Survey Report on Keratoplasty in China: a 5-Year Review from 2014 to 2018
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COAL CONFERENCE University of Pittsburgh · Swanson School of Engineering ABSTRACTS BOOKLET
Thirty-Fifth Annual INTERNATIONAL PITTSBURGH COAL CONFERENCE University of Pittsburgh · Swanson School of Engineering ABSTRACTS BOOKLET Clean Coal-based Energy/Fuels and the Environment October 15-18, 2018 New Century Grand Hotel Xuzhou Hosted by: The conference acknowledges the support of Co-hosted by: K. C. Wong Education Foundation, Hong Kong A NOTE TO THE READER This Abstracts Booklet is prepared solely as a convenient reference for the Conference participants. Abstracts are arranged in a numerical order of the oral and poster sessions as published in the Final Conference Program. In order to facilitate the task for the reader to locate a specific abstract in a given session, each paper is given two numbers: the first designates the session number and the second represents the paper number in that session. For example, Paper No. 25.1 is the first paper to be presented in the Oral Session #25. Similarly, Paper No. P3.1 is the first paper to appear in the Poster Session #3. It should be cautioned that this Abstracts Booklet is prepared based on the original abstracts that were submitted, unless the author noted an abstract change. The contents of the Booklet do not reflect late changes made by the authors for their presentations at the Conference. The reader should consult the Final Conference Program for any such changes. Furthermore, updated and detailed full manuscripts, published in the Conference Proceedings, will be sent to all registered participants following the Conference. On behalf of the Thirty-Fifth Annual International Pittsburgh Coal Conference, we wish to express our sincere appreciation and gratitude to Ms. -
The Illegality of China's Falun Gong Crackdown and Its Relevance to the Recent Political Turmoil
The illegality of China's Falun Gong crackdown and its relevance to the recent political turmoil Hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, December 18, 2012 Written Statement by Yiyang Xia, Senior Director of Policy and Research at the Human Rights Law Foundation and Director of the Investigation Division for the World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong I would like to express my appreciation to the members of CECC, particularly Chairman Smith and Co-Chairman Brown, for holding this hearing for FLG In recent years, the world has witnessed deteriorating human rights conditions and growing disregard for the rule of law in China, whether it is in cases involving activists, democracy advocates, or even high-ranking officials. But what are the underlying causes of the current situation? In essence, it began 13 years ago when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched its campaign to eliminate Falun Gong, a spiritual practice with followers numbering in the tens of millions. In my remarks, I will explore three dimensions of the persecution: 1. How the party has systematically violated Chinese laws for the purposes of implementing the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners. 2. How Wang Lijun, a centerpiece of recent political turmoil in China, was involved in the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners and organ transplant abuses. 3. The challenge facing the new leadership when it comes to the ongoing campaign against Falun Gong. How the persecution operates without a legal basis The Chinese government never legally banned Falun Gong and there is, in fact, no law on the books prohibiting this religious practice. -
Chongqing Is Not the Only Place That Has Fallen
A4 Wednesday, December 19, 2012 FOCUS In the dungeon of Bo Xilai In the first of a four- part series, Revisiting Chongqing, we look at one of the earliest and most high-profile victims of the disgraced party chief’s crackdown on so-called gangsters ................................................ Keith Zhai in Chongqing [email protected] In mid-July 2009, 21-year-old Li Jun , freshly graduated from an American university, tried to call her father in Chongqing from a Greek restaurant in down- town New York. She could not reach him but thought, “that’s all right, maybe he’s in a meeting”. In fact, her father Li Qiang , once one of the southwest- ern municipality’s most success- ful businessmen, had been shackled to a metal chair by police mounting the mainland’s largest anti-triad campaign in decades. A stocky man with a round face and big eyes, he was forced to sit in the straight- backed, custom-made chair which was too small for him, for 76 days. In addition he had heavy leg irons around his ankles and his wrists were in manacles, his daughter and a fellow prisoner said. A black robe was often draped over his head most of the time. For the first five days and six nights he was not given any food or water, or allowed to go to the bathroom. The fellow prisoner said Li was scared to sit on a bed after weeks on the chair, introduced by then Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun and widely used to torture suspects in the ruthless crackdown he oversaw. -
The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Research Report March 23, 2012 The China Rising Leaders Project, Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders by John Dotson USCC Research Coordinator With Supporting Research and Contributions By: Shelly Zhao, USCC Research Fellow Andrew Taffer, USCC Research Fellow 1 The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission China Rising Leaders Project Research Report Series: Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders (March 2012) Part 2: China’s Emerging Leaders in the People’s Liberation Army (forthcoming June 2012) Part 3: China’s Emerging Leaders in State-Controlled Industry (forthcoming August 2012) Disclaimer: This report is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 108-7. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. Cover Photo: CCP Politburo Standing Committee Member Xi Jinping acknowledges applause in Beijing’s Great Hall of the People following his election as Vice-President of the People’s Republic of China during the 5th plenary session of the National People's Congress (March 15, 2008). -
Bo Xilai and Reform: What Will Be the Impact of His Removal?
Bo Xilai and Reform: What Will Be the Impact of His Removal? Joseph Fewsmith The unexpected flight of Chongqing’s Public Security head to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu in February started an unexpected sequence of events that led to the removal of Bo Xilai, the princeling head of the Chongqing party committee, and the subsequent decision to investigate him. Depending on the outcome of that party investigation, Bo could then be subject to civil proceedings (as is almost always the case). These events have disrupted what appeared to be the smooth transition planned for the 18th Party Congress later this fall. There has been much commentary on these events, and different observers look at the significance and impact of the Bo Xilai case on Chinese politics differently. Looking at Bo’s unique place in the Chinese political system and at the actions taken and commentary issued by the government in Beijing, this article concludes that Beijing is taking steps to narrow the case against Bo as much as possible, presenting it as a case of violating party discipline and the law. Although this makes sense in the short run, there may be ramifications of the case that will reverberate for a long time. The run-up to the 18th Party Congress scheduled to be held this fall has proven to be more interesting than anyone imagined. The escape of Wang Lijun, Chongqing’s vice mayor and head of public security, to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and his subsequent arrest, followed by stories that Gu Kailai, wife of the Chongqing party secretary, was suspected of the murder of English entrepreneur Neil Heywood, and finally the removal and investigation of Bo Xilai himself have generated vast quantities of newspaper articles, lurid stories, and speculation. -
China Media Bulletin
CHINA MEDIA BULLETIN A weekly update of press freedom and censorship news related to the People’s Republic of China Issue No. 50: March 15, 2012 Headlines State media follow officials’ lead in covering Bo Xilai’s downfall New law regulates secret detentions State media revive Mao-era propaganda hero China suspected in Facebook-based NATO spying Carnegie Mellon unveils study of microblog deletions BROADCAST / PRINT MEDIA NEWS State media follow officials’ lead in covering Bo Xilai’s downfall In the week leading up to the dramatic March 15 removal of Bo Xilai as the Communist Party chief of Chongqing, Chinese state media began to provide more coverage of the controversy that had surrounded the ambitious Politburo member since one of his subordinates, Wang Lijun, briefly sought refuge in a U.S. consulate in early February (see CMB No. 47). Nevertheless, Chinese outlets continued to trail behind Hong Kong, foreign, and exile media, as well as the blogosphere, in their reporting. Throughout February and into early March, state-run media and Chinese officialdom were conspicuously silent on the story. On March 2, even as a spokesman for the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference—a state advisory body that was preparing to hold its annual session concurrently with a similar session of the National People’s Congress (NPC), the rubber- stamp legislature—made the first official admission that Wang was under investigation, the English- language channel of state-run China Central Television turned its broadcast away to an anchor conducting an interview with a pundit. On March 6, Chongqing’s mayor chose Hong Kong–based Phoenix TV for an interview in which he confirmed having traveled to the U.S. -
China's Rulers: the Fifth Generation
CHINA’S RULERS: THE FIFTH GENERATION TAKES POWER (2012–13) Michael Dillon This project is funded by A project implemented by The European Union Steinbeis GmbH & Co. KG für Technologietransfer © Europe China Research and Advice Network, 2012 This publication may be reproduced for personal and educational use only. Commercial copying, hiring or lending of this publication is strictly prohibited. Europe China Research and Advice Network 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE +44 (0) 20 7314 3659 [email protected] www.euecran.eu Contents Foreword ........................................................................................................ 4 ExecutIve Summary ........................................................................................ 6 Key PRC PolItIcal BodIes .................................................................................. 7 Timetable for Leadership Changes .................................................................. 8 Introduction ................................................................................................... 9 1 Change and ContInuity ............................................................................... 11 2 Senior PolItIcal Appointments .................................................................... 14 3 PolItIcal GeneratIons In China .................................................................... 16 4 CCP FactIons and the SuccessIon Process ................................................... 17 5 Key Issues ................................................................................................. -
The Bo Xilai Trial and China's Struggle with the Rule Of
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Washington University St. Louis: Open Scholarship Washington University Global Studies Law Review Volume 14 Issue 1 2015 The Bo Xilai Trial and China’s Struggle With the Rule of Law Ben Self Washington University in St. Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Ben Self, The Bo Xilai Trial and China’s Struggle With the Rule of Law, 14 WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 155 (2015), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol14/iss1/9 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Global Studies Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BO XILAI TRIAL AND CHINA’S STRUGGLE WITH THE RULE OF LAW INTRODUCTION This Note will examine the trial of former Chinese politician Bo Xilai and assess whether his trial (the Bo trial) is indicative of a strengthening commitment of China towards some form of the rule of law. Although Bo received more legal protections in his trial than many defendants ordinarily receive in criminal trials, this Note will argue that his case is not indicative of a larger victory for the rule of law in China for two reasons. -
The Bo Xilai Affair and the PLA
The Bo Xilai Affair and the PLA James Mulvenon On 15 March 2012, Chongqing Municipality leader, princeling, and aspiring national elite Bo Xilai was stripped of his party posts, following the dramatic flight of his former deputy police chief Wang Lijun to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and revelations about the possible involvement of Bo’s wife in the murder of a British businessman. In the wake of his purge, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Falungong-controlled media were rife with rumors about Bo’s relationships with senior military officers and even a possible coup attempt in Beijing. This article examines Bo’s ties with the PLA through his career, assesses the validity of various claims about the fallout in the military from his purge, and speculates about any possible implications for party-military relations. Introduction On 15 March 2012, Chongqing Municipality leader, princeling, and aspiring national elite Bo Xilai was stripped of his party posts, following the dramatic flight of his former deputy police chief Wang Lijun to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and revelations about the possible involvement of Bo’s wife in the murder of a British businessman. In the wake of his purge, Hong Kong and Taiwan media were rife with rumors about Bo’s relationships with senior military officers and even a possible coup attempt in Beijing. This article examines Bo’s ties with the PLA through his career, assesses the validity of various claims about the fallout in the military from his purge, and speculates about any possible implications for party-military relations. -
The Bo Xilai Affair in Central Leadership Politics
The Bo Xilai Affair in Central Leadership Politics Alice Miller From a procedural perspective, the removal of Bo Xilai from Chongqing and from the party Politburo resembles the 2006 purge of Shanghai party boss Chen Liangyu and the 1995 takedown of Beijing City party chief Chen Xitong. Bo’s removal in that respect therefore does not indicate a departure from the “rules of the game” as played in the last two decades. From a political perspective, each of the three purges—of the two Chens and of Bo Xilai—removed an irritant to the top leadership at an important moment of transition. The Politburo leadership has, publicly at least, sustained its usual façade of unity throughout the Bo affair, and Bo’s removal likely strengthens rather than disrupts preparations for convocation of the 18th Party Congress this fall. The Fall of Bo Xilai The train of events that led to Bo Xilai’s removal from his post as Chongqing party chief began on 28 January, when Wang Lijun, deputy mayor and public security chief of the Chongqing City government, reported to Bo that investigation into a corruption case had implicated members of his family. In response, Bo reportedly pushed the Chongqing CCP Committee to reassign Wang from police work to the city government’s education and science and technology post. When his associates in the city’s public security bureau came under counter-investigations instituted by Bo’s allies, Wang began to fear for his future, and on 6 February, having driven to the adjacent province of Sichuan, he entered the American consulate in Chengdu. -
Is Xi Jinping the Reformist Leader China Needs? JEAN-PIERRE CABESTAN
Current affairs China perspectives Is Xi Jinping the Reformist Leader China Needs? JEAN-PIERRE CABESTAN ABSTRACT: In autumn 2012, following the 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi Jinping is to succeed Hu Jintao as General Secretary of the Party and also, in all probability, as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, where he has been second-in-command since 2010. In March 2013, he is set to become President of the People’s Republic of China. Born into the political elite, he enjoys a great deal of support in the Nomenklatura. Having governed several coastal provinces, the current Vice-President is thoroughly acquainted with the workings of Party and state. He also has support within the Army, where he spent a short time at the beginning of his career. In addition, in recent years, he has acquired significant international experience. Urbane and affable, Xi is appreciated for his consensual approach. Nonetheless, Xi is taking charge of the country at a particularly delicate time. China is having to adopt an alternative growth model whilst the government is struggling with powerful economic and regional feudalities. The Bo Xilai affair has highlighted the weakening of the central government, the corruption of the elites, and deep-rooted ideological differences within the Party machine that are damaging the political legitimacy of the regime and endangering its stability. As a result, Xi must not only reunify the Party leadership and machine but also establish his authority over all the country’s civil and military institutions. His style and charisma will help him. But his success will also and above all depend on his ability to form a united coalition set on reform and capable of dismantling the privileges acquired by the regime’s many bosses. -
Introduction Fighting for a Constitutional China: Public Enlightenment and Legal Professionalism
00-2290-9 fm_Yu 10/25/12 1:48 PM Page xvii Introduction Fighting for a Constitutional China: Public Enlightenment and Legal Professionalism cheng li We are here not because we are law-breakers; we are here in our efforts to become law-makers. —Emmeline Pankhurst , leader of the British suffragette movement The right rulings make a country great because the event is seen by all. —Stephen Breyer , Associate Justice, U.S. Supreme Court One evening in the fall of 2011, almost five months before the dramatic downfall of heavyweight political leader Bo Xilai, I sat in an auditorium at the Law School of Peking University listening to a panel discussion on China’s judicial reforms. 1 The Beida Law Society, a student organization on campus, sponsored this public forum featuring He Weifang and Xu Xin, two distin - guished law professors in Beijing. 2 The auditorium was crowded with several hundred people (mainly students and young faculty members but also some Chinese journalists). As I listened to this engaging and enlightening discus - sion, it occurred to me that I was witnessing a profound political movement unfolding for constitutionalism in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). I would like to thank Eve Cary, John Langdon, Jordan Lee, and Andrew Marble for their very helpful comments on an early version of this introductory chapter. xvii 00-2290-9 fm_Yu 10/25/12 1:48 PM Page xviii xviii introduction What struck me— and shocked me as a foreign visitor— was not only that the entire discussion was explicitly critical of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for its resistance to any meaningful judicial reform but also that the atmosphere was calm, reasonable, and marked by a sense of humor and sophistication in the expression of ideas.