First Africans Ethnohistory REVISION-4.Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

First Africans Ethnohistory REVISION-4.Pdf Mexican Manuscripts and the First Images of Africans in the Americas Elena FitzPatrick Sifford Ethnohistory Abstract Africans in the Americas were first visually recorded by tlacuiloque, or indigenous artist- scribes in mid sixteenth century Central Mexican manuscripts such as Diego Durán’s History, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, and Codex Azcatitlan. These figures, while often peripheral to the central narrative and never mentioned specifically by name, are nevertheless rendered as active agents in the shaping of a new colonial society. The article examines these images of Africans to reveal their ethnographic complexity and the development of concepts of alterity in the early contact period. Key Words Africans in Mexico Afro-Mexico Tlacuilo Juan Garrido Telleriano-Remensis Azcatitlan Durán Historia 1 A dark skinned man with tightly curled hair hangs from a noose tied to a wooden scaffold. Rendered in profile, he wears a red tunic and holds a cross in hand. His hanged body slumps downwards, back and head sunken. This image, on folio 45 recto of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, may well be the very first rendering of an African in the Americas. It was painted by an indigenous artist in the mid sixteenth century, just a few decades after the conquest of Mexico (See Fig. 1). <Insert Fig. 1 Here> Figure 1. Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 45 recto. Courtesy Bibliotheque National de France. 2 It is perhaps surprising that it was in Mexico, a country not typically known for its African population, that Africans in the Americas were first visually recorded several decades before elsewhere. This precedent can be credited to the ingenuity of Mexica (Aztec) tlacuiloque (artist-scribes) who had trained in the creation of the xiuhtlapohualamoxtli, or historic annal, a literary genre produced in Central Mexico since long before the Spanish conquest. The earliest extant first-hand visual depictions of Africans in the Americas were therefore made by indigenous artists, not Europeans.1 These images, seen in the Codex Azcatitlan (c. 1550), Codex Telleriano-Remensis (c. 1550), and Fray Diego Durán’s History of the Indies of New Spain (1581), are some of the very first images of African people in the Americas.2 Studying them adds to the field of New Conquest History that problematizes accounts of the conquest as the triumph of Spaniards over the indigenous peoples through examining alternate narratives and viewpoints.3 This article contributes to this history by looking at the ways in which indigenous artist-scribes described and recorded the Africans who arrived as part of the Spanish entrada into Tenochtitlan. The indigenous reaction to Africans provides a visual alternative to the dominant European gaze, revealing not only the Spanish, indigenous, and African triangulation of the colonial encounter, but the ethnographic skill and artistic adaptation of the indigenous artists.4 The examples highlighted in this article show the ways in which tlacuiloque pictured and recorded “others,” both Spanish and African, and how those categories, while familiar in Europe, were only beginning to be defined on American soil. These images showcase the processes of social categorization from outside, Africans recorded not by Spaniards who are credited for setting the rules of the new colony, nor by 3 themselves, but by indigenous people.5 The act of being represented as the other would later be described by the African-American theoretician W.E.B. DuBois who wrote of “a particular sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others.”6 But what if those “others” were not Europeans, but members of another marginalized group (in this case, indigenous Central Mexican artists who had recently been conquered and colonized)? These images from colonial codices offer the possibility of blackness that was not tainted with the pejorative notions that surrounded blackness on the European continent and would soon continue within Western culture in the Americas. Toni Morrison developed the term Africanism to describe “the denotative and connotative blackness that African peoples have come to signify, as well as the entire range of views, assumptions, readings and misreadings that accompany Eurocentric learning about these people.”7 These Eurocentric readings of Africans saw an upswing in the fifteenth century with the reconquest and expulsion of Moorish (black and Arab) populations from the Iberian Peninsula and the increase of the African slave trade in Europe.8 Because of the slave trade that would soon stretch across the Atlantic to the New World, Africans came to be seen as natural servants as well as heretics who were stained by exposure to Islam on the African continent. In later centuries Mexican artists, displaying European derogatory associations with blackness, depicted Africans as biblical or allegorical subjects, or as stereotyped figures at the peripheries of Viceregal society. These earliest images, however, are neither idealized nor stereotyped. The Africans depicted by indigenous tlauciloque, while 4 often peripheral to the central narrative and never mentioned specifically by name, are rendered as active agents in the shaping of a new colonial society. Despite this, art historians have looked to the work of European artists as the progenitors of the earliest images of Africans in the Americas. Scholars studying images of Africans in colonial Latin American art have tended to focus on Brazil and the Caribbean as the primary sites of the African experience in the Americas, citing artists like Albert Eckhout, a Dutch painter who travelled to Northeast Brazil in the mid seventeenth century as the first to record the appearance of Africans in the New World. 9 Others have examined both European and local prints that depict Africans as Magi and various religious figures as the earliest examples.10 The ground breaking multi-volume Image of the Black in Western Art similarly overlooks the early contributions of the indigenous people of Central Mexico to the rendering of Africans in the Americas. These early colonial works by the tlacuiloque are indeed some of the earliest examples of “Western” art in the Americas, showcasing the melding of Western European and indigenous American literary and pictorial traditions. Nevertheless, the early modern tome overlooks the codices and focuses on European traveller art as well as depictions of black saints, the black Magus, and the personification of the African continent as the iconographic conventions for blackness.11 In Mexico by the seventeenth century artists had adopted similar schemes for rendering black Africans as magi, saints, or allegorical figures. By the eighteenth century some of the most famous images of New World Africans were casta paintings that depicted the racial mixing between Spaniards, Indians, and Africans. 12 Some casta paintings negatively portray African descended people, particularly women, as violent 5 and pernicious or as culprits in the degradation of Spanish blood. While much of the Viceregal visual production ignores or stereotypes the black body, the images located within the pages of the three key colonial manuscripts discussed in this article show that the tlacuiloque, not privy to the Hispanic history of racial categorization, rendered black bodies in key positions within these compositions. By offering a visual alternate to the often negatively stereotyped images of blackness perpetuated in the Americas, these earliest images, though few, offer a glimpse into an African diasporic history untainted by what Krista Thompson describes as the perpetuation of imagery that rendered Africans as “noncitizens, nonhumans, as not representable, or as unworthy or incapable of art.”13 Whether through negative imagery or the lack of representation of them in Western art, African diasporic peoples have been intimately acquainted with the inherent connection between the visual and the self. As Thompson aptly explains: “Who knew better the meaning and uses of the visual in Western society than those who were defined as black, as other, as property, based on the surface appearance of their skins?”14 The very visibility of black skin became codified as the identifier of African-ness, inferiority, and servitude. Yet in these conquest-era tlacuiloque images such negative associations are largely absent. Within them we see a glimmer of possibility that exists beyond (or before) the racism that would come to define the black experience and the representation of blackness on the American continent. Manuscripts, Pre and Post-Hispanic Aesthetic Practice, and the Tlacuilo’s Development of New Iconography All three manuscripts under discussion were commissioned by Spaniards and created by now anonymous indigenous tlacuiloque (artist-scribes). These individuals 6 were trained in the Aztec-Mixtec writing tradition, a technique that combined ideographic, phonetic, pictographic, and mathematical elements to create what Miguel León-Portilla describes as “true works of literature.”15 Much as alphabetic writing functioned elsewhere, the image in the Mesoamerican world was used to document and disseminate knowledge.16 In Nahuatl, cultural knowledge and wisdom were described as in tlilli in tlapalli, which translates to “the black ink, the colors.” 17 This describes the convention in which tlacuiloque created images outlined in black and filled in with color. Erudition and aesthetic practice were intimately linked, not only linguistically, but mythically as well. The artist-scribe’s patron was the divine hero god Quetzalcoatl, the bringer of both art and knowledge to humanity via the Toltecs who in turn transmitted these skills to the Mexica (Aztecs). The making of images was thus intimately linked with the recording and acquisition of wisdom. As Michael Baxandall has established, a society’s way of viewing itself and the world is communicated through picture making.18 The stylistic conventions of a cultural group reflects its understanding of the world around them, mirroring the society’s values and interactions.19 After millennia of developing in tlilli in tlapalli, the conquest and colonization fundamentally altered the cultural dynamics behind image making.
Recommended publications
  • Cómo Citar El Artículo Número Completo Más Información Del
    Hipogrifo. Revista de literatura y cultura del Siglo de Oro ISSN: 2328-1308 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Auriseculares España Sánchez Sánchez, David Juan Garrido, el negro conquistador: nuevos datos sobre su identidad Hipogrifo. Revista de literatura y cultura del Siglo de Oro, vol. 8, núm. 1, 2020, -Junio, pp. 263-279 Instituto de Estudios Auriseculares España DOI: https://doi.org/10.13035/H.2020.08.01.19 Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=517563676018 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Juan Garrido, el negro conquistador: nuevos datos sobre su identidad Juan Garrido, the Black Conqueror: New Information about his Identity David Sánchez Sánchez Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de Puebla MÉXICO [email protected] Universidad de Navarra ESPAÑA [Hipogrifo, (issn: 2328-1308), 8.1, 2020, pp. 263-279] Recibido: 04-02-2020 / Aceptado: 16-04-2020 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13035/H.2020.08.01.19 Resumen. El presente estudio aporta nuevos documentos sobre la vida del negro conquistador Juan Garrido quien recorrió diferentes territorios de las Indias como hombre libre y católico en el siglo XVI. Su participación fue destacada en momen- tos históricos tan cruciales como la «Noche Triste», la primera siembra de trigo de la América continental o la creación de la primera ermita a san Hipólito en la Ciudad de México.
    [Show full text]
  • Juan Garrido, El Negro Conquistador: Nuevos Datos Sobre Su Identidad Juan Garrido, the Black Conqueror: New Information About His Identity
    Juan Garrido, el negro conquistador: nuevos datos sobre su identidad Juan Garrido, the Black Conqueror: New Information about his Identity David Sánchez Sánchez Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de Puebla MÉXICO [email protected] Universidad de Navarra ESPAÑA [Hipogrifo, (issn: 2328-1308), 8.1, 2020, pp. 263-279] Recibido: 04-02-2020 / Aceptado: 16-04-2020 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13035/H.2020.08.01.19 Resumen. El presente estudio aporta nuevos documentos sobre la vida del negro conquistador Juan Garrido quien recorrió diferentes territorios de las Indias como hombre libre y católico en el siglo XVI. Su participación fue destacada en momen- tos históricos tan cruciales como la «Noche Triste», la primera siembra de trigo de la América continental o la creación de la primera ermita a san Hipólito en la Ciudad de México. Su relación cercana con Hernán Cortés lo convirtió en uno de sus referentes. Los estudios hasta la fecha de los principales investigadores sobre dicha persona mantienen que nunca regresó a la Península Ibérica. Presentamos ante ello esta investigación donde Juan Garrido, con la intención de hacer las gestiones necesarias ante la administración para asegurar el buen término de la probanza que envió al rey, y donde, además, procedió a la venta del indio Pedro a Sánchez Carrillo, lo que dio lugar a un proceso judicial encontrado en el Archivo General de Indias, pues el citado indio era libre, nos permite afirmar que el negro conquistador Juan Garrido, sí volvió a la Península. Palabras clave. Juan Garrido; conquistador; Nueva España. HIPOGRIFO, 8.1, 2020 (pp.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MARKS of AFRICA on PUERTO RICAN POPULAR CATHOLICISM Thesis Submitted to the College of Arts and Sciences
    AN ABSENT HISTORY: THE MARKS OF AFRICA ON PUERTO RICAN POPULAR CATHOLICISM Thesis Submitted to The College of Arts and Sciences of the UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Master of Arts in Theological Studies By José Santana UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON Dayton, Ohio August 2017 AN ABSENT HISTORY: THE MARKS OF AFRICA ON PUERTO RICAN POPULAR CATHOLICISM Name: Santana, José Luis APPROVED BY: _________________________________________________ Neomi De Anda, Ph.D. Faculty Advisor _________________________________________________ Dennis Doyle, Ph.D. Faculty Reader _________________________________________________ Cecilia Moore, Ph.D. Faculty Reader _________________________________________________ Daniel Thompson, Ph.D. Chair of the Department of Religious Studies ii © Copyright by José Santana All rights reserved 2017 iii ABSTRACT AN ABSENT HISTORY: THE MARKS OF AFRICA ON PUERTO RICAN POPULAR CATHOLICISM Name: Santana, José Luis University of Dayton Advisor: Dr. Neomi De Anda Throughout Puerto Rico’s history there has existed both an explicit and persistent implicit denial of African history, culture, and religiosity. Such denial, initiated by Spanish blood purity ideologies and continued by U.S. American hegemony, has resulted in the “othering” of African religious expression, which has yet to be fully embraced by society at-large and by ecclesiastical structures. Instead African religious expression has been integrated into the popular practices of the common class. Informed by this background, this research explores popular Catholic practices of African inheritance in Puerto Rico, examining their history, meaning, and potential contribution for the theological community. iv Dedicated to Justo Santana v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Special thanks and acknowledgment is owed to Dr. Neomi De Anda, whose support and direction as my advisor, over the course of more than a year, has greatly assisted in the development of this research.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the Indigenous Slave Trade and Diaspora from Española to the Circum-Caribbean, 1492-1542
    Indian Harvest: The Rise of the Indigenous Slave Trade and Diaspora from Española to the Circum-Caribbean, 1492-1542 By Erin Woodruff Stone Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in History May, 2014 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Jane G. Landers, Ph.D. Edward Wright-Rios, Ph.D. Dan Usner, Ph.D. Steven Wernke, Ph.D. Copyright © 2014 by ErinWoodruff Stone All Rights Reserved Acknowlegdements This work would not have been possible without financial support from Vanderbilt, particulary the History Department, Graduate School, and Latin American Studies Program. I am also greatly indebted to the Institute of Internal Education, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, Harvard University’s Atlantic History Seminar, and the University of Minnesota’s Program for Cultural Cooperation. I am grateful to all those I have worked with along the way who offered advice, criticism, guidance, and intellectual support. I would especially like to thank my advisor Dr. Jane Landers. She taught me invaluable personal and profession lessons, provided me with endless hours of her time, and never failed to support me. I also want to thank the rest of my committee; Dr. Edward Wright-Rios, Dr. Steven Wernke, and Dr. Dan Usner, all of whom contributed to the shape of the project and offered great, if often hard to hear criticism, from the dissertation’s inception to its completion. Outside of Vanderbilt I need to thank both Dr. Ida Altman and Dr. J. Michael Francis, both of whom read early versions of chapters, supported me at conferences, and gave me archival leads.
    [Show full text]
  • African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620
    CONTESTED CONQUESTS: African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620 Robert C. Schwaller University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas [email protected] On July 13, 1571, King Philip II of Spain, via a real cédula, authorized the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to enact plans to “conquer” a community of African cimarrones (maroons, runaway slaves) located about 36 miles from the city of Santo Domingo. The king offered to those who ventured forth compensation in the form of the cimarrones they captured as slaves.1 At face value, the substance of this order was not particularly unique. Since the 1520s, runaway African slaves had formed maroon communities in remote regions bordering Spanish conquests. By the 1570s, African maroons could be found in practically every part of Spanish America.2 The uniqueness of Philip’s order comes from the choice of language, in particular the decision to label the expedition a conquest. In most cases, the monarch or his officials used words like ‘reduce’ (reducir/reducciones), ‘pacify’ (pacificar/pacificación), ‘castigate’ (castigar), or ‘dislodge’ (desechar) to describe the goal of such campaigns. By describing an anti-maroon campaign as a conquest, this cédula went against the dominant Spanish narrative of the sixteenth century, in which resistance, especially by Africans or native groups, signified a punctuated disturbance of an ostensibly stable and coherent postconquest colonial order. The wording of the cédula, and the maroon movements to which it responded, explicitly link anti-maroon campaigns to the process of Spanish conquest. This article suggests that Spanish- maroon contestation on Hispaniola should be construed as an integral piece of a prolonged and often incomplete Spanish conquest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Afro-Portuguese Maritime World and The
    THE AFRO-PORTUGUESE MARITIME WORLD AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF SPANISH CARIBBEAN SOCIETY, 1570-1640 By David Wheat Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree in DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in History August, 2009 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Jane G. Landers Marshall C. Eakin Daniel H. Usner, Jr. David J. Wasserstein William R. Fowler Copyright © 2009 by John David Wheat All Rights Reserved For Sheila iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation could not have been completed without support from a variety of institutions over the past eight years. As a graduate student assistant for the preservation project “Ecclesiastical Sources for Slave Societies,” I traveled to Cuba twice, in Summer 2004 and in Spring 2005. In addition to digitizing late-sixteenth-century sacramental records housed in the Cathedral of Havana during these trips, I was fortunate to visit the Archivo Nacional de Cuba. The bulk of my dissertation research was conducted in Seville, Spain, primarily in the Archivo General de Indias, over a period of twenty months in 2005 and 2006. This extended research stay was made possible by three generous sources of funding: a Summer Research Award from Vanderbilt’s College of Arts and Sciences in 2005, a Fulbright-IIE fellowship for the academic year 2005-2006, and the Conference on Latin American History’s Lydia Cabrera Award for Cuban Historical Studies in Fall 2006. Vanderbilt’s Department of History contributed to my research in Seville by allowing me one semester of service-free funding. In Spring 2008, under the auspices of a Vanderbilt University Graduate School Dissertation Enhancement Award, I traveled to Bogotá, Colombia, where I conducted research in the Archivo General de la Nación.
    [Show full text]
  • Spanish Explorers in Florida
    Lesson (t) © Mary Evans Picture Library / Alamy, (b) Library of Congress - Prints & Photographs Division - Detroit Publishing Company 1 Spanish Explorers in Florida Essential Question Do you know the end of this rhyme? Fill it in. Why do people explore? In fourteen hundred ninety-two, Columbus What do you think? . Check your answer at the bottom of the page. It’s true! In 1492, a man named Christopher Columbus sailed west from Europe. He hoped to find a new way to reach the continent of Asia. Instead, he landed on an island in the Bahamas, which is part of North America. His journey opened the door for other explorers to travel to North America. Some of Collection - [reproduction number - LC-D41-119] Write a number on each line them arrived in our state—Florida! to show how much you know about the meaning of each word. 1 = I have no idea! 2 = I know a little. 3 = I know a lot. conquistador *motivation colony *rule natural resource expedition slavery NGSS Standards SS.4.A.3.1 Identify explorers whoh came to Florida and the motivations for their expeditions. SS.4.G.1.4 Interpret political and physical maps using map elements (title, compass rose, cardinal directions, intermediate directions, symbols, legend, scale, longitude, latitude). sailed the ocean blue. ocean the sailed In fourteen hundred ninety-two, Columbus Columbus ninety-two, hundred fourteen In 48 There’sTher More Online!ne! Content Library Videos Explorer Routes UNITEDUNIN STATES St. Augustine BAHAMAS Puerto Rico (U.S.) Havana CUBA MEXICO HAITI DOMINICAN JAMAICA REPUBLIC Mexico City Veracruz Ponce de León, 1513 de Narváez and Cabeza de Vaca together, 1528 Cabeza de Vaca, 1528–1536 0 200 400 miles de Soto, 1539–1542 0 200 400 kilometers MapMap andand GlobeGlobe SkillsSkills 1 .
    [Show full text]
  • Latinos and Afro-Latino Legacy in the United States: History, Culture, and Issues of Identity
    Professional Agricultural Workers Journal Volume 3 Number 2 Professional Agricultural Workers Article 2 Journal 4-6-2016 Latinos and Afro-Latino Legacy in the United States: HIstory, Culture, and Issues of Identity Refugio I. Rochin University of California, Davis/Santa Cruz, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tuspubs.tuskegee.edu/pawj Part of the African Languages and Societies Commons, Agriculture Commons, Ethnic Studies Commons, Latin American Languages and Societies Commons, and the Latina/o Studies Commons Recommended Citation Rochin, Refugio I. (2016) "Latinos and Afro-Latino Legacy in the United States: HIstory, Culture, and Issues of Identity," Professional Agricultural Workers Journal: Vol. 3: No. 2, 2. Available at: https://tuspubs.tuskegee.edu/pawj/vol3/iss2/2 This Reflections and Commentaries is brought to you for free and open access by Tuskegee Scholarly Publications. It has been accepted for inclusion in Professional Agricultural Workers Journal by an authorized editor of Tuskegee Scholarly Publications. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GEORGE WASINGTON CARVER BANQUET LECTURE; ORIGINALLY DELIVERED AT THE 59TH PROFESSIONAL AGRICULTURAL WORKERS CONFERENCE. REVISED AUGUST 2015* LATINOS AND AFRO-LATINO LEGACY IN THE UNITED STATES: HISTORY, CULTURE, AND ISSUES OF IDENTITY *Refugio I. Rochin1,2 1Smithsonian Center for Latino Initiatives and 2University of California Davis *Email of author: [email protected]; [email protected] Introduction Since my first visit to the campus in 1992, I have looked forward to this event. Tuskegee University is a world famous campus with many firsts in science and higher education. And it gives me great pleasure to speak about Latinos and Afro-Latinos.
    [Show full text]
  • Malagueños in Louisiana. English Version (Extract from the Book “Historia De Alhaurín De La Torre En La Edad Moderna, 1489-1812”, by José Manuel De Molina Bautista
    Malagueños in Louisiana. English version (Extract from the book “Historia de Alhaurín de la Torre en la Edad Moderna, 1489-1812”, by José Manuel de Molina Bautista. Alhaurín de la Torre, Published in November 2005. ISBN 84- 609-7905-9) The translation of this chapter into English is a homage to the Spanish descendants living in the United States of America, proud of their origins and looking forward to a better understanding of our common history, in the USA and here in Spain. Our special thanks to Norman F. Carnahan and Nancy Lees Armentor for their translation and corrections. 1. Introduction In terms of international relations, the 18th century was like the 17th century, with frequent wars; although, in this case the wars were relatively shorter and the principal enemy was not France, but England. In one of the Bourbon alliances against the English, the so-called Seven Years War began, which ended with the Treaty of Paris in 1763. In this treaty, as a consequence of backing the French, Spain ceded Florida to England. By a separate agreement, the French, who had liquidated their possessions in North America, by ceding Canada to the English, compensated Spain with the concession of Louisiana, a territory that extended along the Mississippi River from New Orleans to St. Louis, including all land with rivers, to the west, that emptied into the Mississippi. Thus, Spain found itself with a vast region that it had to populate, even though it had not been capable of extending its dominion effectively in other regions of the Americas, such as Upper California or Texas.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of the Afro-Borincano by Tony (The Marine) Santiago
    A Brief history of the Afro-Borincano By Tony (The Marine) Santiago Black history in Puerto Rico initially began with the African freeman who arrived with the Spanish Conquistadors. The Spaniards enslaved the Tainos who were the native inhabitants of the island and many of them died as a result of the cruel treatment that they had received. This presented a problem for the Spanish Crown since they depended on slavery as a means of manpower to work the mines and build forts. Their solution was to import slaves from Africa and as a consequence the vast majority of the Africans who immigrated to Puerto Rico did so as a result of the slave trade. The Africans in Puerto Rico came from various points of Africa, suffered many hardships and were subject to cruel treatment. When the gold mines were declared depleted and no longer produced the precious metal, the Spanish Crown ignored Puerto Rico and the island became mainly a garrison for the ships. Africans from British and French possessions in the Caribbean were encouraged to immigrate to Puerto Rico and as freemen provided a population base to support the Puerto Rican garrison and its forts. The Spanish decree of 1789 allowed the slaves to earn or buy their freedom. However, this did little to help them in their situation and eventually many slaves rebelled, most notably in the revolt against Spanish rule known as the "Grito de Lares“. On March 22, 1873, slavery was finally abolished in Puerto Rico. The Africans that came to Puerto Rico overcame many obstacles and particularly after the Spanish- American War, their descendents helped shape the political institutions of the island.
    [Show full text]
  • Veracruz and the Caribbean in the Seventeenth Century
    VERACRUZ AND THE CARIBBEAN IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY by J.M.H. Clark A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland September, 2016 © 2016 Joseph Michael Hopper Clark All Rights Reserved Abstract of the Dissertation This dissertation examines the relationship between the Mexican port city of Veracruz and Caribbean in the seventeenth century. Drawing evidence from archival research conducted primarily in Mexico and Spain, I argue that Veracruz was part of a coherent urban system in the early modern Caribbean. Its first chapter uses early chronicles and conquest narratives, archived correspondence of Veracruz’s town council (cabildo), hospital records, and traveler accounts to examine Veracruz’s environmental struggles from the city’s foundation in 1519 until the end of the seventeenth century. Chapter Two builds on a database of import and export tax duties assessed in the ports of Veracruz and Havana to argue that Veracruz was part of a discrete regional trading network that followed patterns that were independent of the transatlantic silver fleet. The third chapter reassesses Veracruz’s role in the transatlantic slave trade, showing that the African captives who arrived in the city were a larger and more diverse group than previous studies have acknowledged. A particular contribution is the use of previously unused Mexican archival sources for the transatlantic slave trade. Chapter Four evaluates the ethnic and religious acculturation of African and free-black communities in Veracruz using the lens of a religious borderland. The final chapter examines how Veracruz’s role in colonial defenses changed over the course of the seventeenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Multi-Cultural Encounter and Exchange Among Spaniards, American Indians and Africans in Colonial Latin America
    Multi-Cultural Encounter and Exchange among Spaniards, American Indians and Africans in Colonial Latin America Kathleen Deagan, University of Florida Diego Rivera, Museo Mural Diego Rivera Copyrighted) Theodore deBry National Geographic Magazine (Copyrighted) All- Florida Museum of Natural History Approximate St. Augustine extent of Spanish-claimed American territory, ca. 1600 Catholicism Life in towns Centralized political administration Institutionalized race mixture Class-based social hierarchy The Spanish language Government-controlled mercantilist economy Cathedral of Santiago de los Caballeros John Berkey, National Geographic Magazine Antonio Ramírez, 1678. Both copyrighted Theodore DeBry 17th century French engraving of a Spanish hidalgo Spanish Missions of La Florida (copyright:American Museum of Natural History) Union of descendants of the imperial Incas with the Houses of Loyola and Borja. Anon, Cuzco 1718) Slave ship loading plan Florida Museum of Natural History Juan Garrido with Cortés Codex Florentine African and Indian slaves in Spanish sugar plantations (Theodore DeBry) Painting made on the occasion of a treaty with the Ecuadorian African-Indian cimarrones Zambo Chiefs (Los Mulatos de Esmeralda) Adrián Sánchez Galque, Quito, 1599. Museo de América 18th century “Casta”paintings, Mexico Florida Museum of Natural History St. Augustine, Florida Cerámica criolla San Juan, Puerto Rico (Carlos Solis) th Venezuela, 16 century (Ana Cristina Rodríguez) St. Augustine, Florida 18th century Puerto Real, Hispaniola, th 16th century Panama Viejo, 16 century (Beatríz Rovira) Colonial period Colombia (Monika Thierren) Chocolatero St. Augustine,18th century Florida Museum of Natural History Maté cup, Argentina 19th century. Brooklyn Museum of Art Florida Museum of Natural History Florida Museum of Natural History .
    [Show full text]