these five comprise two stanzas with six lines, while two consist of two stanzas of unequal length: six lines followed by four lines. The opera’s primo uomo has one aria in each of the two types of extended structure. The tempo o f each of these longer

arias is either allegro or allegretto, and wind instruments are added to these as often as

they are to the arias with traditional poetic stracture: two of the five, those sung by the

192 characters of the highest rank (the primo uomo and the tenore) include homs and oboes.

Those for the seconda donna and secondo uomo are scored for strings only.

Two arias, one each for Ifigenia and Arcade, are shorter in structure than the

traditional double quatrain, consisting of two stanzas of three lines each. In forms other

than dal segno^ these arias are in different tempos (lento espressivo and allegro,

respectively), and are scored for strings only.

The number of arias sung by each character seems to have been dictated by the

character’s rank rather than by the fee paid to the singer of the role: for example, the , Caterina GabrieUi, sang only four full-length arias but was the most highly-

paid; the tenore, Ottani, sang five but received less than either GabrieUi or Aprile, the primo uomo. In the case of characters with fewer arias, it appears that Cigna-Santi and

Bertoni attempted to compensate the singers either by assigning them one aria with an

extended structure, or by including additional instruments in the scoring of one aria: this

is the case in certain arias (to be discussed below) for the seconda donna, for the prima

donna, and for the terzo uomo.

The distinction among characters is best observed by considering the style o f the

arias sung by each. The importance of the role of Achille, the opera’s primo uomo, is

fllustrated in the variety of his arias, and their structure and accompanhnent Two of his

four arias (1, viii, “Ferma crudel lo sdegno,” and H, vi, “Cara oh Dio tu fosti e sei”)

exhibit the traditional double quatrain poetic structure and string-only scoring, and they

contrast m tempo and mood (the former, his first aria m the opera, is marked “aUegro ma

non presto,” and the latter is labeled “cantabUe”). The aria that closes Act 1 is the first of

193 his two that exhibits an extended structure (I, xii, “Pupille amabili”); this piece is in the poetic form of two stanzas of unequal length. First acts of Metastasian librettos traditionally close with, an aria for one o f the central characters, and this libretto follows that convention. The manuscript score includes not only this aria but an additional aria that precedes it (“Pietoso amor”); this aria does not appear in the libretto. As it is much more florid and virtuosic than “Pupille amabüe,” “Pietoso amor” would certainly have been favored by the singer and was probably a substitute aria (it carries an attribution to

Bertoni). Both arias are lengthy and feature homs and an additional instrument: “Pupille amabili” covers ten leaves in the score and employs flutes,’* and “Pietoso amor” takes up a full fourteen leaves and includes oboes.” Achille’s Act HI aria (v, “Piero Leon”) is the second of his two arias «chibiting the extended structure of two stanzas of six lines each.

It is part of a monologue scene that must have been popular with the audience: the scene begins with simple recitative that gives way to accompanied, and the aria that follows is marked “allegro,” is scored for homs and oboes, and is the lengthiest piece in the opera, taking up fifteen leaves in the score.’* The singer of the role, Giuseppe Aprile, received the second highest payment among the singers of the 1761-62 season (he was paid 800 gigliati). His Act H and Act HI arias are the most elaborate of aU the pieces in the opera.

Although she was the highest-paid singer of the season (receiving 1000 gigliati),

Caterina GabrieUi in the role of Ifigenia was given only four fuU-Iength arias and the

^ Manuscript score, voL 3 ,102r-I I Iv. ^ Manuscript score, voL 3 ,88r-I0Iv. ^ Manuscript score, voL 3 ,23r-36v. Another copy of this arûi appears in the manuscript ‘*RaccoIta di arie” also found in I-Tf 2 IV 18, voL 18, number2 7 ,173r-78v.

194 opera’s smgle cavata (followed by an extended passage of accompanied recitative)/’

None of the arias for Ifigenia is in either of the extended poetic structures described above, and one is in the shortened form of two stanzas of three lines each. Her arias contrast in tempo and mood, and her first aria (I, iv, “Per pietà la cara pace”) features comi di caccia (one of only two arias in the opera that call for this instrument) and is marked “allegro maestoso” (the others range from “allegretto” to “lento espressivo”).

The lengthiest of her arias, this piece takes up ten leaves in the score. Her second aria, (I, xi, “Come potesti, oh Dio!”), is long as well, covering eight leaves. Neither of these, however, compares in length to the most elaborate arias of Achille.

Agamennone, the tenor role, is dramatically and musically significant. He is given a total of five arias, and he sings two of them before each of the other primo or secondo characters has sung his first, a feature of the libretto that stands at odds with

Metastasian convention. Agamennone’s arias, more than those of any other character, demonstrate a full range of emotional states.**^ His Act II aria (ix, “Superba ancor non cedi?,” derived from the work of Verazi, as discussed above), is the most dramatically intense and the most elaborate of his pieces, featuring scoring for homs and oboes and taking up a full twelve leaves in the manuscript score. It contrasts sharply with the mood of his aria in Act HI (vii, “La Madre dolente”), which is structurally interesting for its lack of subsequent ed t (see above). The prominence of this character in the opera, Ulustrated by the number of arias and by his function m the drama, was not matched by the singer’s

™ Manuscript score voL 1,29r-36v; voL 1,82r-86v; voL 2 ,15r-I7v (cavata); voL 2 ,30r-34v; voL 3, I Ir- I4v. M anuscrit score, voL 1 ,22r-27v; voL 1,62r-71r; vol. 2 ,9r-I3v; voL 2 ,44r-55v; voL 3 ,45r-48v.

195 payment, however; Ottani was paid only 300 gigliati, a figure significantly less than that paid to either Aprile or GabrieUi.*^

The secondary characters, Clitennestra and Ulisse, each have three arias apiece, one of which exhibits an extended poetic structure.*^ While the first aria sung by characters in this opera usually features the traditional double quatrain poetic structure, that of Clitennestra comprises two stanzas of unequal length (I, x, “Un’ alma costante”).

Ulisse’s extended aria occurs in Act HI (x, “È degno di pianto”). Cliteimestra’s Act IH aria (iv, “Ah se veder degg’io”) is unique from the standpoint of orchestration: it is the only piece in the opera to feature both flutes and muted strings. (This aria is

Clitennestra’s most impassioned statement of grief and despair, sung as her daughter bids her farewell to prepare for the sacrifice. The flutes double the muted strings at the octave; along with a gentle triple meter and allegretto tempo, the scoring expresses the melancholy affect of the text) The equal rank of the singers of these two roles is reflected in their payments, which are approximately the same: Martinenghi received 200 gigliati, while Francesca GabrieUi, the sister of Caterina, received 170.

The single character of the third rank. Arcade, was given two arias, neither of which is elaborate in any respect (II, xii, “Se la beltà,” and HI, vi, “Puoi chiamarmi fortunato”).*^ His second aria, however, exhibits the shortened structure of two stanzas of three lines each. The single aria o f Diana (HI, ultima, “Itene aU’alta impresa”) is more

Tenors were habitually paid less than àihetprme dorme otprm i uommf at Tuim. In &ct, Ottani’s payment was higher than that of most other engaged m Turin; this reflects hm position as a Gtvored singer there durmg the 1760s. See SobaRosséüi, Singers ofRaliem Opera: The History o f a Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge Uhiversi^ Press, 1992), pp. 126-30. ^ Arias for Clitermestra: manuscript score, voL 1,74r-78v; voL 2 ,66r-70v; voL 3 , 16r-I9v. Arias for Ulisse, vol. I, I3r-I8v; voL 2,36r-40v; voL 3 ,73r-76v.

196 interesting in its orchestration than either of those of Arcade, as it is scored for strings and

comi di caccia (an instrument appropriate to accompany the goddess of the hunt). ^

Although Diana exits after this aria, ascending again to the heavens in her machine, the

action continues; thus Ifigenia in Aulide includes two full-length dal segno arias that do

not interrupt the action in the traditional fashion (the other is that of Agamennone, “La madre dolente,” mentioned above).

Despite its innovative structural features, Ifigenia in Aulide is very much a singer’s opera: the prominence of its arias reveals its roots in Italian dramaturgical tradition. The variety in types of musical structures, such as choruses, accompanied recitative, and ensembles, does not result in fewer arias per character: here the primary and secondary characters sing as many arias as do their counterparts in Enea nel Lazio o f

1760, a libretto that exhibits far fewer experimental structural features. The primacy of the vocal virtuoso is revealed not only by the number of arias given to each singer but also by the careful attention on the part of the poet and composer to the distribution of the arias’ Qfpes, lengths, poetic structure, and scoring.

Ensembles

Moments of high drama in Ifigenia in Aulide are emphasized in various ways: by passages of accompanied recitative, by choruses and dances integrated into the action, and by other types of structures, such as a duet and a trio. The former is sung by Ifîgema and Achille (II, xiv) and closes the act, reflecting the typical Metastasian placement for

® Manuscript scoie^ voL 2, 60r-63v; voL 3 ,39r-42v.

197 ensembles o f this type.*^ The duet is rather extensive, consisting o f two stanzas (one for each of the characters) followed by one line for each, and then six lines marked “a due.”

After having been at odds since the end of Act 1, the lovers are finally reconciled in the duet, which is preceded by accompanied recitative for Achille (discussed above) in which he finally convinces Ifigenia o f his love for her.

The duet is similar to an aria in dramatic function as well as context, in that it is preceded by accompanied recitative and closes a scene. The trio (in, ix), however, is different: not only is the piece internal (after it is completed, the action continues in a structurally unconventional manner), it forms part o f a large scene complex in which a variety of structures are present and stage action occurs.*® The complex begins with the

“sinfonia lugubre” during which Ifigenia is guided to the temple for the sacrifice; she arrives and sings a passage of accompanied recitative followed by Agamennone’s simple recitative response, which becomes a dialogue when Achille enters (as discussed above).

The trio is the culmination of this dialogue, after which the characters do not leave but separate and go in different directions (another unconventional feature, made possible by the stage setting, as discussed above): here the libretto indicates that Ifigenia proceeds to the temple with Agamennone and the supernumeraries (that is, they move upstage from where the previous action had taken place), while Achille crosses to the other side of the stage.*^ After Ulisse enters, sings his recitative and aria, and exits, the action continues with the choral introduction to the sacrifice. The trio «chibits conventional ensemble

** k&nnscr^t score, voL 3 ,85r-8Sv. ^ Manuscript score, voL 2 ,76r-84v. “ Manuscript score, voL 3 ,61r-70v. ^ “Parte Ifigenia, ed Agamennone con tutto I'accompagnamento aHa volta del Tempio, e AcbiHe si ritna

198 structure: each character has a stanza (in this case two lines each) followed by single-line inteqections (of which there are four, creating a short ihymed stanza), and finally the characters sing together the final stanza of three lines.

Evaluation of Style

Ifigenia in Aulide skillfiiUy combines numerous innovative structural features within the context of stylistically-conventional “aria opera.” Bertoni and Cigna-Santi were clearly attentive to the variety and types of arias in the opera, as well as to their structural placement and dramatic context. They were also concerned with creating effective drama through the use of a variety of musical settings, evident in the large number o f passages of accompanied recitative and their stylistic variety. Effort was made to create transitions between scenes that are as smooth as possible, despite the fimnewortc that emphasizes the traditional recitative/aria dichotomy.

The archival evidence concerning this production indicates that the Societa was committed to participating in French-influenced experimentation. The directors sought composers noted for spearheading reform efforts, and they commissioned a libretto that reveals influence of the era’s most innovative poets. Nevertheless, the emphasis on lengthy and elaborate arias sung by vhtuoso singers is an outstanding feature of the score, and this perhaps imposed limits on the extent to which certain innovations could be incorporated into the work. The subject itself, and the manner in which it is treated by the librettist, reveals the opera’s roots in tradition: Cigna’s interpretation of the events of the

(bllWtra parte. EiscemimediatainenteUIôseconsegtntodi soIdatiGreci” 1762 libretto, pp. 53-54.

199 Iphigenia myth—as a conflict between private emotions and duties hnposed upon rulers by their responsibilities toward theh subjects**—is firmly rooted in the neoclassical aesthetic. Insofar as it exalts the virtue and honor o f the ruler*’—for example, Achille expresses not a single heartfelt emotion as his beloved fiancee is taken firom him, but instead anticipates eagerly his approaching military victory—the drama serves to glorify the Savoy family under whose auspices it was produced. The emphasis on the military aspect—in the immense ensemble of soldiers and sailors and the moments of spectacle that involve them, as well as the enhanced significance of the role of Ulisse—lends the libretto a political significance consistent with Turinese tradition. Ifigenia in Aulide introduced French-inspired innovations to the Turinese public while at the same time addressing the demands of local custom. It thus serves as an important manifestation of operatic reform in Italy at this crucial time.

^ Viale Feneio, '^La scenogrqfia^ p. 231. “Cigna interpréta la vicen&i di Ifîgenû. come on conflitto tra t " p i n ^ aSetti'^ e i doveri che sono nnpcsti ai regnanti tfalTa responsabOità verso i loro suddittL" ' 0)id, “n (bamma, msomma, ha an precise significato istitnzionale e politico: e si configura come Qlustrazione ed esaltazione deUe virtd proprie dei princ^i e del nobQi, in ogni tempo."

2 0 0 CHAPTERS

REVISED VERSIONS OF TWO MANNHEIM OPERAS:

SOFONISBA AND IFIGENIA IN TAURIDE! ORESTE

Two of the most innovative works perfijnned at Turin during the 1760s,

Sofonisba (1764) and Oreste (1766), were based on operas produced at the court theater of the Elector Palatine of Mannheim. The original libretti— Sofonisba ( 1762) and

Ifigenia in Tauride (1764)—were written by Mattia Verazi. Verazi, Mannheim’s court poet, was noted for his experimental operas that combine French-inspired spectacle and structural components with Italian dramaturgical principles. The choice of these two libretti by the Société indicates the directors’ awareness of stylistic developments occurring in Mannheim, an operatic center known for its reform tendencies; moreover, the Turin productions continue some of the innovations introduced by Ifigenia in Aulide of two years earlier. Sofonisba and Oreste serve as striking examples of the extent to which Turin participated in the innovations for which Verazi was known, and reveal not only important coimections with Mannheim, but acceptance of the stylistic experiments occurring there.

201 Links with Mannheim

Productions from the late 1750s to the mid 1760s at Turin and Mannheim suggest a close relationship between these operatic centers during these years. A chronology of selected works appears in Table 5.1; this includes titles, librettists, composers, and dates of premieres of the listed works in each city.' These productions suggest that contact between Turin and Mannheim began at least as early as the 1750s. Ignaz Holzbauer was named maestro di cappella at Mannheim in 1753, and for the first five years of his

Turin Mannheim

Nitteti (Metastasio/Holzbauer) Nitteti (Metastasio/Holzbauer) 26 December 1757 15 May 1760 (first opera, 1757-58)

Sofonisba (Verazi/Galuppi) Sofonisba (Verazi/Traetta) 4 February 1764 5 November 1762 (second opera, 1763-64)

L 'Olimpiade (Metastasio/Hasse) L ’Olimpiade (Metastasio/Galuppi) 26 December 1764 camivd 1763 (first opera, 1764-65)

Alessandro nell’Indie (Metastasio/ Sacchini) Alessandro nell’Indie 26 December 1765 (Metastasio/Majo) (first opera, 1765-66) 5 November 1766

Oreste (Verazi/Monza) Ifigenia in Tauride (Verazi/Majo) 18 January 1766 5 November 1764 (second opera, 1765-66)

Table 5.1: Chronology o f selected works at Turin and Mannheim, 1757-66

2 0 2 tenure, his music dominated the operatic scene there." He gained an international

reputation for his works at Mannheim, which undoubtedly caught the attention of the

Società. His work for Turin, Nitteti, was performed in Mannheim three years after its

Turinese premiere. It is also possible that Mannheim's production of Metastasio’s

L ’Olimpiade influenced Turin’s choice of that opera, since the two premieres were

separated by only a year.

Sofonisba and Ifigenia in Tauride were the only libretti by Verazi to be produced

in Turin.^ The connections between the Mannheim and Turin productions of these operas

attest to the Societa’s increasing awareness of stylistic developments at Mannheim.

Although there is no direct evidence, perhaps Mannheim was influenced by Turin’s choice o f Alessandro nell’Indie as well, given the contact illustrated by the previous works, and the close proximity of the dates of the premieres. The appearance of

Holzbauer, Galuppi, and Majo in both centers during these years suggests competition between the two theaters for composers o f international prominence.'* In any case, each of the libretti cited above feature scenes of enhanced spectacle; this was clearly a priority

for both theaters.

‘ Data for Turnr drawn ftoin Bouquet et. aL, Cronotogie, pp. 75-76; data for Marmhetm from Comeilson, “Opera at Mannheim,” p. 97. * ComeSson, “Opera at Mannheim,” pp. 88-89. ^ Verazi’s libretti are discussed at length m McClymonds, “Mattia Verazi and the Opera at Matmheim, Stuttgart, and Ludwigsbur& Studies in Musicfrom the University o f Western Ontario 7 (1982): 99-136; and idem, “Transformmg opera seria: Verazi’s innovations and their impact on opera m Italy, Opera a nd the Bdightenment, eds. Thomas Bamnan and Marita Petzoldt McClymonds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 119-32. * Majo setCigna-Santi’s Aforezama frnr Turin m 1765 (it opened on 26 December); this commissioa from Tmm occtmed just after his ^genm m 7harû/e for Marmhenn.

203 Opera at Mannheim was, like that in many other European cities outside the

Italian states, a court-sponsored enterprise/ Elector Carl Theodor lavished huge sums on opera; his Hoftheater was among the largest and most ornate in Europe, and elaborate opons produced under his auspices exhibited a high degree of spectacle. The brilliant

Mannheim orchestra enjoyed an international reputation for its virtuosity and technical precision. The singers and other personnel were members of a standing company, the stability of which allowed for a consistency in quality of production. Mannheim audiences consisted primarily of the court and visiting dignitaries. Although townspeople attended as well, they were admitted free of charge, and the theater was not dependent on income from a paying public for its success and continuation.

In contrast, although the king maintained control over its administration (and after

1758 provided an annual subsidy), Turin’s theater was greatly dependent on income generated from admission to performances. The success or failure of operas in a particular season severely impacted the ftmds available in subsequent seasons.

Furthermore, although the orchestra in Turin was a standing body of instrumentalists, largely consistent from one season to the next, Turin’s Regio did not possess a company of singers and other personnel as the Hoftheat^ did. The Turinese public seems to have adored star singers, and, as in other Italian cities, this led to a culture m which the traveling virtuoso singer was exalted, somethnes above other aspects of production.

These factors, combined with the frequent changeover of the directorship o f the Società

^ See Baker, “Italian Opera at the Court o f Maimhenn,” chapter 3; Comeilson, “Opera at Marmhernt,” chapters 2, 3, and 4; idem, “Mannheim," TTie ffew Grove Dictionary ofOperaSt 185-87.

204 itself^ contributed to an environment characterized by a lack of long-term consistency in

certain aspects of production.

Although star singers did wield a great deal of power in Turin, the Società’s

acceptance of French-inspired stylistic experhnentation that had the potential to limit that

power distinguished the Teatro Regio from most other Italian theaters. This acceptance,

illustrated particularly well by Ifigenia in Auiide, is also evident in the two works adapted

from Mannheim productions. As we shall see, the differences between the way in which

opera was produced in Turin and Mannheim, perhaps more than stylistic conservatism or progressivism attributable to local taste, strongly influenced the extent to which French-

inspired reforms were possible in these centers.

Sofonisba

In choosing the second libretto of the 1764 carnival season, the Società unanimously agreed upon Verazi’s Sofonisba, originally set to music by Tommaso

Traetta in Mannheim in 1762, and revived there in 1763.^ Turin’s Sofonisba featured music by the renowned Baldassare Galuppi, and performances by intemationally-famous

singers such as Camilla Mattel and Giovanni Manzuoli. Presenting many opportunities

for the crowd-pleasing spectacle for which Turin’s operas were known, Sofonisba was

given twenty-eight performances, the maximum number for the period under discussion.

Not since Enea net Lazio in 1760 had an opera at the Regio received this many

performances.^

^ A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 222, 2 April 1763: “•... si è nnanfmamente aderito a qoesta proposmone.” ^ A.S.C.T., JJbri conn' voL 46, p. 6: Sofonisba opened on 2 February and closed on 6 Match, 1764.

205 Production Decisions

As usual, the Società engaged the composer for the second opera o f the season before choosing the libretto he would set Galuppi was not the Società’s first choice for this opera; they initially contacted Traetta, who declined, and they might also have written to before calling on Galuppi/ There is no evidence revealing whether the Società had a particular opera in mind when they selected composers, but their selection o f Traetta—and the libretto for Sofonisba, set by Traetta in

Mannhenn just two years earlier—might not have been coincidental/ given the Società’s attempts to enhance the Regio’s mtemational reputation through their contacts with other

European operatic centers, it is possible that the Regio’s production of Sofonisba was an attempt to compete with that of the Mannheim court, as news of the premiere there, and of its magnificence, was widely publicized. This was the second time Traetta had declined an engagement by the Società after having composed Enea nel Lazio,^^ and the

Società was never successfid in bringing him back to Turin. However, the directors’ repeated attempts to do so testify certainly to their awareness of the composer’s growing renown, and possibly to their interest in the innovations of Traetta’s work at Mannheim and elsewhere.

* A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 214,26 Feb 1763. The entry states that Traetta wül not be able to compose the second opera for the next carnival, and therefore Galuppi and Bach win be contacted. This is the first reference to Traetta with regard to this season in the Ordinati; the date on which he was initiany contacted does not appear. ’ The order ofentries in On/matt voL 5 is as foEows: 31 March 1763 (p. 216), the contract is sent to Gahtppi; 2 April 1763 (p. 222), two days after the contract is sent to Galuppi. Sofonisba is chosen unanimously; 23 April 1763 (p. 223), Galuppi returns the contract (Galuppi’s signed contract was actuahy received on 9 April; see Appendnc K). It is unclear if and when the Società wrote to and received a response fiom Johann Christian Bach after they decided to do so around 26 February 1763. As we have seen, the dates of the entries in the O rdinati do not necessarily reflect the exact dates upon which the events occurred. He had fis t refused the commission for the second opera of carnival 1761-62 {Ifigenia m Auiide),

206 The following discussion examines other production decisions and the time &ame during which they were made. It reveals the Società’s priorities with regard to production, and shows that certain members o f the personnel were in higher demand than others. ‘ ‘ Included in Appendix F are the names of performers and composers for carnival

1763-64, and their respective payments for the season. Appendix EC contains contracts for most of the lead singers for the 1763-64 season.

As we have seen, the Società hired performers for an entire season, and they contacted composers after the singers had been chosen. First to be engaged for a given season were the singers of the first rank. Giovanni Manzuoli was the most highly acclaimed singer hired by the Regio during the 1760s.^^ Although not nearly as famous,

Camilla Mattel was highly regarded as well. These singers were chosen well before most other production decisions were made. Domenico Panzacchi, also internationally known, was probably hired shortly after the lead singers.*'^ Angiolo Monanni was sent his contract on 28 January 1763 and returned it two days later. Shortly thereafter, the Società had begun looking for a seconda donna but had difficulty securing one; on 26 February

1763, the Ordinati report that a contract had been sent to a certain Signora Taiber, and later to a Lampugnani, but neither had accepted.T he Società would not sign a seconda

" The data in the following discussion are taken from. A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, pp. 210-36. The dates mentioned here refer to the dates given in the O rdinati, udiich may not exactly reflect the dates on which those decisions were made. Appendnc K includes contracts for Mattei, Panzacchi, Grassi, and Vignati (contracts located in A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247). Manzuoli’s biography, as well as the significant role he played m both operas, wiU be discussed, further below. Dennis Libby, “Panzacchi, Domenico,’* TTte N ew Grove D ictionary o fOpera 3:848. Panzaccht's contract is undated, but like Matter's contract (dated 19 March 1762), it refers to “I'armo venturo 1763"; he

' A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 215:26 February 1763.

207 donna until they managed to hire Cecilia Grassi*® (after a dispute over her payment) on

the very late date of 6 August 1763.*^ In March 1763 a contract was sent to Giuseppe

Vignati, who accepted it about two weeks later.

A glance at the payments to the perft)rmers and composers reveals the high fees

singers commanded relative to those of composers. The inequity between them was

typical for the century, and confirms the high regard with which singers were held in

Turin. Manzuoli, the prime uomo, earned 1150 zecchini, or approximately 10,000 lire

(and this was to increase two years later, as shown below). The fees earned by the prima donna, Mattei (400 zecchini, approximately 4000 lire), and the tenor, Panzacchi (320 zecchini, approximately 3400 lire), were nearly equivalent, although they were significantly less than that of Manzuoli. By contrast, Galuppi’s payment of 1662 lire was only slightly higher than that of the seconde uomo, Monanni, who earned 170 zecchini

(approximately 1500 lire). Galuppi’s earnings, were, however, the highest of those of any composer fi)r the Regio in this decade.**

After securing most of the singers, the Società turned to other matters. The search for a composer for the second opera of the season had already begun in February 1763, when the directors had decided that, since Traetta was not available, they would contact

Galuppi and Bach. They received Galuppi’s acceptance of the contract (9 April 1763) before they initially approached Giuseppe Pasqua for the first opera of the season (on 10

May 1763). As these dates show, the amount of time allotted for the selection of

Murray R. Charters, “Grassi, Cecilia," The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 2:518. The entry on 27 June 1763 reports that Grassi had been proposed and contacted, and that her fee was Z 270, which was more than the Società was wiDmg to pay. She returned the contract they sent, which ofiered her Z 200, on 6 August 1763 (see Appendix K).

208 composers reflects their relative popularity. The Società needed at least a year to complete the search for a composer for the second opera (firom no later than February

1763 to February 1764) but only seven months to find a composer for the first (fiom May to December 1763). For second operas they usually dealt with the most sought-after composers of the era. Clearly they anticipated that a search aimed at the likes of Traetta»

Galuppi» and Bach would take longer than one focused on lesser-known composers like

Pasqua.

Like those of other composers» Galuppi’s contract (dated 5 February 1764, when he actually received payment for having composed the work)» indicates that he was to submit a musical setting “entirely new, and not previously heard.”’’ The contract provides important evidence regarding production: the time allotted to the composer for composition of the work, and the length of time available for preparation of the music.

The Società required Galuppi to send them the first two acts of the opera» fully composed» by the end o f October 1763» and to present» upon his arrival in Turin (which was to occur not later than the end of December), the completed third act Since he accepted and returned his contract on 9 April 1763, Galuppi must have been sent the libretto sometime between this date and the end of October, when he was to submit the setting of the first two acts. The singers probably began to prepare their music (perhaps with the composer) after their arrival in the city, around a month before opening. The

Ordinati provide a schedule of rehearsals fat Sofonisba that lists those involving other

See the comparison o f payments to composers m Appendrx F. This contract is transcribed m Appendnc K below.

209 personnel; it shows that rehearsals occurred during a very brief period of only five days before opening:

The following rehearsals, for music, scenes, and ballets, have been planned: Monday, rehearsal of music at 5:30, without supernumeraries. Ball at the Teatro Carignano [that evening]. Tuesday evening, staging of the supernumeraries, and rehearsal of scenes. Wednesday morning, rehearsal of music. After lunch, rehearsal of scenes. Ball at the Teatro Carignano [that evening]. Thursday, run-through of the opera. Friday after lunch, rehearsal of scenes. That evening, general rehearsal of the ballets."”

The opera opened the following night, on Saturday, 4 February.

The Original Libretto

Verazi’s libretto for Traetta at Mannheim was one of the most experimental in

Europe during this period.^ ‘ The opera was a collaboration uniting two creative geniuses

“ A.S.C.T., Ordinati vol. 5. p. 250,28 January 1764: “Sono state stabilité le seguenti prove tanto di musica quanto di scene e di Balli. Lunedi, prova di musica alle ore 5 1/2 senza comparse. Ballo al Teatro Carignano. Martedi pure di sceneggiamento la sera con le comparse, e prova di Scene. Vtercoiedî mattina prova di musica. Doppo pranzo prova di scene. Ballo al Teatro Carignano. Giovedi prova generate deil’opera. Venerdi doppo pranzo prova di scene. La sera prova generate de' BalIL” (Also quoted m Bouquet, 17 rearro d i carte, p. 218; rehearsal schedules for several other operas are transcribed on pp. 217-19.) Although it is impossible to determine exactly what occurred at these rehearsals &om the terminology used m this list, presumably the “prove (h scene" mvolved stagmg, while the “prove deOa musica," might have mvolved only musical preparation o f recitatives, arias, and ensembles. Choruses and mstrumental pieces such as the and the march might have been reserved for the rehearsals at which the supernumeraries were present since they mvolved stage action (to be discussed below). During carnival sMson, masked balls were given at the Teatro Carignano (see Bouquet, n teatro di carte, pp. 216-23); these appear m this list presumably because they would have mvolved the orchestral musicians. Regardmg this tibreno, see Nicole Baker, “Italian Opera at the Court of Nhumhenn," chapter6 and pp. 216-74; Marita McClymonds, “Mattia Verazi and the Opera at Mannhenn, Stuttgart, and Ludwigsburg,"

210 known internationally for their innovations, and enjoyed such great success that it was presented again at Mannheim one year later with a few changes.^ The libretto was also

set in Venice in 1764, the same year as the Turin production.^ The plot, based on historical events drawn from Livy, involves an invasion of Africa by the Romans.

Sofonisba is the wife of Siface, king of an African tribe. Siface is convinced by the

Roman consul, , to become an ally of the Romans against Massinissa, another

African king. Afrer an extensive and complicated ordeal involving broken alliances and amorous intrigue, the Romans emerge victorious. Rather than become a Roman slave,

Sofonisba commits suicide.

The opportunities for stage spectacle are numerous; the huge cast includes groups of soldiers, as well as warriors and gladiators who dance in pantomime ballets. The 1762 libretto calls for military trophies, rustic altars, funeral pyres, festively illuminated and decorated boats, and live horses. Visually arresting are those scenes involving the siege and breach of a city wall, and a grand funeral complete with a pyre for the incineration of enemy corpses.

Apart from the emphasis on spectacle, the libretto is interesting for other reasons.

Verazi created a riveting opening scene that establishes the opera’s dramatic intensity from the outset Accompanying stage directions prescribe pantomime ballet that occurs during the sinfonia, strongly distinguishing the libretto from Metastasian tradition. The pp. 104-07; idem, “Verazi, Mattia,” The tfew Grove Dictionary o f Opera 4:931; idenL/Transfbrmmg opera seria,” p. 121; idem, “CoIteDini, Traetta, and the RevitaQzatioa o f Opera Seria.” Mattia Verazi, Sofonisba (Mannhenn: Stamperia Elettorale, 1762), D-HEu, G 2811/3, vol. 13, cited m Baker, “Italian Opoa,” p. 228. I have not had the opportunity to examine the 1762 libretto and am relymg on Baker's description. Verazi, Sofomsba (Mannheim: Stamperm Elettorale, 1763), D-MHtm, Mh 1722. I am grateful to Marita McClymonds forshmmg with me her photocopy of the 1763 libretto.

211 plot’s focus on a husband-and-wife couple was extremely unusual for the eighteenth century. The climax of the drama coincides with Sofonisba’s elaborate aria, after which she does not exit, but remains onstage fijr the continuation of the scene. The aria is enhanced by ft-agments of recitative and changes in mood indicated by stage directions in the libretto. Tragic endings, especially those including onstage death as occurs here, were virtually unheard of during this period.

The experimental structural features of the libretto include a “trio of diminishing forces,”^'* an ensemble in which Massinissa is left onstage after the exit of Sofomsba and

Siface, to close the ensemble and Act H alone. In addition, the opera concludes with a complex, dynamic quintet that emphasizes Sofbmsba’s prolonged agony and tragic suicide. The quintet is one of several scene complexes in the work, others of which incorporate dance and pantomime (such as the opening sinfonia) and contain numerous opportunities for spectacle. Language conveying a high degree of dramatic intensity appears in many of the arias. Finally, there are two choruses, the second of which is an extensive ensemble with stage action prescribed by the libretto. The changes for the version performed in 1763 were minimal; they include the deletion o f gladiatorial games ftom Act I and of Sofonisba’s onstage death (although the tragic ending is maintained).

The child, Sofonisba’s son, became a singing role with the addition o f two arias in the

1763 version.^

^ The Venice setting of Verazi's libretto (music by Boironi) is cited in Claudio Sartori, / lib re tti italiani a stampa dalle origini al 1800 St 239. McClymonds, “hfattia Verazi and the Opera,” p. 107; idem, “Verazi,” The Mew Grove Dictionary o f Opera 4:931; idem, “Coltellmi”

212 The Turin Revision

Like all pre-existing libretti used in Turin during the period under discussion,

Sofonisba was “revised and adjusted” by Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi.^ Seven exemplars o f the printed libretto were consulted for this study, and most o f Cigna’s changes are present in all of them.’^ The Turin revision reflects both Mannheim versions: it lacks the gladiatorial games (included in 1762 but cut in 1763) and the arias for the child (added in 1763 but not yet present in 1762).

Cigna-Santi retained most of the original libretto’s strikingly mnovative features.

These include the dramatic opening scene, the pantomime ballets (with the exception of that found in the 1762 gladiatorial game sequence, which had been cut in 1763), the structurally experimental trio from Act II, Sofonisba’s dramatic cavatina, and the opera’s tragic ending."^ The opera’s visually-exciting opening scene provides a fluid transition from the sinfonia to the scene’s opening recitative. Possibly inspired by Traetta’s example, Galuppi composed a multi-sectional, programmatic sinfonia, which accompanies the pantomime ballet depicting the breach of a city wall, prescribed by

Verazi’s stage directions.^ Cigna-Santi added four arias, and revised the poetry in eight

“ Nicole Baker, “Italian Opera,” p. 227; McClymonds “Coltellini.” “ A.S.C.T, L iâ/i conti vol. 48, no. 160,4 February 1765: “Lire 473.6.8... pagati al Sig. Vittorio Cigna per la composizione in musica del Dramma di Motezuma, e per aver rivisto e accomodato d Dramma di SoSbnisba nell'anno scorso.” (Partially quoted by Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 315, n. 279.) Sofonisba was the last m an uninterrupted series offoorpre-existmglibrettt adapted by Cigna for Turin. It was preceded by Metastasio's Catone in U tica (1762), Roccaforte’s Pelopida (1763), and Pariati's Xndmra e Teseo (1763). ^ Mattia Verazi, Sofonisba (Turm: Gaspare Bayno, 1764). Exemplars to be cited below. ^Ih discussing the revmons of the libretto performed m both Turm and Venice in 1764 (in “CoIteOinT), McClymonds states that “Verazi^s trio o f dtmtnishing forces was replaced by static ensembles.” While this statement is true for the version performed m Vonce^ it does not apply to Turin, in which this trio was retained (Turin libretto, pp. 33-34; manuscript score, I-TL1 V 19, fob. 7r-20v). ^ The overture's cbamatic intensity is illustrated not only m the libretto's stage dhrections, but m marirfngs found in manuscrfot musical sources for the two difforent settings (see dbcussion o f the sinfonia below).

213 of Verazi’s original sixteen; Verazi’s tects, frequently lengthy and dramatically intense, were changed to more traditional verse. Cigna deleted the cavatina and aria for the child, and the quintet frnale; Turin’s version closes with a traditional coro of soloists. Finally,

Verazi’s choruses were initially deleted but subsequently reinstated. These changes, especially the deletion o f the choruses, a distinctly French-inspired element, have contributed to the false impression of Turin as conservative and reluctant to accept

French-influenced experimentation.

Variants Among Exemplars of the Libretto

Seven exemplars o f the libretto were consulted for this study, six in Turin and one in Washington.^® Although the bindings vary among them, the exemplars were printed from substantially the same setting of type.^‘ Four exemplars include an unpaginated printed leaf, which is shown in Fig. 5.1 (recto) and Fig. 52 (verso).^^ In three of the exemplars, the leaf is tipped in between pages 52 and 53 (the last numbered pages), i,e., between the end of the opera and the description of the ballets;^^ in the fourth exemplar it appears after the ballets and the page numbering is not disrupted.^ It was added after printing collating, folding, and stacking of gatherings, but presumably before binding.

The leaf contains material that appears in Verazi’s original libretto: the choruses in Acts I

^ The exemplars are I-Tn, F V II364/4; AS.C.T, coIL Smeom L-68; I-Tn, colL CoIIegio San Francesco 433/2; I-Tn, F XUI521/4 ; I-Tci, L .0.208; I-T, Strona-Cravero, ancatalcgoed; US-Wc, Schatz 3470. All exemplars exhibit a prmtîng error: page 39 should bear the signature C4, but instead repeats C3. There are no further errors in signatures. ^ The leaf is found in A.S.C.T., colL Smeom L-68; I-Tn, colL CoIIegio San Francesco 433/2; I-Tn, F VII 364/4; and I-Tn, F XIH 521/4. ® This occurs m I-Tasct, coIL Smeom L-68; I-Tn, coIL CoIIegio San Francesco 433/2; and I-Tn, F VU 364/4. ^ This occurs ml-Tir, F X m 521/4.

214 f, attoterzo. MÜTAZIONE NELL'ATTO L CORO. r<%. ij. Ah d'AIcito •• il core h» in pe«« Chiqui rcft# a cij^lio al'cUino Magnifico Padiglione militare aperto, A h il furore in leno h.i luKo che lalcia vcrlcre Interamcnre più in* Di Tilîfonc, c Mcgera dictro il Campo de’ Romani. Ponte Chl rcfiftcrc qu\ puhl miliiarc nel inczzo fui fiumo Anifaga. V htwiqM divtrfiUlh Roghi piîi avaiui per la combudionc de* G u erricri cA inti nclla b a tta g lia .

P ag. * 4, Dp/>« ffduta Sdpionf > /? aggiwnga fubitç',

CORO de' Cucrrieci Romani.

Morendo rinafce A vira niigliore N Chi fcniprc vivendo Calcato d'onore V, Ha il retto fcntier. Ma muore nalccndo AU'oZio chi nafce, Chi i'ive al placer.

Mtntre \t Coro, «Ittmï de' Gwrr* rierl Rvm^m mitlen» il fim osl Roghi, Si tilMM i/uindi due v irr rnJH(h(y « f i «dorn^no di V4irj Trofii milUitriy ntl tempo the tmlnfi d»gP ijlejfi JRo* mtiai il ffguentt BALLO CORO.

Fig. 5.1 : Recto of Printed leaf added to exemplar of libretto for Sofomsba, 1-Tn, Coll. CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2, between pp. 52-53 and n, as well as a description of the stage setting in Act I that reads, “funeral pyres a bit further downstage for the incineration of the warriors killed in the battle.”^® For Act I there are two sections of verse to be set to music, separated by a direction indicating the use of the stage setting: “While the chorus is sung, some of the Roman warriors set fire to the pyres. Afterwards they become two crude altars, and they are adorned with various military trophies, at the same time that the following chorus is sung by the same

Romans.”^® The chorus in Act H, scene iv, is very likely preceded by an added march, which is suggested by the setting and stage directions on the leaf: “Magnificent temple of the Sim ; altar in the middle with a statue of the god [of the sun]. Two staircases at the rear. From one descend Sofonisba and Massinissa to the temple followed by the

Numidian guards. From the other arrive the sacred ministers singing the chorus.”^^

In addition to the leaf described above, one of the exemplars includes a second printed leaf indicating the addition o f one aria and the revision of another (Figure 5.2).^*

First, a few lines of recitative and an aria for Siface are added to the end of Act II, scene ix. Then, a variant text is given for Cirene’s aria in Act m, scene i. The presence of both

“Roghi pm avanti per la combustfone de' Goemeri estinti nella battaglfa.” “Mentre cantasi 0 Coro, alcuni de' Gueirîerî Romani mettono Q faoco ai Roghi. Si atzann qumdi due Are mstiche, e si adomano di vaq Trofei militari, nel tempo che cantasi dagi' istessi Romani 3 seguente CORO.” ^ “Magnifico Tempto del Sole; Ara nel mezzo coUa statua del Nume. Doppie scale m prospetto. Dauna scendono nel Tempio Sofonisba, e Massinissa seguiti dalla guardia Numida. DaU'altra vengono t Sagri Mmistri cantando 3 CORO.” The manuscript score of Act n , to be discussed below, includes a march not spedfîcaiïy indicated m the libretto. These stage directions mdicate an added procession hir which a march would have been at least appropriate, at most requûite. The second added leaf appears only m I-Tn, colL CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2. (Text appears on the recto oidy. The verso o f the leaf is blaidc.)

2 1 6 CORO. ' A T T 0 II. Voî, del Tcbro amici Dei, S((U4 IX, 4 miff JO, fimiifi foii Slate a noi propiai ognor. Erge a voi II fuoi Trolci Sij/7 M a . . . Qtiefto Campa viiicitor. Si/7 Non pcrdiam, Regina, Col garrirc i monienii. Un piinto Ailo Sfgftt SCENA VI». cc, Del m io, del mo dcAino oggi decide; Si fecondi la forte or die ci arridc. MUTAZIGNE NELL ATTO », Dch fe nel pci to, o cara, N on liai di fa (lb i| c o re , »•« Idolo mio , dch femi Del mio mariir picià. SCENA IV. Pcnfa fra tamo affinno, Che volano i niomcmi, Magnifico Tempio del Sole; Afa lid E che fi jierde imamo m etto colla ftâtua del Name. Doppie La noAra libcriL fcnle ill profpcito. Da ima fceodoao Dch cc. nel Tempio Sofonisba, e Madinilfa y ieni cc. feguiti dalla guardia Wnmida. Dall’alira f—«K> vengono i Sagri Miniftri cantando it -4 A T T O ill. CORO. SffM frlm4 ff mini rwJ r4ii4 di Cirrm, Nume adorabile, Che in CicI rilplcndl # Ah di pict,i v'acccnda Coi raggi fcrvidi Una cradita amante ; A noi difcendi: ' Mi baAa, che (i reiula Lc fact iremole L’ingrato al priino amor. D'Imene accendi Eramo vendetta, c vcro, 1 nodi a Aringere Di cosi grave ccccffo} Don caAo amor* Ma poi non voglio npprcllb Stgftt Madinifla conduccndo pof mano L’idolo del mio cor. . fonisbacc. Ah cc.

Fig. 5,2: Verso of principal added leaf, and recto of other printed leaf added to exemplar of libretto for Sofonisba, I- Tn, Coll. CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2, between pp. 52-53 arias in the manuscript scores consulted for this study/^ with text as indicated on the added lea^ is evidence for Turinese provenance of the leaf.

The revisions reflected in the added leaves may be summarized as follows. In Act

I, scene vii, a chorus is added to the end o f the scene. The changes to Act H include the chorus, and most likely the preceding march, added to scene iv, and the addition of the aria for Siface to scene ix. In Act III, scene i, the text of Cirene’s aria is changed. All changes to the libretto found on these inserted printed leaves are corroborated by the manuscript scores for the opera. The correspondence among sources, together with data from archival documents, provides strong circumstantial evidence for dating the physical alteration of the libretto to around the beginning of the production (perhaps between mid-

January and 4 February, when the opera opened).

The previous studies that mention Sofonisba at Turin have been based upon the exemplar of the libretto held by the Library of Congress, which does not include either added leaf. This has led to the impression that the choruses were not performed in

Turin.'*® Examination of additional sources for Sofonisba, however, reveals that the choruses in Verazi’s origmal were present in the version that was presented to the

Turinese public. The apparent reasons for their omission in the original text of the libretto have to do with particular administrative decisions.

St&ce, “Deh se nel petto o caia,” I-TLIV 19, fob. 46r-5lr; Cnene, “Ah, di pfetà v'acccnda,” I-T^ I V 20, fob. 3r-6r; and 1-Tci, Mus. ms. 54, fob. 3r-5v. McClymonds, “Verazi,” iVëw Grove Z)icrib/«ny o f 0]pera 4:931. h i “Coltellmi,” McClymonds compared the two versions of the Mannhenn libretto and that of Turin, but she did not have access to all sources dbcussed here.

218 The Missing Choruses: Production Decisions

Choruses had first appeared in the operatic repertoire at Turin in the festa teatrale

La Vittoria d ’Imeneo (1750)/^ They were present in three opera seria libretti of the early

1760s —Ifigenia in Auiide (1762), Sofonisba (1764), and L 'Olimpiade (1764)—and then disappeared untü the late 1770s, when they began appearing more firequently. The choral singers for La Vittoria d'Imeneo and Ifigenia in Auiide had been selected and rehearsed by the Turinese musician Tommaso Vallino; Giuseppe Andriolo, in his role of foriere, provided them for Sofonisba and L ’Olimpiade Although the directors had been aware since April 1763 that Verazi’s original libretto included chorases, there seems to have been no thought of them until a month before opening, in January 1764. At that time, however, they were the subject of considerable discussion. The following entries in the

Ordinati refer to Sofonisba's choruses:

[3 January 1764] The Marchese di Barolo [the director of music] having indicated the need for various choruses in Sofonisba, has been authorized to provide twelve musicians for the choruses, providing that the cost does not exceed L 2 for each musician.'*^

[17 January 1764] As the Marchese di Barolo has reported difficulty in finding the number of musicians necessary for the choruses, and as their payment has

Performed at the Regie in the summer o f 1750 for the wedding o f prmce Vittorio Amedeo to Maria Antonietta Ferdmanda o f Spam. For Andriolo’^s contract, see Appendix K. Anchiolo, a contrabassist for both the Teatro Regio and the Teatro Carignano, was fb riere fiom 1759 to 1766. This was an hnportant position: the fo rie re was responsible fi>r repanmg instruments and actmg as doorman at the theater entrance, and he was present at the meetings o f the Società’s directors. See Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, pp. 179-80; and see reference to his payment below. ■** A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 247: “II sigr. Marchese di Barolo avendo rappresentato essere necessaq vaq chori di musica nell'opera di Sofbn^ba, si è antorizato il d. Sigr. Marchese ad accordaie dodeci musici per detti chori, purchè la spese non ecceda le L 2. perciaschedun mnsico.” Also quoted by Bouquet, n teatro d i corte, p. 311, n. 259.

219 already been established, it has been decided that the choruses wül be eliminated.'*^

[21 January 1764] At the suggestion o f the Marchese di Barolo, it has been decided that the choruses in the second opera will be performed with a total of twelve [singers], provided that their payment does not exceed L 2 for each performance.**^

[16 March 1764] Payment of L 50 has been sent. . . to Giuseppe Andriolo for having provided, directed, and assisted with the choruses of the second opera of last carnival [season]. ^

These records show that choruses were indeed present in the opera as submitted by the librettist and composer, and were cut when, presumably, Andriolo (or the

Marchese di Barolo, since we do not know exactly when Andriolo was called upon) could not find enough singers willing to perform for the low payment of 2 lire per singer per performance. Presumably the libretto went to press sometime after the decision was made to eliminate the choruses—on 17 January—but before the decision to reinstate them, reported on 21 January. Somehow the necessary singers must have been found after the date of 17 January, or as late as after 21 January. This would have left very little time for preparation, which could have begun as early as 18 January, or as late as 21 or later. Thus, there may have been as many as eighteen or fewer than fourteen days to and to provide the singers with costumes and to instruct them in their music and stage action.

There exists no further evidaice as to how the chorus members were found, but the

** A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 248: “H Sigr. Marchese di Barolo avendo rappresentato la difficoltà di ritrovate d numéro di musici neccesaij per li chori, avuto riguardo alia paga stabditagli si è determmato di tralasciare li chori suddettL” Also quoted by Bouquet, II teatro di corte^ p. 3 I I , n. 259. A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, pp. 249-50: “Su le rappresentanze del Sigr. M. di Barolo, si è determinato dare li chori per la seconda opera al numéro di dodeci ptuchè non ecceda ronorario di L 2. per ogni sera." (Not quoted by Bouquet, II teatro di corte.) A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 254: “si è spedito mandato. . . di L 50 al âvore del S. Giuseppe Anchiolo per avere provisto, ammaestrato, ed asshtito alii chori della seconda opera del passato camevale.” Also quoted by Boucpet, II teatro di carter p. 3 11, n. 259.

220 Società appears not to have raised their payment: Andriolo’s full payment, including reimbursement for what he would have paid each singer, was not increased.'*’ In any case, the reinsertion of the missing choruses into the libretto presumably occurred in time for the premiere on 4 February.

After the directors o f the Società had unanimously agreed upon a libretto in which choruses figured prominently, why did they subsequently decide to eliminate them? The answer lies in financial considerations: the choruses did represent an added production cost for an opera that was already quite expensive. As established above, the solo singers were extremely highly paid. In light of their stipends, 2 lire per performance per choral singer is admittedly small, but the mere presence o f choruses in any opera represented significant costs. Beyond the payment to each singer, the costume designer demanded payment for alterations made to two sets of costumes, one for each act, for each of the ten singers.'*® The singers’ boots were an additional expense.”*’ Apart fi-om the high fees paid to both the scene and costume designers (which included expenses for both operas in the

1764-65 season),^® the Libri conti report many extra payments associated specifically

6ct, the amount is less than what twelve singers would have cost; the documents show that Andriolo prepared ten singers rather than twelve as originally plaimed. A.S.C.T., Libro Mastro, vol. 46, p. 18, payment to Giuseppe Andriolo for L 560 *^... per aver provisto diect persone cantanri nei cori della seconda opera di Sofonisba a L 20 per cadun esecuzione” (cross referenced in this volume with entry on p. 44). This does not include Andriolo's personal stipend of L 50, which is cited on p. 22, .. per aver fotto ricerca e maestrato i cori." Ten singers paid L 2 each per performance for twen^-eight performances totals L560. ■** A.S.C.T., O rdinati voL 5, p. 255: “Su la rappresentanza fktta dal Sgr. Conte Porporato della buonificazione domandata dal Sgr. Matmo per gli abiti di chori intiodotti nella seconda opera del camevale scorso, a tenore della sua capitulazione, si è creduto conveniente spedhgli mandato di L 2 5 0 ... per la buonifîcazione deUi 20 abiti di chori sudettL" ^ A.S.C.T., Libri conti voL 46, p. 22: “L. 97.15 pagate alia Vedbva Baretta per K stivalletti provisti per Li Palafiemeri, e Musici, che hanno servito nel Cori." ^ The scene designers were Bemaidmo and Fabrizio Maria GaQiari, horn the most renowned fomdy o f Italian scenographers during this period. See Viale Ferrero, Zn Sbenqgrq^a chapter 3. The costumes were

221 with Sofonisba for this opera’s enhanced spectacle. Several brass players were apparently requested to play onstage at some point, and they were paid extra for this service.^ ^ Costs were also incurred by the personnel required to manage the live horses prescribed by the libretto: the fourteen footmen were paid, as was the member of the costume staff who provided feathers for ornamentation of the horses.*^ A sergeant, three drummers, and ninety-eight soldiers completed the ensemble of supernumeraries, and paying this large group was extremely expensive.*^ Other fees were associated with the breach o f the city wall in the opening scene: the scene featured two solo dancers as well as fireworics, which presumably represented spectacular battlefire. For the latter, a soldier and a drummer from the artillery were paid, not only fr>r the performances but for one rehearsal.^ Payment was made to the decorators who provided the means by which the supernumeraries scaled the wall in the opening scene.^^ Although small in comparison, special payment was made even to the child who portrayed the role of

Sofonisba's son.*^

The expense of Sofonisba's spectacular element was indeed exhorbitant Thus, although they evidently favored the choruses initially, the directors o f the Società might designed by Leonardo Marmo, who received a personal stipend o f L 3000 and an additional L 5299.13 for payment to his staff and for materials he purchased (see A.S.C.T., Libri conti vol. 46, pp. 23-24). Ibid., p. 25: “L. 120 pagate alii Trombetti Sig. Giuseppe e Giov. Olliva e Giuseppe Bottero per aver suonato sul palcho nel corzo della 2nda opera.” There is no mdicadon at any pomt in the manuscript score as to when onstage music might have occurred, although it probably accompanied one of the battle scenes. ® Ibid., p. 21: ”L. 395 pagate al Sr. per no. 14 Palafienieri che hanno servito a cavallo nella Scena di Sofonisba a L.1 cade per cad récita, e L J ad un Palafieniere che ha solo servito per recite 3”; ”L. 128 pagate al Sr Stef6no Bona per le piume ed egrete per li CavaHi.” IbUi., p. 21: ”L. 956.13.4 pagate a un Sarg.te e 3 Tamburri e 98 soldati, che hanno &tte le comparze nelle 28 recite della 2nda Opera.” ^ Ib id .,p . 18, p. 21. L 144 was paid to to Turin’s lead dancers, Armano and Audibert, and L 149 to the soldier and (hummer, “per li fttochi deHa Battaglm fâtta nella 2nda opera.” Ib u i., p. 21: “L 46.10 pagate aOi Taphsieri Ducotto Resca, e Salomone per aver &tto le comparse a dar la scalata neQa 2nda opera.”

222 have been financially unprepared—especially shortly before opening—to raise the total

even slightly by increasing the payment to the singers. Finally, although there is no

evidence identifying the choral singers in the operas of the 1760s, they might not have been professional musicians.^^ As amateurs, perhaps they were not worthy of higher

payment in the directors’ opinion.**

The Music

Galuppi’s melodic style has been characterized as “facile, elegant and flexible.”*’

His orchestrations were praised by Charles Burney and other contemporaries. The principal hallmarks of his orchestral style include interplay with the voice created by the sharing of structural motifo, themes, and figuration, as well as clarity of accompanimental texture. He was extremely sensitive to the abilities of his singers, “tailoring” his arias to individual singers like suits of clothes. The music of Sofonisba, as reflected in the three- volume score for the opera firom the Brusasco collection, exhibits these general characteristics.^

Ibid., p. 20: “L. 28 pagate a Giuseppe Clara per aver rapp.to nella seconda opera û fîglio di Sofonisba.” ^ “Passing through Florence on his way north [] found the manager of the principal house just ready to bring out his La fiera di Venezia ^performed m Florence in 1779] [At the beghmmg of the rehearsal] not a chorus singer was to be seen. “Why are they so late?” asked SalierL “Because the shops are not yet shut,” was the answer. The explanation was that most of the Italian choruses then were made up of shopkeepers or their assistants who, not knowing one note fiom another, learned thehr parts by rote.. . . ” A l e x a n d e r Wheelock Thayer, Salieri: Rival o fMozart, ed. Theodore Albrecht (Kansas City, Missouri: The PhiHiarmoma of Greater Kansas City, 1989), p. 67. ” Andriolo was also called upon to organize the choruses for the first opera of the following season, L ‘Olimpiade (1764). It appears that the choral singers were paid even less for L ‘Olimpiade than they were for Sofonisba: for L ‘Olimpiade Anchiolo was to select and rehearse sbcteen choral smgers, eight men and eight women, who were allotted a total of L 28 for each performance (which averages L. 1.75 per singer ^ night). This general description o f Gahippfs style is drawn fiom Dale E. Monson, “Galuppi, Baldassare,” The New Grave Dictionary o fOpera 2:338-39. ^ Volume II of this score departs fiom the prmted libretto m significant ways. See Appendnt E.

223 Among the opera’s innovations, those in the sinfonia are perhaps the most striking. Verazi’s text describing the setting of the tension-filled opening scene inspired both Traetta and Galuppi to create a programmatic, multi-sectional setting for the sinfom'a.^*

Broad expanse of countryside. In the distance, an exterior view of the city of Cirta under attack by the Romans and Massili, under the command of Massinissa. Harsh and relentless fighting in the camp between the company of Massinissa and the Numidian troops who have rushed in to help the beseiged. While defending the beseiged fit)m the fortifications, the forces who had come to thehr aid are pushed back, dispersed, and made to flee. At the same time the trenches are overrun, the walls are demolished and knocked down in pieces, and the city is taken, the bridges lowered, and the victors permitted to enter freely.“

This was the first time that Verazi had combined the overture with the opening scenes o f the opera. This feature that was to become more common in his later libretti.*^

Cigna’s revised version of the text describing the battle is equal to Verazi’s in dramatic intensity, and is more elaborate in the description of both the stage setting and the action of the groups of supernumeraries involved:

View of the city of Cirta as it is attacked by the Romans and Massili under the command of Massim'ssa. Bridge l%dkg to the city, and gate flanked by towers. The opening of the scene depicts the attack of the city by the Romans and Massili, which is already in progress. Some Massili try to scale the walls and some of

The & st o f the two & al Allegro movements m Traetta’s settmg fbr Mannheim ( 1762) bears the words "Musica per I’aspro ed ostmato combattimento.. ."("Music fbr the harsh and relentless fighting.. score in D-Bspk, see McClymonds, "Transfbrming opera seria," p. 121. (See also Comeilson, "Opera at Mannhenn," p. 171.) The analogous section m the settmg by Galuppi for Turin is labeled "Musica per Zuf&” ^ u sic for the fiay); I-Tf^ 1 V 18, fois. 14r-17v. ^ Verazi, (Nfonnhenn, 1763), p. 1: "Vasta campagna. hi prospetto vedutaesteriore della cittadi Chta, oppugnata da’Romani, e Massilf sotto la condotta di Masshmsa. Aspro, ed ostmato combattimento sul campo traleschieredi Massinàsa, et unatruppadi Numidiaccorsim aiuto degliassediatL Mentre si difbndon quest! sulle fortificazioni, vengono respmte, dûperse, e messe in foga le schiere, che tentaron soccorrerlL Superate nel tempo stesso le trmciere, e rovinate, et abbattute m pin parti le mura, la citta si rende; e calati i ponti, s’abbandona libero a’vmcitori I’mgresso." ^ McClymonds, "Transforming opera seria," p. 121.

224 them fight with the Massesuli who have come to the aid of the city. While they fight, reinfisrcements of the Massesuli arrive, and a general battle ensues. The beseiged make a sally so that the reinforcements may help them, but firesh Roman infantry and Afiican cavalry arrive, and these determine the victory with the pushing back of the Massesuli troops and the beseiged to the bridge. Thus the city, having lost every hope, is taken, and the victors are permitted to enter fireely.^

Possibly one of the lengthiest overtures for an opera performed at Turin, this piece covers seventeen leaves in the manuscript score. Galuppi takes advantage of the numerous opportunities for dramatic musical effects, as his orchestration, featuring homs, trumpets, and timpani, demonstrates a varied use of and textures. The sinfonia consists o f three large sections, delineated in part by the orchestration, which are further subdivided into smaller units. The first section (labeled “sinfonia” in the score) is a large and complex binary form. There follows a shorter section labeled “Allegro,” which varies fixjm the first in melodic content, meter, and tonality. The final section comprises two smaller units. The first, marked “presto,” carries the heading “Zuffa Doppo rOvertura” (“Fray after the Overture”), a label that suggests that the pantomime portraying the battle probably began at this point. Trumpets and timpani heighten the dramatic intensity of this fast-paced passage. The end of this unit is mariced “segue

I’altra” (“the other [unit] follows”). Here a triumphant fanfare of trumpets announces the arrival of reinforcements that determine the victory o f the Romans.

^ Verazi, Sofonisba (Turm, 1764), p.l; “Veduta della Citta di Citta oppugnata dai Romain, e Massili sotto la condotta di Massinissa. Ponte, che alia medesima contbce, e Porta fiancheggiata da Tdiri. Niell’aprirsi della Scena si vede gia inoltrato Tattacco deHa Città dai Romani, e Nhissilj. Paite di questi tenta la scalata, e parte si oppone ai Massesuli vennti per soccorrere la Prâzza. Mentre si combatte giunge tm rmfbrzo ai Massesuli, e segue un combattimemo generate. Gli assediati 6mio una sortita per Givorne d loro soccorso, ma si présenta un nuovo Corpo di Fanteria Romana, e Cavalleria Affîicana, che decide della vittoria col respmgere il corpo dei MassesuG, e cod'msegune gli assediati foio sul Ponte: dhnodichè k Città, perduta ogni speranza, si arrende, e n'abbandona liboo Tmgresso ai vmcitorL’^

225 Galuppi’s setting of Verazi’s choruses (two sections of text in I, vii and one in H,

iv) very likely illustrates both the ability of the choral singers and the brief time in which

the pieces were written and taught to them: the pieces are tonally, harmonically and

melodically simple. Each chorus accompanies stage action: this was rare in Italian

dramaturgical style, and is a distinctly French-influenced feature of this opera.

The choral portions in Act 1 are sung while the Roman soldiers set fire to the

firaerai pyre intended for the victims of a battle. These two movements, each labeled

“Coro” in the score, are distinguished one firom the other by scoring, meter, key, and

length. Both are scored for the conventional continuo and strings (doubled by oboes), and the first section features independent horn lines. Rhyming four-line stanzas are traditional for pieces of this type. However, the rhyme scheme of the poetry here— a/b/c/b/d/c/a/d—differs significantly fiom those of traditional choral movements:

Morendo rinasce A vita migliore Chi sempre vivendo Calcato d’onore Ha il retto sentier.

Ma muore nascendo All’ozio chi nasce, Chi vive al piacer.

Despite the di^rence in their lengths, Galuppi constructs fiom these two stanzas a simple binary form in duple meter with generally symmetrical, repeating musical sections. The first section of this chorus, the end of which is marked “segue altro Coro”

(“the other chorus follows”), is shown in Fig. 5.3. The second section is distinguished

fiom the first by its triple meter, contrasting key area, and scoring—the homs rest while

226 p s

Fig, 5.3; Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 77r g

Fig. 5.3 (continued); Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, foi. 77v g

ftndo rtuMou ÛKa-T /fu'gUaV^ c/U J€m//rLptü!^o

Fig, 5.3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 78r m - Q w I T j

o

Fig, 5.3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol, 78v dUcfyi^ V/

Fig. 5,3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), 1-Tf, I V 18, fol, 79r g

f^ajot>c^î uiuc^^iàcer çj^

Fig. 5.3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (1, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 79v s

U4 -c3gf cM/ ^ f ' *’v(uJiM Ln'ua^/aideojC, Ui/n'

Fig. 5.3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 80r Fig, 5.3 (continued): Chorus (first section), Sofonisba (I, vii), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. SOv the oboe doubling continues. The text is a simple, single quatrain composed o f settenari, the regular riiyme scheme of which (a/b/a/b) facilitates a division into two musical sections of equal length, each of which repeats:

Voi, del Tebro amici Dei Siate a noi propizi ognor. Erge a voi li suoi Trofei Questo Campo vincitor.

Both choral movements impart a military flavor, in keeping with the dramatic context of the scene, by the frequent use of dotted rhythms and rapid running figures in the strings.

The addition of horns renders the first section slightly more majestic than the second.

Generally conjunct throughout, the vocal writing is appropriate for singers of limited musical knowledge.

The second chorus (Act II, scene iv) tonally, rhythmically, and instrumentally recalls the first choral section in Act I, and lends a similarly majestic mood to the scene.

Sung by the priests, it probably followed the march (found in the score but not specifically prescribed by the libretto) as part of the procession in which Sofonisba,

Massinissa, and the Numidian guards, entered the temple. The text, a two-quatrain unit, corresponds structurally to the binary division it receives in the musical setting.

The opera’s single ensemble, the “trio of diminishing forces” (II, x, mentioned above), is structurally the most innovative of all pieces in the opera; it stands at odds with traditional practice in its smooth transition firom ensemble to solo singing in a single movement. Galuppi’s setting is lengthy and instrumentally elaborate, covering fourteen leaves in two separate gathering in the score. It occurs at the point in the drama in which Siface and Sofonisba, having been taken prisoners by Massinissa, plead with them

235 captor to release them. They play on Massinissa’s sympathies by telling hnn that the victim, should he kill them, will be their child. When they succeed in convincing him to

6ee them, their exit leaves Massinissa onstage to complete the piece and close the act alone; thus, the final section of the trio is reminiscent of the Metastasian convention of closing an act with an aria sung by a single character on stage.

The piece, labeled ‘Terzetto” in the score, is divided into two large sections. The first—the actual trio, ending at the exit of Siface and Sofonisba, is an extended moment of high drama and suspense, featuring active, independent oboe parts, string tremolos, and firequent dynamic contrasts. The exit of Sofonisba and Siface is marked by a sudden, lengthy melismatic flourish for the two singers, as they express their surprise and gratitude for Massinissa’s magnanimity. When they exit, the tempo shifts firom allegro to presto, mirroring Massinissa’s fimstration at the “escape” of his former lover and his enemy. Also at this point the rate of harmonic change begins to slow and the texture becomes denser as homs join with the oboes in a sustained, soft passage. This gradually increases in intensity as rapid running figures appear in the oboes and strings, and

Massinissa despairs in a torment “unknown even in hell itself’ (“. . . io sento, un tormento—I’infemo non ha”). His anguish, the piece, and the act, all end in a crescendo of rapid string figuration and a densely textured passage executed by the entire orchestra.

Although relatively high in range, the vocal part of the end of the trio is not melismatic or otherwise elaborate; the emphasis is clearly on the intensity of the dramatic situation rather than on the abilities of the individual singer.

236 The recitatives in. Sofonisba are simple in. tecture, and with the exception o f two passages with strmg accompaniment, are scored entirely for continuo. Both of these exceptions occur at high points in the drama, consistent with Metastasian practice. While the placement of the first passage is conventional—sung by Siface, it precedes his most lengthy and dramatic aria, the final aria of Act I (scene x)—that of the second is less so: sung by Sofonisba, this passage follows her cavatina in Act lH (the cavatina occurs at the end of scene ix, and the accompanied passage makes up the entirety of scene x).

The text of Siface’s solo scene at the end of Act I (scene x) is an excellent example of Verazi’s literary style. The passage is shown in Fig. 5.4. During the recitative the character moves through various emotional states, first musing sadly and pensively, then becoming suspicious and terrified when he perceives himself surrounded by ghosts. The emotional crescendo of the recitative moves naturally into the aria, in which Siface imagines a ghost hovering over him, confirming his suspicion of

Sofbmsba’s infidelity. Verazi’s dramatic words inspired Galuppi to a complex musical setting. The three string lines in the passage are differentiated by their rhythmic character. The first to enter at the beginning of the passage is the second violin, which initiates a steady syncopated eighth-note pattern that returns frequently. The viola joins in with a similar syncopated pattern, while the first violin articulates two-note sighing figures, sometimes separated by rests. While the continuo begins with series o f sustained whole notes, it firequently joins the rfiytimncally complex figuration of the strings.

Throughout the passage, instrumental portions alternate with vocal phrases in the obbligato style. The alteration occurs either on downbeats or between utterances of

237 IL B I Mfcv* M «m

ü 00

F&,n4VyÂ/^wAwz^^Z/%^/0?9^ A ^ 9/ /%C) = :

Fig, 5.4: Accompanied recitative and beginning of aria, Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, I V 18, fol 98r ije l J'iiacit^ 9ffû' è>c/iea.rJi\ifroufi 'erwm ie^/inoji^ g

/m l maUff i/a r,// eL^ Ut ce/l

Fig. 5.4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, I V 18, fol 98v eu/ar \ iftcUffif/tÜ i

Fig. 5.4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and beginning of aria, Sofonisba (I, x), 1-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 99r <«■»&foir0 nf^no

Fig, 5.4 (continued)’, Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol, 99v g

^ 0 ^ f j?) &> rg çrrffTfu t'p /7u Ji/m ^c/ar . %' /vâ^à^ni f/m nd^.

Fig, 5.4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), l-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. lOOr MailaecL -•f tnaja. n t^ ia S , s

)dU ltJff^ /nta^ (Mimi. i/mn

Fig, 5,4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, I V 18, fol, lOOv I

p -J

Fig, 5.4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, %), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 10Ir 1 1 f ■ ' m--\ A - Tt.,..,ft.-i-..l. ■=_■■■ ------>. 1 —

iit!'^(innom^umh

S Âau£3 Qri'ûLxÆ /a^l.

x./ti cm ^2M imM 'a^\

Fig. 5,4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (I, x), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 101 v s

m I T

Fig. 5.4 (continued): Accompanied recitative and aria (beginning), Sofonisba (1, x), I-Tf, 1 V 18, fol. 102r single words or small textual phrases followed by short pauses, and creates an effect of breathlessness, mirroring the same effect created by the text. (An example is, “Ma il vincitor? ... Ma i lacci? . . . Ma la Patria? ...Il rival?...La sorte nua?”) Galuppi indulges in a bit of word painting at “Numi, che tirannia! Di tormentarmi,” when a sudden flurry o f soft thirty-second note tremolos ascend and descend, suggesting a spirit encircling the terrified Siface. (This is skillful foreshadowing of the ghostly image in Siface’s text

“Un’ombra—gelosa, Che intomo mi gira,” fi'om the following aria.) Gradually the figuration appears in the vocal line as the image of spirits is introduced in the very next poetic line (“Deh cessate una volta, ombre gelose”). This rhythmic pattern continues in the aria that follows, where it assumes an important role in the accompanimental fabric.

Even with its numerous iimovative features, Sofonisba still focuses on star singers. The score contains arias that are lengthy and elaborate, clearly designed to display the vocal prowess of Manzuoli, Mormani, and the others. It is worth noting that, as in the case o f Oreste as we shall see, arias not found in the Mannheim libretto were added to the Turin production—a testament to the primacy of the solo singer in Turin.

Each of the male roles, even Lelio, the lowest-ranking character, received at least one additional aria. The roles of Sofonisba and Cirene, by contrast, include only the arias in the original, although the texts of some of these were revised.

The score contains a total of nineteen arias.®^ These solo pieces are frequently ornate and heavily florid, especially those for Giovanni Manzuoli. The extreme length of some of them testifies to the accomplished technique and stamina the talented singers must have possessed. The standard scoring, found in ten of the nineteen arias, is for two

247 homs, two oboes, violins, violas, and continuo. Two arias feature flutes together with or

instead of homs, and these differ in style and mood: the first is sung by Siface at a

dramatic moment of terror and fury, while the second is a ^ an aria type in which

flutes are more traditionally found. The remaining arias are scored for strings and

continuo only.

Among the most elaborate solo pieces in the opera are those for Giovanni

Manzuoli. The most highly acclaimed engaged by the Regio during the decade,

Manzuoli was at the height o f his brilliant career when he arrived in Turin.^* He would be engaged by the Regio a second time, for the 1765-66 season, when he would sing the title role in Oreste. A manuscript annotation in an exemplar of the libretto for Arianna e

Teseo, the &st opera of the 1763-64 season, evokes the appreciation of the Turinese audiences: next to Manzuoli’s name in the list of cast members appears the comment,

'^perhaps the best soprano [castrato] ever heard before in this theater: one could equate his vocal talents with those of Somis on the violin.”^^

Manzuoli, who performed the role of Massinissa in Sofonisba^ sang five arias, more than any other singer in the opera, as well as the lengthy solo passage at the end of the trio during which Sofonisba and Siface exit Texts were changed in two of his pre-

^ Two o f the twenty-one arias m the Turin libretto, both firom Act n, do not appear m the score. ^ For further biographical information on Manzuoli, see Valeria Gualerzi and Isabella Fragala Data, '^Ritratto di Giovanni Manzuoli (1762),” item QL7, L ’arcano incanto, p. 253; Kathleen Kuznuck Hanseil, “Manzuoli, Giovanni,” The New Grove Dictionary ofOpera 3: 197-98; and Rosselli, Singers o fItalian Opera, pp. 48,131-34. [Pietro Parmtil, ifnonna e Teseo (Ttnrm; Gaspare Bayno, 1764), I-Tn, coIL CoOegio San Francesco 433/1, m anuscrit annotation, p. v: “fbrse il miglior soprano, che si ha ancora udito sul Teatro: Si potrebbe paragonar nella voce a cio, che era Somis nel Violmo.” The violm concertos and o f , Turmese composer and violinist, were mtemationally known; see Glenn Eric Bunktte, “The Violm Sonatas of Giovanni Battista Somis (1686-1763), focluding an Edition of Opus 3” (PhD. diss. University o f Cincnmati, 1993). The anonymous annotator of this libretto collection offers colorful remarks regarding the attributes (vocal and otherwise) of various performers.

248 existing arias, and two arias were added to the Turin production. Both his first and his final arias (I, ii, “Bel piacer d’un alma grande,” and HI, v, “Son qual fia Tonda e il vento”), mariced “allegro maestoso” and “allegro” respectively, are scored for homs, oboes, and strings, and are extremely fiorid. In between, he sang three arias that contrast greatly in mood; the pieces for Manzuoli exhibit greater variety in scoring and tempo than those for any other singer, and attest to the dramatic flexibility and interpretive range o f this primo uomo.

The first o f his two additional arias, his second aria in the opera, appears in both the printed libretto and the manuscript score. It occtus in Act I, scene v (“Se m’accendo ad’altra face”). This aria’s placement in the libretto stands against the Metastasian convention that each leading character sings one aria before any sings a second:

Massinissa sings two arias before Siface (the tenor) sings his first The order of arias in the original libretto suggests that Verazi attempted to adhere to this convention, but obedience to it was apparently o f less importance in Turm. This piece differs strikingly firom that preceding; it is scored for strings and exhibits two contrasting affects: the duple meter, largo tempo, and minor mode in the first section establish the plaintive declaration of love reflected in the text, while the subsequent section, in triple meter, marked

“allegro,” and contrasting in key, presents a more forceful affect.

His third aria in the opera is the second of his two arias added to the Turm production. It does not appear in the printed libretto, but was probably added to Act U, scene v.“ Its text matches that o f an aria for Poro, firom Metastasio’s Alessandro

^ The two copies o f the aria consolted for this study are the copy m. the score for Act H at I-Tf and the copy at I-TcL

249 n e ll’Indie (Act H, scene v). Manzuoli had sung this role in Galuppi’s setting of this libretto in Parma in 1755.®’ Further inquiry might reveal if the aria performed in Turin was drawn from Galuppi’s setting o fAlessandro nell'Indie.

The character of Siface was sung by Angiolo Monanni, also known as

“Manzolino.” This nickname, a diminutive of Manzuoli, might refer to the fact that

Monanni was a student o f the renowned castrato.^’ Siface sang four arias in Turin’s

Sofonisba. One was added to the original libretto, and the text of another was lengthened and changed. The aria added for the Turin production, “Deh se nel petto o cara,” appears in Act n, scene ix. (The text appears on one o f the libretto’s added leaves, and in the manuscript score, as discussed above.) This particular addition might have resulted from influence by Manzuoli himself. Star singers in Turin had the power to influence even the choice of the operas they were to sing, as established above. Manzuoli, a star of the highest caliber, was undoubtedly able to exert control over his own arias. He might also have suggested the addition of an aria for his student, thus giving Manzolino more to sing. The role of Siface also includes one of the two arias with flutes (“Terrore m’inspira,” in Act I, scene x). This striking piece is preceded by one of the two aforementioned passages of accompanied recitative in the opera. In this aria, homs and flutes combine to produce startling effects that match the intensity of Verazi’s text for

Siface, who believes hunself surrounded by spirits that terrify him. The use of flutes here differs madtedly from the first appearance o f these instruments, in Manzuoli’s second

® Sartori, I libretti a stam pa 1 :79. ^ Bouquet proposes this ta 77 reo

250 aria in Act H (his fourth in the opera), in which they help soften Massinissa’s plea for

Sofonisba’s love.

Despite her role as title character, Sofonisba has only three full-length arias, and the opera’s single cavatina, ail of which were taken over unchanged from the original libretto. The relative weakness of Sofonisba’s role compared with that of Massinissa might reflect the stature of the two singers. While Camilla Mattel seems to have enjoyed a successful career, her reputation seems not to have been as great as Manzuoli’s.’'

Like Massinissa and Siface, Sofonisba also participates in the structurally iimovative trio that ends Act n. Her cavatina, “Darti, o flglio,” (Act II, scene ix) belongs to one of the most moving scenes in the work. It occurs during the final part of the act, in which she gives her son over to the care o f Cirene before exiting and ending her own life.

The piece is structurally interesting in its smooth linkage to the bit of simple recitative that follows it, which is in turn followed by the lengthy and dramatic accompanied passage. The sympathetic nature of Sofonisba’s character, confirmed here, is established by her first aria, “Intesi, ti basti” (Act I, scene iv). This piece is one of the few not in the dal segno form found in most other pieces in the work. Galuppi constructed a brief piece in ternary form (entirely written-out in the score) from the three poetic stanzas of unequal length, in which the first musical section contains the first two stanzas, and the second

Little is known about this singer; she might also have been called Columba Mattei (see Dennis Libby, "Mattel, Colmnba,” The New Grave Dictionary o fOpera 3:270), and if so, sang in Naples, Vienna, aiid LondoiL Camilla Mattei sang m several productions o f opere serie m Venice from 1759 to 1766, mcluding Galuppi’s setting of Dtdone abbandonata performed the same year as Turin’s Sofonisba. See Irene Aim, Catalogue o f Venetian Librettos at the University o fCalifornia. Los Angeles (Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1993). The annoymous annotator of the libretto fa r Arianna e Teseo wrote next to Mattei’s name, "la Nice dell’Ab.^ Metastasio.” Arianna e Teseo. 1-Tn, colL CoHegio Saa Francesco 433/1, p. v. Th6

251 musical section contains the third. This aria is the culmination of the recitative between

Sofbnisba and Massinissa, during which he pleads for her love. It has a lilting melody, andante tempo, and gentle string accompanhnent, and ecplores the range o f Sofonisba’s emotions. Although it is a solo piece, at the beginning of the aria text in the libretto

Verazi includes interpretive markings for the singers indicating that the “dialogue” between them continues. Sofonisba begins to sing, “continuously interrupting

Massinissa, who in each of the pauses o f the aria turns to draw near to her and to implore her with burning insistence to return his love.”^ Galuppi responded to the dramatic context by providing numerous pauses in the musical setting for the prescribed action.

The remaining characters, Cirene, Scipione, and Lelio, have one aria each that is unusual in its length, omateness, and elaborate scoring featuring homs and oboes. These arias resemble some of the arias sung by primary characters in these respects. Cirene sings three arias, two of which are set to texts that were revised from their Mannheim originals. The most elaborate of them is “Quell’istesso tormento ch’io sento” (Act II, scene ii), the tempo of which corresponds to Cirene’s agitated emotional state at this point in the drama. One of the leaves added to the printed libretto gives the variant for the second of her two arias with revised texts, from Act HI, scene i. The new text, “Ah, di pietà v’accenda,” is shorter and more conventional than Verazi’s fiery “Sai ch’amore.”

This aria, as well as her remaining one (“Chi d’insano amor,” Act 1, scene vi), is short and simpler in style. Scipione has three arias as well, but each of these is scored for

comment, the meaning o f which is unclear, might have been meant asa comparison o fMattei's character in Arianna e Teseo to the character ofNTce in Metastasio's II Trior^ dellafedeltà ^ Turm libretto, p. 9; “Literrompendo sempre Massinissa, che m tutte le pause dell'ana toma ad accostarselev e a chiederle con supplichevole miportunità. corrispondenza m amore.”

252 homs and oboes and is more lengthy and elaborate than the arias of Cirene. His role was enhanced in Turin by the addition of one aria, “O nel tuo cor ingrato” (Act H, scene vii), and the expanded text of another, “Serba de’ fall! tuoi” (Act I, scene ix). Lelio, the lowest-ranking character, sings two arias, one of which, “Forte mostrarsi in campo” (Act

I, scene i), was added for the Turin production. Although not vocally challenging, it is relatively lengthy and is elaborately scored.

The wealth of source material for Sofonisba affords a valuable glimpse into the opera’s musical content as well as the circumstances surrounding the production.

Although solo vocal pieces are clearly prominent, the opera presents some of the most striking French-inspired innovations seen in opera seria in Turin up to 1764. The presence of choruses in the opera contradicts what is believed about Turinese practice.

The Società did not eliminate them as a result of stylistic conservatism. Rather, they accepted this aspect of French-inspired experimentation usually rejected by other Italian cities.^ The choruses and ensembles were all cut, for example, in the Venetian production of the opera in 1764.^'^ Turin retained the structurally innovative trio at the end of Act II, and included pantomime in several scenes. Although Verazi’s libretto was subject to other changes, the integrity and power of the original is retained.

O reste

Sofonisba had beat the first of Mannhehn’s experimentations in French-inspired spectacle opera. The directors of the Società must have been following closely the events

^ McCIymonds, “Opera Reform m Italy.” McCIymonds, “CoIteHmL”

253 at Mannheim during the early 1760s since, as they had done with Sofonisba, they mounted a production of Verazi’s Ifigenia in Tauride two years after its Mannheim premiere in 1764/^ Retitled O reste, Verazi’s second libretto for Mannheim was revised for Turin by Cigna-Santi and set to music by Carlo Monza.^® With twenty-two porformances, O reste, the second opora of carnival 1765-66, was highly successful although it did not quite rival the popularity of Sofonisba, perfonned twenty-eight times.^ Although Ifigenia in Tauride was subject to more changes than was Sofonisba, many important innovations were retained. As in the case of Sofonisba, the source material for the production of O reste reveals that certain revisions were made for practical reasons.

The Original Libretto

Verazi’s libretto derives from Iphigenia in Tauris by Euripides. This tragedy, like

Iphigenia in Aulis, was a popular subject for opera libretti in the eighteenth century.’*

” Verazi,Ifigenia in Tauride (Mannheim: Stamperia Elettorale, 1764). Exemplar consulted: US-Wc, Schatz 5856. Verazi, O reste (Turin: Stamperia Reale, 1766). Nine exemplars o f the libretto were consulted for this study, eight in Turin and one in Washington: A.S.C.T., coll. Simeom L-71; I-Tci, L .0 .220; I-T Fanan, 7974; I-Tn, colL Collegio San Francesco 442/2; I-Tn, F VII365/4; I-Tn, F XIH 491/5; I-T Provmcia, P-1, 107/1; I-T Strona-Cravero, uncatalogued; US-Wc, Schatz 6611. None o f the exemplars contain textual printing variants. I-Tn, F VII365/4 contains modest, non-tettual variants: the prmter signature C3 (p. 37), present m aH other exemplars, is absent here, and page numbers on pp. 30 and 31, absent in other «templars, are present here. Three copies (I-Tn, F Xm 491/5; I-T ADvmcia, P-L, 107/1; and US-Wc, Schatz 6611) are missmg pages 53-56. The manuscript score for the Turin production (I-TC IV I5-I6-I7) corresponds with, the «templars that mclude the final pages. ^ The invasion o f Turm by the French forced the cancellation o f a new setting of O reste, platmed for 1792. Another resettmg o f the libretto was planned for 1798, but Metastasio's Clemenza d i Tito (set to music by Ottani) was substituted m its places See Viale Ferrero,La Scenografia, p. 295; Basso, II Teatro d ella città , p. 45. Iphigenia in A ulis, m E uripides IV and Iphigenia in Tauris, inEuripides II, The Complete G reek Tragedies, David Grene and Richmond Latthnore, etls. (Chicago: The University o f Chicago Press, 1958). The following smmnary is drawn fiom Julie E. Cummmg, “Iphigenia m Tauris,”The New G rove Dictionary o f Opera 2:816.

254 The numerous reform libretti on Iphigenia in Tauris were influenced by the version of the

story set forth in the popular drama by Guimond De la Touche of 1757.’’ The plot of

Euripides’s original continues from the point at which his Iphigenia in Aulis breaks off:

Iphigenia, having been rescued by Diana, is a high priestess in Diana’s temple in Tauris.

Orestes is continuously tormented by the Furies for having killed his mother,

Clytemnestra. He arrives in Tauris with his friend Pylades, where he must do penance by

finding the statue of Diana and returning it to Greece. Iphigenia eventually recognizes

that is her brother, and he and Pylades attempt to escape the tyrannical king

Thoas, who demands that the intruders be sacrificed. Apollo descends and resolves the

conflict among the mortals.

An early reform libretto on the subject was Marco Coltellini’s, written for Traetta

at Vienna in 1763.*° Coltellini’s and Traetta’s Ifigenia in Tauride was the first full-length

Vieimese opera to have incorporated French elements—chorus, ballet, scene complexes

involving multiple characters and stage action, and ensembles—into an Italianate

dramaturgical format The work was highly successful and influential in Italy.

Coltellini’s version of the story was praised by the reform-minded librettist Rainero de’

Calzabigi, who counted it among works that exemplified what he called ’the new plan of

^ Guimond De la Touche, “Iphigénie en Tauride,” Etépertoire générale de Théâtre Français^ voL 31 (Paris, 1818), cited in Julie E. Cumming, “Gluck's Iphigenia operas: sources and strategies,” Opera and the Enlightenment, p. 238. ™ The following summary is drawn fiom Daniel Heartz, “Traetta m Vienna: Arm ida ( 1761) dxti Ifigenia in Tauride (1763),” Studies in Musicfirom the University ofW estem Ontario 7 (1982): 65-88; idem, “Traetta, Tommaso,” The New Grove Dictionary o fOpera 4:776-79; and Marita P. McCIymonds, “Ifigenia m Tauride” (i). The New Grave Dictionary o fOpera 2:785. See also idem, “Coltellmi, Traetta, and the Itevitalrzation o f Opera Seria,” Attstria 996-1996: Music in a Changing Society, ed. Walter Kreyszig, m press.

255 musical drama.”** With stage designs by Fabrizio Galliari (whose international career extœded beyond Turin) and choreography by Gaspare Angiolini, Ifigenia in Tauride was

Traetta’s most successful opera, performed sixteen tunes (a high number for productions at Vienna). In the remaining years of the century, his setting was revived many times in several Italian cities.

Although no direct evidence exists, it is highly possible that Coltellini’s and

Traetta’s Ifigenia in Tauride inspired the choice of subject for Verazi’s and Majo’s opera of the same title.*^ In contrast to the “stark classicism”*^ of Coltellini’s version, Verazi’s emphasizes the visually striking and emotionally compelling aspects of the plot, which he enhances with numerous scenes of elaborate spectacle. In this and in many other aspects,

Ifigenia in Tauride resembles Sofonisba. Important similarities between the two libretti include the presence of scene complexes incorporating spectacle, ensembles, and passages of recitative with great dramatic strength that renders them appropriate for setting with orchestral accompaniment In marked contrast to Metastasian practice, both libretti contain action-filled opening scenes that link the overture to the opening recitative, and tragic finales that culminate in the death of a central character. Ifigenia in

Tauride opens with a storm, a shipwreck landing on Tauris, and a subsequent battle, and closes with the evil Toante burning to death in his flaming temple. Ensembles “of diminishing forces,” a type introduced by Verazi in Sofonisba, appear more firequently here: the opera’s two trios and single quartet feature the gradual exit of characters, and

Cited m Heartz, “Traetta in Vienna," p. 80. “ See ComeOson “Opera at Mannbeân," pp. 99-100; and David DiChiera, “The Life and Operas o f " (PhD. (fiss.. University of Califemfe, Los Angeles, 1962), pp. 113-49. This work is discussed at length m Baker, “Italian Opera at the Court o f Maimhenn," chapter 7.

256 this helps blur the distinction between scenes. While Sofonisba contains ensembles and choruses, in Ifigenia in Tauride these play a more significant role: Verazi’s Ifigenia includes two trios, four scenes with chorus, and the quartet and two duets mentioned above. One o f the duets is unconventional on two counts: in an age when duets were usually simg by the leading couple, it is assigned to Oreste and Püade, and is momentarily interrupted by a third character, Ifigenia.

The Turin Revision

Ifigenia in Tauride was extensively revised in Turin. All of the French-inspired structural features—the ensembles and choruses—were eliminated. Minor changes involve the shortening of recitative texts, additions of arias and scenes, and variants in aria texts. Like those of Sofonisba, the revisions of Ifigenia in Tauride reflect administrativeconcerns and illustrate the priorities of the Società with regard to productioiL Above all, they suggest that the libretto was chosen specifically to showcase

Giovanni Manzuoli, who, in his second season at the Regio, portrayed Oreste.

Verazi’s Ifigenia in Tauride is a complex, lengthy, and innovative libretto. It consists o f ten scenes per act with twenty-five musical numbers, including full-length arias, , ensembles, and choruses. It requires extremely large forces—sixteen different groups of supernumeraries, many of which are onstage at once. There are also three separate choral groups, and three or four different scene designs per act. Although there is no shortage of full-length solo arias, the role of the solo singer is clearly deemphasized by the numerous msembles interwoven into the fabric o f the drama.

^ McClymoncb, “Verazi, Mattia,” The Hew Grave Dictionary o fOpera 4:931. 257 Another progressive feature is the occasional suspension of the Metastasian exit convention, by which Verazi facilitates smooth transitions between scenes.

Despite its many revisions, the Turin production of O reste retained much of the lavishness and dramatic force of Verazi’s Ifigenia in Tauride, as well several of its innovations. The groups of supernumeraries, although not listed among the performers in the libretto as they were in Mannheim, were nevertheless present in Turin. The scene designs in the libretto were not subject to extensive changes. Although the recitatives were shortened, changed, and telescoped in almost every scene, texts in the solo scenes of greatest intensity—for example, Oreste’s first accompanied recitative and aria during which the Furies torment him, and Ifigenia’s “ghost scene” and aria that close Act II, during which she feels herself shadowed by spirits—were left untouched. The unconventional, tension-filled opening and closing scenes are both retained, including the pantomime in the opening. Verazi’s copious, interpretive stage directions, a hallmark of his poetic style, are largely retained in the Turin libretto. Although the choruses are deleted, the groups of supernumeraries that sang them in Verazi’s version are still present in Oreste; mute in Turin, these groups nevertheless take an active role in the scenes in which they appear, performing the same stage action prescribed in the original. No significant revisions were made to the visual elements of the stage spectacle.

The entr’acte ballets at Turin were always characterized by opulence m costume and scene design. Although ballets at the Regio were traditionally independent firom the acts of the opere seriethey ornamented, in 1760 the choreographer Giuseppe Salamoni, influenced by Viennese practice, had introduced the innovation o f associating them with

258 the subject of the opera. In O reste, moreover, the final ballet was not only similar in subject, it continued the action that occurred in the opera’s final scenes. Entitled

“hicendiari del Tempio di Diana,” the ballet following O reste's third act portrayed the destruction of Toante’s temple.^

The ensembles in Ifigenia in Tauride were sometimes replaced by arias in O reste, and several scenes were added: two to Act 1, and one to Act 11.*^ Occasionally textual elements of the deleted ensembles and choruses appear in the recitatives or arias that replace them, either by direct quotation or by allusion. This principle is illustrated in the following two examples, the first of which shows the portions of the poetry that express hope for the king’s demise. The Turin version consists of lines of recitative sung by

Toante himself, which reveal that he had been told of his impending downfall by his ministers before the beginning o f the scene (they accompany hnn onstage and he addresses the recitative to them):

Chorus of Sacred Ministers, Recitative for Toante, m, ix (Turin) and Recitative for Toante, m, ix (Mannheim)

Coro: Che sorte! Che fkto! Toan: Che intesi, aimé! Dal tempio Fu Ü Nume inviolato: Involato fir ü Nume! Tradito fu ü Re! Fu ü Re tradito! Qual tremenda è Che giomo è mai qufôto! questa Che annunzio funesto, hnpensata sventura! Toante, per te! S’impedisca, si accorra... Toan: Ahimè! Che intesi! Qual tremaida è questa hnpensata sventura! S’impedisca, s’accorra...

^ Tmni libretto, ballets listed on a smgte unnumbered leaf at the end. The £mal ballet o£ Sofbnisba, entitled ‘^Le Allegrezze per le vittorie di Scipione” (Turin libretto, p. 55) was also assocmted with the opera's subject, althon^ it was not Imked with the opera’s final scenes in the same way. On ballets at the Regio see Alberto Testa, “Cronologia dei Balli, 1740-1936,” m Bouquet, et aL, Cronologfe, pp. 313-453. ^ Scenes added to the Turin libretto ate Txiandxii (pp. 18-19) and ü, ht (pp. 34-35).

259 The second passage presents a more «ctensive substitution, involving arias added to the Turin production that replace the lengthy duet for Oreste and Pilade in Act U.

Oreste sings the first aria; the second occurs in an added scene for Pilade and Ifigenia.

These passages illustrate clearly how Cigna revised many of Verazi’s texts: he fi-equently softened the impassioned language of the original and created poetry more conventional in both structure and tone. The convictions of the characters expressed here in the duet are conveyed in a more classical, restrained manner in Cigna’s two arias. Nevertheless,

Cigna retained much of the original poetry of the duet in Pilade’s aria. The one-line exclamation by Ifigenia in the duet becomes several lines of recitative in the dialogue between her and Pilade. The excerpts below begin with a few lines of recitative, which precede the duet in the original and Oreste’s aria in the revision.*® These show changes typical of those made to much of the recitative text in Ifigenia in Tauride:

Mannheim, H, vii: Turin, II, viii-ix: Recitative for Ifigenia, Oreste; Duet Recitative for Ifigenia, Oreste; Aria for Oreste and Pilade for Oreste (II, viii); Recitative for Pilade and Ifigenia; Aria for Pilade (n,ix)

Ifig: Empio, s’appressa Ifig: Empio, s’apressa Già la tua pena. LemiefUrie, Già la tua pena. Le mie furie, indegno indegno, Paventa, e trema. Liberar la terra Paventa, e trema. Liberar la terra Dauntal mostro io saprô. Dauntal mostro sapro. Ores: Venga la morte: On Venga la morte: Venga, la bramo anch’io. Venga, la bramo anch’io, Puo lei sola finir I’affanno mio. Cosi terminera l’affànno mio.

S6 Mannheim. libretto, pp. 80-82; Turm libretto, pp. 34-35.

2 6 0 [duet] [aria] Pil: Senti, ah no: morir vogl’io On Varchi di Lete ormai Sciogli, oh Dio!—le sue catene L’onda fatal quest’alma: Ores: No: morire a me conviene La sua perduta calma Togli a lui le sue ritorte. Fra I’ombre trovera. Pil: Anderô contento a morte la mezzo a tante pene Se per lui spirar potrô. Per me la morte è un bene, Ores: Me condanna. Usanguemio E chîamerô pietoso Solo oh Dio! - bastar si puo. Chi mi trafîggerà. Non m ’ascoM? [scene ix] Pil: Ancor non cedi? Pii: Oeh, se pietosa sei, come sei bella. Ores: Vii mi chiedi? Modéra i sdegni tuoL Alfinpoireo PÜ: Udir non vuoi? Quel misaro non è, che d'un fatale Ores: Guarda... Involontario erron Pil: Vedi.. Ifig: Mi preghi invano. A 2: A’ piedi-tuoi ... Clitennestramori. L’empio uccisore Ifig: Ah resistere non so! Punir con questa destra ho già Ores: Non m’ascolta? risolto; PÜ: Ancor non cede! Per lui non v’è pietà: va, non Ores: Non mi guarda? t’ascolto. Pil: Ancor résisté! [aria] A 2: Venga, venga, o del, la morte. Pü: Senti, ah no: morir vogl’io: Con morir I’affanno mio Sciogli, oh Dio! le sue ritorte: Solo, oh Dio! - finir si puô. Anderô contento a morte. Se per lui spirar potrô. Non m’ascoM? ancor non cedi? Troppo, si, tu sei tirannaî Me condanna. Qsanguemio Solo, oh Dio! bastarti puô.

The revisions of Ifigenia in Tauride^ as evident in these examples and elsewhere in the libretto, resulted in an emphasis on the solo singer in Turin’s production of Oreste.

This is corroborated by the total number of arias sung by the characters in the Turin version. With the exception of the role of the princess Tomni (the lowest ranking character in the libretto, sung by the virtually unknown Marianna De-Grandis), arias were added for every character in the Turm production. Merodate (seconda tenore, stmg by the Turinese singer Giacomo Melano), Pilade (the seconda uomOf sung by Antonio

261 Priori), and Toante (the primo tenore, sung by the raiowned Gaetano Ottani), all sang one additional aria, which raised the number of arias sung by these characters to two, three, and fotir respectively. Two arias (including one contained within a monologue scene with accompanied recitative) were added for Ifigenia, the prima donnuy sung by

Giuseppina Maker, which brought her total to five. Although not as widely known as the other singers of first rank (Ottani and Manzuoli), Maker is listed in the libretto as having been in the service of the prominent court of Wfirtemburg; thus, she was very likely in a position to demand a significant presence in the opera.^^

Not surprisingly, the role that was most greatly enhanced was that of Oreste. The change in the opera’s title suggests that the libretto was chosen with Manzuoli in mind.

In Verazi’s libretto, the prim o uomo is assigned two full-length arias and a cavatina, and he participates in both duets. Although the ensembles are cut in Cigna’s revision, Turin’s

Oreste sings, in addition to his two original full-length arias and cavatina, two additional full-length arias (one of which is part of an added scene) and one additional cavatina.

The text of one of his original arias is lengthened as well. In the manuscript score reflecting the Turin production, his arias are lengthy and ornate, and one is scored more elaborately than most other pieces in the work.

"^Gruseppma Maker seems to have been at tbe start ofher career when she sang m. Turin in 1766. She had previously sung in Venice earlier the same year, and fiom then on through the 70s and 80s she appeared in many Italian theaters, including , Modena, , and made several returns to Venice. Sartori, / libretti italiam a stampa 2; 382-3, lists no appearances in Württemberg, however. (The Turin libretto gives her name as Ghiseppma Maker; she is called Maccherhn m her Turmese contract, and Macchermi Ansani m Sartori)

262 Production Decisions: Hiring of Singers and Composer

The contracts for the leading singers in the 1765-66 season are transcribed in

Appendix L.** Although the date upon which Oreste was chosen as a libretto is unknown, it presumably occurred after the hiring of Manzuoli, on 6 July 1764, approxnnately a year and a halfbefore the opening of the first opera of the season.

Manzuoli was in such great demand that in January 1765 a certain Monsieur Pitt o f the royal theater in London asked the Società to release the singer fi-om his contract so that he might perform in London in 1766. The directors denied this request*’

It has been established that for second operas of carnival seasons, the directors of the Società usually hired composers with prominent reputations and allotted a considerable length of time to the search for them (they began more than a year in advance for the composers o îIfigenia in Aulide and Sofonisba). However, this was not the case for O reste. The Società’s choice of the composer for the second opera of carnival 1765-66 was Carlo Monza, maestro di cappella at Milan, who, although respected, did not enjoy the international reputation of Traetta, Jommelli, or Galuppi.

Perhaps the directors chose a lesser-known composer for this opera because of

^ Contracts transcribed include those for Manzuoli, Ottani, Priori, Melano, Maker (Maccherini), and Degrandis (located nr A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247). ® A.S.C.T., O rdbuai voL 6, p. 53,27 January 1765: “ü Signor conte di Bartbssano avendo riferto che il Sig. Cav. Raiberti ha communicato lettera di Mons. Pitt, il quale richiede gli SSri Direttori di lasciare in libertà il tnusico Manzoli per cantate sul Teatro di Londra nelTaimo 1766 __ detenninato rispondere... che come si tratta di servve la Real Corte, non si puô ne si deve aderite all'istanza del pre&to Mr Pitt” A copy of the response sent to Pitt follows soon after this entry: p. 54,2 February: ”Risposta alia richiesta per ü Musico Manzoli. . . la nostra Società non puô dispensarsi della di lei persona per Tanno prossimo venturo, che è gradita da S J d ., dalla Reale Famiglm, dalTa Corte, e da tutto d Pubblico, qumdi si attende infalTantemente al suoKto tempo” (also quoted by Bouquet, II teatro di corte, p. 316, n. 289). This request must have come on the heels o f Vfonzuoli’s great success m London in the previous season, vidiere, at the Kmg's Theater, he (hew a “universal thunder” o f applause, and cfaning wfaicdt time he became atxptamted with the Mozart 6mily and sang in the premiere of J.C. Bach's Xtôàzno nr Snnr. See HanseH, “Manzuoli,”

263 Manzuoli’s high payment, in eccess of 10,000 lire. The hiring of Antonio Sacchini to

compose the first opera o f the season might also have played a role in this decision.

Sacchini, a Neapolitan composer of considerable stature, had been recommended to the

Società by Ottani. Like composers for second operas of carnival seasons, Sacchini was

contacted approximately a year before his opera, Alessandro nell ’Indie, had its premiere.^ Sacchini’s reputation was undoubtedly greater than Monza’s, as the disparity between the payments to the two composers suggests.’* The Società initially contacted

Monza in April of 1765, approximately eight months before the opening date of the opera that he was to compose.’^ The tune firame of less than a year between initial contact and opening roughly parallels that of composers for the first operas of the seasons that included Ifigenia and Sofonisba. Thus, as compared to these seasons, the selection process for composers for 1765-66 seems to have been the opposite of the norm.

The hiring of the remaining singers for the 1765-66 season seems not to have been done exactly according to rank, unlike the practice followed in earlier seasons (those including Ifigenia in Aulide and Sofonisba, for example). The directors had already hired the tenor, Ottani, in 1764, for two successive seasons.’^ After Manzuoli was hired, the seconda donna. De Grandis, was the next to be contacted; she was hired in mid-April

1764, shortly after Monza was initially contacted.’^ In early June, Giuseppina Maker, the

p. 197. The “Mons. PitT* mentioned in this entry was probably the same “Guglietmo PitT to whom Algarotti addressed his Saggio sopra [’opera in m usic (see Algarotti, Saggi, p. 147). ” Ib id ., p. SO, 22 December 1764: “H Sr. Ottani fia le altre cose propose d Sr. Sacchini maestro di cappella. ..” Also quoted by Bouquet, II teatro d i corte, p. 316, n. 287. See Appendoc A. ® /httt, p. 64,10 April 1765. ” Ib id . voL 6, p. 34,8 July 1764. Contract signed 10 July (see Appendix L). ^ Ibid, p. 66,20 April 1765. Contract signed 20 April; O rdinati voL 6 entry o f 13 July (p. 78) reports return of contract.

264 prima donna, was sent a contract, which was returned for her by her father in early July.’^

Antonio Priori signed his contract in late My;®® the Turinese singer Melano signed his in

early November.®^ Most o f the lead singers, then, were in place five months before

opening o f the first opera of the season.

Elhnination of French-inspired Elements: Practical Considerations

Possible reasons for the deletion of the French-inspired ensembles and choruses in

Verazi’s libretto are suggested by practical considerations that distinguish operatic

production in Turin from that in Mannheim. We have already seen that the two centers

differed from one another in stability of persoimel and in their sources of financial

support. In addition, there seem to have been important differences in their respective

rehearsal periods and schedules. The hypothetical reconstruction of a production at

Mannheim is possible only by piecing together isolated bits of external evidence.®*

Fortunately, however, many Turinese sources, such as contracts for composers, singers,

and copyists, offer a wealth of evidence regarding the rehearsal process there.

Eighteenth-century singers of opera seria were notorious for the degree to which

they controlled the arias they sang. In Turin, the rehearsal period involving the singers

seems also to have influenced the types of pieces they were able to perform. The

contracts for most of the singers indicate that they were to arrive in Turin around the

middle of November, a little over one month before the opening o f the first opera of the

p. 77,8 June 1765 (contract signed 8 June); ib id ., p. 78,6 July. ^ Ibid., p. 79,27 July 1765 (contract signed 30 July); O rdinad voL 6 entry o f 7 August (p. 83) reports return of contract. ^ Contract signed 9 November 1765; O rdinati voL 6 reports return o f contract on 15 November (p. 92).

265 season; from this point on» they would presumably have been completely occupied with

rehearsals for this opera. The contracts reveal, furthermore, that the greater in demand a

singer was, the later he was permitted to arrive in the city. For example. Maker, Priori,

and De Grandis were all to arrive by around the middle of November, while Ottani was

given until the end of November. Manzuoli was not obligated to be in Turin until the

beginning of December.^

Although composers sent the first two acts of their operas to Turin several months

in advance of the premiere, the singers might not have had their arias available to them

until after their arrival in Turin, especially given the copying schedule. This was

certainly the case for some arias in Alessandro nell'Indie: the O rdinati report that

although Sacchini was to send the completed score of the opera to Turin in October, he

declined to send the “most important arias,” preferring to wait and compose them in

Turin “to better adapt them to the abilities of the singers.”**^

The composer, then, arrived in Turin a month before opening, bringing with him

the third act of the opera. At least some of the singCTS would already have arrived by

then. Presumably preparation of all music began at that time, which by now might have

been a week or two befr)re the first performance. When p^fbrmances of the first opera

began, there remained only about a month before the second opera opened. Since the

first opera was perfonned almost nightly on the Regio stage, most rehearsals for the

“ ComeQson, “Opera at Mannheim,”^ p. 161-66. ^ These schedules were the same for most o f the singers of the 1763-64 season as welL See Appendsc K. A.S.C.T., Ordinati voL 6, p. 50,22 December 1764: “Risposta al Sr. Ottani cui si disse [...% che (Sacchmi) dovesse dare almeno per tutto ottobre tutta TOpera per mtiero scritta in Tormo, e che dovesse in persona trovarsi utTormo Ii 22 novembre del 1765; “[...] Sacchmi [...] intende riservarsi i pezzi d'aiie pin nnportanti, e comporli poi m Tormo per adattarsi meglio aS'abOita de' prhni soggettL” Also quoted by Bouquet, i? teatro d i corte, p. 316, n. 287.

266 second opera had to have taken place elsewhere. The solo singers probably did not

rehearse onstage until, at most, several days before opening. Given this schedule, there

could not have been sufficient time to prepare an effective performance of the numerous

ensembles in Verazi’s Ifigenia in Tauride. Most of these, such as the duet discussed

above, involve poetry that is complex in structure and frequently incorporates dialogue between characters, abrupt changes in mood, and occasionally, attendant stage action.

Moreover, solo singers of opere serie did not usually rehearse with other singers with

whom they were to perform.*®* Complex ensembles, therefore, would have been outside the experience of most traveling virtuosi.

Since Mannheim’s singers were members of a standing company, they probably did not often accept commitments that entailed their presence elsewhere. Thus, they were undoubtedly able (and required) to rehearse for a longer period and more thoroughly, especially given the complexity of the ensembles in the Mannheim libretto.

At Turin, the degree of coordination among singers, instrumentalists, and composer necessary for these ensembles, even with a musical setting of limited complexity, simply

would not have been possible given the circumstances of the rehearsal schedule.

The deletion of the choruses from Ifigenia in Tauride could have occurred for the

same reason. Comparison o f the choruses in Sofonisba and Ifigenia in Tauride suggests

possible explanations for their presence in the former and their absence in the latter, since

the choruses diffier vastly in style m these two woiks. In Sofonisba, although the singers

of the two choral pieces participate in stage action, the poetic structure of the pieces they

Metastasio himself once complmiented the soprano Anna De Amicis on takmg the trouble to rehearse with, other principal smgers; see Rosselli, Singers o fItalian Opera, p. 162, n. 54.

267 sing is simple (Galuppi composed a correspondingly simple musical setting for these

choruses, as we have seen). The choruses in Sofonisba are, furthermore, relatively self-

contained. Verazi wrote the four choruses in Ifigenia in Tauride so that at times the pieces function as independent units, while at other times, the choral singers interact with the principal characters. The increase in the number of scenes involving choruses, the more complex structure of the poetry in these pieces, and the more extensive involvement of the choral singers in the drama, would have posed challenges to Turin’s performing forces that were greater than those of the choruses in Sofonisba. Moreover, Mannheim had a much larger number of choral singers at its disposal than Turin: thirty-six smgers, twelve on each part, were called for in the Mannheim production of Ifigenia in

Tauride. It seems plausible that these singers, as there were so many of them on hand, were part of the standing company as well. In any case, they had to have been thoroughly rehearsed, since their participation in the scenes of the original work was complex. Evidence suggests that Turin’s choral singers, fewer in number, never part of a standing company, and procured by different individuals depending on the opera, might not have been as highly trained. The tune and circumstances surrounding the preparation of choruses in the two cities was undoubtedly different

Production Decisions: Elements of Spectacle

If not for the practical difSculties they presented, the choruses were probably elhninated because of the expense they would have mcurred—considerably greater than for Sofonisba^ 6om which the choruses were deleted because the directors were not

Baker, "Italian Opera,” p. 311. 268 willing to raise the payment to the singers (although some singers were eventually

located and the pieces were reinstated). Moreover, the scene designs, supernumeraries,

and elements of spectacle were even more elaborate in Oreste than they had been in

Sofonisba.

The groups of supernumeraries are listed in the Mannheim libretti for both operas

(fourteen groups in Sofonisba and sixteen in Ifigenia in Tauride), but they are absent

from the initial pages in libretti for the Turin productions. Nevertheless, the groups do

participate in stage action in Turin, and the collective characters they portray are named

in the scenes in which they appear. The several different costumes for these large groups

of individuals must have represented a considerable expense.

Attesting to the creativity o f the Mannheim scenographer, Lorenzo Quaglio, the descriptions of the stage designs in the Mannheim libretti for both operas are extremely elaborate. The Galliaris in Turin reproduced the designs as set forth by Quaglio, with a

few changes in the descriptions. At times the Turin libretti describe the scenes in slightly less detail, but there are no significant changes in the settings; in O reste, the last design in

Act I (“Cortüe nella regia”) was cut in Turin. Thus, instead of four scene settings in Act 1 there are three, as there are in the other acts. Also, in the Mannheim production, the fire in Toante’s temple begins the during the final scene. In Turin, it begins at the end of the

scene and continues during the final ballet

The stage designs and scenografic effects in O reste must have significantly taxed the resources of the directors and limitai what th^r were able to spend on other elements of the production. The acpenses pertaining to stage spectacle are similar to those of

269 Sofonisba. Each libretto calls for extensive participation of soldiers, frequently on horseback, and noises o f thunder, which undoubtedly occurred in the battle scenes. The account books for the season that included O reste record payments to several individuals for their involvement in producing noises of thunder, which is consistent with the frequency with which this effect is called for in the libretto. The singer Melano, who performed the role of Merodate, was paid for having created a machine for the thunder; the drum player in the military was paid for various materials associated with it; and four soldiers received payment for producing the effect (for performances as well as for four rehearsals).Eleven footmen were paid for their participation as supernumeraries; they must have provided onstage assistance with the live horses.The opening scene, which includes a violent storm, shipwreck, and battle; and the closing scene, which calls for destruction of the temple by rire, must have been among the most costly scenes in the opera.

W eed, the directors might simply not have had the resources available to add choruses to this already spectacle-laden production. Moreover, several earlier operas, almost in succession, included choruses; perhaps the directors took particular notice of the expenses incurred by the choruses in these productions. Finally, the exhorbitant fee to be paid to Manzuoli alone for this season might have prompted them to exercise cost- cutting measures.

A.S.C.T., Libri conti voL 50 {Libro mostro 1765-66), p. 58: “Conto Scenario Opere Teatro Regio deve a cassa L. 130 a Carlo Calcina dettoMetano per saldo della formazionedeDaniacchina del tuono; ...L 2 I6 al tamborro dell'artiglierâ per cera, 90 macopata, e die Bachette per a tnono; p. 57: L 43.6.8 a cassa a G. Batta Crivello per aver 6tto condurre il tnono con quattro soldati (kH'Artigliera a ss. 6.8 cad° che sono L. 1.13.4 per caduna delle 4 prove ü tutto come da Ista e mandate del Sr Marchese Beggmmo dt St Albano." (Last entry also quoted by Bouquet, I t teatro di corte, p. 318, n. 298.)

270 These operas reveal that Mannheim went further than Turin toward the integration of stylistic elements that characterized the French-inspired reforms. Nevertheless, the innovative elements retained by Turin in the revisions of libretti from Mannheun indicate

Turin’s commitment to participation in the reform movement. Turin’s elimination of many of the highly innovative features of both operas can be explained by examining the nature of the two theaters, the concerns of then administrations, and their production habits. Indeed, these factors seem to have influenced style more strongly than did particular national or regional tastes. The evidence from Sofonisba and Oreste, considered together with innovations in other operas of the period, shows Turin to be an operatic center actively participating in the stylistic developments of the second half of the eighteenth century.

Ibid^ p. 57: “Conto Scenario Opere Teatro Regio deve a cassa L 242 pagate a undeci Palafienieri che hanno fetto dacomp.“ all’op.* 2.*.”

271 CONCLUSION

Throughout the 1760s, Turin’s Teatro Regio produced operas profoundly influenced by the operatic refbrm movement Primary source materials of many types indicate the determination of the directors of the Nobile Società dei Cavalieri to participate actively in French-inspired stylistic experimentation. The priorities of the directors are manifest in their attempts to hire the most outstanding composers, choreographers, and designers of the age, many of whom were on the cutting edge of stylistic change. In striving toward their goal—to serve their king by producing the best operas possible—the directors were responsible for the creation of strikingly inventive works. Moreover, the experimentation in them rivaled those of other theaters in the

Italian states during this decade.

Stylistic iimovation in Turin was by no means limited to the four works considered here in detail. Although Enea nel Lazio (1760) was the first reform-inspired opera in Turin to attempt dramatic unification (by the integration of the entr’acte ballets into the plot), influence of reform is evident in works performed at the Regio firom the mid-I750s. The revolutionary principles set forth by Francesco Algarotti m his Saggio sopra I'opera in ntusica (1755) are reflected m two works produced in Turin around the tone o f the publication of Algarotti’s essay. Androm eda (1755) was Cigna-Santi’s first

272 original libretto; it featured a sea monster slain in interpretive pantomime. ‘ A rsinoe

( 1758), a pre-existing libretto adapted for Turinese performance by Cigna-Santi, was

dubbed “opera cinese” by the directors. Its action takes place in China, an exotic location

specifically recommended by Algarotti as one that might fiimish “beautiful scenes.”^

Enhanced exoticism and stage spectacle were the first experimental features to become

evident in opera at Turin; they remained important in successive decades as well.

Motezuma (1765), set in exotic Mexico, emphasizes spectacle to a great extent.

This libretto, by Cigna-Santi, received more musical settings outside of his native city than any of his other works.^ As they did for Ifigenia in Aulide two years earlier, the directors unsuccessfully attempted to engage Jommelli to compose the music; De Majo, whom they later hired, was also active in French-inspired innovation, having just set

Ifigenia in Tauride at Mannheim the year before. The entr’acte ballets were choreographed by the renowned father of the Salamoni family; the titles and plots of the first two indicate that these were to be interpreted by the audience as extensions of the

' The libretto was set to music by Gioacchino Cocchi in 1755; it received a different setting in Turin in 1772 by Giuseppe CoHa. The decision to mount another production of the same libretto two decades later testifies to its popularity with Turinese audiences. This is confirmed by the high number of performances each setting received: Andromeda was performed 22 times in 1755, and 25 m 1772. ^ Algarotti, Saggio sopra t'opera in musica, p. 179: “La Cina ancora, antico nido delle arti e colonia, come alcuni vogliono, dell’Egitto, fomir ne potria di beHissime scene." The libretto, by Ferdmando Galiani, was set to music in Turin by Vincenzo CiampL Bouquet, in II teatro di corte, p. 299, states that with the choice of this libretto, “La Società poteva cost considerarst inserita nel gusto europeo del secolo VXm.” Years later, the directors were to have Cigna-Santi revise another libretto with a Chinese setting, Gengis-Kan (1777). On Chnoa as a topos m scoticism in the eighteenth century, see Viale Ferrero, “Enea nel Lazio,” p. 163; H. Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision o f Cathay (Umdon, 1961). ^ Cigna’s Motezuma (Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1765) was set seven times outside of Turm after its premiere there; see Monson, “Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo,” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera 1:864. Like Cigna’s Enea nel Lazio and Ifigenia in Aulide, it was reprmted m Diodati, Biblioteca teatrale italiana (voL 11, published m 1765). The stage spectacle Tat Motezuma mcluded hufian. canoes, a live parrot, and an elaborate machine that represented a two-headed, &e-breathmg dragon. It will be recalled that M^reziona was the subject of a libretto by Giampietro Tagliazucchi in Bertm (1755), which drew praise fiom Algarotti him self In addition, there might have been a connection between Cigna-Santi and Giampietro Tagliazucchi, the nephew of Cigna’s teacher GnoIamoTagliazucchL See Chuter 1.

273 action of the scenes, similar to the dances of Enea nel Lazio.* The libretti of numerous

other worics, such as Arianna e Teseo (1764), Tigrane (1766), Creso (1768), II Gran

C idde (1768), Ecuba (1769), Enea in Cartagine (1769), and A rm ida (1770), feature

enhanced stage spectacle, exoticism, innovative structural features, or several o f these

characteristics in combination.

Contact between Turin and Parma, Mannheim, Stuttgart, and Vienna significantly influenced the reforms at the Regio. The directors of the Società clearly benefited from

Turin’s close geographical proximity to the major centers of reform. The trafScking in persoimel among these five cities facilitated the exchange of ideas among them.

Algarotti had played an important role at Parma and Vienna. In addition to his influences on Turinese operas in the mid-l750s, many operas performed at the Regio in the ‘60s answered the challenges set forth in his Saggio by featuring exotic or remote settings

(JEnea nel Lazio^ Motezuma), machine spectacle (JEnea n el Lazio, Ifigenia in A ulide,

M otezum a), and chorus and dance incorporated into the action {Ifigenia in Aulide,

Sofonisba, Oreste). Cigna’s debt to Algarotti is evident in his borrowing from Iphigénie en A ulide in writing Ifigenia in Aulide for Turin. Algarotti’s ideals might also have influenced the promment role played by choruses and stage spectacle in Cigna’s later librettos as well, as exemplified h y A lcina o f 1775.

The directors were persistent in their efforts to hire Jommelli and Traetta (and on one occasion, Gluck) soon after these composers had triumphed in French-inspired

* As mentioned in Chapter 3, Francesco Salamoni substituted for bis âther, Giuseppe (padre, '*detto di Vienna”), as choreographer for this opera. The titles of the entr'acte ballets far Motezuma reveal the connection of the subjects of the &st two ballets with the plot of the opera, as well as the enhanced spectacle the dances very likely mcorporated: “Di Forieri dell'Armata Spagnuola con Messicani”;

274 endeavors at Parma, Mannheim, and Vienna. This determination testifies to the directors’ interest in attracting composers who excelled in the new musical style.

Furthermore, repeated attempts to engage choreographers involved in the reform of dance at Vienna—Angiolini, and members o f the Salamoni family—and the integration of the entr’acte ballets into the action in the libretti for Enea nel Lazio and M otezum a, indicates

Turin’s interest in dance-related innovations as well. Mattia Verazi, active at Stuttgart and Mannheim, also strongly influenced style at Turin in the 1760s. This is evident in the directors’ adoption of two of Verazi’s radical librettos written for Mannheim {Sofonisba and Ifigenia in Tauride), and in Cigna’s use of Verazi’s L ’Ifigenia as a source for Ifigenia in A ulide,

In addition to the close relationship shared by Turin’s Regio and other centers for reform, the way the theater was run and how its income was generated profoundly shaped the musical and dramatic style of operas performed there. The theater has been described as a hybrid, possessing elements of both a court and a public theater, although it was neither strictly one nor the other. This condition was a double-edged sword that at once facilitated and imposed limits on stylistic experimentation.

On the one hand, the Regio was a public theater, dependent upon income from paying audiences for its continuation (even if those audiences were drawn from a narrow stratum of Turinese society). The adm inistrationwas thus under pressure to please the public. The high numbers of performances of operas featuring refeim-inspired features

“Europei, che conAicono here al seaagEo di Motezuma"; "Combatte di Don Cbisciotte con E Gigante” (Turm Ubietto, p. vm).

275 (shown in Table L I) suggests that Turinese audiences were receptive to these elements, particularly spectacular display, which played an important role in stylistic innovation.

Nevertheless, Turin’s situation was similar to that of other public theaters in the

Italian states, where the most renowned singers still commanded great power. The terms of star singers’ contracts at Turin, the high fees they received there, their hiring schedules as compared to those o f other personnel, and their influence over the directors with regard to the choice of composas, otha personnel, and even the operas they w ae to sing, all testify to their pow a. Singers’ hegemony had been recognized in 1759 by none otha than who, complimenting Algarotti’s efforts at Parma, proclaimed that “the reform of the castrate’s reign” was yet to be realized;^ this sentiment was echoed in 1763 by the commentator on Algarotti’s Saggio in Novelle letterarie di Firenze, who was skeptical that Algarotti would ever actually see Italian theaters “reformed,” since they were “already too disorderly.”® The Regie’s public demanded internationally-known virtuosi; the Società’s directors were obliged to deliver, even when than meant paying the most renowned singers excessive fees that limited the funds available for other aspects of production, such as choruses: this situation was particularly evident in the case of

Giovanni Manzuoli, the castrato who portrayed Oreste, whose high fee might have influenced the directors’ choices to cut the choruses in Verazi’s original libretto. The itinerant lifestyle o f the virtuoso singer also affected the possibilities for innovation: it posed logistical problems for complex French-inspned ensembles, which required

* Voltaire's Correspondence, ed. Botennan, letter 7863 (14 November 1759), dted in Heartz, “Operatic Bteform at Panna,” p. 297. * Navette letterarie d i Firenze voL 24 (1763), pp. 276-79, “non so se. . . avrà la fortnna di vedere riformato con giostezza d Teatro omai troppo scomposto.. . (The entne passage is quoted in Chapter I.)

276 extensive rehearsal in order to prepare an effective performance (this is suggested by the elimination o f these elements from Oreste).

On the other hand, the Regio was an instrument of the kmg and his court—it served as a cultural manifestation of the king’s power, and served as a meeting place for the members of his court and other highly placed members of society. The king lent his financial support to the theater. He covered debts incurred by the high costs of production until 1758; fium this date on he decreed that the members o f the Socîetà would themselves be responsible for any losses (although he still provided an annual contribution o f L 15,000). This is a crucial similarity between the Regio and the theaters at which reform began: the theaters at Parma, Stuttgart, and Mannheim were all supported by wealthy dukes or electors who provided the funds for the elaborate spectacle operas that incorporated French-inspired features; Vienna’s Burgtheater was more like the Regio than the other theaters in that it received both a subsidy from the archduke and income finm the public. Financial prosperity at each o f these centers made the production of expensive French-inspired operas possible (temporarily in the case of

Mannheim, Stuttgart, and Parma, where such productions ceased after resources were exhausted).

For operatic reform to succeed over time, then, certain elements seem to have been required. Vitally important were stable and ongomg financial support (lacking at

Mannheim, Stuttgart, and Parma) and fieedom from the stylistic and fmancial constraints inherent in the veneration of the virtuoso singer (lacking at Turin and cities in the other

Italian states). Leadership that ochibited not only strength but continuity over an

277 extended period was also essential. The organizational structure of the Nobile Société dei

Cavalieri, with its frequent changeover of directors and decision-making process that involved deliberation among them, prevented that in Turin. Admittedly, Turin’s reform efforts were not as thorough-going as those at other centers—particularly Vienna, where reform took hold and was able to flourish precisely because all of the aforementioned elements were present.^

However, Turin’s eagerness to produce works exhibiting reform-inspired experimentation distinguishes the Regio from other theaters in the Italian states at this thne. In these theaters, French-inspired features seem to have been routinely eliminated when libretti containing them were set to music.* For example, when Sofonisba was performed in Venice in 1764, the choruses and ensembles were cut; the dances in

Traetta’s Ifigenia in Tauride met the same fate when that work was revised for Florence in 1767.’ Certainly there were isolated performances of works in the 1760s featuring dance, chorus, and other innovations—such as Traetta’s Armida in Venice in 1767 and his Ifigenia in Tauride in Milan in 1768.*° But Naples, Venice, Rome, Milan, and

Bologna seem to have taken only sporadic interest in adapting or commissioning reform- inspired libretti until the 1770s and 80s. By this time, Turin had already become truly progressive in style, with exoticism, choruses, dance, ensembles, and machine spectacle figuring prominently in many worics. Operatic production in other cities in the Italian

^ Brown, Gluck and the French Theater in (Tenna,pp. 13-17. * Tbù has been noted by McCIymonds, in “Opera Refonn in Italy, 1750-80" &x>m which the following brief sununary is drawiL * Heartz, “Traetta m Vienna," p. 83. McCIymonds, “Opera Reform in Italy."

278 States at this time has yet to be fully explored; inquiries into the roles played by finances and other considerations might lead to findings similar to those regarding reform at Turin.

Operatic style at Turin in the mid-eighteenth century was shaped by a multitude of forces—financial and logistical as well as aesthetic and cultural. The evidence overwhelmingly suggests that stylistic conservatism—at least a rejection of French- inspired experimentation—was not among these forces. Considering factors that influenced operatic production leads to an enriched understanding of the stylistic changes engendered by the reform movement, and a more accurate assessment of the circumstances under which these changes occurred.

279 APPENDIX A

DESCRIPTION OF SELECTED PRIMARY SOURCE MATERIALS^

Archival Documents: Archivio storico della città di Torino f A.S.C.T.)^

Collezione IX

Ordinati Libri della Nobile Società dei Cavalieri

Indispensable to a study of the administration of the Teatro Regio are the O rdinati

Libri della Nobile Società dei Cavalieri found in Collezione IX vois. I - II; particularly relevant for the present inquiry are vois. 4 ( 1752-59) through 7 ( 1769-71 )? These large books comprise records of the meetings of the Societa’s directors from 1727 to 1800.

‘Many of the sources here are mentioned in Isabella Fragalà Data, corredo dei beni musicaii,” L ^arcano incanto (Milan: Electa, I99I), pp. 93-117. The following discussion does not mclude copies of libretti 6om US-Wc and other American libraries consulted for this study. ^ A large portion of the archive's holdmgs is listed in Inventario degli Atti dell’Archivio Comunale dal I III at 1848,8 vois. (Turm: 7%ografia Enrico Schioppo etaL, 1935-1966). The volumes of Ordinati and Libri conti for the period under discussion are listed m Inventario, voL 4 (Turm: Tipografia Litografîa Carlo Accame, 1938), pp. 66-70. Carte sciolte for the period tmder discussion are listed m vols. 3 (Turin: ItpografmCarlo Accame, 1936), pp. 299-305; and 7 (Turin: Stab. UpolitografiaG. Canale & Co., 1963), pp. 199-206. ^ The entire contents of Collezione DCatelisXed xtLRepertori deifbndi archivistici, “CoOezioni: Vl-Xm, XV” (manuscript volumes held at the archive).

280 The entries in the volumes report the directors’s decisions regarding all aspects of

production for operas performed at both the Teatro Regio and the Teatro Carignano.

Usually written in the hand of the secretary of the Società, the records are signed and dated by the treasurer. Within each entry. Music, Dance, Libretto, Scenography, and others sectors of production are generally treated in a separate paragraph, each of which is bracketed and labeled by a different hand according to area; this facilitates consultation, since the entries in the O rdinati can be quite detailed and lengthy. Meetings of the

Societa’s directors were not held on a regular basis but seem to have occurred at least once a month, with more frequent meetings around the time of production or when there was a financial crisis. It is possible to recontruct the order in which certain decisions were made by the Società from these volumes, since the entries in them list the dates on which singers, dancers, and composers accepted and returned the contracts sent to them by the directors, the sum that each performer received, and the director(s) who personally underwrote the stipend paid to each person. The entries also occasionally include copies of contracts to various personnel, and communicatedetails of controversies of different kinds when money is involved, or changes of certain kinds (for example, changes in performers when one substitutes for or is chosen over another, or in composers when one is unavailable, etc). Only rarely do they relate details of the reasons behind certain decisions. At the end of each season, a summary of anticipated «cpenditures for the following season is given.

281 Libri conti: Giomale. Libro Mastro

The Libri conti délia Società dei Cavalieri, Collezione DC vols. 12 (1733-37) — 78

(1792-98), are detaüed account books that list expenditures of all types.'* The G iom ali consist of chronological lists of all payments, with entries that indicate to whom the payment was made and for what purpose. The entries in the G iom ali are detailed, naming not only individual leading performers but members of the orchestra and the corps de ballet as well. The Libri Mastri also include chronological lists of expenditures but are organized in a different manner. For the years under discussion, the Libri Mastri begin with a large section consisting of a complete list o f every expenditure for every purpose with a total of funds expended at the end of the list. Successive sections are organized by sector (Music, Dance, Scenography, etc.), each giving a chronological list of individual expenditures and the total funds expended by each sector. These detailed volumes include a well-organized system of cross references that makes them convenient to use. The entries in the complete list of expenditures in each Libro Mastro are preceded by two numbers: the page number for entries of the same expenditure in successive sections of that Libro Mastro, and the page number in the corresponding G iom ale. Thus it is often possible to cross check and verify data m several places.

Carte sciolte

The Archivio storico’s collection of Carte scio lte comprises over seven hundred unbound fascicles of “loose papers.” Approximately one hundred of th ^e pertain to the

* No Ubro Mastro survives for 1759-60; no Giomali survive after 1763-64.

282 administratioii of the Teatro Regie in the eighteenth century/ These fascicles include many types of documents, the most common of which are contracts to personnel

(capitulazioni), receipts (quietanze), orders for various materials (mandati), correspondence (corrispondenza), and statutes of the Societa’s administration (statuti.

Memoriale a capi). Administrative documents of other types are also included. The

Carte sc io lte for 1768-91 consist of a series of booklets (libri di quietanze) that served as records o f regular payments to every individual involved in the production of the operas at the Teatro Regio for these years. Each person who received a payment signed on a designated page in these booklets in the presence of one of the directors; thus the libri di quietanze are complete listings in a compact format of all singers, dancers, instrumentalists, copyists, technicians, and other personnel for 1768-91. These volumes are important for a variety of reasons: they facilitate easy comparisons of changes in personnel and payments in a particular sector over time; they also show changes in certain individuals’ handwriting over time. One of the libri di quietanze gives the year of death of one of the copyists o f the Teatro Regio, information not found in other sources consulted for this study.

^ Listed m Inventario degli Atti delVArchivio Comunale, vois. 3 and 7 (see Su 2 above). Entries m these volumes list the call number of the 6scicle^ the dates of the documents mcluded m each fiscfcle, and a brief (ksci%tion of the âscîcle’s contents (dates and lists of contents given are fieqnently maccurate).

283 Collezione 'Sîmeam ’

The Archivio storico’s Collezione 'Simeom, ’ named for the individual by whom it was donated, is a vast and unusual collection of many different types of materials.^ Its contents include opera librettos, maps, engravings and portraits, manuscript and printed poetry, and monographs. The collection is organized in several series based on material type, and the inventory number given to each item in the printed catalogue is based on a chronological ordering o f the contents of each series. Relevant for a study of the Teatro

Regio are items from several different series (serie), especially Serie L, which includes six hundred and thirty-three libretti from operas performed between 1662 to 1890 at many different theaters. The group of libretti from works performed at the Teatro Regio from

1750 to 1780 is complete with the exception o f five operas.^ Many libretti for Regio operas in this collection are single unbound or crudely bound, and some include manuscript emendations. Serie B contains a libretto of an opera performed the Regio that is richly bound in blue and in an optimal state of preservation.* Serie F contains copies oîAlmanacchi dei Teatri di Torino^ These “theater almanacs” are of great value for the information they provide on the role played by the theater in the cultural life of the

* See Collezione 'Simeom*: Inventario^ Indict^ ed. Rosanna Recent, 2 vois. (Turin: Archivio Storico Città di Torino, 1982). ^ Serie L, nos. 41-102. O f operas performed at Tinm’s Teatro Regio between 1750 and 1780, the collection lacks librettos foe Demojbonte lXlS4t\ Adriano in Siria (1758), L ’Olimpiade (1764), Issea ( 1771) and La Fiera di Venezia (1773). ’ Serie B, no. 216, Catipso (1776, music by Bemardmo Ottani, libretto by Denzel). ’ Serie F, nos. 271-88, Almanacchi dei teatri di Torino, 1780-1837 (incomplete).

284 city. Serie M and C contain manuscript and printed poetry that include several anonymous critiques of operas performed at the Teatro Regio in the eighteenth century/"

Other Libretto Collections in Turin: Biblioteca nazfnnale universftaria di

Torino (I-Tnl: Biblioteca civica musicale "Andrea Della Corte” fl-Tci):

Private collections of Fanan and Strona-Cravero

Turin’s libraries and archives contain important collections of librettos of operas performed at the Teatro Regio in the eighteenth century. Three of these collections are owned by the the Biblioteca nazionale universitaria di Torino. An almost complete collection, located under the library’s call number F Vm, comprises volumes that are uniformly bound in brown leather with gold tooling that bear the coat of arms of the house o f Savoy. These volumes occasionally include printed pages that indicate changes to certain arias or other pieces. Another collection, which is incomplete, is located under the call number F XII, and consists of volumes bound in green leather with gold tooling.

The edges of the leaves in these volumes are not uniformly trimmed, and occasionally librettos for ballets or other contemporaneous Turinese musical events are also included.

A third collection, also incomplete, is part of the library’s collection "Collegio San

Francesco.” Volumes in this collection «chibit plain cardboard bmdings with titles of operas handwritten on the spmes o f the volumes. Copi% m this collection occasionally exhibit manuscript emendations and printed msertions containing revisions.

Serie M, no. 7, Raccolta de Poesie non stampate ed altre cose diverse, miscellanea, 1728-81;# 17, Satire e prose epoesie raccolte da varipoeti ed autori edite ed inedite in Torino, 1790.

285 Turin’s Biblioteca civica musicale “Andrea Della Corte” possesses another important collection of librettos. It was acquired in 1912 by Andrea Della Corte,

Turinese musicologist and bibliofile, from the Turinese collector Valentino Carrera.

Upon Della Corte’s death in 1968 it was donated to the city ofTurin, together with an important collection o f manuscript musical material, at which time the Biblioteca civica musicale was established and named fr>r him. The libretto collection consists o f individual volumes crudely bound with thin paper covers; these give the title and name of composer in manuscript. These exemplars occasionally include manuscript emendations.

Finally, large collections are privately held by Giorgio Fanan and by the daughter o f Oscar Strona.

Manuscript Music Collections in Turin and Casale-Monferrato: Biblioteca civica

musicale “Andrea Della Corte”: Accademia filarmonica di Torino:

Biblioteca civica di Casale-Monferrato

The Biblioteca musicale “Andrea Della Corte” possesses a rich collection of manuscript musical materials that once belonged to the Turinese music historian Andrea

Della Corte, for whom the library was named. The collection’s content varies from individual operatic arias and ensembles to instrumental worics of various types, and spans several centuries. Materials pertaining to the Teatro Regio include the earliest extant fill score of of an opera porfrrmed at the Teatro Regio, Leo’s Vologeso (1740). The collection also includes two scores of mdtvidual acts of operas performed during the

1760s—Act n of Giuseppe Scarlatti’s P elopida (1762), and Act m of Galuppi’s

2 8 6 Sofonisba (1764)—as well as numerous copies of arias and ensembles, bound and unbound. Many of the items in this collection are unidentified, carrying no descriptive marks indicating either composer or title of the opera fix>m which they were drawn. My identifications of several of these pieces are listed below.

Selected Manuscript Musical Materials, I-Tci

The provenance of many of the items in this collections is unknown. Items in the collection appear in the Biblioteca civica’s card catalogue, which provides call number and other information (if known), such as composer, opera, and date of performance. In the case of individual copies of arias, the card catalogue entries provide scoring and melodic incipits.

Selected items firom the collection, listed below in library call number order, exhibit the hands of the Teatro Regio copyists or, for reasons concerning other aspects of their contents, can be linked with operas performed at the Teatro Regio during the eighteenth century. Entries in this appendix include ^ e of piece; text incipit; foliation; dhnensions; and other information provided on the title page (if present) or on the first page of the piece. This intim ation is followed by a more complete identification of the item based on research conducted for the present study. Included is the opera’s title; year of production (in Turin, unless otherwise indicated); last name of librettist and composer; and the name of Teatro Regio copyist (if known), hi the case of copies of arias, 1 provide the name of the character; act number; and scene number fiom the printed libretto. When possible, I have compared the copies of these items with copies held by other libraries and

287 archives m order to determine textual relationship. Other comments regarding content are mcluded as appropriate.

Mus. Ms. 42

Copy of accompanied recitative, cavatina, accompanied recitative, and aria, “Dove son? Che m’avenne? ... Ah numi tiranni.. .Ma parlano per voi... A morir se mi condarma” (fols. Ir-39v, 8.5 x 11.5 in.). Attribution to composer in upper right comer of fol. 1 : “Del Sigr. Francesco de Maio”

M otezuma (1765), Cigna-Santi / De Majo Aria for Motezuma, Act 1, scene ii (text of recitative and cavatina are found in the printed libretto for the Turin production, pp. 3-4; the aria text is not) Copyist: unknown

Mus. Ms. 43

Copy of accompanied recitative and aria, “Eccomi sola alfine... Ombre dolenti e pallide” (fois. lr-22v, 8.5 x 11 in.). Title page: “Recitativo / ed Aria / Del Signor / Francesco De Majo.”

Motezuma {\165), Cigna-Santi / De Majo Aria for Guacozinga, Act HI, scene xi Copyist: unknown

Basso continuo exhibits figures in a second hand.

Mus. Ms. 53

Copy of aria, “Cara se le mie pene” (fols. lr-12v, 9 x 11.5 in.). Attribution to composer in upper right comer o f fol. 1 : “Del Sig. Galuppi” Name of character on vocal Une: Massinissa

Sofonisba (1764) Verazi / Galuppi Aria for Massinissa, Act H, scene v (not present in printed libretto) Copyists: text: Francesco Antonio Le Messier music: Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier

288 Although the entry in the Biblioteca civica’s card catalogue proposes that the piece belongs to a production of Sofonisba in Rome, 1753 (libretto by Roccafbrte, music by Galuppi)," this aria seems to have been added to the Turin production of Sofonisba^ Galuppi’s setting of Verazi’s libretto. A copy of this aria survives in the fiill score held at I-Tf (1 V 19, fols.lr-6v) in which it is labeled with the singer’s name, Manzuoli, on the vocal line, rather than with that of the character. It is textually equivalent to the copy held at I-Tci. The aria’s text is from Metastasio’s Alessandro nelle Indie, Act n, scene v (aria for Poro). Basso contmuo exhibits figures in a different hand.

Mus. Ms. 54

Full score, Sofonisba, Act 111 (fols. lr-67r, 9 x 11.5 in.). Cover page: “ 1764 / A.T.”

Sofonisba {llbA) Verazi/ Galuppi Copyist: Giuseppe Chiaves

This score is textually equivalent to the printed libretto and to the corresponding full score o f Act 111 at 1-Tf ( 1 V 20).

Mus. Ms. 55

Full score, P elopida, Act H (fois, lr-118r, 8.5 x 12.5 in.). Cover page: “A.S.” Upper left comer of the first folio is (incorrectly) marked “Galuppi / Sofonisba’’ in crayon in an unidentified hand.

P elopida (1763) Roccafbrte / Giuseppe Scarlatti Copyist: unknown

The contents of the score correspond with the printed libretto for the Turin production, with the exception o f the aria in Act H, scene xiv (libretto, p. 33), which echibits a variant text The physical condition of the score suggests it may have been used in performance; it exhibits numerous pasteovers and corrections, as well as markings by a second hand that

" Card catalogue entry. Mus. Ms. S3; “L’mdicazione dell’autore è dt tnano dtversa. L'aim appartiene probabihnente aH^opera Sofonisba su libretto di G. Roccafisrtev rappresentata a Roma T. delle Dame, fbbbr. 1753; essa non compare nel libretto deUa 2 vers., poesm di Mattia Verazi, rappr. a Torino T. Regio cam. 1764”

289 indicate dynamics, interpretive instructions, accidentals, and corrections of spelling or omissions 6om the text Since rehearsed and directed the music for the performances at the Regio in the absence of Giuseppe Scarlatti, it is possible that the added markings are in Pugnani’s hand.

Mus. Ms. 128

Copy of aria, “Deh tergi quel pianto” (fois. Ir-12v, 9 x 11.5 in.). Attribution to composer in upper right comer of fbl. I : “Del Sig. Ottani," and in upper left comen “Ottani Bernardino I735-182T’ (the latter in crayon by a different hand)

Fatim a (1779) Cigna-Santi / Ottani Aria for Tomambei, Act HI, scene xii Copyist: Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier

Mus. Ms. 137

Copy of aria, “Ah non résisté il cor” (fols. lr-4v. 9 x II.5 in.). Attribution to composer in upper left comer of fol. I : “Piccinni” in crayon in an unidentifted hand

Tïgrane (I76I) [librettist unknown] / Piccinni Aria for Tigrane, Act I, scene xv Copyist: Francesco Antonio Le Messier

Basso contmuo exhibits figures and dynamics in different hand. This copy is textually equivalent to the copy of this aria (bund in the full score of the opera at I-CMc (coll. 091.78.15).

Mus. Ms. 302

Bound volume of copies of arias (fbls. lr-123v, 8.5 x 10.5 in.). Selected pieces in volume:

Fols. 17r-30n Copy o f aria, “Fra dubbi affetti miei” Attribution to composer in upper right comen “Del Sig. Baldasar Galuppi"

\Siroe (1754, Rome)?] Metastasio / Galuppi Aria ft>r Siroe (Act II, scene xiii)

290 Copyists: scoring: Francesco Antonio Le Messier music: Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier

The entry in the Biblioteca civica’s card catalogue for this piece claims that it belongs to a production o f Siroe (no other information is given). Since Galuppi set Metastasio’s libretto to music in Rome in 1754, perhaps this aria was performed there, but it may also have been added to a an opera produced in Turin, since it displays the hands of Regio copyists. {Siroe was performed in Turin earlier, in 1749, when the libretto was set by Giuseppe Scarlatti.) Basso continuo exhibits figures in a different hand.

Fols. 37r-46v: Copy of aria, “Quel amplesso e quel perdono” [aria added to Eumene (1759), librettist unknown / Mazzoni] Copyist: Francesco Antonio Le Messier

The text o f the aria is originally fi’om Metastasio’s Adriano in Siria (aria for Emirena, Act H, scene x), a libretto that was set to music by Borghi for the Regio in 1758. However, the copy of this aria is textually equivalent to a copy of an aria that was added to the Turin production of Eumene ( 1759), set to music by Mazzoni (I-Tf, 10 V 4, fols. 123r-28v). This opera is explored fimher in Chapter 2 above. Basso continuo exhibits figures in a different hand.

Fols. 47r-51v: Copy of aria, “Nella tua sorte amara” Attribution to composer in upper right comen “Del Sig Jommella” Attribution to singer in upper left comen “Sigra Masi Giura”

Bajazet ( 1753), Piovene / Jommelli Aria for Andronico, Act HI, scene vi Copyist: unknown

Maria Masi Giura is named in the printed libretto for 1753 production set by Jommelli, in which she sang the role of Andronico. Basso continuo exhibits figures in a second hand.

Fols. 53r-57v: Copy of aria, “Son pietosa e son amante”

[N itteti (1757) Metastasio / Holzbauer (?)] Aria for Nitteti, Act III, scene ix Copyist: Giuseppe Chiaves

291 Although this aria’s text is 6om Metastasio’s N itteti, the piece exhibits a musical setting different finm that 6und in the copy of the aria in the full score o f the opera held at I-Tf ( 10 V 20, fols. 117r-22r), composed by Holzbauer in 1757. Since this manuscript is in the hand of Giuseppe Chiaves, who was under contract with the Regio only between 1759 and 1764, it is possible that this aria was added to another opera performed during those years; or it may be a different musical setting for the text for the Regio production o f 1757 (possibly copied by Chiaves before he was ofGcially under contract).

Selected Manuscript Musical Materials, 1-Tf

The archive of Turin’s Accademia filarmonica contains a rich and largely unexplored collection of musical materials. The scores of operas performed at the Regio bear the ex lib ris of Count Luigi Cotti di Brusasco and are discussed at length in Chapter

2. Table A. I presents a summary of scores firom the Brusasco collection.'^ Tables A.2 and

A.3 present the contents of two volumes (vois. 18 and 19) firom the large collection of copies of arias and other pieces firom operas performed at the Regio in the eighteenth century, entitled “Raccolta d’Arie.’’ I have identified the copyists of these pieces and, in many cases, the operas and locations in which these pieces are found.

CaH numbers and dimensions (m mdlnneters) &om Isabella Fragalà Data, “H corredo dei beni musical!," L ’arcano incanto, pp. 96-99. " Footnotes m Tables A.2 and A 3 mclude arkthional mfitrmation transmitted on the first page of each piece (in quotation marks) or comments on physical features of the pages.

2 9 2 Selected Scores at Biblioteca civica di Casale-Mon&rrato

Two scores o f music for operas performed at the Teatro Regio, La Clemenza di

Tito (Galuppi, 1759) and Tigrane (Piccinni, 1761), are held at the Biblioteca civica di

Casale-Monferrato near Turin. These are also discussed in Chapter 2.

2 9 3 Season Title Librettisl/ComDoser Physical Characteristics Call Number Coovists

1754-55 Sesostri 2kno/Bertoni 1 vol. (138 fols.); 220x290 TflOVI8 Le Messiers Andromeda Ciena-Santi/Cocchi 1 vol. (150 fols.): 230x290 TflOV3 Le Messiers 1755-56 Ricimero Silvani/Calderara 1 vol. (142 fols.); 225 x 295 Tfll V4 Le Messiers SoHmano MisliavaccaA^alentini 1 vol. (167 fols.); 220x280 Tfll V14 Le Messiers 1756-57 Antigono /labeled Metastasio/Pampani 1 vol. (157 fols ); 235x285 TflOVS Le Messiers Demetrio] Lucia Vera Zeno/Bertoni 1 vol. (180 fols.); 230x285 TflOV16 Le Messiers 1757-58 Nitteti Metastasio/Holzbauer 1 vol. (146 fols.); 220x280 Tf 10V20 Le Messiers Arsinoe Galliani/CiampI 1 vol. (199 fols.); 220x290 T fllV 15 Le Messiers 1758-59 Adriano in Siria Metastasio/Borghi 1 vol. (186 fols.); 225 x 280 Tf lOV 19 Le Messiers Eumene Zeno/Mazzoni 1 vol. (159 fols.); 220x260 Tf 10V4 Le Messiers 1759-60 La Ciemema di Tito Metaslasio/Galuppi missing from collection Enea nei Lazio Cigna-Santi/Traetta missing from collection 1760-61 Artaserse Metastaslo/J.C. Bach 3 vols. (105,94,88 fols.); 220 x 290 Tf 1 VIII 1-2-3 Le Messiers, Chiaves, Turin A, Turin B Tigrane funknownl/Piccini missing from collection I 1761-62 Demetrio Metastaslo/Ponzo 3 vols. (123,74,67 fols); 225 x 285 Tf 2 15-6-7 Le Messiers, Chiaves, Turin A Ifigenia in Aulide Cigna-Santi/Bertoni 3 vols. (111.84.93 fols.): 225 x 290 Tf 1 VIII 6-7-7bis Le Messiers, Turin A 1762-63 Catone in Utica Metastasio/De Majo missing from collection Peiopida Roccaforte/G. Scarlatti missing from collection 1763-64 Arianna e Teseo Pariati/Pasqua (unbound gatherings] Tf9-III-18-7 Chiaves, Turin C Sofonisba Verazi/Galuppi 3 vols. (113,87,78 fols.); 230 x 290 T fl V 18-19-20 Le Messiers, Chiaves, Turin A 1764-65 L 'Olimpiade Metastasio/Hasse 2 vols. (125.67 fols.); 220 x 290 Tf 10 V 2-2bis Le Messiers Motezuma Cigna-Santi/De Majo missing from collection 1765-66 Alessandro neile Indie Metastasio/Sacchini 3 vols. (129.98.56 fols.); 225 x 285 Tf 1 V 21-22-22bis Le Messiers Oreste Verazi/Monza 3 vols. (108.68.63 fols ): 230 x 290 T fl V 15-16-17 Le Messiers

Table A.l ; Description of Selected Scores from the Brusasco Collection (1-Tf) Table A. l (continued)

Season Tille Librellisl/Comooser Phvsical Characteristics Call Number Coovists

1766-67 Tancredi Balbis/Bertoni missing from collection Mitridate re di Ponto Cigna-Santi/Gasparini 3 vols. (128, 87,75 fols.); 230 x 285 T fl Vin 8-9-10 Le Messiers, Turin A, Turin C 1767-68 Metastasio/Myslivecek 3 vols. (109,108, 75 fols.); 225 x 280 Tf 1 V 3-4-5 Le Messiers Creso Pizzi/CafTaro missing from collection 1768-69 Il Grm Cidde Pizzi/Deinuichi 3 vols. (99. 89. 50 fols.); 225 x 285 Tf 1 VI24-25-26 Le Messiers, Turin D Ecuba Durandi/Celoniat 3 vols. (109.94.98 fols.); 230 x 290 T fl VI21-22-23 Le Messiers 1769-70 Enea in Cartagine d’Orengo/Colla 3 vols. (136; 88; 68); 225 x 290 Tf VII4-5-6 Le Messiers Am ida Durandi/Anfossi missing from collection 1770-71 Berenice Durandi/Platania 2 vols. (1: 119. II: 127 fols.); 220 x 295 Tf 1 V 1-2 Le Messiers Annibale in Torino Durandi/Paisiello 3 vols. (131. 101, 64 fols.); 225 x 285 Tf219-10-11 Le Messiers 1771-72 Andromeda Cigna-Santi/Colla 3 vols. (100. 111.51 fols.); 225 x 285 Tf 1 VII22-23-24 Le Messiers Tamas Kouli Kan Cigna-Santi/Pugnani missing from collection 1772-73 Argea Boggio/Alessandri missing from collection § Didone abbandonata Metastasio/Colla 3 vols. (112.87.87 fols.); 225 x 290 T fl VII 19-20-21 Le Messiers Gatherine Folios Arias: Character Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer CoDvist: Music CoDvist: Text pumber Printed Libretto

1 lr-4v Elmira, “Ah non sen fra quest! unknown Ignazio Celeoniat Francesco Francesco affanni"' Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 2 2r-IOv [character unknown], "Quel che sol unknown unknown unknown unknown che I’accende” 3 llr- Ifigenia, "Se il labbro si lagna" Ifigenia in Aulide Ferdinando Giuseppe Antonio Francesco I8v (1762), m .v Bertoni Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 4 I9r- Ifigenia, "Sento il rigor del fato" Ifigenia in Aulide Ferdinando Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 3lv (1762), I, xii Bertoni Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 5 32r- Oreste, "Che più si tarda oh Dio’’* Oreste (1766), Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 39r Le Messier Antonio Le (39v Messier blank) ï 6 40r- Oreste, "Chi non sente al mio dolore" Oreste (1766), 1, v Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 47v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 7 48r- Pilade, “E vuoi crudel perché" Oreste (1766), III, Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 5lv iii Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 8 52r- Oreste, "Varchi di Lete"’ Oreste (\766), II, Carlo Monza Luiggi Le Messier Luiggi Le Messier 55r viii (55v blank)

Table A,2: Contents of “Raccolta d’Arie,” Vol 18 (I-Tf)

' " 1769 Pmavera Del Sig Ignazio Celeoniat" * “Del Sig Monza"; “non sentita" ’ “Del Sig Monza"; I pasteover, 54r Table A.2 (continued)

Gathering Folios Arias: Character Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer Copvist: Music CoDvist: Text pumber Printed Libretto

9 56r- Ifigenia, "Forse il cor de mali tuoi"^ Oreste {\766), I, i Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 66v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 10 67r- Tauride, "Pensa che sono amante"’ Arianna e Teseo Giuseppe Pasqua Francesco Francesco 72v (1763), 111, vi Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 11 73r- Oreste, "Toma la mia speranza" Oreste (1766), III, Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 79r viii Le Messier Antonio Le (79v Messier blank) 12 80r- Argene, "Che non mi disse un di"* L 'Olimpiade Johann Adolf Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves 84v (1764), 11, iv Hasse (85r&v § blank) 13 86r- Oreste, "Per pietà deh nascondimi"^ Oreste (\766), 1, iv Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 88v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 14 89r- Toante, "Se non mi curi amante" Oreste (\766), 111, Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 96v iv Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 15 97r- Tumo, "Dal Furor dall'odio armato" Enea nel Lazio Tommaso Traetta Turin A Turin A 102v (1760), 1, xiii

^ "Del Sig Monza" ’ firsi page gives gathering number "3/6" ‘ first page gives gathering number "2/2" ’ hinge of 87r glued to 86v Table A,2 (continued)

Gatherine Folios Arias: Character: Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer CoDvist: Music CoDvist: Text number Printed Libretto

16 I03r- Aristea, "Grandi e ver con le tue L 'Olimpiade Johann Adolf Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves I08r pene"* (1764), I. iii Hasse (|08v blank) 17 I09r- Vitellia, "Deh se placer mi vuci"’ La Clemenza di Tito Baldassare Giuseppe Chiaves Francesco Il3r (1759), I, ii Galuppi Antonio Le (ll3v, Messier to 113v; 14r&v Giuseppe Chiaves blank) to 114v 18 Il5r- Merodate, "Seguite i passi miei"'” Oreste (1766), III, Carlo Monza Francesco Francesco Il8v ii Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 19 I19r- [character unknown], "Misera misera a unknown unknown Francesco Francesco g I24v tante pene" Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 20 I25r- Toante, "Se nel cor novella face"" Oreste (1766), II, iii Carlo Monza Francesco Francesco I30r Antonio Le Antonio Le (I30v Messier Messier blank) 21 I3lr- Massinissa, "Bel placer d’un alma Sofonisba (\764), 1, Baldassare Giuseppe Antonio Francesco I42r grande"'* ii Galuppi Le Messier Antonio Le (I42v Messier blank)

* "Oboe con wne soli ritomelli" ’ "P" auo l"; textually equivalent to aria in manuscript score at l-CMc (call number 091,78,5, fols, 7r-l Iv), "Del Sig Monza" " "Del Sig Monza" " "Del Sig Galuppi" Table A.2 (continued)

Gatherine Folios Arias: Character: Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer Copvist; Music Copvist; Text number Printed Libretto

22 143r- Merodate, [“Quel vano furore"]" Ores/e (1766), II, vi Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio none 146v Le Messier 23 147r- Latino, "Destrier che scosse il freno" Enea nel Lazio Tommaso Traetta unknown unknown 152v (1760). II. X 24 I53r- Mitridate, “D’un Empia, ed un Tigrane (176\). II. Niccolô Piccinni Turin A Turin A 156v Ingrate”" xiv 25 I57r- Toante, “Non m’irritate o perfidi" Oreste (1766), I, ix Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 164v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 26 165r- Tomiri, “Dal soglio che picme" Oreste (1766), I, iii Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 172v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 27 173r- Achille, “Fiero Leon che teme"'* Ifigenia in Aulide Ferdinando Turin A Turin A g 178v (1762). III.V Bertoni 28 179r- Artaserse, “Nuvolette opposta al sole" Artaserse (\760), J. C. Bach Giuseppe Antonio Francesco I83v III, ii Le Messier Antonio Le (184 Messier r&v blank)

" This piece contains no text underlay; title determined by character's name and note at bottom of 146v: “segue la cavata d'oreste" " “Pel Sig Piccinni"; “Atto Sd“" ” “Atto 3o" Gatherine Folios Arias: Character: Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer CoDvist: Music Copvist; Text number Printed Libretto

I Ir-I Iv Achille, “Quando saprai chi sono”' unknown / Ifigenia unknown/ Giuseppe Antonio Giuseppe Antonio (I2r&v in Auiidel Ferdinando L.e Messier Le Messier blank) Bertoni? 2 I3r- Artabano, “Sulle sponde del torbido Artaserse (M6Q), I, J. C. Bach Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves I7r L.ete" iii (I7v blank) 3 I8r- Semire, “Fra tant! miei tormenti" Artaserse (MbQ), J, C, Bach Francesco Francesco 2lv 11, xiii Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 4 22r- Artabano, “No non ti son padre”* Artaserse {\760), 1, J, C. Bach Turin A Turin A 25v xii 5 26r- Achille, “Pietoso amor”* substitute aria in Ferdinando Turin A Turin A 33v Ifigenia in Aulide Bertoni (?) (1762). I.xii 8 6 34r- [character unknown], “Sarà più che unknown Giuseppe Scolari Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 40r(4l non credi"* Le Messier Antonio Le r&v Messier blank) 7 42r- Motezuma, “Nel lasciarvi amati rai”’ Motezuma (mO), Giacomo Turin C Turin C 49r III, X Insanguine (49v blank)

Table A.3: Contents of “Raccolta d’ArieVol 19 (1-Tf)

' “aria d’agionta" ^ “Atto Pino” * “Atto Pmo” ^ “Del Sig Scolari" * “Del Sig Insanguine” Table A.3 (continued)

Gatherine Folios Arias: Character: Text Incioit Opera: Location in Composer CoDvist: Music CoDvist: Text number Printed Libretto

8 50r- Mitridate, "Al Nume del mio Regno"*’ Tigrane (1761), III, Niccolô Piccini Turin A Turin A 53v viii 9 54r- Oronte, "Non fidi al mar che freme"' Tigrane (1761), 1, x Niccolô Piccini Turin A Turin A 58v 10 59r- Merodate, "Seguite i passi miei"* Ores/e (1766), 111, ii Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 62v Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 11 63r- [character unknown], "Barbaro amor unknown unknown Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves 68v che brami"® 69r- [simple recitative!, "11 Marchese, ed unknown unknown Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves 69v Agnera, sc, 14a"' (70r&v w o blank) 12 7lr- Semira, "Non è ver che sia contento"" Artaserse (\16Q), J, C, Bach Turin A Turin A 74v 111, vi 13 75r- [character unknown], "Sai che unknown unknown Francesco Francesco 82v m'accende e sai I’affanno"'^ Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 14 83r- Flavia, "Or che un Zeffiro leggiero"'^ unknown unknown Francesco Francesco 90v Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier

* "Atto Terzo" ’ "Atto Pmo" * "Atto 3"” ®"Attoir’ at bottom, "segue il finale" " "Atto Terzo" "Atto 3®" " "Atto 111" Table A,3 (continued)

Gathering Folios ^rias: Character: Text Incipit Opera: Location in Composer Copvist; Music Copvist; Text PMHtbçr Printed Libretto

15&16 91r- [character unknown], "Vago Dio che unknown Tommaso Traetta Francesco Francesco llOv m’innamori"'^ Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 17 lllr- Megace, "Superbo di me stesso"'* L 'Olimpiade Johann Adolf Francesco Francesco 124v (1764), 1, ii Hasse Antonio Le Antonio Le Messier Messier 18 I25r- Toante, "Se non mi curi amante”'" Oresfe (1766), III, Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 132r iv Le Messier Antonio Le (132v Messier blank) 19 I33r- Famace, "Venga pur minaci e Mitridate, re di Quirino Gaspartni Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 143v ftema”'^ Ponto (1767), 1, ix Le Messier Antonio Le Messier 20 144r* [character unknown], "Lusingha la unknown unknown Giuseppe Chiaves Giuseppe Chiaves I50v speranza il credulo mio cor”' (151 r&v blank) 21 I52r- Motezuma and Guacozinga, "Ah se mi Motezuma (1765), Gian Francesco De unknown unknown 161r sei fedele” [duet]'® 11, xiv Majo (I6lv blank)

"Del Sig Tomaso Traette"; although this aria carries an attribution, its text does not appear in the single opera composed by Traetta for Turin during the eighteenth century, Enea net /,oz/o (1760), "L’Olimpiade Del Sig Sassone" "Del Sig Monza" ” "non sentita" gathering number "2/2” •’"Duetto del Sig Demajo" Table A.3 (continued)

Catherine Folios Arias: Character: Text Incioit Ooera: Location in Comooser CoDvist: Music Copvist: Text number Printed Libretto

22 I62r- Olinto, "Più non sembra ardito e Demetrio {\16\), Giuseppe Ponzo Turin A Turin A I66v fiero"™ 111, y 23 167r- Toante. "Ecco il lùoco, ecco il Oreste (M66), III, Carlo Monza Giuseppe Antonio Francesco 173r fumo”^' ultima Le Messier Antonio Le (J73v, Messier 174 r&v blank) 24 175r- Megab, “Ardito ti renda t’accenda di Arlaserse (1760), J. C. Bach Giuseppe Antonio Francesco I78v sdegno"” 111. üi Le Messier Antonio Le Messier

W S

*‘Atto 3* Demetrio" gathering number ”3/7" “ ”Atto3‘"’ APPENDIX B

EXCERPT FROM NOVELLE LEJTERARIE DI FIRENZE, L77S‘

“Alcina e Ruggero, Dramma per Musica da rappresentarsi nel Regia Teatro di Torino nel Camovale del 1775. alia presenza delle Maestà Loro. In Torino, in 8 di pag. 68 "

V Opera è un componimento Poetico Teatrale tutto proprio degli ftaliani, appresso dei quaii nacque, in cui pero à più trionfato la musica, che la Poesia, fînchè non ando fra le mani deil’illustre Abate Metastasio. Unico nel sue genere questo sublime ingegno ha sparse nello stile una dolcezza di senthnenti, una facilita di espressioni, un’abbondanza d’immagini delicate, vere e nuove, che à ricoperto qualche difetto che si trova nella tessitura dei suoi Drammi. U E uropa attende ancora fra tanti che scrivono pel Teatro chi lo sappia bene imitare, se non stargli accanto. Benché ü compositore della musica voglia tiranneggiare il Poeta, nonostante un sublime Genio sa ben servire adattandosi al gusto di quelle, e sa interessare anche spogliato dei vezzi della melodia, come vedesi negli scritti di Metastasio, che possono chiamarsi il Codice degli affetti. H signor Vittorio Amadeo

CignaSanti, bravo Poeta Torinese, che è I’Autore deR'Alcina e Ruggero, h già venuto a frrsi conoscere fra i Poeti Drammatici con alcune composizioni, una delle quali è la presente che gli & onore. La scelta dell’argomento preso dal Furioso dàVAriosto, là

' Novelle ietterarie di Firenze (Florence^ 1775), il s. 6, pp. 173-76. I-Tn, Per cess. 13.

304 dove canta la liberazicne operata dalla fata M elissa di Ruggero^ dalle mani di A lcina gli à date tutto il comodo di arricchire lo spettacolo con la magnificenza degli apparati e con la varietà delle macchine, introducaido anche dei Cori, che abbelliscono la festa e moltiplicano i diletti dell’udito. Ma, quello che più vale, non si è scostato dalla ragione poetica servendo solo al maraviglioso. Rispetto alio stile che un Aria ed un Redtativo di pochi versi mostrerà quai egli sia. La prima è nella Scena VII. delI’Atto I. in bocca ad

Alcina:

Vo ’ provando adesso anch ’io / Quel che ancora io non provai: / Un accento, un guardo ormai/Basta a farm i palpitar. / Cosi in me l ’orgoglio usato / Or confonde il Dio bendato / G cosi di mille amanti / Vuole ipianti vendicar

II secondo contiene la descrizione di un sogno avuto dalla medeshna A lcina, la quale cosi lo narra nella Scena V. delI’Atto H. z. Morgana sua sorella e zld ren o suo Generale;

Su quelle piume al sonno in grembo appena, / S'eran chiusi quest ’occhi allor ch 'io vidi / O parvemi veder, severa in volto / Logistilla venir, da queste bracda / Rugger rapirmi a forza, e dame poi / Colla preda involarsi in un momenta, / Com 'ali avesse, o la portasse il vento. / D ali 'angoscia crudele / Riscossa tosto più che un sogno il mio / Ben veggo or che non fit: ma lo spavento / Non si calma perciô. Tomami a mente /D ’Atlante il minacciar; di Logistilla / Sem pre a nuocermi intenta /Pensa al genio perverso; alfin rifletto, / Ch 'è sopita in Rugger. ma non estinta/L 'avidità di gloria, e m mezzo a queste i Funestissime idee leggo nel sogno / Quel che deggio temer, quello ch 'io voglio / Penetrare, impedir, se pur già troppo /Non indugiai, se non mel vieta, oh Diot / Qualche poter maggior delpotermio.

Noi sappiamo nel resto che la decorazione, Pabüità dei canton, e Peccellenza del Sig.

Felice Alessandri Maestro di Cappella Romano, di cui è stata la Musica, è concorsa a procurare gli applausi alla rappresentazione del Dramma che annunziamo.

305 APPENDIX c

CONTRACTS FOR TEATRO REGIO COPYISTS, 1737-71

Contract for Raimondo Clerici. coovist 13 April 1737.

A.S.C.T. O rdinati vol. I, p. 4L Transcribed from Bouquet II teatro di corte. p. 192.

Per virtu della presente, la qual avrà fbrza, ü Sigr Raimondo Clerici si obbllga di copiare le opere in musica da farsi nel Regio Teatro di Torino, mediante ambe i patti, e le condizioni seguente:

P°, s'obbliga dar copiata qualunque opera per la prima prova, mediante pero il tempo di giomi venti, dappoiché gli sara stato consegnato I’originale salvo qualche accidente improvise impensato in contrario.

2°, Sara il Sigr Clerici obbligato dar copiato un originale, quattro libri de’ primi violini, quattro de’ secondi, due libri delle viole, e quattro de’ Balli;* come altresi le parti necKsarie pe’ balli, oltre alia parte d’ogni musico per unparare, e per qualunque altre

Cantante e tocchera al medesimo a somministrare la carta necessaria per tutte le sopra dette opere.

‘ Probably aa erroneous transcription of‘*BassL”

306 3°, Per contre I’lllmo Sigr Marchese Graneri della Rochia a nome degl’ülmi Sign

Direttori s’obbliga di pagare a d° Sr Clerici la somma di lire cento settanta tre soldi died per caduna opera, e do terminata la fatica.

4”, In oltre d® Qlmo S Marchese promette lasdare in mani di d° S Clerid tutti i Libri ed originale di qualunque opera per lo spazio di cinquanta giomi acdoché possa dar copia degli originali, e dell’arie a chi le chiedera!

5®, Se occoresse che si dovessero far aggiunte all’opera, o rifar qualche cosa diverse della prima pianta dell'originale, il tutto si pagherà a parte a d® copista a ragione di soldi died per foglio.

Tutto quanto sopra, Torino addi 13 Aprile 1737, sottoscritti Conte Provanadi Frosasco,

Raimondo Clerid

Contract for Raimondo Clerid. coovist 6 September 1749. A.S.C.T. Carte sciolte. 6241.

Memoria di quanto si è convenuto trà li SS." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere, ed il S.

Raimondo Clerici Copista della Musica delle medesime.

Pmo: Sara obbligato ü S. Clerid dar copiata qualunque Opera nella quantité, e qualité dd

Libri fissati nel Capo susseguente; E questi per la prima prova di essa, al qual efifetto le veranno consegnati TOrigmale della prhna Opera Giomi venti avanti la prima Redta, e dell’Originale della 2® Opera li due primi Atti Giomi Trenta avanti la prima Redta di essa, ed Ü 3° Atto alle prime Rappresentazioni della prima Opera; E quanto alle Arie de’

Balli, le saranno date Sd Giomi avanti la prova Generale de’ medesimi. Tutto quanto

307 sovra verra adempito, salvo qualche accidente hnproviso, ad impensato, che accadesse in

Contrario.

2.“ S’intendo per un’ Opera compita, e copiata nelle sue parti: un originale per il 2°

Cembalo, Cinque Libri per i primi Violini, Cinque per li Secondi, Due per le Viole,

Quatro per li Bassi, le parti de Comi da Caccia, Trombe, Timpani per il primo, e secondo ambi a parte.

3.“ Sara pure obbligo di d. Copista di dare copiate, e compite le parti de’ Cantanti a tutti li

Musici della Compagnia al loro arrivo, ed a quel tempo, che loro sara necessario per studiarle.

4.“ Sara a carico d’esso Copista si la Carta di Musica, che ogn’altra cosa necessaria per la

Copiatura de Libri, e parti sudette.

5.“ E per le faticbe, e cose soprascritte, dopo cb’esse saranno terminati, verra da SS.

Cavaberi Direttori fatta contare al d“ S. Clerici la somma di Lire Duecento per caduna

Opera.

6.“ Occorrendo che si dovessero fare cambiamenti, variazionf, o aggiusite alle cose diggià copiate, sara obbligato il d® S. Clerici di adempire, mediante la buonificazione, che gli verra fatta da d.“ SS." Cavaberi Direttori di soldi Died per cadun fogbo di nuova

Copiatura.

7.® Quando si volesse da pred." SS." Cavaberi augumentare la quantità de libri sovramenzioniati, dovra esso Copista copiarb come b altri mediante il pagamento, che le verra fatto da SS." Cavaberi in ragione di lire 10. caduno, se saranno Violmi, o Viole, e lire 8. se saranno Bassi.

308 8° Si lascîeraimo tutti li sudetti Libri allé mani del Copista par lo spazio di mesi due dopo il Camevale, con facoltà al medesimo di dare Copia d’ogni cosa a suo piacimento; e terminato detto tempo, dovrà d.“ S. Clerici il tutto rimettere a predetti SS." Cavalieri, o a

Chi frà essi averà la direzione délia Musica.

Acciô si abbia memoria délia présente Convenzione, se n’è promessa TOsservanza dalle sudette Parti con essersi sottoscritte, cioè di proprio pugno il S. Clerici, e per parte de’

SS." Cavalieri il S. Marchese Scarampi = Torino addi 6. Tbre 1749.

SS Scarampi di Bruney [signature]

Rajmondo Clerici [signature]

Contract for Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, and Giuseppe

Chiaves. convists. 28 Aoril 1759. A.S.C.T. Carte sciolte, 6244.

Memoria di quanto si è convenuto trà gli SS." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere, e gli SS.

Messier Padre e figlio, ed ü S."^ Chiaves Copisti per le Opere Serie

Primo Saranno obbligati gli SS." Messier Padre e figlio, ed il S. Chiaves a dare copiata qualunque opera nella qualité, e quantità de’ Libri fissati nel Capo susseguente, e questi per la prima prova di essa; al qual effetto loro verranno consegnati, l’originale délia prima opera [alpat presto] giomi venti avanti la prima Recita; e dell’originale [a lp iù presto] délia seconda li due primi atti giomi trenta avanti la prima Recita d’essa; ed il 3." atto alla prima rappresentazione délia p.™ Opera; e quanto alle Arie de’ Balli, loro [al più presto] saranno date sei giomi avanti la prova generale de’ medesimi.

309 2.**“ S’intende che ogni Libro, ed ogni parte siano bene, e distintam" copiate; e quanto alla quantità si è fissata primieramente allé parti de’ Cantanti per tutti gli Musici délia

Compagnia da darsi loro secondo il Consueto a tempo, per poterie studiare; e quanto all’Orchestra s’obbligano i Copisti a dare al tempo portato dal primo Articolo un originale per il 1 ° Cembalo, sette Libri per i Violini prùni, sei per i secondi, tre per le

Viole, quatro per li Oboe’, due per li Comi da Caccia, cinque per i Contrabassi di ripieno, due per li Fagotti, ed ognuno di questi Libri conterrà la parte propria ad ognuno dell’Opera, e de’ Balli.

3.° Sara a carico d’essi Copisti la Ligatura di tutti I Libri, la Carta di Musica, ed ogni altra cosa necessaria per la copiatura d’essi.

4.° E per le fatiche, e cose soprascritte, dopo che esse saraimo terminate, verra da’ suddetti Sig." Cavalieri Direttori fatta contare à detti SS." Messier Padre e figlio, e

Chiaves la somma di Lire Duecento venticinque per caduna Opera.

5 ° Occorrendo che si dovesse far cambiamenti di qualche Ballo intiero, o passi a due, o a trè dopo che l’Opera è già andata in Scena, o se si mutasse qualche Aria dopo la prima prova in Teatro, dove fosse stata quella, che si vuol riformare o si stimasse d’aggiungeme alcuna nuova dopo passate le prime Recite, intali cosi saraimo loro buonificate le parti scritte a dovere a ragione di soldi dieci ii foglio—

6." Quando si volesse da’ predetti Sig." Cavalieri aumentare la quantità de’ Libri désignât! al Capo 2.°, dovranno essi Copisti copiarli corne gli altri mediante fi pagamento che loro verrà fotto in ragione di Lnre sette, soldi dieci per caduno, se saranno Libri di

Violini, Viole, a Oboe’, e di Lhe cinque, se saranno di Comi di Caccia, Contrabassi o

310 Fagotti. Che se da essi Copisti si richiedesse un numéro minore de libri sovradesignati a

Capo 2.“; sofi&irebbero essi pure una diminuzione d’onorario in ragione di Lire sette, soldi dieci per cadun libro di Violino, Viole, o Oboe’ di meno, e di Lire cinque per ogni

Libro di Comi da Caccia, Fagotti, o Bassi di meno.

1 ° Gli Originali saraimo rimessi a’ SS." Messier Padre e figlio acciô la Copiatura d’essi si faccia unitamente al S.*^ Chiaves in Casa de’ predetti, e si lascieranno tutti i suddetti Libri nelle loro mani per lo spazio di mesi due dopo il Camevale, con fecolta’ a medesimi di dar Copia d’ogni cosa a suo piacimento. Terminato il qual tempo dovranno essi il tutto rimetter a’ predetti Sig." Cavalieri nelle mani di chi fi-a essi averà la direzione délia Musica.

Si promette l’osservanza di quanto sopra reciprocamente dalle due Parti per il corso de’ seguenti sei anni da cominciare oggi li 28 Aprile 1759. n Marchese Granery [signature]

H Conte Marines [signature]

Francesco Anto. LeMessier [signature]

Giuse Chiaves [signature]

Giuseppe Anto. LeMessier [signature]

311 Contract for Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, copyists. 27 March

1765. A.S.C.T. Carte sciolte. 6247. (Copy in O rdinati vol. 6. pp. 60-63. transcribed m

Bouonet. II teatro di corte. pp. 193-94: texts in original and in copy are eqmvalent.)

[Ordinati entry (Bouquet, 193): L’Anno del Signore 1765, ed all 27 del mese di Marzo in

Torino e nella Sala del Regio Teatro, sono intervenuti gli Sigri Conte di Bardassano,

Conte di St Albano, Marchese d’Angennes e Cavaliere di Salmor- II Sigr Conte di

Bardassano Direttore della Musica, dopo aver ricevuti diversi partit! per la Copiatura della Musica, ha accettato quello degli Le Messier Padre e figliuolo, il quale si è trovato essere il più vantaggioso, e quindi se n’è stipulate la seguente Capitulazione sottoscritta dagli Sigri Conte di Bardassano, e Cavaliere di Salmor - ]

Per virtu della presente Scrittura, la quale averà fbrza di pubb." Istrumento rog.“, ed insinuato Bisognando.

Gli Sig.” Le Messier Padre e tiglio Copisti si obbligano verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Reg.° Teatro, e Teatri di q.“ Città, di copiare, e dare copiata qualunque

Opera nella qualité, e quantità de Libri fîssati nel Capo susseguente, e questi per la p."^ prova d’ogni Opera, al qual effetto verranno loro rimessi gli originali tanto della p.““, quanto della seconda Opera, come altresi le arie de’ Balli, il tutto al più presto che sarà fattibile.

P.° Si intende che ogni Libro, ed ogni parte sieno bene, e distintam.'^ copiati, e quanto alia quantità si è fîssata p.™ alle parti de’ Cantanti per tutti gli Musici della Compagnia, da darsi loro secondo I’uso consueto a tempo per potale studiare; e quanto all’Orchestra si

3 1 2 obbligano i Copisti sud/ di dare al tempo delle prove un Originale per il secondo

Cembalo copiato in tutte le sue parti, secondo sarà r Originale del Maestro, sette libri de’

Violini primi, sei per li secondi Violini, tre per le Viole, quatro per gli Oboé; quatro per gli Comi da Caccia, cinque per gli Contrabassi di ripieno, due per gli Fagotti; ed ognuno di questi libri conterrà la parte propria ad ognuno, tanto per le Opere, quanto per li Balli.

1 ° Occorrendo di dover aumentare detti libri tanto de’ Violini che Oboé, Viole, Fagotti, e contrabassi sarà a carico de’ sud.“ di copiarli senza pretendere alcuna buonafîcaz.“*; e se gli medesimi venissero a diminuirsi dal sud.® numéro, sarà in bénéficié de’ sud.“ Copisti, senza che venghi fatta alcuna diminuzione sul loro onorario.

3.® Sarà a carico d’essi Copisti la ligatura di tutti li libri, la carta di Musica, ed ogn’altra cosa necessaria per la copiatura d’essa.

4.® E per le fatiche, e cose soprascritte, dopo ch’esse saranno compite, e terminate, verrà dagli prefàti Sig." Cavalieri fatta contare agli medesimi Sig." Le Messier Padre e figlio la somma di lue Duecento ventidue soldi dieci per caduna Opera.

L 222.10per opera

5.® Occorrendo percaso fortuito, pensato, ad impensato doversi far cambiamenti, o aggiunte d’Owertura, Arie, Marcie, Recitativi, o Balli, o altra cosa per servizio dalle

Opere concemente la Musica, tanto prima di mettersi in Scena, che dopo, dovranno gli

Copisti sud.*^ copiare tutto ciô verrà loro ordînato, senza pretesa di buonificazione veruna in tutte le sue parti, si, e come verrà loro imposto, sia per la parte de’ Musici, che per rOrchestra; restando essi obbligati a tutti li aumenti, e cambiamenti deUe Opere, e Balli, senza poter pretendere alcuna buonificazione.

313 6 ° AE’occorrenza di dover copiare un Originale di più di quello, a cui restano obbligati

dal Capo p.“°; saranno tenuti di quello copiare fèdelmente secondo l’originale, che verrà

loro consegnato, in tutte le sue parti med.'* la buonificazione, che da’ prefàti Sig."

Cavalieri Direttori verrà loro fatta di Lire Cinquanta.

7 ° Gli Originali delle Opere saranno rimessi agli S." Le Messier Padre e figlio per fame

la Copiatura, e si lascieranno i libri di quelli nelle loro mani per Io spazio di mesi tre dopo

ogni Camevale, con 6coltà à medesimi di dare copia d’ogni cosa a loro piacimento; qual

tempo terminato, dovraimo essi rhnettere detti Originali, e libri tutti dell’Orchestra

compiti in tutti le rispettive loro parti nelle mani del Sig."^ Cavaliere, che averà la direzione, e ispezione délia Musica.

8.“ Occorrendo che gli Sig." Cavalieri délia Società volessero a loro spese far recitare le

Opere Buffe, dovranno essi Copisti dare copiate le parti de’ Musici, tre libri per li p.™

Violini, tre per li Secondi, Due per li Oboé, uno per il Basso di ripieno. Due per li Comi da Caccia, obbligandosi gli sud.* Copisti scrivere in detti Libri tutte le arie de’ Balli, che

verranno loro rimessi.

9.“ Saraimo anche obbligati alle rifatte, aumentazioni tanto delle sud.** Opere Buffe, quanto de’ Balli senza veruna buonificazione, corne viene espresso al Capo 5.°.

10." Sarà a carico parùnente de’ sud." Copisti la Carta di Musica, ligatura di tutti li libri,

ed ogni cosa riguardante la Copiatura.

11.° In correspettività di quanto sovra, sarà loro fatta da’ Sig." Cavalieri contare la

somma di Lire settanta per Opera Bufià.

314 12.® Si lascieranno in mani de’ Copisti medesimi li Libri delle sud.® Opere per lo spazio di mesi tre dopo l’ultima Recita e se gli Originali saranno propq de’ Sig." Cavalieri, si praticherà ciô, che viene descritto al Capo 7.® per le Opere Serie.

Di tutto il contenuto nella présente, essi Sig." Padre e fîglio Le Messier, per quanto loro spetta, ed appartiene, promettono l’intiera, ed inviolabüe osservanza sotto obbligo, e

Costit.® possess.® di tutti li loro béni pr.'* e fùturi; e quanto a’ Sig." Cavalieri Direttori reciprocamente a nome di tutta la Società, ed essa durante pel corso d’anni sei, da cominciare col mese d’Aprile or prossîmo.

Torino addi 27 Marzo 1765

13.® Ancorchè sia specificam.® fatto il detaglio del numéro de’ libri, e qualité de’

Stromenti, s’intenderà essere detti Copisti tenuti a copiare indistintam.'® tutte le parti di qualsivoglia stromento, e di canto, senza pretesa di buonifîcanzione veruna.

14.® E nel caso che tali copiature non fbssero fatte a tempo sarà in arbitro del Sig. Cav."

Direttore délia Musica di far quelle copiare per conto, ed a spese degli stessi Sig." Le

Messier Padre e figlio copisti.

15.® Ed in qualsivoglia evento caso pensato, fortuito, ad impensato non potrà dagli med.‘

Sig." Le Messier Copisti pretesa di buonificazione veruna.

Di tutto q. ut s.“ Torino addi 27 Marzo 1765

Francesco Le Messier [signature]

Giuseppe Anto. Le Messier [signature]

Conte Piosasco di Bardassano [signature]

D. Casimiro Gabaleone di Salmor [signature]

315 Francesco Bayno Te“° [signature]

Gio. Batta Colombatti Testio e Scritt“ [signature]

Contract for Francesco Antonio and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, copyists. 20

December. 1771. A .S.C X O rdinati vol. 8. pp. 128-29. Transcribed from Bouquet. II

teatro di corte. pp. 194-95.

Copia della Capitolazione de Sigri Padre e fîglio Le Messier, Copisti delle Opere presentata in Congresso delli 24 Dicembre 1771 in questo §

Per vutu della presente la quale avrà forza di scrittura pubblica ed insinuata e che potrà insinuarsi da qualsivoglia delle parti una senza dell’altra L’lUmo Sigr Conte di Carru de’

Sigri Direttori di detta Società in seguito aH’incombenza appoggiatali dal Consiglio de’

Signori Direttori in virtu del loro ordinato delli sette scorso ottobre ha dato e da il partito della Copia de’ Libri m musica delle Opere si serie che buffo come pure delle arie de’

Balli alle medesime annessi, che occorreranno darsi nel Corso delli sei anni che ha da durare la Società sudetta e che si faranno per conto di detti Sigri Cavalieri a favore di detti Sigri Padre e figlio Le Messier mediante I’osservanza de’ Capitoli infia espressi.

P°, Saranno li sudetti Padre e figlio Messier obbligati, come li medeshni s’obbligano di copiare, e dar copiata ogni opera con le arie de’ Balli sudetti, che verrà a rappresentarsi come sovra nella qualità e quantità dei libri tanto per li Musici quanto per I’orchestra, che sarà ghidicata necessaria, e che li verrà ordinata dal Sigr Cavalier Dhrettore della musica, dichiarandosi, che in riguardo all’orchestra vi dovrà essere compresa una copia originale

316 del tutto uniforme a quella del Maestro peril secondo Cembalo, quali tutti Libri dovranno essere fedelmoite e chiaramente copiati a norma degl’originali che li verranno a tempo debito rimessi di maniera che si possino facihnente intendere da qualsivoglia persona intelligente di musica.

2“ Saranno obbligati rispetto a’ Libri degl’attori rimetterli a’ medesimi un tempo congruo avanti la prima prova di ciascun opera, affînché li possano commodamente studiare, e rispetto a quelli per I’orchestra alia prima prova di ciascun opera.

3“, Sarà a carico di detti Copisti la Carta di musica, la legatura de’ Libri, ed ogni altra spesa necessaria per li medesimi.

4°, Occorrendo doversi far cambiamenti, od aggiunte concementi la musica tanto nelle opere, quanto nelle arie de’ balli sia prima di por le medesime in scena che dopo, saranno obbligati di Copiare ad ogni awiso del sudetto Sigr Cavalier Direttore tutto ciô e quanto li verra ordinato senza poter prendere alcuna benché menoma buonificazione oltre la paga che le resta come infira accordata.

5°, Mediante la fedele osservanza di quanto sovra saranno obbligati li sudetti Sigri

Cavalieri, come ü prefàto Ulmo Sigr Conte di Carru a nome de’ medesimi si obbliga di farle pagare cioè per le opere serie come si rappresentano nel Regio Teatro nel decorso del Camevale Lire duecento venti due soldi dieci per cadun opera; per le opere buffe compite, oppur semiserie che si rappresentassero nel Teatro di SA. SSma il Sr Principe di Carignano Lire settanta pure per ciascun opera, quali pagamenti si dichiara che rispetto a’ quelli delle opere serie nel Regio Teatro per la concorrente di Lire ottantasei soldi cinque per ciascuna opera spetteranno al sigr Francesco Messier padre^ e le rimanenti

317 Lire Cento trenta sei soldi cinque al Sr Antonio Messier fîglio e rispetto poi alii pagamenti delle opere buffe o semiserie si divideranno tra di loro per metà la sudetta paga, ben inteso, che se le sudette opere buffe o semi serie si rapresentassero nel Regio

Teatro s’intenderà lo stesso stipendio come se fbsse opere serie, cioè di Lire duecento ventidue soldi dieci per cadun opera per essersi li tutto cosi tra li medesimi convenuto ed accordato.

6°, Dopo terminate le opere tanto serie che buffe sarà facoltativo a’ sudetti Copisti di ritenere a’ loro mani gl’originali de’ Libri delle medesime che li saranno stati rimessi per il corso di mesi quattro con facoltà a medesimi di rimetter copie a chi gliene richiedesse; terminati i quali dovranno rimettere li medesimi unitamente a tutti i Libri dell’orchestra a’ mani del Sigr Cavalier Direttore della musica in Correspettivo del che saranno obbligati come si obbligano di Copiare e rimettere un altro originale di ciascuna delle opere sovra divisati quale dovrà riporsi nell’archivio di detti Sigr Cavalieri, e tal remissione verrà fatta prima che vadino in scena le opere dell’anno susseguente.

7°, Compiute che avranno tutte le copie necessarie, che li saranno come sovra state ordinate, occorrendo che da detti Sigri Cavalieri si richiedesse ancor un altra copia originale di sopra pin delle sudette necessarie, saranno m questo caso obbligati di quella copiare al semplice awiso che li venisse fatto mediante le buonificazione, o sia onorario di Lire cinquanta per cadun origmale delle opere serie come avanti, e di altre lire cinquanta per quelle buffe o semiserie.

8“, Venendo ü Caso che detti Sigri Le Messier Copisti non venissero a’ tempi prescritti a rimettere le Copie de’ Libri di cui restano colla presente obbligati, sarà m aibitrio del Sigr

318 Cavalier Direttore della musica di quelli far copiare da chi meglio li parera e placera a

proprie spese de’ medesimi.

9°, la qualsivoglia evento, caso pensato od impensato non potranno esse Sigri Copisti

pretendere buonificazione alcuna.

H che tutto le parti hanno promesso sott’obbligo e rispetto a detti Sigri Padre e figlio

Messier solidai^

Conte Porporato [signature]

Torino li 20 dicembre 1771

319 APPENDIX D

THE TEATRO REGIO COPYISTS:

THEIR HANDS IN ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS AND MUSICAL SCORES AND

THEIR ROLES IN THE PRODUCTION OF MANUSCRIPTS

The Copyists’ Hands in Archival Documents

We are indeed fortunate that ofhcial documents associated with the Teatro

Regie’s administration have left behind numerous examples of the handwriting of the theater’s copyists, hi addition to the orchestral contracts and receipt books that transmit signatures of each of the copyist/instrumentalists, discussed in Appendix A, the Carte sciolte contain several Memoriali di copiatura. These documents are entirely in the hand of the chief copyist—Clerici until 1759, and Francesco Le Messier from then on—and carry signatures of the others when relevant as well. Fig. D.l is one of these documents in the hand of Clerici. It is valuable not only as an extensive example of the copyist’s hand, but also for the information it provides on the types of recopying that were necessary. A similar document from several years later appears in Fig. D2. This is in the hand of Francesco Le Messier, and is signed by him.

Examples of the handwriting of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier and Giuseppe

Chiaves are less extensive, and consist primarily o f signatures. For these we must rely on

320 receipt books and the numerous contracts for the copyists and orchestral players.

Fig. D.2 provides a valuable and rare example of Chiaves’s hand, as it appears in the short paragraph written by him above the three copyists’ signatures. Fig. D.3 presents the hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier in the same manner. He copied the short paragraph before the signatures.

The hands of the three aforementioned copyists display distinct regularity in the surviving documents; apparently the period covered by these documents is simply too short to show physical changes that take place over time as an individual ages. The hands o f Clerici and Francesco Le Messier appear in documents that span about a decade.

That of Chiaves appears for approxhnately two decades, but the surviving examples of his hand mostly consist of no more than his signature. The regularity o f script in these examples contrasts with the irregularity of the hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, the copyist who held the longest tenure at the Regio in the eighteenth century. The earliest known «cample of his signature, from 1753, appears in Fig. D.4 (just below which appears the signature of Chiaves). Other examples are representative o f his script from the 1760s, such as that appearing in Fig. D.5 and Fig. D.6.

Two signatures from 1786-87 and 1790-91, Figs. D.7 and D.8, illustrate a general change in Giuseppe Antonio’s hand that seems to have begun arotmd the mid-1780s and to have continued into the 90s. The latter of the two examples is labored and shaky, suggesting that at this point he was infirm, and possibly that his age was advanced.

The signature of Luiggi Le Messier appears m the receipt books from 1768 to

1785, and two examples appear below (Fig. D.9 and Fig. D.IO; see also Fig. D.6, the

321 ■ j u , #

• J T % — .. ^rtvo A^ ' zjcx . ^ .-v- ^ Q/Ok » i'l^^ihr^h.^/’Jff - ^o Z^a/% L n . r % ' -„__c

. ^ 0 ^ W__ m" a AfLuJ-., ^ /n ------cu<*re> a ^ i à ^ > UnfcL <^/UJLr^ JbaMir la S o u Q c : c^rT- “Tîe^ ' (^wÀétÂ’ ys ^ ^ -- ■ /^' /<2 r ' ~ C^âlo < % r35ÿ

- <5^^^ (/&t ^ S U £ i^. ^ A ^«S(fc /2^' - 0 ^ J p ' n ^ ‘ e^ j f i â y > c A ^ ------K , 7 ^ ' ^ C'-'/^'^a (y^k.^ cAtf Oeavtar* I / a CX< i I

Fig. D .l: Hand of Raimondo Clerici, Memoriale di copiatura (1744-45), A.S.C.T., Carte sc io lte 6240

322 V n i ^ , e lC J U - f/i^^Q nït^ //Iccliriej

y ^ " y «h*.V* '. V ^ * iV % -.-.. * . • •‘v'V.v* »vw .* . \ -' . nel{o/aet».jf\f'èamvefadÂs> /a^/ffrcra ^ in et- a J ^ e . \/>ff>o J c S c ^ r o ^ n ir e J / T T ; ^ . .. .., •

^^^IVLft'm^rÙuL^atG.,j . cif . ,..\{. n ^ \ i i d i y

Çefil Offmo unn 'cZy/a,/d '^^tèr£tç<^ ' ' ■ '■ _ : A ^ 1 ja r ilJécenDo t^^mo unltztitaSèiiiatanZô^ • * freU'attb Jkce^o - P. _ .-=^. /^ _ . Ç. /o~ o. ^acareLrjMtu. le/^ujeJ^a^/ cimtcitu^

^Aé^affeitnSi —

e tùBLtZaue^^ere^ actn^o ctrmje^ • Gn/Pfiii'loLitanje^ ' y I / . ' - - /ff"" r -

: ^ . . 'j f i ^ s 'C o~ o^ ^ ^J^raricû

Fig. D2: Hand o f Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand of Giuseppe Chiaves (paragraph at end o f document), signatures of Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, Francesco Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere serie, 1761-62), A.S.CT., Carte sciolte 61A3

323 I gk^WwK:' /*r J^% 'oTc^t>i^ \ -jltc*e^fC9 /f^d/7Ç/tb«L£>fl£a->//t. e a ttf^

1 I i.. \i,

A

Fig. D 2 (contimied): Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand o f Giuseppe Chiaves paragraph at end o f document), signatures o f Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, Francesco Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere serie, 1761-62), A.S.C.T., C arte sc io lte 6243

324 /> f ?

..... , . . . ^ • 7 a~ 0 . 0* .

•/

100, Û f <•’ y> !00 \ O' 0' WAJ Q.«- ^ y* }0 ' n . «7. ^ jjjtiu ,>// fo^y/oXW/ «ÎA^/ff (woynw i!<-tiâ/<>t'ii'n'i^'wf cA*^ eru>(om / . ( ...... /h. <»< ’• /

I ft. y . n t <>. y . <7. f r ' ' r^ / '•W /// (ififfhaA* y - >0 • 0 • «7 • -/• (IT’ * .*.

y . J f l . '^/tnt.-^ffu^fca-- (^A'iaif>^/ytrMtrt<^f''^i,ffitJf'^tx-i %'-^fttfrt. trttJti f^tr W fw ^ ' . /L/, —.vu. ___ •■

Fig. D.3: Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (paragraph at end of document), signatures of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere buffe, 1761), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243 //fr L. \^iifimP'//€f/ Ae/k/Av., . . . y . ^M tti ^i/y^(f^91if»ttnlp/ct'^}>i'(iiej/t>-~^) ?• ( Ye// /i^îwi«*u ^Y//Vrtfin<>Uc, tÂ:/->^ ^àtM. (k'tffujro^ ...... «wC^fmmli i»-^(K*à'ijèinfanH

/' *, 7~ y. A ^ ' '• tf*’' » g ^ ^ • iir — C^iranct^c» Oni^ (^iJiSsy

Fig, D.3 (continued): Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (paragraph at end of document), signatures of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere buffe, 1761 ), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243 If

Avj? i (Kfilftuf' r 4."Æ ^ (' / ^

S

Fie D 3 (continued): Hand o f Francesco Antonio Le Messier (body of document), hand o f Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (paragraph at end o f document), signatures o f Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Giuseppe Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier; Memoriale di copiatura (opere buffe, 1761), A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6243 ^ /f , ^iV,^<>ai. d/m\l

^YX?C aju

CfeàaÀco

P 4^p''t7i^**^uAP O u iA ff^> i u f ^zLw Cj\'M«l)^K J'TWV*’»'^ f^'9?cfi*uAteJ>yinapÀ> <*V/<Î^_

' ffUMiJ^ /#/v»9^ /3W%» y»<5/- /)atr/a /avouiffJl^

Fig. D.4: Capitulazioneperl'orchestra, 7 March 1753, A.S.C.T., Ca//e jc/o//c 6243 ^ ^ ù d l n i 'idBrk^^Gkdhfvyd^pwk,*» fafju»*. ^ouiic\M (y'^kcpxiiA4k ...... />..

j*jSzVtfjf (({kdfwtitar . . r ',,

6 l i ^ H 4 e i t c ...r * i. r ^ ... . - , ^ f û ^

’^ J r v ^ n ù O 09O r ...... //

y % . . . . / / o ' ' - . _ - . -, // < ? « - r CiU^P«-C*invtif-\ . . '. ___ G ■0 f f 7 '. ' * _ — " fOO,

(. nfw0, Q l ^ , - _ ------/

/ r - r : f : v :i # _ . _ yo^^^riULiyo) - - - _ - _ , Q-^fforio « — - — j — . —r — — — —« **

Fig. D.5: Capitulazioneper l'orchestra, 1765-66, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6\SS ^glan^itiii -"' /^e*' —- - Ç û .

^ [ ^ s o ^M COf^^r^oC<^r\a,M ^fopf>f‘^ _ ------= --- '^ '1 ^ 0

. y - ■ w - — ------~ j p ^ ^ a • ^ ~—.— - ^ to o o V f /> , ^ C-^ ■ ryir^^^vo^^ " -" / --4^ y ^_ ^ S J ( ^ oÀ ^ ÿi&yo jf^rSM » - r . —------^ ^ ~Jk- •'TyC/orio ct/éôft^i- — -— ^ ~\.ê'o '• g L Z ^ ------/yc

^t't^'^y!> -i_'^f'y’*tJtA^f^eur\t^ _ ^ Ç t* ô c ' ^ r t ^ ^gwt«u/&fiÀ — ----

^nhfli»(0&^9/^^ — ' I i C{t^r*^

^ «7©/ --- ^'le/^f ^ /k?yw., — — — - - g_’zTo

Fig.D.6: Capitulazioneper l'orchestra, 1768-69, A.S.C.T., Carte sciobe 6 m

330 f

f Zoo —

- >&iStt^v7fctffuêrA-ùn^ CÜtlK f ( y ^ ?Zf<^^^'cm ds~è^^ûd

i/'cunctô' i/é^ àiè^ u * etuirer^ 3uxùn(ô ôcM uani^^ —— ------/-r—~-

- ü!z/arcft/i Jicj \ ir'^orJa^ul^vJJe'Sm jtl'' ^ -v ^ _ -, - __ ç J/i.rfamàt a.ârjz&WfO g

é ^ â f z É r ^ — ------/o o —

^ /Mf » . . . ■ 0 ^kàr^'k^ti^zLâtr^ “ ■ A ^ ifÇ Z .

cte/vt^ A^rrvt-^CM^ — _L __

^ I ' m ntf* -'W.-

Fig. D.7: Libro d i tpaexcoae, 1786-87, A.S.C.T., Cœrte saolte 6234

331 €^/y'£tXj/ic, J ^ J i t / ’' -.

fjt/cJ A o tiU / K ----- o ^ 'iU ~- — ■ - .. /% y -----

ù^Ê y£^C .’jL c/ \ - c n r C ,t o Lflni>’l-'t^JJs ^ ù fu ji <à^ SS^

,/f

"Otrt .*1 V iA;V^ Lc/c7t:c7tt' 'J'^c/ihc A.-^

r ic ttn * ^ /ftfO- a m -a v -J-tK ^

t^^nJ'/rjtùu^ - — ' — -> 3 o t _ r------(^co ftJ c I r ^ o Aifc ^

i .______0^'efi^Kjy______-S?^ ?/V _

I .— _ - i_A2£——^ • ^ ^ /f ficctnt/n-G^xifcCàToHi^ ye^iZ/W n^ttaj * j ( • L ^s/dO - T^f*- \ n , e ^***** [ L Lsfih/nsj^^S^nu^nnt M «Ü,/ ‘ / ?• —Z------K|\

Fig. D.8r Libra di quietanze, 1790-91, A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6238

332 *<::/TCJer(L ~

/J ^O ) • /^ j^ é r c L t^ ^ -yta.o-ii/o jc â o /^'ro a^icOfiréLtt^f^

' C ^ ~ v e jr y

/ O ''^Xi-.

ty / ' " <> _ / ^ ^ P,%fey

_

Fig. D ^: ZAro

333 ^ ^ Y /V

X* ■hl’Kt*rw<-v •.V><_^ ^*^aH ^rO ~'^'r9 ~ - ', /V

/ / /

Fig, D.IO: Libro d i quietanze, 1770-71, A.S.C.T., Carie scjo/le 6218 ninth signature from the foot of the page). Luiggi Le Messier’s distinctive hand is easily distinguished from the hands of Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio. While the available evidence is not sufGcient to identify Luiggi Le Messier as a copyist for the Regio, he composed several pieces that are attributed to him in the scores, and he might have copied them as well.

The Copvists’ Hands in Manuscript Musical Materials

By comparing the script in the archival documents with that of verbal material in the musical sources, it is possible to identify the copyists of the scores, and even to see when the music and underlaid poetry are copied by different scribes (since the music scribe makes verbal entries such as instrumentation and character names).

Francesco Antonio’s hand in the scores during these years may be exemplified by a title page for a recitative and two cavatine from Andromeda ( 1755) (Fig. D. 11 ).

Giuseppe Antonio’s hand is usually clearly distinguishable firom that of his father. An example of Giuseppe Antonio’s hand is shown in Fig. D.12, where it is present in both music and text.

The hand of Giuseppe Chiaves is easily distinguishable from that of the father and son with whom he worked. It is shown in Fig. D.I3 and D.14, in both the music and the text of the examples. In the first of the two figures Francesco Le Messier has added

“Opera p.™ Del Sig. Bach” below the title, A rtaserse, written by Chiaves. This type of behavior befits the role of chief copyist, which Francesco assumed by contract during this period.

335 An unidentified hand, hereafter Turin A, is ft)und in the volumes ft>r these years.

The hand of this copyist is graceful, elegant, and precise in both text and music, and while it bears similarities to that of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, its differences are clearly discernible. Turin A’s hand appears in the text and music in Fig D.15. In the first of the two examples, the text incipit of the aria he copied was added by Francesco

Antonio Le Messier.

Two other unidentified hands, hereafter Turin B and Turin C, appear in one aria each in the scores spanning 1760-64 (see Fig D.16 and D.17). Turin B copied the entire music and text of the single aria in which his hand appears. Francesco Antonio Le

Messier added an attribution to the composer in the upper right comer of the first page of this aria (“Sig. Bach”). Turin C filled in a bit of text on a page that was apparently left partially blank by Chiaves.

Turin C returns in Mitridate, re di Ponto (1767) where his hand appears in four arias. Pieces copied by him usually appear in the manner shown in Fig. D.I8 below, which exhibits his hand in the scoring and music and Francesco’s in the text incipit.

Francesco copied this aria’s text as well, which he usually did in the pieces in which music was copied by Turin C. Turin C’s hand appears more frequently in later years, during which this copyist probably worked more closely with Giuseppe Antonio.

An unidentified hand, perhaps that of Luiggi Le Messier as discussed above, gradually assumed more responsibility in the scores spanning 1765-73. His hand appears in five of the eleven scores: R Gran Cidde, Ecuba, Enea in Cartagine, Annibale in

Torino, and Androm eda. On two occasions, he copied marches that carry attributions to

336 Luiggi Le Messier. The hand in the attribution to Luiggi Le Messier in Fig. D.19 bears striking similarity to Luiggi Le Messier’s signature in Fig. D.IO. Fig. D20 shows the distinctiveness of this hand in both music and text.

The remaining five hands appear only once per opera, with the exception of one, hereafter Turin 0, who seems to have played a more significant role than the others.

Turin D appears in five pieces in Berenice and two in Annibale in Torino. In Fig. D.2I he has copied both music and text; in Fig. D.22 he has added text to a page of music copied by Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier. Other hands appear in Figs. D.23 - D.25 below.

These hands copy no more than two pieces in the operas in which they appear, and they never return in successive volumes up to 1773.

Roles of the Copvists

Detailed examination of the appearance of the copyists’ hands in the volumes belonging to the Brusasco collection reveals that the relationship among the copyists was complex. Moreoever, the distribution of labor among the copyists varies throughout the volumes. Exploration of the relationships among them, through study of the frequency with which their hands appear, whether they appear independently or with those of other copyists, and the types of pieces copied by each, sheds light on their working habits.

Knowledge of their working behaviors informs our understanding of the volumes they produced.

As noted above, the scores spanning 1754 to 1759 consist of single volumes, each devoted to an individual opera, contaming arias and other pieces finm the operas

337 ' M r a oSI’rm îènL.ripioti

00

a s Æ ^

Fig. D .ll; Hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, Andromeda (1755), 1-Tf, 10 V 3, fol. 129r f

s

B

Fig. D.I2: Hand of Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, Andromeda (1755), I-Tf, 10 V 3, fol, 30v s

Fig. D.13: Giuseppe Chiaves (music, heading "Artaserse”), Francesco Antonio Le Messier (heading “Opera P."’" Del Sig, Bach”); A rtaserse {M60), Act 1,1-Tf, 1 VHl 1, fol. Ir %

^ n c C -= _

^y»iy0U V." j / ^ Z M h ' /H(CP / 0*0

/WM4, Æ a ^ A ^ V -

y /AftX' ^ U**"/t»^ihi'' Jim KX'/nin.’ ,11 fr^

Fig. D.14: Hand of Giuseppe Chiaves, /4r/ajer^e (1760), Act 1,1-Tf, 1 VIII 1, fol. 80r ft ////A*

Fig, D,I5: Hand of Turin A, Artaserse{MtO), Act II, I-Tf, 1 VIII 2, fol, 4r ’l/iJur/i

1

%

fjtrn p (vwy?r>. j j (' j c »’ftuv-jtp cj.*t\>

Fig, D, 16: Hand of Turin B, Artaserse ( 1760), Act II, I-Tf, I VIII 2, fol. 52r ......

«3—'...... 1 O l 0 i f * W

S

Fig. D.17; Hand of Turin C, unbound gatherings [Arianna eTe^eo ( 1763)], I-Tf, 9 III 18 7, fol, lOr i

%

icL^mtocc/ilili?eJa A Isf/n

wifriC'znr-.-r.y l — r?----

Fig. D.18: Hand of Turin C, MUrida/e, re c// Fonto 0767), Act 111, 1-Tf, 1 Vlll 10,fol.61r Fig, D,19: Unidentified hand, II Gran Cidde{176S), Act I, I-Tf, 1 VI 24, fol. 70r 'Pnuverji s

Fig, D.20: Unidentified hand, Andromeda (Ml\), Act I, I-Tf, I VII22, fol. 1 v »-.L . iL*

' )7*^uu i4 •'<* t/Urf =: /«j c\ 4 V^(^/

Fig. D.21: Unidentified hand, Berenice {MIQ), Act II, I-Tf, I V 2, fol. 52v r t' UVwiMOtŸ fo / / m \« u/(\\a.V /"t ni(» u/iKtA/

/: i

4 :rr4^r r :) » : : —r— r h ------j----- ç L ------= = 4 = j F = S = f - r z\~ - - = = = ^ = J — f - •

^ UVJV3-1------1—^ K—■ — — - . 1 (/iu «' «JlAio^te\i«^{/(^/V /MfO Cf M 1 1 1 t =_E^c.^.:|j_.i9;c^=:=^===|==9:i = I - :^ = |:

Fig. D.22; Unidentified hand, ,.4nw/6fl/e in Torino (1771), Act III, I-Tf, 21 II, fol. 36r u> ÿ

TzIrvTr-dz—{T-i Tl«---- t=i4%=R-i— z;,::!:. f: L i:-.—- u4wn*AJ (i — f ^ ajf.6i.....1— ■■ ’^9f- '• 1 ■ - » 1 ,■■ 1 f —I. ——

Fig, D,23: Unidentified hand, Enea in Cartagine(1169), Act 1,1-Tf, 1 VII4, fol. 89r /Jj!l9l'0m£^A...C ^ .Q QJllSuCU^Ct- Ù tâl-J& aÙ lÙ L .

/-, n. >1 .'. /- ^ /» yg atnor Ji /ori^ /cqommi "

~lui cAe faid ctudiTmi jia. Pa'jeo (a/aar cAe I' mcafitrcu' Id f e = = T : ^ w

f i i o i i c tiro, '/c (5c/ ' X e ^ n o i f yajfo leutlotfi^e 2^ //fC /e '/«.

sÿg?-L^"r ir '' uééf ^ drfo Jarai pero J r T ice, 'dirfi É S

Fig. D.24: Unidentified hand, Andromeda (1771), Act 1,1-Tf, 1 V II22, fol. 14r »

Utnfoe U#K MWL MOKb oipiP\''^Io jfcLflcu ,/ffa fwn> ^5**

Fig. D.25: Unidentified hand, Didone abbandonata (1773), Act III, I-Tf, 1 VII21, fol. 3r perfbimed at the Regie during these years. As mentioned, most of the music in these volumes was copied by Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier. ‘ The roles of

Francesco as chief copyist and Giuseppe as assistant are evidrait and well-defined in the manner in which their hands appear over the course of the ten scores. Each score in this part of the collection contains between twenty-four and twenty-seven pieces, and

Francesco Antonio copied a far greater portion of them than did Giuseppe Antonio. The hand of the latter appears in approximately two to five pieces per score.^

In this portion of the collection, the hands of Giuseppe Antonio and Francesco do not usually appear in the same piece; both the text and the music in these scores were generally copied by the same copyist When they do appear together, the usual division of labor is as follows; Giuseppe Antonio has copied the music, beginning with indications of scoring and characters’ names, and Francesco has added the text as in Fig. D.26. This division of labor obtains for all volumes in this portion of the collection, with rare exceptions in which Giuseppe Antonio adds text to music that was copied by Francesco.

Fig. D27 is another example of the hands of Francesco and Giuseppe together on the same page. Here Francesco has copied the text and all of the music, with the exception of the two upper staves in the second grand staff which were copied by

Giuseppe Antonio. Francesco’s hand is, on the whole, neater and more careful than that of Giuseppe Antonio.

' The hand ofRannondo Clerici does not appear. ~ Two notable acceptions are Sotim ano (1756) and A rsinoe (1758), m which, his hand appears in ten and nine pieces respectively), a small nmnberm proportion to those copied by Francesco Antonio.

353 ^/cZ jfU/i’^io itccrcjoL^ Jûc/hlw snv//>e.ttp ^ t* V • #*## «

Fig, D.26; Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music), Francesco Antonio Le Messier (text); Eumene (1759), I-Tf, 10 V 4, fol. 29v a

o c i WÏSL

Fig, D. 27: Francesco Antonio Le Messier (text; music, mm. 1-6, all; and mm. 7-12, lower staves), Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music, mm. 7-12, upper staves); Andromeda (1755), I-Tf, 10 V 3, fol. 170v We shall recall that from 1760 forward, the scores include simple recitative and other types of pieces including arias, accompanied recitatives, marches, choruses, duets,and trios; these scores generally correspond in content to the printed libretti for the

Turinese productions. The arias and other pieces are copied into individual gatherings, the size of which varies according to the length of the piece. Routinely, the gatherings containing such pieces are, with rare and notable exceptions, separate from those containing simple recitative that precedes or follows them. Moreover, these pieces always begin on the recto of the first folio. Generally, then, it appears that arias and other pieces were copied separately from simple recitatives.

While the gatherings within each volume are numbered in chronological order

(and as assembled, they usually form a correct progression from one piece to the next), they are “linked” in another way as well, which reveals the roles of the copyists and the division of their responsibilities. The copyist of a passage of simple recitative indicated, at the bottom of the last page of music, the character who was to sing the following aria by writing “segue aria di” followed by the character’s name. (If a piece other than an aria followed the recitative, he wrote “segue,” and then the genre of the piece, such as “la cavata di....”) Below this, or to the right side of it, another copyist then wrote the text incipit of the aria. The text incipit usually appears on the following recto as well, on the staff containing the vocal line of the aria (if the singer does not start immediately), usually m the hand o f the copyist of the aria.

Da volumes o f music fix)m three operas— Artaserse, Demetrio, and Ifigenia in

Aulide —two or more gatherings containmg arias sometimes appear wrapped, inside

356 bîfolîos on which recitative has been copied. This occurs on fifteen separate occasions, and although a single aria is usually involved, two or three arias sometimes appear in these fascicles. In most of these instances, the copyist of the arias is different fixim the copyist of the recitative in the bifolio that surrounds it; in five of the fifleai fascicles in which this situation occurs, the copyist is the same. Usually the number of the fascicle containing these arias is written on the first recto, presumably by the copyist who numbers the gatherings, somewhere near the upper left comer. Although the presence of fascicles constructed in this manner suggests that, in these cases, the copying o f the arias antedated the copying of the recitatives, this situation does not occur regularly or often enough to suggest that this was true for all volumes in this portion of the collection.

Francesco Antonio Le Messier’s role as chief copyist is well defined in the scores for operas from 1760 forward. He plays a significant role in the copying o f most of the music, especially of arias and larger pieces. Giuseppe Antonio generally copied most of the simple recitative, and occasionally he copied arias, but in certain scores his hand does not appear. The usual division of labor between Francesco and Giuseppe Antonio from

1760-64, when both hands appear in the same pieces, is exemplified by the score for

L 'Olimpiade. hi all but two of the gatherings in this score, for all arias, choruses, and shnple recitatives, the music was copied first by Giuseppe Antonio and the text was subsequently added by Francesco.^ At the end of the simple recitatives, Giuseppe

Antonio indicated “segue Faria di [character’s name},” and Francesco added the text

^ The first o f the two acceptions is a single aria m which the reverse sitoatioir occtmed, and the second is the final piece m the score, a duet that was copied enthely by Francesco.

357 incipit of the aria that follows. This particular division of labor became standard for subsequent volumes in the collection that bear primarily the hands of the father and son.

Although the usual gathering structure suggests that passages of simple recitative were copied separately from other pieces, occasionally simple recitatives and pieces that precede or follow them seem to have been copied successively. When two copyists were involved, this indicates a close working relationship between them. For example, in

Ifigenia in Aulide^ Giuseppe Antonio copied all simple recitative for Acts 1 and II, and

Francesco copied all the ensembles. The chorus in Act I of Ifigenia in Aulide is followed immediately by simple recitative.'^ The music for the chorus, in Francesco’s hand, ends on the recto of the last folio of the gathering. The recitative immediately following, in

Giuseppe Antonio’s hand, begins on the verso of the same folio and continues on the first recto of the next gathering. This suggests that these two gatherings—the one containing the chorus and the beginning of recitative, and the one in which the recitative continues— were probably copied successively. While Giuseppe Antonio could probably have esthnated the amount of recitative that would fit in the remaining space in the first gathering, it seems much more likely that he filled in the verso before continuing with the recto. Moreover, father and son were working closely together at this point since both hands appear on the same leaf.

Artaserse's third act provides an example of a situation in which both recitative and aria, rarely found occupying the same gathermg, were copied successively by the chief copyist in one gathering. The third gathering m the volume is a quintemion.

Beginning on the forst recto o f the gathering Francesco Antonio copied an aria that

358 covers nine leaves. Usually when text covers an odd number of leaves in a gathering containing an even number of folios, the extra leaf is left blank. Here, however, rather than starting on the first recto o f the next gathering, simple recitative also in Francesco

Antonio’s hand begins on the recto of the tenth leaf of this gathering. Having completed the aria, Francesco continued copying the ensuing recitative.

On the other hand, sometimes arias and recitatives were copied separately even when permed by the same scribe. For example, volume HI of Ifigenia is almost entirely in Francesco Antonio’s hand.^ Nevertheless, an aria copied by Francesco appears inside a wrapper containing recitative that also bears his hand. Although arias inside wrappers usually exhibit a gathering number on the first recto, none appears here; instead, to clarify this aria’s position in the opera, Francesco wrote “doppo la scena quatro” (“after scene four”) before the first grand staff.®

The hand of Giuseppe Chiaves appears for the first time in 1760. Chiaves played a major role in the copying of the volumes îoxArtaserse (1760) and for Demetrio (1761), but his hand appears with decreasing regularity in volumes from successive years. It is absent in those Îot Ifigenia (1762), and appears only in two pieces in those lot Sofonisba

(1764). In L Vlimpiade (1764) it appears only once, in a heading at the beginning o f a chorus. The manner in which Chiaves labels his pieces varies; sometimes he lists the character’s name, the singer’s name, or the act number, but no pattern seems to emerge.

Fig. D.28 is a page of simple recitative in which Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier has

^ A new scene does not begia at this point. ^ Turm A (to be discussed presently) copied one accompanied recitative and the recto of the aria that follows, winch is continaed on the verso by Francesco, and completed a bit of text in an aria copied by Francesco.

359 copied the scene number, the characters who appear in the scene, the music, and the name of the character singing, Chiaves has added the poetic text. Fig. D29 is another example of Chiaves and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier sharing the copying of an aria. Here

Chiaves added the text to music copied by Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier, whose hand also appears in the parts for horn (“cor”). These markings seem to be later additions.

Usually Chiaves seems to have worked independently, copying both text and music in pieces that bear his hand. Fig. D.30 presents this more common situation.

Loose, unbound gatherings o f vocal music labeled with only characters’ names and aria texts exhibit Chiaves’s hand as well, as in Fig. D.31 (not from the bound portion of the

Brusasco collection). Although none is visible on this page, Chiaves has copied the text in this gathering as well. These gatherings lack composer attribution and other identifying information, but their texts match those from the libretto of Pariati’s Arianna e Teseo (1763, music by Pasqua). The presence of the hand of a Teatro Regio copyist active around the time of this opera’s production in Turin, and the absence of a score for this opera in the Brusasco collection, suggests that the pieces in these gatherings belong to the Turinese production of Arianna e Teseo, and that preparation of a score for this opera was undertaken but not completed.

The hand of the anonymous scribe 1 have designated “Turin A” appears prominently in volumes for three o f the five operas for the 1760-64 period. Unlike the three official copyists, whose hands are present in recitatives, arias, and other pieces,

Turin A never copied simple recitative. He copied mostly arias and occasionally

^ The recitative on the precedmg leaf occurs at the end of scene four.

360 Çjutm ^

[pj h i U '- /«y/ff " /•'

' { - p ff^ / ^p}n o>w

\ , 4 /(^ p ^ p '1/0,' /#o

Fig. D.28; Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music), Giuseppe Chiaves (text); Amserse(MbQ), Act II, I-Tf, I VIII 2, fr>l lO r c ^ ' - /IftL • y .

g ï i p f ÿ E - &

j/h z^/t

Fig, D.29; Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music, including "cor" markings), Giuseppe Chiaves (text); Sofouisba (1764), Act II, I-Tf, I V 19, fol, 2r a

e.

Fig. D.29 (continued): Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music, including "cor" markings), Giuseppe Chiaves (text); Sofonisba (1764), Act II, I-Tf, IV 19, fol. 3r w %:

M

fl0 ml/« fîè flâ fl0H h'

Fig, D.30: Giuseppe Chiaves (music and text), Artaserse(M6Q), Act 1,1-Tf, I VIII I, fol. 72r /j'Trm»

u> 55

Fig. D.31 ; Giuseppe Chiaves (music), loose, unbound gatherings [Arianna e Teseo ( 1763)], I-Tf, 9 III 18 7, gathering number “1/8” accompanied recitatives w hai they precede or fellow arias copied by him. In Artaserse and Demetrio, the pieces he copied are generally short, covering two or four leaves each.

In Ifigenia, they tend to be slightly longer, covering between feur and eight leaves, but they never approach the length or complexity of the longer arias copied by the principal copyists. Turin A clearly and consistently labeled the pieces he copied with the act number and the character’s name. Sometimes the text indpits of the arias he copied were added by Francesco Antonio Le Messier. Turin A copied most of the arias that appear inside wrappers, although he copied many that do not appear in wrappers as well. Since the contracts list only the Le Messiers and Chiaves, it is likely that Turin A was an assistant to the offidal copyists.

Two folios in Ifigenia in Aulide suggest that Turin A worked closely with

Francesco Antonio for this opera, more than at any other time. One folio exhibits Turin

A’s hand in an aria text otherwise completely copied by Francesco Antonio; elsewhere,

Turin A’s and Francesco’s hands appear on the same folio (Turin A in music and text on the recto and Francesco on the verso).

Turin A worked with Giuseppe Antonio as well. Each volume in the collection was apparently “overseen” by a single copyist, who wrote the text indpits in the recitatives and usually copied most of the other pieces in the volume. ^ An example of

^ hi A rtaserse, for example, the volumes of each of the three acts were ‘^overseen” by Chiaves, Giuseppe Antonio, and Francesco Antonio respectively. In the & st act, Chiaves copied all of the recitative and all but two of the pieces (Turm A copied one aria, and Francesco copied an accompanied recitative). The final aria, mostly copied by Chiaves, was completed by Francesco (perhaps the chief copyût filled m a part that Chiaves was unable to read, or finished A rhharke to tune constraints). Giuseppe Antonio’s volume. Act n, contams no pieces copied by him, although he copied the music fi>r all the snnple recitative. The arias were split between Turm A and Francesco, and Chuwes added text to simple recitative written by Giuseppe Antonio. Act m of Æiaserre was copied almost entirely by Francesco, including shnple recitatives. The only other hand to appear in this volume is that of Turm A, who copied two arias. Whether or not the aria

366 the degree of control exerted by Giuseppe Antonio in the organization of his volume of

Artaserse, Act II, appears in Fig, D.32, Here, Turin A completed an accompanied recitative and mistakely indicated an aria as following immediately, naming the aria’s text incipit. Giuseppe Antonio corrected the mistake and inserted the intervening bit of recitative, present in the libretto, at the feot o f the page.

Other evidence suggests that Turin A and Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier worked closely together at the time of the copying of this volume. Turin A copied an aria that carries an intriguing label suggesting perhaps that Turin A knew that the aria was to be part of a gathering, wrapped by a bifolio containing recitative: to the left of the top staff, he wrote “nel 13” (“inside 13”), which is the number of the gathering in which this aria appears. Perhaps Giuseppe Antonio, aware o f the number of the gathering since he was copying the recitative, told Turin A to write this to clarify the pages to be put together later. Several arias copied by Turin A are found inside wrappers copied by Giuseppe

Antonio Le Messier for other operas as well.*

In eight arias in Demetrio, more than in any other opera, Turin A’s hand appears inside wrappers copied by Giuseppe Chiaves. Neither the hand of Turin A or Chiaves appears in the scores after 1764, the year that Chiaves’s service as an official copyist ended.

hi the scores ftnm 1764 to 1773, the hands of the Le Messiers predominate.

Several new hands appear in these volumes, but none of them copy more than a few

that followed a passage o f recitattve was labeled with the text mcipft vaned according to the habit o f the copyist who was in charge o f the volume. Francesco Antonio and Turin A usually added them; Chiaves and Giuseppe Antonio never did. * These arias mclude one in Artaserse and four m Ifigenia in Aulide.

3 6 7 /fik______------r4 f------...... ■-■■■,,■■■ ------■ - ■ ■

- - - T7 ■ I pig^ — — , . , , ■ - .— = : » a ^ /cO L l^ c^ l \ in 'd Ê - I ; T ' y ~~ ^ " 7 T' r/jr> v.hi/â)ipi'jti

rrfix/u. cnCmC //a>

% vv ‘If^rj^o/unU ^ >n«.

t

P y#if f /'^•^%\'^i( /

Fig, D,32; Turin A (end of accompanied recitative, aria incipit), Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (simple recitative); Artaserse (1760), Act II, I-Tf, 1 VIII 2, fol. 51 v pieces per opera. These new copyists almost always woriced independently, and they seem to have been assigned isolated pieces (never shnple recitatives) on which Francesco

Antonio sometimes placed identifying marks (text incipits or other labels).

During these years Giuseppe Antonio seems to have assumed a greater degree of responsibility. He copied most of the music in these volumes, including both simple recitatives and arias and other pieces, and added “segue” followed by the type of piece and the character’s name at the end of simple recitatives. Francesco added text to these pieces and recitatives, and he indicated the text incipit after Giuseppe Antonio’s “segue” at the ends of simple recitatives.^ Starting around 1768, Francesco began to copy both text and music of all simple recitatives, while the established division of labor continued for most pieces.^”

Perhaps Giuseppe Antonio was not able to fulfill his usual role in the copying of recitative for these operas because he was occupied with other copying tasks. In fact,

Giuseppe Antonio’s role may well have increased around this time, since the contract beginning in 1771 Stipulates a division of the copyists’ stipend, with Giuseppe Antonio receiving a larger portion. It is admittedly impossible to evaluate the entire quantity of copying Giuseppe Antonio might have done on the basis of this collection of scores, which represents only a small portion of the copyists’ entire body of work. Nevertheless, the score for the opera that went into production immediately after this contract took effect, AndromedOy exhibits Giuseppe Antonio’s hand in significantly greater proportion

^ Th6 occins throughout the scores ior Alessandro nelle Indie, Oreste, ACoidate, re di Panto, and H Trionfo d i C lelia. This started with E Gran Cidde or with Creso, for which a score does not survive. Of the seven scores fiom H Gran Cidde to Didone abbandonata, Francesco copied simple recitatives m feur of them.

369 than previous scores, and this may reflect the change in responsibility as set forth in the

1771 contract With the exception of several pieces, Giuseppe Antonio copied the entire score for Andromeda.

The final score in the collection to exhibit Francesco’s hand is that for Didone abbandonata (1773). While by this point Giuseppe Antonio had been earning considerably more than his father for slightly over a year,* * it is evident that at least for

Didone and in spite of his lower payment, Francesco still fimctioned as chief copyist in the “linking” of gatherings and in the proportion of copying that he did.'" Perhaps with the increase in Giuseppe’s payment, he began taking on more responsibility in the copying of separate parts for the performers; or perhaps the increase compensated for a longstanding inequity between the amount of work Giuseppe had traditionally done and the payment he had received. In short, the behaviors of the copyists as illustrated in the extant scores reveal working relationships among them and the marmer in which they carried out their tasks.

" The contract of I77I went into eflëct on 24 December; opened on 23 January 1773. The score for Didone abbandonata resembles those o f the mid 1760s, in which Giuseppe Antonio routinely copied the music and Francesco added the text. Uri^iksAntb’omeda, there are no pieces m D idone exhibitmg Giuseppe Antonio's hand m both music and text. There are several pieces copied entirely by Francesco Antonio. The different relationship of the hands in Didone compared to ümtin.Aneù'omeda might represent a reversion to earlier copymg procedures, which, however, had not been m effect smce II Gran C idde of four years earlier. (The reversion might have occurred with D idone or with either o f the two operas that followed Andromeda, Tamas Kotdi Kan and A rgea, for which scores are nussing.)

370 APPENDIX E

THE BRUSASCO SCORE FOR SOFONISBA:

A REFLECTION OF CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING PRODUCTION

As established in Chapter 5, Sofonisba ( 1764) was subject to numerous revisions over the course of production. Choruses were deleted and then reinstated, the text of one aria was changed, and arias were added. Leaves added to the printed libretto and external evidence confirm these changes. The content of the score for volumes I and HI corresponds to the printed libretto (including the added leaves), while volume II exhibits a degree of disorganization not found in other volumes, and lacks simple recitative entirely. The condition of volume H might be associated with circumstances surrounding production.

Volume H of Sofonisba is the only volume in the Brusasco collection from 1760 forward that lacks simple recitatives, and the order and content o f pieces in the volume correspond very little with the printed libretto (see Table E. 1). The volume contains some o f the arias in Act II of the libretto, two substitute arias, one aria fit)m Act m , and a march that is not indicated in the libretto (but which probably preceded scene iv). The gathermg numbers of volume H differ significantly fix>m those in I and m . Here, act numbers are occasionally given, but the number of the gathering is not consistently

371 Gathering No. Type o f Piece Character(s) Copyist(s) Libretto

I (and 2, see aria [Massinissa] Giuseppe not present below) Chiaves 2 terzetto Massinissa, Francesco n, ultima Siface, Antonio Le Sofonisba Messier 3 terzetto, [exit o f Francesco n, ultima continued Sofonisba and Antonio Le Siface] Messier 4 aria Siface Francesco n ,i Antonio Le Messier 5 aria Sdpione Francesco n ,v ii Antonio Le Messier 6 aria, continued 7 march Francesco not present; Antonio Le possibly II, iv Messier 8 aria Siface Francesco not present; Antonio Le (added leaf, U, Messier ix) 9 coro Francesco not present; Antonio Le (added leaf, II, Messier iv) 10 aria Massinissa Francesco n ,v ü i Antonio Le Messier 11 aria Cirœe Francesco n ,ü Antonio Le Messier 12 aria Scipione Francesco n i,v i Antonio Le Messier (text); Giuseppe Antonio Le Messier (music)

Table E.1 : Contents of the Brusasco score for Sofonisbay Act H (I-TQ ^

‘I-TÇ.IV19.

372 placed beneath the act number as in the other two volumes. The numbers indicating the chronological order of the gatherings for Act II were written in an ink that appears darker in color. This fact, and the varying placement of the numbers on the page, suggests that the gathering numbers in this volume may have been later additions.

The contents of volume II reflect last-moment changes made in the libretto. The first piece in the volume is an aria that does not appear in either the original state of the libretto or in the added pages. It exhibits two gathering numbers, both I and 2, in the upper left comer. The text is finm Métastasions Alessandro nelle Indie (an aria for Poro, firom Act U, scene v); presumably Giovanni Manzuoli, the singer o f the role of

Massinissa, had stmg this role elsewhere at some point in the past, and requested the insertion o f this aria in the Turin production of Sofonisba (thus, the composer o f this aria might not have been Galuppi). Another copy of this aria is found in Turin’s Biblioteca civica musicale “Andrea Della Corte,”^ and, unlike the copy in the score, this copy labels the vocal line with the character’s name rather than that of the singer. Neither copy carries any indication of the aria’s placement within the act; it was probably added to the end of scene v, which ends, in the libretto, with recitative sung by Massinissa. The aria’s text is a declaration of love, and this is an appropriate spot for such a declaration to

Sofonisba, as Massinissa (her former lover) wants desperately to win her back. It is entirely plausible that Manzuoli requested another aria in Act U. Without “Cara se le mie pene” the opera’s primo uomo would have had only a single aria m this act Although this aria does not appear m any chronological layer of the printed libretto, the evidence

^ t-Tci, Mus. Ms. 53. See Appenduc A.

373 suggests that it was performed. The addition of this aria presumably occurred within the

final weeks of production after the last known addition to the libretto went to press.

The aria is followed by the terzetto that closes Act II, Verazi’s “ensemble of diminishing forces.” The scene begins with recitative among Massinissa, Sifece, and

Sofonisba, and becomes a trio during which Siface and Sofonisba exit, leaving

Massinissa an extended solo passage that closes the act. It is a lengthy piece, taking up two large gatherings in the score, the second o f which begins with the exit of Sofonisba and Siface. At the end, apparently added at the time of copying, is written “Fine dell’Atto 2®.” in the hand of Francesco Antonio Le Messier, who also copied the piece.

Gearly Galuppi added this to clarify the terzetto’s placement as a closing ensemble, since the piece is in an unconventional form. The terzetto is followed by two arias firom Act II, and the march, which was presumably added to scene iv before the reinstated chorus in this act. The extra aria for Siface was added late to the libretto, possibly at Manzuoli’s request, and the text of the aria appears on an added leaf in one of the libretto exemplars. This aria is followed by the chorus added to the libretto by means o f an added leaf, and the last piece in the volume is an aria firom Act m , with music copied by Giuseppe Antonio and text by Francesco Antonio.^ The pieces omitted firom the Act II score but present in the libretto, apart firom all recitative, simple or accompanied, are the single arias in the act for Lelio (II, iii) and for Sofonisba (H, vi).

It is hnpossible that the contents of volume II reflect actual performance. It is inconceivable that the act was performed without either simple recitative or an aria for

^ Another copy of this aria appears m the conect location in volume III of the score; m this copy the music and toct of this aria were both copied by Francesco Antonio.

374 the opera’s protagonist; moreover, the terzetto could never have been performed in the position it assumes in the score: it is followed in the score by an aria for a character who exits during the ensemble, and it is marked “fine Atto 2.” There is no external evidence that it was moved. Indeed, there is no evidence of any kind that the pieces were performed in the order in which they appear in the score. The disorganization does mirror the confusion that very likely existed during the last two weeks of production, when there were numerous last-minute changes and additions. My examination of the entire collection, although limited by time constraints, revealed no other scores exhibiting this degree of disorder. In the absence of another plausible explanation for the disarray of this score, it is likely that the score might have been copied during this time of confusion.

375 APPENDIX F

PAYMENTS TO PERSONNEL (1759-60,1761-62,1763-64,1765-66) ‘

AND PAYMENTS TO COMPOSERS (1742-70)’

1759-60

La Clemenza di Tito (Galuppt/Metastasio) opened 29 December, 1759 15 performances Enea net Lazio (Traetta/Cigna-Santi) opened 19 January, 1760 28 performances

Singers: Filippo Elisi, primo uomo, 1,000 g^iad (L. 9 446.13.4) Gaetano Ottani, tenore, 350 zecchini (L. 3 412.10) Giacomo Melano, detto Calcina, sec. uomo, L. 1 200 Catterina Gabnéüi,prima donna, 1,000 zecchini (L. 9466.13.4)^ Clemente Baglioni, seconda donna, 150 gigliati (L. 1 420)

Composers: Baldassare Galuppi, L. 1662.10 Tommaso Traetta, L. 1420

Choreographer Giuseppe Salamoni, detto di Portugallo, 380 gigliati (L. 3 297.6.8)

Scenographers: Bernardino and Fabrizio Galliari, L 5300"^

‘ Data (hawn &om Bouquet, II teatro d i carte, pp. 305,310,316; Bouquet, et. al., Cronologie, pp. 75-76; AS.C.T., Libri conti; A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6200,6242,6247; libretti prmted for Turm. productions. ^ Data drawn &om Bouquet, II teatro di carte, chapter 2; A.S.C.T., Libri conti, vois. 37-50. ^ Bouquet (p. 302) gives the Ike equivalence of Zeccfami 1000 as L 8520, but Gabrielli’s contract (A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6242) reports it to be L 9466.13.4. * From contract m A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6200 (2 copies), signed 30 March 1759, valid ftom I Aprü 1759 to last for six years.

376 1761-62

Demetrio (Ponzo/Metastasio) opened 26 December, 1761 18 performances Ifigenia in Aulide (Bertoni/Cigna-Santi) opened 23 January, 1762 27 performances

Singers: Giuseppe Aprile,/jr/mo uomo, 800 gigliati (L. 7 573.6.8) Gaetano Ottani, tenore, 300 gigliati (L. 2840) Carlo Martinengo, seconda uomo, 200 gigliati (L. 1 893.6.8) Catterina Gabrielli,/7n>na donna, 1000 gigliati (L. 9 466.13.4) Francesca Gabrielli, seconda donna, 170 gigliati (L. 1 609.6.8) Maddalena L’Eglise, terza donna, 45 gigliati (L. 426) Regina Rè, ultima parte, L. 300

Choreographer: EUoy Devisse, L. 5000 (includes payment to wife, Maria Maddalena Auretti)

Composers: Giuseppe Ponzo, L. 1420 Ferdinando Bertoni, L. 1230.13.4

Scenographers: Bernardino and Fabrizio Galliari, L. 5300

377 1763-64

Arianna e Teseo (Pasqua/Pariati) opened 26 December, 1763 27 performances (GaluppiA^erazi) opened 4 February, 1764 28 performances

Singers: Giovanni Manzuoh', prr/no uomo, 1,150 zecchini (c. L.10,000) Camilla Mattei, p/fma donna, 450 zecchini (c. L. 4260)^ Domenico Panzacchi, tenore, 320 zecchini (c. L. 3400)^ Angiolo Monanni (detto Manzolino), sec. uomo, 170 z. (c. L. 1500) Cecilia Grassi, seconda donna, 270 zecchini (c. L. 2680)^ Giuseppe Vignati, terzo uomo, 50 zecchini (c. L. 500)*

Composers: Giuseppe Pasqua, L. 1420 Baldassare Galuppi, L.1662.10

Choreographer: Auguste Huss, L. 2 500

Scenographers: Bernardino and Fabrizio Galliari, L. 5300

^ Bouquet (p. 310) gives Zecchini400 (L 4200) but Matter’s contract (A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247) reports Zecchini450 (L.4260). * Panzacchf’s contract (A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247) reports the equivalent of Zecchmi 320 as L. 3029.6.8. ^ Grassi’s contract (A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247) reports her payment as Zecchmi 200 (L. 1893.6.8). * Vignati’s contract (A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247) reports the equivalent of Zecchmi SO as L 473.6.8.

378 1765-66

ne//7n^fie(Sacchmi/Metastasio) opened 26 December, 1765 16 performances Oreste (Monza/Verazi) opened 18 January, 1766 22 performances

Singers: Giovanni Manzuoli, primo uomo, 1,150 gigliati (L. 10,886.13.4) Gaetano Ottani, tenore, L. 2,600 Antonio Priori, ^eco/wfo uomo, 160 gigliati (L. 1,514.13.4) Giacomo Mellano, secondo tenore, L. 600 Giuseppina Maker ,prima donna, 360 gigliati (L. 3,408) Marianna Degrandis, seconda donna, 160 gigliati (L. 1,514.13.4)

Composers: Antonio Sacchini, L. 946.13.4 Carlo Monza, L. 757.6.8

Choreographer Giovanni Battista Marten, 400 gigliati (L. 3 786.13.4)

Scenographers: Bernardino and Fabrizio Galliari, L. 5300

379 Season Comnoser Payment

1742 Jommelli L 1462.10

58-59 Borgo L 1600 Mazzoni L 1420

59-60 Galuppi L 1662.10 Traetta L 1420

60-61 J.C. Bach L 1230.13.14 Piccinni L 1420

61-62 Ponzo L 1420 Bertoni L 1230.13.4

62-63 De Majo L 1420 Scarlatti L568

63-64 Pasqua L 1420 Galuppi L 1662.10

64-65 Hasse gold box worth L 630 De Majo L 1662.10

65-66 Sacchini L 946.13.4 Monza L 757.6.8

66-67 Bertoni L 1230.13.4 Gasparini L700

67-68 Myslivecek L 1136 Caffaro L 1662.10

68-69 Defiranchi L 1136

Table F.l: Payments to Composers, Selected Seasons

380 APPENDIX G

ENEANEL LAZIO'.

CONTRACTS FOR COMPOSER (TOMMASO TRAETTA)

AND SINGERS (1759-60 SEASON)'

Contract forTommaso Traetta. IS May 1759

Per virtu della presente Scrittura, la quale avera forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato ed insinuate Bisognando H Sig/ [ ] Traietta Maestro di Cappella si obbliga verso gli Sig."

Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Reg.'° Teatro di Torino, di comporre, e dare composta in Musica affatto nuova, e non già udita la seconda Opera, che dovra essere rappresentata in d.“ Reg.” Teatro nel Camevale dell'anno venture 1760; E detta Composizione devra uniformarsi all’Istruzione, che le verra trasmessa col Libre.

Devra inoltre esse S.^ Maestro Traietta trasmettere gli due primi atti della medesima

Opera compiti verso d fine del mese di Novembre del Corr."^ anno, ed il 3.° Atto portarlo seco alia sua venuta in questa Capitale, in cui devra ritrovarsi non piu tardi del mese di

Decembre dello stesso anno, per mettere in Scena TOpera pred.'^ da esse composta, e snonare trè o quatro sere alia medeshna.

' A.S.C.T, Carte sciolte 6242.

381 E mediante l’adempimento délia sovranominate Condizioni, gli prefati Sig.” Cavalieri

Direttori si obbligano sotte le riserve de Casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensatf, di pagare allo stesso S."^Maestro di Capella Traietta la somma di Zecchini Cento Cinquanta

Gigliati» o loro giusto valore di Tarife in questa Città comphite le recitazioni delle Opere.

Torino 15 Maggio 1759.

H M. Robilant [signature] n Conte Malines [signature]

Tommaso Trajetta accetto ed afferme q.“ s."^ [signature]

Contract for Fflinno Elisi. 12 January 1759

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato bisognando n SJ Filippo Elisi si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel Reg.”

Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno

Corr.' per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.° Reg.‘” Teatro alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, enel successivo Camevale dell’anno 1760, indi recitare, e cantare, conforme le verra ordinato, in d.® Opere pend.® il loro corso, e sino al debito loro

Compimento per, e mediante l’Onorario di Zecchini mille Gigliati, o loro valore efettivo in tarife in questa Città, oltre il piccolo vestiario da pagarsegli secondo lo stile di d.°

Reg.“ Teatro.

382 Le spese de’ viaggi, vitto, alloggio, o sia quartiere, e simili saranno a carigo, e

s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso S / Elisi.

E med.'® l’adempimento delle preriferite Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri Direttori si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo stesso S."^ Elisi la predetta somma di Zech.‘ 1000. come sopra compiute le recitazioni delle

Opere. Torino add! 12. Geimaio 1759.

Il Conte di Robilant [signature]

11 Marchese Granery [signature] n Conte Malines [signature]

Filippo Elisy [signature]

Contract for Caterina Gabrielli fdate omitted!

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.a Catterina Gabrieli si obbliga verso gli SS." Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Reg.“* Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre dell’aimo Corrente, per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in detto

Teatro alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e nel Camevale dell’aimo 1760; indi recitare, e cantare, conforme le verrà ordmato, in dette Opere pendente il loro Corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante l’onorario di Zecchini \fiUe Gigliati, o loro giusto

383 valore di Tarifé in questa Città, oltre il piccolo vestiario da darsegii secondo lo stile di d “ Reg.” Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, o sia quartiere, vitto, e simili saranno a carigo, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto délia stessa Sig.* Gabrieli.

E mediante l’adempimento delle sovra enonciate Condizioni, gli prefati Signori Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contrarj, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare alla stessa Sig.* Gabrieli la predetta somma di Zech.‘ 1000. come sovra compiute le recitazioni delle Opere.

H Conte Malines [signature]

11 Conte di Crescentino [signature] n Marchese D’Aglie [signature]

Catarina Gabrielli [signature]

Contract for Gaetano Ottani. Fdav omitted! Januarv 1759

Per virtù délia présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

H S."^ Gaetano Ottani si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel Reg.”

Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno

Corrente, per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi alla scadenza dell’anno med^nno, e successivamente nel Camevale deQ’aimo 1760; indi recitare, e cantare, conforme le verrà ordinato, in d.'^ Opere pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro

384 Compimento per, e mediante l’Onorario di Zecchini Trecento Cinquanta di Savoia, o loro valore di Tariffa, oltre il piccolo Vestiario solito darsi secondo lo stüe di detto Reggio

Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, nel caso venisse di absentarsi da questa Città, in cui si trova domicüiato, di vitto, alloggio, o sia quartiere e simili, saraimo a carigo, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso SS Ottani.

E mediante l’adempimoito delle sovra espresse Condizioni, gli prefati SS." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi Contrat], fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo stesso S."^ Ottani la pred.® somma di Zech.' 350. corne sopra compiute le recitazioni delle

Opere. Torino addi [ ] Gennaio 1759.

Gaetano Ottani [signature] n Conte Malines [signature] n Conte di Pertengo [signature]

Contract for Giacomo Calcina. 5 February 1759

Per virtù délia présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando n S."^ Giacomo Calcina si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Dnrettori delle Opere nel Reg.®

Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso ü fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno

Corr.*; per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in detto Reg.® Teatro alla scadenza dell’anno medesùno, e nel successivo Camevale dell’anno 1760; mdi recitare, e

385 cantare, conforme le verrà ordmato la parte da secondo Tenore in d / Opere pendente il loro Corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di Lire Mille duecento di Savoja, oltre il piccolo vestiario da darsegii secondo lo stile di d.“ Reg.‘“

Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, vitto, e simili nel caso si ritrovasse nel prenotato tempo absente da questa Capitale, in cui resta domicüiato, saranno a carigo, e s’intenderarmo tutte per Conto d’esso S."^ Calcina.

E mediante l’adempimento delle sovra prescritte Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo stesso

S."^ Calcina la pred.* somma di L 1200. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere.

Torino 5 addi febrajo 1759. n Conte Malines [signature]

H Marchese Granery [signature] lo Giacomo Calcina AfTermo quanto sopra. [signature]

Contract for Paolo Pesci. 28 Anrü 1759

Per virtù deUa présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato ed insinuato Bisognando

H S."^ Paolo Pesci si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel

Reg.® Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso ü fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno Corr.® per mtervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi ind.® Reg.®

386 Teatro, e da princîpiare alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e successivamente durante il

Camevale dell’anno 1760; indi recitare, e cantare, secondo le verrà ordinato, l’ultima parte in d / Opere, pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento per, e mediante l’onorario di Zecchini quaranta cinque Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Città, oltre il piccolo vestiario secondo lo stile di d.“ Reg.‘° Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso Paolo Pesci Contralto

E mediante l’ademphnento delle divisate Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo stesso S."^ Paolo Pesci Contralto la pred.“ somma di Zecch. 45. come sopra compiute le recitazioni delle Opere Torino 28 Aprile 1759.

H Conte Malines [signature] n Marchese Granery [signature]

Paolo Pesci Contralto [signature]

387 APPENDIX H

ENEA NEL LAZIO, FINAL SCENES'

Parte esteriore delle mura di Laurento, con porta della Città in prospetto. Trono in un lato preparato per Latino.

A1 suono degli Stromenti militari dal fondo della Scena^ e da parti opposte si avanzano egualmente in due colonne gli Esecerti Rutolo, e Trojano, quello da Alcandro, e questo da Segesto condotto, che al cenno de’ Gœerali si schierano I’uno a hronte dell’altro, lasciando nel mezzo un ampio spazio.

SCENA DC Alcandro, e Segesto Ale: Questi, che armati a fronte Delle schiere Trojane escono in campo, Riconosci, o Segesto? Seg: Ai noti segui, Che sul tergo tuttorportano impressi. Un avanzo di vinti io scorgo in essi. Ale: Puo quest’avanzo istesso Parti tremar. Seg: Di minacciar per ora Tempo non è. Jeri dovevi, o Duce, Tal baldanza ostentar. Ale: Superbo, ancora Un error della sorte Posso emendar. Seg: (Pensa a tradir quel core. Ma la pena cadra sul traditore.)

Mentreparlano Alcandro, e Segato, vedesi dalla porta della Città uscire il Re Latino preceduto dalle sue Guardiev le quali Rirmano tosto nel mezzo de’ due EsercM uno steccato. E’ seguito ilR edai Sacri Nfinistri, che portano I’Ara, e le cose necessarie pel

^ Text tramciibed from I-Tn, F VU 362/4, pp. 50-56.

388 Sacrifîcio. Alcandro, e Segesto si ritirano alla testa de loro Eserciti, e si depone l’Ara nel mezzo dello steccato, in cui entra Latino co* Sacerdoti, e con Tumo, ed Enea, che veggonsi uscire di mezzo aile file de’ loro Soldati, che tosto ritomano a chiudersi. Mentre poi si fail Sacrifîcio, fanno la seguente invocazione.

SCENA X. Latino, Enea, Tumo, Alcandro, e Segesto. Dall’Olimpo fortunato Odi il nostro giuramento, Fausto assisti al gran cimento, O de’ Numi e Padre, e Re. Portator di morte, e scempio Il tuo fulmine tremendo Cada poi sul capo all’empio, Ch’oserà mancar di fe. Lat: Principi, all’Ara ü primo Ecco m’accosto, e délia vostra pugna Le leggi, e i patti custodirio giuro. Sieno quali a voi piace, ed io gli accetto: toccando l ’Ara. (Adempia i voti il Ciel.) cosi promette. Tun Udite. Se del campo Uscirà Tumo vincitor, sua Sposa Sara Lavinia, e fîiord’Italia il piede Trar dovranno i Trojani: altro non chiede. En: Facciasi, ma se ü Fato Arride al mio désir, più non contrasti A Latino la pace, a me la Sposa De’ Rutoli l’orgoglio: Questo esigo da Tumo, altro non voglio. Tun Per me già sacro è il patto, e l’assicuro. En: SuU’Ara istessa io lo confermo, e giuro. Enea, e Tumo toccano l'Ara. Lat: Libero al gran cimento Resti ora ü campo, e più non si risparmi Omai Tira, e il valore. Tun All’armi. En: All’armi.

Si toglie via l’Ara, e si ritirano i Sacri Ministri. Latino si colloca m disparte sul Trono, circondato dalle sue Guardie. Enea, e Tumo, rùnasti soli neHo steccato, sguainate le spade, principiano a battersi; ma gl’mterrompe Alcandro, che volto ai Rutoli cost parla.

Aie: All’armi si, ma non dia legge a tanti Il destîno di un soi. Coraggio, o fîdi. Me seguite, svenate:

389 Sono quegli i Teucri; il vostro Re salvate.

Concitatî a queste parole î Rutoli seguono Alcandro, che colla spada alla mano assale î Trojani, Resta abbattuto lo steccato, e tutto diventa confüsione. Nel medesimo tempo si vede d’improwiso ingombrata la Scena da folte, ed oscure nubi, per modo cbe non si scorge più nè il prospetto délia Città, nè veruno de’ combattenti. Veggonsi dalle nubi uscir lampi, e si ode lo strepîto del tuono, e intanto Latino rimasto solo in iscena colle sue Guardie canta il seguente recitativo.

Lat: Quai gelo, quai orrore Mi si desta nell’alma! Abcosidunque I sacri patti è il vîolar permesso? A quest’enorme eccesso De’ strenati mortab Giunge d perfîdo ardir? Numi, ab voi stessi Inorridîte al sacrilegio orrendo, E contro gb spergiuri all’ire vostre Sciogliete ü beno. Ecco perde repente La luce il Sol, da nere Caligînose nubi il Ciel d’intomo Tutto si copre, e divien notte il giorno. Sento il bragor del tuono, Veggo strisciardi Giove n fuoco micidial. Vibra, o de’ Numi Padre sovran, sugb empj ogni tuo strale, E sia la pena al lor delitto eguale. Ma cbe? Fuggon le nubi, Toma l’aer sereno, e veggo ormai Le mie brame adempite. Ecco, del Cielo Esegui le vendette La Teucra spada. Oppressi, e vinti i rei Caddero al suolo, oppur fùggiro, e solo. Solo Tumo ostinato Contro Enea lotta ancora, e contro il Fato.

Verso il bnire del precedente recitatîvo si diradano a poco a poco le nubi, e si avanzano Tumo, ed Enea combattendo; ma giunto Tumo m mezzo del Teatro cade, ed è disarmato dall’awersarîo. Ritomano poi di mano in mano i Soldati Trojani vittoriosi, cbe si dispongono all’intomo.

Tun Vincesti, Enea: la tua fortuna or segui; Nè perdono, nè vita io non ti cbiedo. En. Moti, si, traditor. volendo trqfîgger Tumo. Lat: Ferma, avamandosi, e trattenendo Enea.

390 En: Che vedoî

Nel m aître che Enea sta per trafîggere Tumo, sparîte afTatto le nubi, lasciano vedere la Reggia di Venere tutta adoma di pitture trasparaiti, e la Dea medesima, che nel suc apparato di maestà si avanza tosto inverso Biea. Tumo si rialza, e Venere dopo breve melodiosa sin&nia cosi parla ad Enea.

SCENA XI. Gli anzidetti, Venere, e quindi Lavinia, ed Ersinda con nobüe accompagnimento. Ven: Riconoscûni, o Figlio, e délia Madré Adora il cenno. Incrudelir sul vinto Lode non è. Basti acquistar la Sposa, Viva il Rival. Con esecrando eccesso Chi’l patto violô là suU'arena Pagô del fallo suo la giusta pena. In te. Principe, ancora a Tum o. Cessi l’odio, e Io sdegno, e ti consoli D’ogni perdita Ersinda. Ella t’adora, Degna è di te. Per lei tel chiedo: ah céda n tuo core ostinato, e Tumo amîco Di Latino, quai pria, tomar si veda. Tun A che m’astringiî Ad un mortal non cedo, Cedo al Ciel, cedo a un Nume. lo più non serbo Su Lavinia alcun dritto: Sara mia Sposa Ersinda. Ogni tua brama Ecco adempita. En: Oh Madré! Lat: Ah dove sono Le Principesse? En: Eccole appunto. Lav: Al tuo m il 'uscire si prostrano tutte e due. Serena aspetto ...... Erf: A’ piedi tuoi ...... Ven: Sorgete. Lavinia. ed Ersinda si riakano. E tu, Ersinda, ricevi Oggi in Tumo lo Sposo komesso a te. De’ Rutoli sul trono Di tue speranze il premio Seco vanne a goder. Tu, Principessa, (A L avinia Porgi ad Enea la destra. È’ tempo al fine, Che si compia il gran nodo, onde uscir deve Quel Popolo d’Eroi chiaro, nnmortale. Al cui feliceimpero

391 Piegherà, la cervice ü Mondo intero. Auspice in terra io stessa Ecco ne son. Cosi compita l’opra. Per cui fia. voi sotto mentito velo Restai fînor, lieta ritomo al Cielo.

CORO AI Ciel ritoma, o bella Madré d’Amor possente. Ma da quel Ciel sovente A noi ti volgi ancor. Dalla tua chiara Stella Sarai confbrto, e guida Di chi si gloria e fîda Solo nel tuo favor. FINE.

Nel tempo del Coro discendendo dalla Reggia il seguito di Venere, formera l’intiero Corpo dell’ultimo Ballo, che verrà interrotto da diverse successive piccole entrate, frainmischiandovisi varie Contradanze, che poi nella generale si termineranno, e cosi si darà fine allo spettacolo.

392 APPENDIX I

IFIGENIA IN AULIDE: CONTRACTS FOR COMPOSER

(FERDINANDO BERTONI) AND SINGERS (1761-62 SEASON)'

Contract for Ferdinando Bertoni. 15 August 1761

Per virtù della presente, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato

Bisognando n Sig/ Ferdinando Bertoni Maestro di Cappella si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri

Direttori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino, di comporre, e dare composta in Musica affatto nuova, e mai più sentita, la 2.“ Opera intitolata Ifigenia in Aulide da rappresentarsi in d / Reg/“ Teatro nel Camevale dell’anno venturo 1762; secondo il libro, e ITstruzione, che le viene trasmessa, e dovra esso S / Bertoni mandare gli due primi Atti compiti nel mese di Novembre, ed ü terzo portarlo seco alia sua venuta in questa Capitale, che non dovra essere più tardi del mese di Decembre per mettere in Scena la stessa Opera, e suonare in essa trè, o quatro sere.

E mediante I’adempimento delle sovra prescritte Condizioni, gli prefati Sig.” Cavalieri si obbligano di pagare al S.*^ Bertoni Mjro di Cappella pred.” la somma di Zecchmi Cento

^ A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6242.

393 trenta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tarifïà in questa Città per la composizione in

Musica dell’Opera come sovra, sotto le riserve de Casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati. Torino addi 15. Agosto 1761.

M. D.angennes [signature] n C.te Porporato [signature]

Contract for Giuseppe Aorile. 25 Julv 1760

Per virtu della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato bisognando

U Sig.*^ Giuseppe Aprile si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Regio Teatro, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1761; per intervenire alle prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.® Reg.‘“ Teatro aUa scadenza dello stesso anno, e prosseguire durante il Camevale del susseguente anno

1762; indi recitare e cantare da primo Soprano in d.' Opere poid.“ il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante I’onorario di Zecchini ottocento Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di TarifiTa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stile di detto Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso S."^ Aprile.

E mediante Tadempimento delle preriferite Condizioni, gli prefati Sig.'* Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo

394 stesso S / Aprile la predetta somma di Zech.' 800. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino addi 25 Luglio 1760.

Giuseppe Aprile [signature] n Marchese Granery [signature]

H Conte di Pertengo [signature]

Il Conte Malines [signature]

Contract for Caterina Gabrielli. 18 February 1760

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubb.“ Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.“ Caterina Gabrieli si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Reg.‘“ Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1761; per mtervenire alle prove delle Opere da principiare in d.° Reg.®

Teatro alla scadenza delTanno medesimo, e prosseguire durante il Camevale del seguente anno 1762; indi recitare, e cantare, da Prùna Doima in d." Opere pendente il loro Corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di Zecchini Mille Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario secondo lo stile di detto Reg.® Teatro: intendendosi risevata ai Sig." Cavalieri la fàcoltà di addattare le parti nelle Opere predette.

Le Spese de’ Viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili, saranno a carigo, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa Sig.^ Gabrieli.

395 E mediante Tadempimento delle sovra referite Condizioni, gli prefati Sig," Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare alia stessa Sig,® Gabrieli la pred.® somma di Zech,' 1000, come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere, Torino addi 18 Febraio 1760,

Caterina Gabrielli [signature]

Malines [signature]

Marchese D’Aglie [signature]

Contract for Francesca Gabrielli. 18 Februarv 1760

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubb,“ Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig,® Francesca Gabrieli si obbliga verso gli Sig," Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Reg,'® Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso ü fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1761; per mtervenire alle prove delle Opere da principiare in d,° Reg, ®

Teatro alia scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e prosseguire durante il Camevale del seguente anno 1762; indi recitare, e cantare da Seconda Donna in d,® Opere pendente ü loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di Zecchini Cento Settanta

Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di TatifTa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo vestiario secondo lo stHe di d,® Reg,'® Teatro: intendendosi riservata di Sig," Cavalieri la fàcoltà di addattare le parti nelle Opere predette.

396 Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili, saranno a carigo, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa Sig/Gabrieli.

E mediante l’adempimento delle sovra enonciate Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuitL pensati, od impensati, di pagare alla stessa Sig.® Gabrieli la predetta somma di Zech.‘ 170. corne sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino addi 18 Febrajo 1760

Malines [signature]

Di Robilant [signature]

Francesca Gabrielli [signature]

Contract for Madalena L’Eglise. Tdav omitted! June 1761

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubb.“ Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.® Maddalena Leglise si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Dnrettori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di

Novembre, per mtervenire alle prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d." Regio Teatro, da principiare alla scadenza del corrente anno, e prosseguire durante il Camevale del seguente anno 1762; mdi recitare, e cantare m d.® Opere Tultima parte pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante l’onorario di Zecchini Quaranta

Cinque Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo

Vestiario, secondo lo stüe di detto Regio Teatro.

397 Ed in caso d’assenza d’essa Sig.^ Leglise da questa Capitale, in oui si trova domiciliata, dovra la medesima per tal tempo restituirsi in essa a proprie spese, senza buonificazione veruna per il viaggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili.

E mediante Tadempimento delle prenotate Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraij, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare alia stessa Sig.® Leglise la predetta somma di Zech.‘45. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino addi [ ] Giugno 1761.

Madalena L’eglise [signature] n Cte Porporato [signature] di Lavriano [signature]

Contract for Regina Re. 16 June 1761

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.® Regina Re si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Regio

Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Decembre del Corr.® anno, per assistere alle Recite della prima Opera, da principiare alia scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e quella durante, tenersi pronta per suplire alia mancanza d’alcuno de’

Virtuosi nel caso d’Informità; e successivam.*® intervenue alle prove della 2.a Opera da rappresaitarsi parim.*“ in d.® Reg.'® Teatro nel Camevale del seguente anno 1762; indi recitare, e cantare in essa la parte di Diana pend.'® il suo corso, e sino al debito suo

398 Compimento, ü tutto per, e mediante l’Onorario di Lire Trecento di Piemonte, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stüe di d.“ Regio Teatro.

Ed in caso d’assenza d’essa Sig.’^ Re da questa Capitale, in cui si trova domicüiata, dovrà la medesima per tal tempo restituirsi in essa a proprie spese, senza buonifîcazione veruna per fl viaggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili.

E mediante l’adempimento delle prenotate Condizioni, gli prefati Signori Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ casi contraq, fbrtuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare alla stessa Sig.“ Re la predetta somma di L 300. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle

Opere. Torino addi 16 Giugno 1761.

Regina Ré [signature] n Cte Porporato [signature] di Lavriano [signature]

399 APPENDIX J

SELECTED SCENES FROM ALGAROTTI, IPHIGÉNIE EN AULIDE,

AND CIGNA-SANTI, IFIGENIA IN AULIDE

Alearotti. V. if - demiere Ciena-Santi. m. xi - ultima

scene ti Coro

Le Théâtre représente d ’un côté le Bois et le Temple Tutto il coro: de Diane; de l'autre côté on voit une partie du camp Questo sangue accetta, e rendi des Grecs, le port de l ’Aulide et la flotte. Fausto Q vento, amico il mar.

Ifîgénie, Agamemnon, Calchas, Ulysse, Areas, puis Parte del coro: Clytemnestre. Troupe de Prêtres, de Filles Pera Troia, e cada al suolo, consacrées à Diane et de Soldats. E all’orribile fiagore Scofib Tuno, e l’altro Polo La Troupe s ’avance du fond du Théâtre S'oda intanto rünbombar. accompagnée d ’une musique lugubre. Tutto il Coro: Cal: Déesse, qui prêtez à la nuit Téclat du jour, vous Questo sangue accetta, e rendi qui veillez du haut de i’OIympe au salut de la Fausto il vento, amico il mar. Grèce, nous respectons vos ordres, nous nous soumettons à vos oracle; prenez votre victime. Ifîg: Eccomi pronta, o Padre. Io di buon grado Déesse, et déchamez les vents. Per Tonor délia Grecia, E per la gloria tua tutto il mio sangue Le Choeun Qui spargerô. La tua pietade ormai Prenez votre victime. Déesse, et déchamez les vents. Alla madré languente Tutta rivolgL Ifîgema talvolta Parue du Choeun Tomi a'vostri pensieri; Paris avec sa proye msulte de ses tours à nos mille Ma sia la sua memoria al vostro cuore vaisseaux, qui le menacent en vain. Oggetto di stupor, non di dolore. Greci, nessuno ardisca Le Choeun Sopra di me stender la mano. Io stessa Prenez votre victime. Déesse, et déchaînez les vents. Porgerô al fèrro il sen. Libera, e in pace M’accosto all'Ara. A voi propizia or sm, Iph: Me voici prête, o mon père: je me dévoue Ed a Troia &tal la morte mia. volontiers pour votre gloire et pour la Grèce. Grecs, vous se ra heureux, si votre bonheur ne dépend que Va a mettersi appiè dell’Ara, e i Sacerdoti la demamorL Que personne ne porte ses mams sur circondano, disponemhsi a compiere il Sagriflcio, moi: je présenterai mon sein. Conduisez-moi mentre Agamermone fit la seguente qfférta.

400 comme une victnne volontame, victorieuse d’IIion et Agam: Aima di Giove fîglia, 6tale aux Phrygiens. Vendicatrice , Ecate santa, Degli uominî tenore, e delle helve, Agam: Hélas! {Use voile la tête.) Questa vittùna eletta, Che t’offie Atride, e insiem la Grecia, Partie dn Choeur: accetta. Tant de heauté et de vertu ne méritoit pas un sort si Si puro sangue estingua cruel. Su nel Cielo ogni sdegno, in noi cancelli Ogni macchia di colpa, onde alfîn reso Autre Partie: Favorevole fi mar, secondo ü vento Descendons sur le rivage d’Ilion; et que les Dieux Agli odiati lidi dHion combattent contre nous. Apra il canunino, e a trionfar ci guidi.

Le Choeun Si copre il volto col manto. Prenez votre victime. Déesse, et déchamez les vents. Tutto il Coro: Cal: Grecs, écoutez-moi et formez d’heureux Casta Dea, cbe in Ciel risplendi. présages. Col nottumo tuo splendore, Questo sangue accetta, e rendi Clyt: Dieux! Achille n’arrive point, et Calchas va Fausto il vento, amico il mar. fiapper. {à part.) Mentre il Coro canta i suddetti versi, uno de ' Calchas tire le glaive, le met dans un vase d ’or, Sacerdotiferisce col sacro coltello Ifigenia, ma con couronne la victime, p ren d une coupe d'eau sacrée maraviglia di tutti i circostanti sparisce questa et s'avance vers l'autel. all'improwiso, e si vede in di lei vece appiè dell'Ara una cerva svenata. Nel tempo stesso si Cal: Déesse, fille de , acceptez le sang scorge salire verso il Cielo una nuvola, escender dTpbigénie et accordM-nous la prise de Pergame. dal Cielo altre rtuvole risplendenti, che indicano la (Dans le moment qu 'il va frapper, on entend un presenza délia D ea. bruit des armes: tout le m onde se tourne de ce côte- là. Calchas continue.) Quel téméraire ennemi des Scena Ultima Dieux ose troubler le sacrifice? Agamennone, Arcade, ec. quindi con soldati Tessali scène Dernière: Les mêmes, Achille et Diane en Achille inseguendo colla spada alla mano Ulisse, l’air. Clitennestra, e Diana in aria.

Aciu C’est Achille, qui défend ses droits. Arc: Al gran portento, Atride, Ergi le ciglia, e l’aima Diva adora, Diane: Achille, arrêtez, gardez votre courage et che a noi si mostra. cette soif de sang contre . Puisse le Père de Dieux empêcher toujours, que la colère n’anime Agam: Oh ciel, che sia... Ma quale Achille contre les Grecs et ne retarde la chute Odo strepito d’anni? d’IlioiL Pour Iphigénie, elle est à moL (Elle s'envole.) Aciu I suoi £ ritti Difende Achille. {On voit une biche palpitante et toute ensanglantée à la place d'iphigénie; Achille lève les mains au S'incamminafitrioso verso l'Ara, e nel medesimo C iel.) istante s i aprono le nuvole, e s i vede D iana nella sua maestà. Cal: Ah prodige! Diana: Arresta, o fblle, il passo.

Le Choeun Ah prodige! Clit: Ohprodigio!

401 Cak Le sang d’Ipbigénie a pani trop précieux à la UkOhportentol Déesse, pour le répandre sur ses autels. C’en est fait: Agamemnon, Ulysse, Achille, Grecs, la Déesse Ach: lo son di sasso. exauce nos voeux; elle facilite notre course et nous ouvre le chem in de Troye. Diana: 11 coraggio d’Achille, Serbisi contro d’Ilio, ed il suo sdegno (On entend le sifflement des vents et le bruit de la LagrancadutaahnonritardL Usangue mer. et l'on voit remuer les vaisseaux.) D’Ifigenia fu troppo Prezioso al mio sguardo. Altrove, o Greci, Choeur des Matelots: (qui sont sur les vaisseaux et La VergÈn valorosa que l'on entend de loin.) Vive a me sacra. L’improwiso evento La mer s’agite, les flots s’élèvent, les vents nous Del favor degli Dei certi vi renda, appellent. E voi fiattanto alla partenza accenda.

Choeurs des Soldats: Itene all’alta impresa, Les vents nous appellent A cui l’onor vi chiama: Già con stupor la fama (Après que les deux Choeurs ont répondu V’addita all’altre età. alternativement à plusieurs reprises:) Nella 6tal contesa Tout le Choeur: Ogn’altco Eroe vi céda, Paris ne jouira pas longtemps de sa perfidie; les Tal che a gran pena il creda vents nous appellent Troye est renversée et la H mondo, che verra. Grèce est vengée. Terminate Taria. Diana risale nella macchina al Danse des m atelots Cielo.

Fin Ach: Numi etemi, ed è veto Quanto udii, quanto vedo? Ahchi potrebbe Più dubitar, se ad amnmziarlo in terra Scende tm di voi! Del vento Questo il sibüo è pur, questi del mare Sono i 6usti muggitt Andiamo, o Greci, Non più inutili indugj. In questo punto Non rammento l’amor, penso alla gloria. Aile navi io vi guido, alla vittoria.

Tutti: Lungi da queste sponde, Navi, spiegate fi volo, Portate al Frigio suolo La strage, ed d terror.

Lieta passar per Tonde Ghmo (M ciel vi mni, E per dolor sospni D’Elenailrapitor.

Fine del Dramma.

402 APPENDIX K

SOFONISBA: CONTRACTS FOR COMPOSER (BALDASSARE GALUPPI),

SINGERS (1763-64 SEASON), AND GIUSEPPE ANDRIOLO'

Contract for Baldassare Galuopf. 5 February 1764

Per vùtù della presente Scrittura, la quale avera forza del pubblico Istrumento rogato ed insinuato Bisognando

H Sig. Baldassare Galuppi Maestro di Cappella si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri

Direttori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino, di comporre, e dare composta in Musica affatto nuova, e non già sentita. La 2.*^ Opera da rappresentare in d.“ Reg “ Teatro nel

Camevale dell’anno venture 1764; seconde ITstruzione, che le verra trasmessa col libre; e devra esse S.^ Maestro dare, e mandare composti gli due primi Atti della stessa Opera al finire del mese di Ottobre dell’anno Corr/, ed il terzo portarlo seco al Suo arrive in questa Capitale non pm tardi del finire del mese di Dicembre dello stesso Corrente anno, per mettere in Scena POpera, e suonare tre o quatre sere alia medesima.

E mediante Padempimento della sovraespresse Condizioni gli prefati Sig/ Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve del Casi contraj, fortmti, pensati, od hnpoisati, di pagare allo

‘ A.S.C.T, Carte sciolte 6247.

403 stesso S .^ Galuppi la somma di Luiggi d’Oro Cento, o loro giusto valore di Tarifé in questa Città per la Composizione in Musica dell’Opera predetta.

Io Baldassar Galupi d.*" il Bura nello A Ajnosopra.... [signature]

rn n tra c t fnr Camilla Mattei. 19 Mardi 1762

Per virtù della présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig,® Camilla Mattei si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1763; per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d °

Reg.® Teatro, e da principiare alla scadenza del medesimo anno, e prosseguire durante il

Camevale del seguente 1764; indi recitare, e cantare in d/O pere da prima Donna pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di

Zecchini Quattrocento Cinquanta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa

Capitale, oltre d piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stüe di detto Regio Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili, saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa Sig.® Mattei.

E mediante l’adempnnento delle preriferite Condizioni, gli prefati Signori Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare alla

404 stessa Sig/ Mattei la pred/ somma di Zech.' 1150. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino addi 19 Marzo 1762.

Camilla Mattei [signature]

Di Salmor [signature] n M .' D’Aglie [signature]

Contract for Cecilia Grassi [undated!

Per virtù della présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.* Cecilia Grassi si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori per le Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre del corr." anno; per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.® Regio Teatro, e da principiare alla scadenza dell’anno medesûno, e successivamente prosseguire durante il Camevale del seguente anno 1764; indi recitare e cantare la parte da seconda Donna in d.® Opere pend.“ il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante

TOnorario di Zecchini Duecento Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariâa in questa

Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stüe di d.® Regio Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili, saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa S.™ Grassi.

E mediante Tadempimento delle divisate Condizioni, gli prefàti Sig.' Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impoisati, di pagare alla

405 stessa Grassi la pred.* somma di Zech.‘ 200. come s.* compiute le recitazioni delle

Opere.

Cecilia Grassi affimo [signature]

Contract for Domenico Panzacchi Fundatedl

Per virtù della présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando n Sig.*^ Domenico Pansacchi si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi m essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1763; per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.“

Reg.'° Teatro, e da principiare alla scadenza del medesimo anno, e prosseguire durante il

Camevale del seguente anno 1764; indi recitare e cantare in d.' Opere pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante l’onorario di Zecchini Trecento venti Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario secondo lo stile di detto Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso SS Pansacchi.

E mediante Tadempimento delle sovra riferite Condizioni, gli prefati Signori Cavalieri promettono di pagare allo stesso S.*^ Pansacchi la predetta somma di Zech.' 320. come sovra, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraij, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere.

406 Io Dom:° Panzacchi aff:“” cpi:*® sop:*^ [signature]

Di Robüant [signature]

Di Salmor [signature]

Contract for Giusenne Visnati lundatedl

Fer virtù della présenté Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando n 8 / Giuseppe Vignati si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso il fine del mese di Novembre del

Corr “ anno, per intervenire aile prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.“ Reg.'° Teatro, da principiare alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e successivamente pendente il

Camevale dell’anno susseguente 1764; indi recitare, e cantare l’ultima parte in d / Opere durante il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante l’onorario di

Zecchini Cinquanta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario solito secondo lo stile di detto Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso Vignati.

E mediante Tadempimento delle s.“ prescritte Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri promettono, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare

407 allo stesso S / Vignati la pred.® somma di Zech/ 50. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere.

Io Giuseppe Vignati Promette Quanto Sopra [signature]

Contract for Giusenne Andriole. 8 December 1764

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubb.“ Istrum.® rog.°, ed insinuato Bisognando n Sig.*^ Giuseppe Andriole Suonatore si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle

Opere nel Regie Teatro di Torino di provedere, e dare provisto il numéro di sedeci persone, cioè otto maschi, ed otto femmine per cantare i Cori nella prima Opera da rappresentarsi in d.° Reg.° Teatro, second lo Spartito, per, e med.“ il pagamento da farsi di lire venti otto ripartitam.“ per ognuno d’essi Cantanti per ogni sera di Récita della medesima Opera, coU’obbligo, che il medesimo si assume di non lasciar mancare veruno, ma di compire per ogni volta al numéro d’essi sovraprescritto, e nel caso di mancanza d’alcuno o pm, verra fatta deduz."^ di paga a proporzione del mancante, o mancanti.

Nè potrà esso S.^ Andriolo esigere ü saldo del pagamento di suo avere, salvo abbi prnna rapportato da ognuno d’essi Cantanti da esso provisti per i Cori sudetti, quittanza d’essere stati compitamente soddisfatti.

H che tutto esso S.^ Andriolo promette d’attendere, ed osservare, sotto obbligo di tutti li danni, che nè potessero gli Sig." Cavalieri sof&ire per I’inadempim.® di quanto sovra, e

408 del Costituto possessorio di tutd li suoi beni present! e fiituri in ampla, e valida forma

Camerale Torino addi 8 xmbre 1764

Giuseppe Andriolo [signature]

H Che tutto esso S.A ndriolo promette d’attendere, ed osservare, sotto obbligo di tutti li danni, che ne potessero gli Sig." Cavalieri sof&ire per Tinadempimento di quanto sovra, e del Costituto possessorio di tutti li suoi beni presenti e futuri in ampla, e valida forma

Camerale.

Torino addi [ ] xmbre 1764. n M.* Di Barolo Dir.® [signature] n Cav."* di Salmor Dir.® [signature]

409 APPENDIX L

ORESTE: CONTRACTS FOR SINGERS, 1765-66 SEASON'

Contract for Giovanni Manzuoli. 6 July 1764

Per virtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato ed insinuato Bisognando

U Sig/ Gioanni Manzoli si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città al principio del mese di Dicembre dell’anno venturo 1765; per intervenire alle prove delle Opere da principiare alia scadenza dello anno med."*°; e prosseguire durante il Camevale del anno seguente 1766; indi recitare e cantare la parte da primo uomo in d / Opere pendente Q loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante Tonorario di Zecchini Mille Cento Cinquanta

Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stile di detto Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’esso Sig."^ Manzoli.

‘ A.S.C.T., Carte sciolte 6247.

410 E mediante Tadempimento delle prenotate Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano, sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati, di pagare allo stesso Sig.*^ Manzoli la pred.^ somma di Zech.' 1150. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere.

Firenze 6 Luglio 1764 Io Gio Manzoli Mano Propria [signature]

Contract forCiuseppina Maccherini. 8 June 1765

Per virtù della présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrum.“* rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.® Giuseppina Maccherini si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre del Corrente anno, per intervenire alle prove delle Opera da principiare alla scadenza delTanno medesimo, e prosseguire durante il Camevale del seguente anno 1766. nel d."

Regio Teatro, indi recitare, e cantare, in qualità di p.““ Doima in d."^ Opere pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di Zecchini trecento sessanta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tarifïa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario secondo lo stHe di d.® Regio Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa S.™ Giuseppina Maccherini.

E mediante Tadempimento delle soprascritte Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri promettono, sotto le riserve de’ casi contrarj, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati di pagare alia

411 stessa Sîg.^ Maccherini la pred.^ somma di Zech.' 360. come sovra compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino ad<ü 8. Giugno 1765.

Conte Piossasco di Bardassano [signature] n C.^ di Masino [signature]

[contract not signed by Maccherini]

Contract for Gaetano Ottani, 10 July 1764

Per vùrtù della presente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrum.*” rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

ü Sig.^ Gaetano Ottani si obbliga verso gli Signori Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino di ritrovarsi in essa Città il fine del mese di Novembre dell’anno venturo 1765; e similmente in tal tempo debito dell’anno seguente 1766; per intervenire alle prove delle Opare da principiare a rappresentarsi in d.“ Regio Teatro alia scadenza di caduno di detti due annf successivi, e prosseguire durante ogni Camevale da finire con quello anno 1767; indi recitare, e cantare in d.* Opere pendente il loro corso rispettivo, e sino al debito loro Compnnento, per e mediante l’onorario di Lire Duemilla seicento di

Piemonte da se 20. cad."^ per le Recite di d.' Opere in cad.° de’ due anni predetti, oltre ü piccolo Vestiario secondo lo stile di d.® Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi nel caso d’assenza d’esso Sigx Ottani da questa Capitale, in cui si trova domicQiato, saranno a di lui carico, come altresi s’intenderanno tutte per conto del medesimo quelle di alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili.

412 E mediante Tadempimento delle sevra espresse Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati di pagare allo stesso S."^ Ottani la predetta somma di L 2600. come sovra, compiute le Recitazioni delle rispettive Opere in caduno di detti due anni. Torino addi 10 Luglio 1764.

Conte Piossasco di Bardassano

H Conte di Masino

Essendosi dagli Sig." Cav.‘ Dir.' preposto al S.*^ Ottani di trasportare Tanno 1766. in 1767 in cui dovrebbe recitare nelle Op.® ail aimo 1767. in 1768. alche avendo il S.*^ Ottani aderito graziosamente di deroga perciô colla présente alle Obbligazioni del S."" Ottani assente col trasporto delTarmo 1767. in 1768. sotto le Stesse; e med.“ condizioni nella présente Scrittura contenute, e med.“ Tonorario di L 2600 per lo stesso aimo 1767. in

1768 Solamente, in cui dovrà esso S."^ Ottani recitare Torino li 27 xbre 1766.

Gaetano Ottani affermo come sopra [signature]

Contract for MariannaDe Grandis. 20 April 1765

Per virtù della présente Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

La Sig.* Marianna Degrandis si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel

Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre del

Corrente anno, per intervenire allé prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d." Regio

Teatro, e da principiare alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e prosseguire pendente il

413 Camevale del seguente anno 1766; indi recitare, e cantare la parte da Donna in d /

Opere durante il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento, per, e mediante TOnorario di Zecchini Cento Sessanta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di TariSa in questa Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario secondo Io stile di d.“ Reg.'® Teatro.

Le Spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto d’essa Sig.'^ Degrandis.

E mediante Tadempimento delle sovra prescritte Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri promettono, sotto le riserve de’ casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati di pagare alla stessa Sig.®^ Degrandis la pred.^ somma di Zech.' 160. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delle Opere. Torino addi 20. Aprile 1765.

Conte Piossasco di Bardassano [signature]

C.® Di Salmor [signature]

Marianna de Grandis [signature]

Contract for Antonio Priori. 30 Julv 1765

Per virtù della présenté Scrittura la quale averà forza di pubblico Istrumento rogato, ed insinuato Bisognando

H Sig.*^ Antonio Priori si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Direttori delle Opere nel Regio

Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città verso la metà del mese di Novembre del

Corrente armo, per intervmiire alle prove delle Opere da rappresentarsi in d.® Regio

Teatro, da principiare alla scadenza dell’anno medesimo, e prosseguire durante il

414 Camevale dell’anno susseguente 1766; indi recitare, e cantare la parte da second' uomo

in d.® Opere pendente il loro corso, e sino al debito loro Compimento per, e mediante

TOnorario di Zecchini Cento sessanta Gigliati, o loro giusto valore di Tariffa in questa

Capitale, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo Io stile di d." Regio Teatro.

Le spese de’ viaggi, alloggio, soggiomo, vitto, e simili saranno a carico, e s’intenderanno tutte per Conto dello stesso Sig.*^ Priori.

E mediante Tadempimento delle sovra espresse Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri si obbligano sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati di pagare allo stesso S."^ Ottani la predetta somma di L 2600. come sovra, compiute le Recitazioni delle

Opere. Torino addi 26. Luglio 1765.

Conte Piossasco di Bardassano [signature]

Di Salmor [signature]

Müano a 30: Luglio 1765 Antonio Priori affermo. [signature]

Contract for Giacomo Melano. 9 November 1765

Per virtù della présenté Scrittura, la quale averà forza di pubb.“ Istrumento rog.“, ed insinuato Bisognando n Sig.*” Giacomo Melano detto Calcina Virtuoso di Cappella, e Camera di S. M., si obbliga verso gli Sig." Cavalieri Dnettori delle Opere nel Regio Teatro di Torino, di ritrovarsi in essa Città al principio del mese di Gennaro del prossimo anno 1766; per intervenire alle prove della Seconda Opera da rappresoitarsi in d.° Regio Teatro intitolata

415 Preste, indi recitare, e cantare in essa la parte da Secondo Tenore pendente il corso della medesima, e sino al debito suo Compimento, e del Camevale, per, e mediante Tonorario di Lire sei cento Moneta di Piemonte, oltre il piccolo Vestiario, secondo lo stile di d.“

Regio Teatro.

Le spese de* viaggi, soggiomo, vitto e simili, saranno a carico, e s'intenderanno tutte per

Conto dello stesso Sig.*^ Melano nel caso d’attuale sua assenza da questa Città, e nel restituirsi in essa prima del tempo sovraprescritto.

E mediante Tosservanza delle sovra espresse Condizioni, gli prefati Sig." Cavalieri promettono sotto le riserve de’ Casi contraq, fortuiti, pensati, od impensati di pagare allo stesso Sig."^ Melano d.“ Calcina la pred.® somma di L 600. come sovra, compiute le recitazioni delTOpera precitata, e del Camevale del pross.“ anno 1766. Torino addi 9

9mbre 1765.

Giacomo Mellano d:° Calcina promette quanto sop.“ [signature]

416 APPENDIX M

SELECTED LIBRETTI:

TITLE PAGE TRANSCRIPTIONS AND EXEMPLARS CONSULTED'

Enea nel Lazio:

Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. ENEA / NEL LAZIO / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NEL REGIO TEATRO / DI TORINO / NEL CARNEVALE DEL 1760. / ALLA PRESENZA /D I / S.S JI.M . / [coat of arms] / TORINO. / [single rule] / Presso GIACOMO GIUSEPPE AVONDO / Stampatore, e Librajo della Societa / de’ Signori Cavalieri." Locations: I-Tci, L.O. 181 I-Tn, F Xm 489/6; F V II362/4; Collezione CoIIegio San Francesco, 443/3 A.S.C.T., CoIIfâione Simeom, L-59 I-T, Fanan, 5166; 7252 US-Wc, Schatz, 10391

Verazi, Matda. ENEA NEL LAZIO. / [DOUBLE RULE] / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NEL TEATRO DUCALE DI STUGART! FESTEGGIANDOSI / IL FELICISSIMO GIORNO NATALIZIO / DI / SUA ALTEZZA SERENISSIMA / ELISABETTA SOFIA / FEDERICA / DUCHESSA DI WIRTEMBERG E TECH, / PER COMANDO / DI / SUA ALTEZZA SERENISSIMA / CARLO / DUCA DI WIRTEMBERG / E TECH, &c. &c. / [single rule] / La / POESIA è del Sig. M attia Verazi Romano, /La/M U SIC A è del celefare Sig. Nicold Jommelli, Direttore di / Musica, e Maestro di Capella all’attual servizio di S.A.S. / ü Sig. Duca di Wirtemberg. / [single rule] / STUTGART, / [single rule] / Nella stamparia di COTTA, Stampatore Ducale, 1755. Location: D-SI, fir. d. 4 192

' Attributions, when present, appear on an mtemal page m the librettos except when librettists’ names are part of the information provided on title pages. For those librettos that carry no attributions (which I have mcficated by placmg the librettists’ names in brackets), I have followed attributions by other scholars who are cited in the chapters m which these librettos are discussed. ^ Rpt. in Ottaviano Diodati, Bibtioteca teatrale italiema S (Lucca: Giovanni della Valle, 1762). Copy held at US-Cu, PQ4227A2D58.

417 Ifigenia in Aulidei

Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. IFIGENIA / IN AULIDE / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI! NEL REGIO TEATRO / DI TORINO / Nel Camevale del 1762. / ALLA PRESENZA / DI / S.S JELM. / [coat of arms] / IN TORINO. / [double rule] / Presso GASPARE BAYNO Stampatore, e Librajo / della Societa de’ Signori Cavalieri.^ Locations: I-Td, L .0.194 I-Tn, F x m 490/4; F VII363/4; Collezione CoIIegio San Francesco, 438/2 A.S.C.T., Collezione Simeom, L-63 I-T, Fanan, 5166 US-Cu, ML50.B54I23 1762 US-Wc, Schatz, 914

[Verazi, Mattia.] L’IFIGENIA / Dramma per Musica / Da Rappresentarsi nel Teatro di / Torre Argentina. / Nel Camevale delVAnno 175L / DEDICATO / Alllllm a edEccma Signora / LA SIGNORA / D. ANNA BARBERINI / Duchessa Sforza Cesarini, Principessa /Savelli, Peretti, Cabrera. / [printer’s device] / IN ROMA, [single rule] / Con licenza de ' Superiori. / [single rule] / Si vendono da Fausto Amidei Libraro al Corso sotto / il Palazzo del Signor Marchese Raggi. Location: US-AUS, KL 17-98

[Verazi, Mattia.] L’lFIGENIA / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / ALLA CORTE / ELETTORALE / PALATINA / IL GIORNO DEL NOME / DEL SERENISSIMO / ELETTORE / PER COMANDO ! DELLA SERENISSIMA / ELETTRICE. / L’Anno MDCCLI. / [single rule] / Mannheim dalla Stamperia Elettorale / Presso Nicola Pierron. Location: I-Tci, L .0 .142

[Villati, Leopold.] IFIGENIA / IN / AULIDE. / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NEL REGIO TEATRO DI BERLINO / PER ORDINE / DI SUA MAESTÀ. / [printer’s device] / [single rule] / CON LICENZA DI SUA MAESTÀ. / [single rule] / IN BERLINO, / APPRESSO HAUDE E SPENER, / 1768. Location: US-Wc, Schatz 4102

Zeno, Apostolo. IFIGENIA / IN AULIDE. / DRAMMA PER MUSICA, / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NELLA CES AREA CORTE / PER / IL NOME GLORIOSISSIMO / DELLA / SAC. CES. E CATT. R. MAESTÀ / DI / CARLO VI. / IMPERADOR / DE’ROMANI /

^ Rpt. in Ottaviano Dicxbt^ Bibliotecateatrale italiana 6 ^ucca: Giovanni deOa Valle, 1765). Copy held at US-Cu, PQ4227A2D58.

418 SEMPRE AUGUSTO, / PER COMANDO DELLA / SAC. CES. E CATT. R. MAESTÀ / DI / ELISABETTA / CRISTINA, / IMPERADRICE REGNANTE, / L’ANNO MJDCCJCVm. / La Poesia è del Sig. Apostolo Zeno, Poeta, ed / Istorico di S. M. C. e C. / La Musica è del Sig. Antonio Caldara, Vice- / Maestro di Cappella di S. M. C. e C. / [single rule] / In Venezia, per Domenico Lovisa. / Con licenza de 'Superiori. Location; US-Wc, Schatz ,1484

Ifigenia in Tauride:

Verazi, Mattia. IFIGENIA / IN / TAURIDE / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / ZM RAPPRESENTARSI ALLA CORTE! ELETTORALE PALATTNA/ IN OCCASIONE / DEL / FELICISSIMO GIORNO DEL NOME / DEL SERENISSIMO / ELETTORE / PER COMANDO / DELLA SERENISSIMA / ELETTRICE / L’ANNO MDCCLXIV. / [printer’s device] / [double rule] / MANNHEIM nella stamperia Elettorale. Location: US-Wc, Schatz, 5856

O restei

[Verazi, Mattia.] ORESTE / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NEL REGIO TEATRO / DI TORINO / NEL CARNOVALE del 1766. / PRESENZA ! DI / S.S.RM. / [coat of arms] / IN TORINO, / NELLA STAMPERIA REALE. / [double rule] / A spese di Onorato Derossi, Libraio della Societa / de’ Signori Cavalieri sotto i primi Portici / della Contrada di Po. Locations: I-Tci, L .0.220 I-Tn, F x m 491/5; F V II365/4; Collezione CoIIegio San Francesco, 442/2 A.S.C.T., Collezione Simeom, L-71 I-T, Provincia, P-1 107/1 I-T, Fanan, 7974 I-T, Strona-Cravero, uncatalogued US-Wc, Schatz, 6611

Sofonisba:

Verazi, Mattia. SOFONISBA / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI ALLA CORTE i ELETTORALE PALATTNA / IN OCCASIONE / DEL / FELICISSIMO GIORNO DEL NOME / DEL SERENISSIMO / ELETTORE / PER COMANDO / DELLA SERENISSIMA ! ELETTRICE, / L’ANNO MDCCLXm. / [printer’s device] / [single rule] / MANNHEIM nella stamperia Elettorale. Location: D-MHrin, Mh 1722

419 [Verazi, Mattia.] SOFONISBA / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / NEL REGIO TEATRO / DI TORINO / NEL CARNOVALE DEL 1764. / ALLA PRESENZA / DI / S.S.R-M. / [coat of arms] / IN TORINO. / [double rule] / Presso GASPARE BAYNO Stampatore, e Libraio / della Societa de’ Signori Cavalieri. Locations: I-Tci, L .0.208 I-Tn, F x m 521/4, F V II364/4 Collezione CoIIegio San Francesco, 433/2 A.S.C.T., Collezione Simeom, L-68 1-T, Strona-Cravero, uncatalogued US-Wc, Schatz, 3470

420 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primarv Sources Consulted

Libretti'

Alcina e Ruggero: Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. A lcina e Ruggero. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1775.

Alessandro nelllndie: [Metastasio, Pietro.] Alessandro nell'lndie. Turin: Stamperia reale, 1766.

Andromeda: [Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo.] Andromeda. Turin: Zappata ed Avondo, 1755.

Arianna e Teseo: [Pariati, Pietro.] Arianna e Teseo. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1764.

Armida: [Durandi, Jacopo.] Arm ida. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1770.

A rtaserse: [Metastasio, Pietro.] A rtaserse. Turin: Giuseppe Avondo, 1760.

Catone in Utica: [Metastasio, Pietro.] Catone in Utica. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1763.

La Clemenza di Tito: [Metastasio, Pietro.] La Clemenza di Tito. Turin: Giacomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1760.

Creso: [Pizzi, Giuseppe Giovacchino]. Creso. Turin: Stamperia reale, 1768.

^ In the case of libretti with no attributions, I have followed Sonneck, Catalogue ofOpera Librettos Printed Before 1800,4 vois. (Washington. D.C.: Government Prmtmg Office, 1914) unless otherwise noted. For title page transcriptions and exemplars consulted fi>r selected libretti, see Appendhc N.

421 Demetrio: [Metastasio, Pietro.] D em etrio. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1762.

Ecuba: [Durandi, Jacopo.] Ecuba. Turin: Stamperia Mairesse, a spese di Onorato Derossi, 1769.

Enea in Cartagine: d’Orengo, Giuseppe Maria. Enea in Cartagine. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1770.

Enea nel Lazio'. Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Enea nel Lazio. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1760. RoIIi, Paolo Antonio. Enea n el Lazio. Venice, 1734. Verazi, Mattia. Enea nel Lazio. Stuttgart: Cotta, 1755.

II Gran Cidde'. Pizzi, Giovacchino. // Gran Cidde. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1769.

Issea: Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Issea. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1771.

Ifigenia in Aulide: Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Ifigenia in Aulide. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1762. [Verazi, Mattia.] L 'Ifigenia. Rome: Fausto Amidei, 1751. [Villati, Leopold] Ifigenia in Aulide. Berlin: Haude e Spener, 1768. Zeno, Apostolo. Ifigenia in Aulide. Venice: Domenico Lovisa, 1714.

Ifigenia in Tauride'. Verazi, Mattia. Ifigenia in Tauride. Mannheim: Stamperia Elettorale, 1764.

Mitridate. re di Ponto: Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Mitridate. re di Ponto. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1767.

Motezuma: Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Motezuma. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1765.

L 'Olimpiadez [Metastasio, Pietro.] L ’Olimpiade. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1765.

Oreste: [Verazi, Mattia.] O reste. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1766.

422 Pelopida: [Roccaforte, Gaetano.] Pelopida. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1763.

Sofonisba'. Verazi, Mattia. Sofonisba. Mannheim: Stamperia Elettorale, 1763. [------.] Sofonisba. Turin: Gaspare Bayno, 1764.

Tamas Kouli Kan nelVIndia'. Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Tamas Kouli Kan nellTndia. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1772.

Tancredi: [Balbis, D. Silvio] Tancredi. Turin: Stamperia reale, 1767.

Tigrane: [author unknown]. Tigrane. Turin: Giacomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1761.

II trionfo di Clelia: [Metastasio, Pietro.] II trionfo di Clelia. Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1768.

Libretto Anthology

Diodati, OtXammo. Biblioteca teatrale italiana. 12 vols. Lucca: Giovanni della Valle, 1761-65. Ifigenia in Aulide'. Vol. 6 (1762). Enea nel Lazio: Vol. 8 (1762). Motezuma: Vol. 11 (1765).

Manuscript Musical Scores (complete)

La Clemenza di Tito: Galuppi, Baldassare. La Clemenza di Tito. (1760) I-CMc, 091.78.5.

Ifigenia in Aulide: Bertoni, Ferdinando. Ifigenia in Aulide. (1762) I-Tf, 1 Vm 6-7-7 bis.

Oreste: Monza, Carlo. O reste. (1766) I-T^ IV 15-16-17

Pelopida: Scarlatti, Ghiseppe. P elopida. (1763) I-Tci, Mus. Ms. 55 (Act ü).

423 Sofonisba’. Galuppi, Baldassare. Sofonisba. (1764) I-Tf, I V 18-19-20. Galuppi, Baldassare, Sofonisba. (1764) I-Tci, Mus. Ms. 54 (Act IE).

Tigrane’. Piccmni, Niccolo. Tigrane. (1761) I-CMc, 091.78.15.

Manuscript Musical Scores (excerpts)

Manuscript excerpts. I-Tci, Mus. Ms: 42: “Dove son? Che m’avenne?” 43: “Eccomi sola alfine” 53: “Cara se le mie pene” 54: Sofonisba (score. Act HI) 55: Pelopida (score. Act O) 128: “Deh tergi quel pianto” 137: “Ah non résisté ü cor” 302: “Fra dubbi affetti miei”; “(^uel amplesso e quel perdono”; “Nella tua sorte amara”; “Son pietosa e son amante”

“Raccolta di Arie,” I-Tf, Tf 2 IV 18-19.

Archival Sources

Turin, Archivio storico della città di Torino, Collezione DC: Libri conti delle Opere al Teatro Regio, vol. 33 (1756-57) — vol. 60 (1775-76). Ordinati libri, 1744-1800: vol. 3, 1744-1752 vol. 4,1752-1759 vol. 5, 1760-1765 vol. 6, 1764-1768 vol. 7,1769-1771 vol. 8, 1771-1779 vol. 9,1777-1783 vol. 10, 1783-1786 vol. II, 1786-1800 Collezione Simeom, Items from Serie B, C, F, L, M Carte sciolte, 6183-6251 (1726-1791)

424 Other Primary Sources

Baretti, Giuseppe, and Vittorio Amedeo Cigna-Santi. Canzoniper le nozze del signor Conte di Pertengo colla nobil donna Provana, Canzoni quattro. Turin: Giuseppe Antonio Zappata, 1750.

Cigna-Santi, Vittorio Amedeo. Poesia per musica di Vittorio Amedeo Cigna Accademico Trasformato. Turin: Giacomo Giuseppe Avondo, 1760.

. Serie cronologica de ’ Cavalieri delVOrdine Supremo di Savoia detto prima del Collare, indi della Santissima Nunziata, Turin: Stamperia reale, 1786.

Novelle letterarie di Firenze, 30 vois. Florence, 1740-69. n.s., 23 vois. Florence, 1770-92.

Nuovo Almanacco dei Teatri di Torino, Turin: Onorato Derossi, 1780.

Quadrio, Francesco Saverio. Della storia e della ragione di ogni Poesia, 7 vois. Bologna and Milan: Francesco Agnelli, 1739-52.

[Tagliazucchi, Girolamo]. Prose, e Poesie dell Abate Girolamo Tagliazucchi Professore d ’Eloquenza nella Regia Untversità di Torino, consacrate allAltezza Reale di Vittorio Amedeo Duca di Savoia &c, Turin: Gianfrancesco Mairesse all’Insegna di S. Teresa di Gesù, 1735.

Selected Secondary Works

Algarotti, Francesco. “Saggio sopra I’opera m musica.” In edited by Giovanni da Pozzo, 145-223. Bari: Laterza, 1963.

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