Impact of Urban Growth on Water-Supply and Sanitation: A Case Study of Honiara City, the Solomon Islands
Lincy Pende
A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies
Development Studies Program School of Governance and Development Studies Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific Suva.
June, 2009
i
A DECLARATION
I, Lincy Pende, declare that this thesis is an original piece of work done by me. Where other sources have been used, these have been duly acknowledged. Any omission and error or otherwise is my own and the main content of this thesis has not previously submitted for any degree in any other University.
…………………
Lincy Pende
Date:
A Statement by Supervisor
I hereby confirm that the work contained in this thesis is of Lincy Pende unless otherwise acknowledged.
……………………….
Dr. Manoranjan Mohanty
Date:
ii ABSTRACT
Urbanisation is an inevitable process of development in developing countries. It presents both challenges and opportunities. In most of the developing countries however, the rate of urban growth outstretches the abilities of cities to cope. The urban growth put pressure on civic authorities, making them under-resourced in providing basic urban services at adequate levels. Consequently, cities and towns have become centers of more problems rather than opportunities for progress. The present study aims to investigate the impact of urban growth on the provision of water-supply and sanitation services in Honiara City.
The study is underpinned by the key proposition that rapid urban growth has adverse impact on water and sanitation services. The study focused on assessing the state of water-supply and sanitation in Honiara covering their availability, quality and accessibility and the environmental and health problems associated with them.
This study has been done both at a macro and micro level. The macro-level focused on
Honiara City as a whole and covered the state of water and sanitation in terms of network distribution system and its capacity, demand and supply and, consumption per capita and the associated environmental and health problems. The micro-level analysis of water and sanitation issues was done at the household level. The study also covered the institutional aspects and assessed the effectiveness of civic authorities such as the Solomon Islands
Water Authority (SIWA) and Honiara City Council (HCC) in dealing with water and sanitation issues in Honiara City.
iii Although the study was largely based on a qualitative methodology but quantitative approach was also adopted. Both primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data was derived from a household survey covering 60 households in Honiara and from the key government officials. Primary data was obtained through interviews, household questionnaire, observation and a focus group discussion.
The study found that water and sanitation demand in Honiara has been growing with rapid urbanisation and it outweighs supply. Honiara witnesses shortage of water and a poor quality of piped water-supply especially after heavy rain. Access to water-supply and sanitation by many residents was grossly inadequate. The civic authorities such as
SIWA and HCC can not cope in meeting the growing water and sanitation needs. There is substantial water loss through pipe leakages and unaccounted–for- water in the City.
The ability of civic authorities to meet the demand has been constrained by lack of financial and human resources, political will and institutional coordination. Indeed, the multiplicity of various agencies with overlapping functions by HMA/HCC, SIWA,
Guadalcanal Provincial Authority and the National Government and lack of coordination between them make the water and sanitation service delivery in Honiara, problematic.
The study suggests a more decentralized, demand-driven and a bottom-up planning and management approach with greater community participation in order to make the delivery system more effective.
iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The completion of this thesis was possible through the assistance and support rendered by many individuals to whom I wish to register my heartfelt gratitude.
Without taking much ado, I would like to sincerely thank my Academic Supervisor,
Dr. Manoranjan Mohanty of Development Studies Program, School of Governance and
Development Studies, The University of the South Pacific, Suva, for his advice, guidance and support through the most challenging and difficult times in this academic journey.
I also sincerely thank Professor Vijay Naidu, the Director of Development Studies at the
University of the South Pacific, Suva, for granting me the approval to complete
Development Studies program, without which this academic pursuit would not have been completed.
I am greatly indebted to numerous people who rendered their professional assistance during the initial stage of write-up. More specifically, I wish to thank Dr. Tarcisius Tara
Kabutaulaka from the University of Hawaii, USA, for giving his initial comments, suggestions and advice on the thesis chapters. Dr. Cliff Boyd, professor of Anthropology and co-director of forensic science at Radford University, USA also deserves my sincere thanks for making constructive comments and suggestions on the four chapters of this thesis despite his busy work schedule.
v I am also grateful to my many academic colleagues and their families, notably Brian
Lenga and family, John Fasi and family, Lionel Vuthia, Rolland Sade, Reginald Kukuti and John Gapu whose lively engagements and associations have provided me sources of inspirations for completing this thesis.
I wish to thank the Solomon Islands Government for awarding me the Solomon Islands
Government Scholarship and also the Solomon Islands Students Association (SISA) for their generous support towards the completion of this thesis.
Last but not the least, I would like to thank my wife Sarah Koipu Pende and my three children, Amarell Nodimae Pendeverana, Shonnallie Ronunoda Pendeverana and Tallia
Kekolimalona for their tireless patients and moral support. Although I have enjoyed every bit of the fight, my family has had to live with the tensions that such academic journey entails. Much of credit goes to my wife and three lovely children for their understanding and fortitude that made this journey possible.
To all of you, tagio tumas!
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
A Declaration ………………………………………………...... ii
Abstract…………………………………………………………...... iii
Acknowledgements………………………………………………...... v
Table of Contents………………………………………………...... vii
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………xiii
List of Figures……………………………………………………...... xv
List of Maps……………………………………………………...... xvii
List of Plates……………………………………………………...... xvii
Abbreviations…………………………………………………...... xviii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background ……………………………………………...... 1
1.2 Statement of Research Problem……………………………...... 10
1.3 Rationale………………………………………………………...... 11
1.4 Research Questions……………………………………………...... 13
1.5 Objectives of the Study ……………………………………………...... 13
1.6 Sources of Data and Methodology……………………………...... 14
1.7 Organisation of the Thesis……………………………………...... 15
CHAPTER TWO: URBAN GROWTH AND PROVISION OF WATER SUPPLY
AND SANITATION: A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction……………………………………………………...... 17
2.2 Conceptual Framework and Literature Review……………………………………..17
vii 2.2.1 Pro-Urban and Anti-Urban Views……………………...... 18
2.2.2 The Intermediate View………………………………...... 21
2.3 Urbanisation and Provision of Water -supply and Sanitation…………...... 22
2.3.1 Poverty, Water-supply and Sanitation………………………...... 22
2.3.2 Water, Sanitation and Health…………………………………...... 24
2.3.3 Urban Growth and Demand for Water -supply and Sanitation…...... 28
2.3.4 Water and Sanitation and Environment…………………………...... 30
2.3.5 Water and Sanitation and Politics…………………………………...... 33
2.4 Urban Growth, Water -supply and Sanitation in the Pacific……………...... 37
2.4.1 The Growth of Urban Centers………………………………...... 37
2.4.2 Urban Water Supply and Sanitation Challenges……………...... 38
2.5 Institutional Approaches to Water and Sanitation……………………...... 41
2.5.1 Top-Down, Centralized, Supply-Driven Approach…………...... 41
2.5.2 Decentralized, Demand –Driven Approach…………...... 43
2.6 Human Right Approach………………………………………………...... 45
2.7 Planning and Development……………………………………………...... 46
2.8 Urban Planning and Management in the Pacific……………………...... 51
2.9 Conclusion……………………………………………………………...... 52
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction………………………………………………………...... 53
3.2 Methodological Approaches………………………………………...... 53
3.3 Sources of Data……………………………………………………...... 54
3.4 Research Design……………………………………………………...... 55
viii 3.4.1 Data Collection Methods…………………………...... 55
3.4.1.1 Questionnaire…………………………………………………….56
3.4.1.2 Interview…………………………………………………………57
3.4.1.3 Observation………………………………………………………58
3.4.1.4 Focus Group Discussion………………………...... 59
3.4.1.5 Photographs and Maps…………………………...... 59
3.4.1.6 Key Informants………………………………...... 60
3.4.1.7 Secondary Data………………………………...... 61
3.5 Sampling…………………………………………………………...... 62
3.6 Research Analysis………………………………………………...... 63
3.7 Study Area………………………………………………………...... 64
3.8 Limitation……………………………………………………...... 65
3.9 Ethical Considerations…………………………………………...... 65
3.10 Conclusions……………………………………………………...... 66
CHAPTER FOUR: BACKGROUND OF SOLOMON ISLANDS & HONIARA
4.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..67
4.2 The Solomon Islands Context………………………………………………………..67
4.2.1 Geography……………………………………………………………...... 67
4.2.2 History……………………………………………………………………...69
4.2.3 Demography & Household Growth………………………………………..71
4.2.4 Urbanisation ……………………….………………………………………73
4.2.5 Economy…………………………………………………………………...76
4.2.6 Water Resources…………………………………………………………...78
ix 4.3 Honiara City Context………………………………………………………………..79
4.3.1 Physical Setting……………………………………………………………79
4.3.2 Historical Evolution………………………………………………………..81
4.3.3 Growth of Honiara City……………………………………………………82
4.3.4 Growth of Honiara’s Administrative Wards…….…………………………85
4.3.5 Migration to Honiara City………………………………………………….87
4.4 Urban Problems in Honiara City…………………………………………………….89
4.4.1 Urban Land Use in Honiara City and Informal Housing…………………..89
4.4.2 Urban Infrastructure and Basic Services…………………………………..91
4.4.3 Urban Poverty in Honiara City…………………………………………….93
4.5 Urban Water Supply Authority (SIWA)……………………….. ………………...... 93
4.6 Honiara City Council (HCC)…………………………………...... 94
4.7 Conclusions……………………………………………………...... 98
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS: WATER SUPPLY AND
SANITATION IN HONIARA CITY
5.1 Introduction…………………………………………………...... 99
5.2 Status of Water-Supply in Honiara City……………………...... 100
5.2.1 Zonal Water -supply System Network……………...... 100
5.2.2 Demand for Water in Honiara……………………...... 101
5.2.3 Capacity and Supply of Water in Honiara………...... 103
5.2.4 Water Consumption, Coverage and Availability…...... 105
5.2.5 Accessibility to Water Sources……………………...... 110
5.2.6 Water Quality……………………………………...... 113
x 5.3 Status of Sanitation in Honiara City………………………...... 117
5.3.1 Demand Aspects of Sanitation……………………...... 117
5.3.2 Sanitation Availability and Coverage…………...... 120
5.3.3 Accessibility to Sanitation Services………………...... 124
5.3.4 Shortage of Sanitation Services…………………………...... 127
5.3.5 Quality of Sanitation Services by Civic Authority……...... 128
5.3.5.1 Frequency of Waste Collection in Honiara City…...... 128
5.3.5.2 State of Public Toilet Facilities in Honiara City…...... 130
5.4 Problems Associated with Water and Sanitation………………………...... 131
5.4.1 Water Disruption in Honiara………………………………...... 131
5.4.2 Public Opinion on Problems of Water and Sanitation …...... 133
5.4.3 Environmental Issues………………………………………...... 133
5.4.3.1 Water and Sanitation and Environmental Pollution...... 133
5.4.3.2 MDGs and Environmental Sustainability in Honiara…...... 138
5.4.3.3 Water and Sanitation, Health and Diseases………………...... 139
5.5 Water and Sanitation Governance and Management in Honiara City...... 141
5.5.1 Water and Sanitation Administration…………………………...... 141
5.5.2 Water and Sanitation Legislation.………………………...... 142
5.5.3 Constraints………………………………………………………………..143
5.5.4 Effectiveness of Civic Authorities…………………………………...... 148
5.5.4.1 Level of Services…………………………………………...... 148
5.5.4.2 Unaccounted-for -Water (UfW)…………………………...... 149
5.5.4.3 Household Response to Water -supply Improvement……...... 150
xi 5.5.4.4 Household Water Bills and Revenue Recovery………………...151
5.5.4.5 Civic Authorities’ Response to Complaints………………...... 152
5.5.4.6 Civic Authorities’ Response to Water Disruption…………...... 155
5.6 Urban Planning…………………………………………………………...... 155
5.7 Conclusions……………………………………………………………………...... 156
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………...... 157
6.2 Linkages of Theoretical approaches to findings……………………………...... 159
6. 3. Summary of Broad Findings…………………………………………………...... 162
6.4 Recommendations……………………………………………………………...... 170
6.5 Future Research……………………………………………………………...... 173
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………...... …175
APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………...….193
xii LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1.1. Urban Population and Urban Growth Rate in Selected PICs………………6
Table1.2. A Comparison of Selected Pacific Islands Cities’ Water Utilities…………8
Table 2.1. Water and Sanitation related Diseases, Morbidity and Mortality Rates.....26
Table 2.2: Regional and Global Progress of MDG for Sanitation, 1990-2006…….....31
Table 2.3: Regional and Global Progress of MDG for Water-Supply, 1990-2006...... 32
Table 4.1 Household and Population Growth for Solomon Islands by Province……71
Table 4.2 Growth of Honiara City, 1970-1999……………………………………….82 Table 4.3: Population & Population Growth Rates of Honiara Wards, 1976 -1986...... 85
Table 4. 4 Honiara City Population and Household by Ward, 1999………………….86
Table 5.1 Water Demand and Growth in Honiara, 1996-2016……………………….99
Table 5.2 Water-supply and Supply Capacity by Water Source in Honiara………..101
Table 5. 3 Water Demand and Consumption in Honiara City………………………102
Table 5. 4 Sources of Domestic Water-supply in Honiara City……………………..103
Table 5.5 Household Response for Distance Travelled to Fetch Water……………..109
Table 5. 6 Waste Collection in Honiara City by Month, 1998……………………….117
Table 5.7 Toilet Facilities in Honiara City by Location and Type…………………..123
Table 5.8 Problems Associated with Water & Sanitation in Honiara……………….131
Table 5.9 Household Response on Environmental Quality in Honiara……………..134
xiii Table 5.10 MDG Progress for Water & Sanitation in Selected PICs………………..136
Table 5.11 Household Response to Water & Sanitation Diseases in Honiara………..139
Table 5.12 Water-related Functions in Honiara and Responsible Agency…………...140
Table 5.13 Patterns of Household Payment of Monthly Water Bill………………….149
xiv LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1.1. Projected World Urban and Rural Populations, 1950-2030…………………2
Figure1.2. Projected Urban and Rural Populations of Countries, 1950-2025…………3
Figure 2. 1. Decline in Water Resource Per Capita, 1950-2025………………………..29
Figure 2.2 Karshena’s Economic Development and ‘Environmental Capital’ Model..35
Figure 4.1 Internal Migrations in the Solomon Islands by Province, 1970-99………..73
Figure 4.2 Distribution of Population in Urban Centers in the Solomon Islands,1986..74
Figure4.3 Distribution of Population in Urban Centers in the Solomon Islands,1999…75
Figure 4.4 Honiara Ward Population Growth, 1956-1981………………………… 84
Figure 5.1 Projected Water Demand in Honiara and Provincial Urban Centers……..100
Figure 5. 2: Household Response to Water Shortage in Honiara……………………..105
Figure 5.3: Water Availability Duration in Honiara City……………………………106
Figure 5.4 Distance Travelled by Household to Fetch Water in Honiara………….110
Figure 5.5 Household Response for Time taken to Fetch Water in Honiara……….111
Figure 5.6: Household Response to Water Quality in Honiara City………………..114
Figure 5.7 Proportion of Households Connected to Sewer Lines in Honiara City….121
Figure 5.8 Household Accessibility to Toilet Facility in Honiara City…………….124
Figure 5.9 Household Waste Disposal Methods in Honiara City………………….126
Figure 5.10 Frequency of Household Waste Collection in Honiara City……………127
xv Figure 5.11 Household Response to Public Toilet Quality in Honiara City…………129
Figure 5.12 Household Response to Water Disruption in Honiara………………….130
Figure 5.13 Household Response to Disease Vector and Hygienic Problems………135
Figure 5.14 Skin Disease & Diarrhoea Cases in Kombito Honiara…………………..138
Figure 5.15 Household Response to Honiara Water & Sanitation Improvement……..149
Figure 5.16 Civic Authorities Response to Household Complaints…………………..151
Figure 5.17 Household Satisfaction Level on Civic Authorities’ Response…………152
Figure 5.18 SIWA/HCC Response in Water Distribution during Disruption………153
xvi LIST OF MAPS
Page
Map 4.1 Map showing the location of the Solomon Islands …………………………...67
Map 4.2 Map of Guadalcanal showing the Study Site – Honiara City………………...79
Map 4. 3 Map of Honiara’s City Growth Patterns……………………………………..83 Map 4.4 Squatter Settlements Outside Honiara City Boundaries……………………..89 Map 4.5 Map Showing Honiara’s Administrative Wards…………………………….95 Map 5.1 Honiara Water Supply Zonal System………………………………………..98 Map 5.2 Water Problem Areas in Honiara City………………………………………107
Map 5.3: Areas in Honiara Experiencing High Water Turbidity in Taps……………112
Map 5.4 Honiara Sewage Outfalls…………………………………………………...119
LIST OF PLATES
Plate 5.1: High Turbidity Water Tap in Honiara after Rainfall……………………..114
Plate 5.2 Household Waste Dumped on the Ground Near to Water Source………..118
Plate 5.3 Uncollected Wastes on Roadside in Honiara City………………………...128
Plate 5.4 Stockpiles of Household Waste at Kukum Market Area, Honiara………..133
xvii ABBREVIATIONS
ADB Asian Development Bank
CBSI Central Bank of the Solomon Islands
DFID Department of International Development
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HCC Honiara City Council
HMA Honiara Municipal Authority
IWRM Integrated Water Resource Management
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency
LDC Less Developed Country
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MHMS Ministry of Health and Medical Services
MME Ministry of Mines and Energy
NERRDP National Economic Recovery, Reform Development Plan
RAMSI Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands
SD Solomon Dollar
SIDS Small Islands Developing States
SIEA Solomon Islands Electricity Authority
SIPL Solomon Islands Plantation Limited
SIWA Solomon Islands Water Authority
SOPAC South Pacific Applied Geoscience Commission
SPC Secretariat of the Pacific Community
UFW Unaccounted-for -Water
xviii UN United Nations
UNCHS United Nations Centre for Human Settlements
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNEP United Nations Environmental Programme
UNICEF United Nations Children Fund
WHO World Health Organization
xix CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTON
1.1 Background
Urbanisation1 is a predominant process in developing countries2 today. With the high pace of social and economic development experienced in developing countries, and the resulting growth of city and town population, lack of public infrastructure (water supply, solid waste, and sewage), congested traffic, environmental degradation and housing shortage have become major challenges in urban areas.
Over the past half century, rural –urban migration is the main driver of urbanisation and is likely to continue well into the 21st century. Apart from rural-urban migration, the rate of natural increase in population in cities and towns of developing countries also play a significant role in increasing the levels of urbanisation.
In 2008, about 3.3 billion people lived in towns and cities and it is expected to reach 5 billion by the year 2030 (United Nations, 2008). In discussing this trend of world urbanisation, Cohen (2006) argued that the vast majority of urban population lived in developing world regions. The United Nations (2008) reported similar trend, stating that
1 Urbanisation refers to the process of transition from a rural to a more urban society. Statistically, urbanisation reflects an increasing proportion of the population living in settlements defined as urban, primarily through net rural to urban migration. The level of urbanisation is the percentage of the total population living in towns and cities while the rate of urbanization is the rate at which it grows. 2 Developing countries refer to countries in the Asia -Pacific, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. 1 between 2007 and 2050 the developing world are expected to absorb an additional 3.1 billion.
Figure 1.1 shows the projected world urban and rural population growth form 1950 to
2030. The graph shows that from 1950 to 2000, the proportion of world population residing in rural areas was higher than urban areas. However, the scenario changed drastically and rural population has declined significantly since 2000 and it is projected that the urban population will rise rapidly to reach about 5 billion by 2030 (Figure1.1).
Figure 1.1 Projected World Urban and Rural Populations, 1950-2030
Source: United Nations, 2002
Figure 1.2 however, shows the comparative estimation and projection of the growth of urban and rural populations in developing and developed countries. The graph shows that
2 in developed countries, the proportion of the population living in both rural and urban areas is relatively lower (below 1 billion) than developing countries. However, the graph clearly shows that the fastest and highest urban growth occurs in urban areas in developing countries while rural areas experienced a decline in population growth.
Figure 1.2: Projected Urban and Rural Populations of Developed and Developing
Countries, 1950-2030
Source: United Nations, 2002
This rapid process of urbanisation in developing countries is inevitable and has been a source of great concern for urban planners and managers. The expansion of towns and cities has been so rapid in developing countries that it is outstripping the abilities of governments to provide adequate basic essential services.
3 Despite this scaremonger scenario of urbanisation in developing countries, it needs to be admitted that growing urbanisation provides many opportunities. In most of the developing countries, 60 percent of their gross domestic product (GDP) is generated from their cities and towns. This is highlighted by Tabureguci (2007), stating that in the Pacific for example, cities and towns account for 50 percent to 70 percent of their gross domestic product. In this context, it can be argued that urbanisation is both a result of – and a pre- requisite for economic growth. Towns and cities have always been political centers and centers of income generation.
However, having noted the above, it must be highlighted that experiences of urbanisation in developing countries portray a more pessimistic picture as far as sustainability of cities and towns are concerned. This consequently is a result of the exponential growth of cities and towns. Khatri and Vairavamoorthy (2007) highlighted that urban population in less developed countries3 (LDCs) will grow from 1.9 billion in 2000 to 3.9 billion in 2030, averaging 2.3 percent per year. They stated however, that for the developed countries, the urban population is expected to increase from 0.9 billion in 2000 to 1 billion in 2030, an overall urban growth rate of 1 percent.
This implies that for the developing world, the rapid increase in urban population will pose more problems and challenges. Already notable and common in most cities and towns in developing countries are problems such as the proliferation of squatter
(informal) settlements, increased urban crimes, overcrowding, environmental pollution,
3 Less developed countries is used synonymously with developing countries context. 4 deterioration and inadequate urban services and infrastructure like water supply and sanitation4, increase incidence of urban poverty and increased unemployment rate.
These urban challenges are well articulated in studies (United Nations, 2007; Khatri, and
Vairavamoorthy 2007; the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, 2007; and the United
Nations Economic and Social Council, 2007) that highlighted that uncontrolled urbanisation exerted enormous pressure on land areas, housing, social and technical infrastructure such as water supplies, sanitary facilities, energy supplies, transport systems, waste management, schools and health and, the law and order. Besides, serious environmental and health problems are the products of urbanisation particularly in over- populated, under-serviced and unrecognized slum5 areas where water- borne diseases are a concern.
In developing countries, the greatest challenge is the inadequate provision of water supply and sanitation. The United Kingdom Department for International Development
(DFID, 2000) in discussing water supply and sanitation in developing countries stated that:
…the biggest hazard facing the urban population in developing countries is feces contamination of water and food due to poor or non-excreta disposal systems and inadequate hygiene compounded by unreliable and unsafe water supply.
Consequently, poor water supply and sanitation in developing countries created enormous government expenditures on the health sector. Besides, poor water supply and
4 Sanitation is defined as the collection, storage and disposal of human and non –human wastes and waste water. 5 According to Wikipedia, 2008, slums refer to illegal settlements. 5 sanitation reduces productivity in the labor force leading to declining economic performances in developing world regions. This undermines the sustainable development of cities and towns in developing countries and subsequently leads to their underdevelopment.
In the context of the Pacific, urbanisation, although described as a relatively new phenomenon by most scholars and academics such as Connell (1994), the urban growth rate has been so high that Pacific island governments lacked the capacity to address the problems posed by the exponential growth of their towns and cities. Table 1.1 shows the urban population and urban growth rates in Pacific Island countries by sub-regions.
Table 1. 1: Urban Population and Urban Growth Rate in Selected Pacific Island Countries
Region/Country Last Total % Annual Urban National Census Population Urban Growth Rate (%) Population Growth Rate (%)
Melanesia Fiji 2007 837,271 51 1.5 0.7 New Caledonia 1999 196,836 60 2.8 2.6 Papua New Guinea 2000 5,190,786 13 2.8 2.7 Solomon Islands 1999 409,042 16 4.3 2.7 Vanuatu 1999 186,678 21 4.2 2.8 Micronesia Guam 2000 154,805 93 n.a 1.5 Kiribati 2000 84,494 43 5.2 1.7 Marshall Islands 1999 50,840 65 1.6 1.4 Micronesia Fed. St. 2000 107,008 21 -2.4 0.2 Northern Mariana 2000 69,221 90 3.4 3.3 Palau 2000 19,129 81 2.2 2.1 Polynesia French Polynesia 2002 244,830 52 1.6 1.8 Samoa 2001 176.71 22 1.3 0.9 Tonga 1996 97,784 32 0.8 0.3 Source: United Nations Economic and Social Council, 2004.
6 With relatively high urban growth rates in many Pacific islands such as the Solomon
Islands, Kiribati and Northern Mariana Islands (Table 1.1), new challenges emanated.
These included poor access to land, poor housing with inadequate amenities, poor environmental conditions, inadequate infrastructure to meet basic needs of water and sanitation, lack of access to education and health services, increasing hardship, particularly for vulnerable groups such as youth and female-headed households, and concern that poverty in proliferating informal urban settlements increases the potential for violence, substance abuse and other crime (The Secretariat of the Pacific Community,
2007).
The challenges posed by urbanisation in the Pacific islands are clearly manifested in the water supply and sanitation sector. In Pacific cities and towns, water supply and sanitation conditions are becoming unsustainable. This is exemplified in Table 1.2 that shows that water supply in selected Pacific island countries and their prospects for achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of halving the population of people without access to water and sanitation by 2015 is under question. The Table 1.2 shows that the per capita water consumption requirement of 250 liters/person/day (l/p/d) prescribed by the World Health Organisation (WHO) is unattainable in many selected
Pacific island countries due to increasing urban population. Except for Rarotonga (Cook
Islands), Apia (Samoa) and Port Vila (Vanuatu), all other Pacific island countries fall short of WHO’s water requirement per person per day (Table 1.2).
7 Table 1. 2. A Comparison of Selected Pacific Islands Cities’ Water Utilities
Urban Country Year % Per capita No. of Hours of Average Total Area Pop. consumption domestic operation Tariff number served lpd tap (US of staff connection $/M3) Port Vila Vanuatu 2000 82 256 4,570 21 0.41 18 Tarawa Kiribati 2000 69 29 3,497 1 0.54 37 Apia Samoa 1997 89 337 15,762 24 0.06 249 Suva Fiji 2000 98 135 100,876 24 0.22 900 Pohnpei F.S.M 1997 93 227 2,282 24 0.68 38 Honiara Solomon 2000 76 200 6,000 23 0.34 75 Islands Nukualofa’a Tonga 1997 - 78 6,060 21 0.63 135 Rarotonga Cook 2000 - 300 4,463 24 0.00 12 Islands Port Papua 2000 66 196 21,003 24 0.43 534 Moresby New Guinea Source: South Pacific Applied Geoscience Commission, 2001:2
Table 1.2 shows that the urban growth rates are higher for Melanesian countries as
compared to Micronesian and Polynesian countries. The urban growth rates for the
Solomon Islands were 4. 3 percent, Vanuatu 4.2 percent, Papua New Guinea 2. 8 percent
and Fiji 2.6 percent. This exerts enormous pressure on the abilities of cities to cope,
particularly with the infrastructural service provisions such as water-supply and
sanitation.
The high urban growth rates, particularly in Melanesian countries have generally led to a
haphazard development. This is manifested in housing conditions, particularly for the
poor, high unemployment, increased urban health problems and insufficient financial
resources to provide and maintain urban basic services such as water supply, sewage,
solid waste disposal, electricity supplies and infrastructures such as roads (Naiker,
2001:10-12).
8 The water supply and sanitation problem remains one of the biggest challenges in the
Solomon Islands, particularly in Honiara City. Various studies undertaken earlier (Asian
Development Bank, 2001, Connell, 1994, Gleick, 2000, World Bank, 1995) had a similar concern.
However, few studies have been conducted in the Honiara context. A World Bank (1995)
Report revealed that although 90 percent of Honiara’s residents have access to government supplied water; this however diminished as the city’s population grew rapidly. Furthermore, Honiara’s water supply system dates back to the 1940s at the time of the Second World War. Even where water is supplied to the homes of Honiara residents, they are often poor, posing serious health threats (World Bank, 1995). An outbreak of diarrheoa epidemic in 2003 in Honiara as reported by the Solomon Islands
Broadcasting Corporation (2003) was attributed to poor water supply and sanitation.
Similarly, a study conducted by the Environmental Health Division of Honiara City
Council in 2003 revealed an increasing incidence of diarrheoa in squatter settlements like
Kombito Squatter Settlement in East Honiara. The study revealed that the number of cases in fact increased between 1995 and 2001. This was a direct result of poor water and sanitation quality in the area (Honiara City Council, 2003).
Studies conducted by the World Bank (1995) and Asian Development Bank (2001), highlighted that the management of Honiara’s sewage and garbage disposal has been worsen as a result of the city’s unplanned growth. This was also highlighted in
9 Government of the Solomon Islands’ Solid Waste Management Country Assessment
Report (cited in Honiara City Council, 2002), and Solomon Islands Water Authority
(2001).
Against this backdrop, it is apparent that it will be difficult for the Solomon Islands to achieve the Millennium Development Goals of halving the population of people without access to water supply and sanitation by 2015 (Asian Development Bank, 2003). The
United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Asian
Development Bank and the United Nations Development Programme (2007) further highlighted that the difficulties in achieving the expected MDG in water and sanitation is due to rapid population and urban growth.
Similarly, and in support of the above observation, the United Nations Development
Programme (2002) noted that urban water supplies and solid waste management including quality control of water are on – going problems in urban centers, particularly
Honiara city.
1.2 Statement of Research Problem
Given these study findings, the basic question that arises is: what factors are evident in
Honiara City that best capture the reality of water supply and sanitation in the city?
10 The water supply and sanitation situation in Honiara can only be captured by examining issues from a multidimensional perspective. Water supply and sanitation are not only to be seen as a technocratic issue but must be placed within its social, cultural, economic, political and environmental context.
1.3 Rationale
The importance of studying water and sanitation in Honiara City is attributed to several factors. Firstly, water and sanitation is having a direct impact on the health status of the country. Inadequate provision of water and sanitation undermine the health status of the country and increases government expenditures on health. Secondly, water and sanitation directly affects the environmental quality of Honiara City. Only by understanding the environmental implications of poor water supply and sanitation, can we take appropriate measures to improve the environmental quality of Honiara City. Thirdly, impact of urban growth on water supply and sanitation in Honiara is important because it will contribute towards our understanding of the relationship between water supply, sanitation and urbanization and what can be done to address them. This will enable us to examine the existing policies and response to the issue.
Fourthly, there is a need to identify major weaknesses in existing urban planning and management processes in the Solomon Islands. Apart from that, it will contribute to the limited knowledge on urbanisation and development in the Pacific islands and developing countries in general with specific reference to basic urban services like water supply and sanitation.
11 Fifthly, the study is important because there is probably no systematic scholarly attempt has ever been made in the Honiara context. Most of the studies are done by governmental and intergovernmental agencies (World Bank, 1995; UNDP, 2002; and Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999). The issues in most of the cases however, have been over- simplified.
Furthermore, studies conducted on water supply and sanitation in Honiara by institutions like the Solomon Islands Water Authority (SIWA), the Ministry of Health and Medical
Services and the Environmental Health Division of the Honiara City Council have largely focused on the technocratic aspects of water supply and sanitation. The socio-economic, cultural, political and environmental aspects of water supply and sanitation have been neglected. Therefore, there is a need for a study focusing on social, economic, cultural, political and environmental aspects associated with water supply and sanitation in
Honiara.
Finally, this research also derives from the author’s first hand observation and from personal experience of living in Honiara.
12 1. 4 Research Questions
The central question this study seeks to answer is, what is the impact of urban growth on the water supply and sanitation services and what are the challenges the sector faces in
Honiara City? In so doing, several subsidiary questions arise which this study attempts to find answers to. These questions are:
What is the current state of water and sanitation services at the city and household
level in Honiara City?
What institutional arrangements are used to develop and manage water and
sanitation services in Honiara?
What are the constraints in improving water and sanitation in Honiara city?
What is the demand and supply level of water and sanitation in Honiara?
What are the existing policies and planning for water and sanitation in Honiara?
1. 5 Objectives of the Study
The general objective of this study is to investigate the impacts of urbanisation on the provision of water supply and sanitation services in Honiara city, the Solomon Islands.
The specific objectives are to:
examine the evolution of Honiara as a City and factors leading to its growth.
study the provision of water supply and sanitation at city and household levels in
Honiara.
assess the availability, accessibility, and problems relating to water supply and
sanitation at the household level in Honiara.
13 assess the effectiveness of civic authorities in dealing with water and sanitation
issues in Honiara City.
identify constraints in improving water-supply and sanitation in Honiara.
review urban policies/ planning and management to address urban issues such as
water supply and sanitation in Honiara.
recommend policy measures in improving urban water supply and sanitation
provision in Honiara City and in the Solomon Islands in general.
1.6 Sources of Data and Methodology6
Data and information for the thesis are derived from both primary and secondary sources.
The primary source includes a fieldwork research that was undertaken by the researcher at the household and government official level in Honiara City, the Solomon Islands. The field work entails the use of household survey questionnaire drawing samples from twelve administrative wards in Honiara City, key informant interviews in government institutions administering water and sanitation, participant observation, focus group discussions, and informal discussions with Honiara residents on water and sanitation issues in the city. In addition, secondary data for the thesis was generated from various reports including National Population Census documents; and various national, regional and international reports on the issue of concern in this study. Data obtained are then analyzed and tabulated. The research methodology is primarily qualitative, however, quantitative data are also gathered, tabulated and analysed in the thesis.
6 Chapter Three discusses research methodology and design in greater detail. 14 1.7 Organisation of the Thesis
This thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter One is the introductory section of the thesis dealing with the background of the study, statement of the problem, rationale and justification for the study, objectives and a brief methodology employed in this study.
Chapter Two provides a conceptual framework linking key concepts revolving around the research subject. This chapter provides an overview of relevant approaches, models and theoretical debates on basic urban services, especially urban water-supply and sanitation.
Chapter Three is the methodology chapter that describes in detail the methodology used in this study as well as analysis of data. In this chapter, the justification of methodology and methods are provided. The units of analysis and sources of data, sampling procedures, methods used to collect data, limitation of research, and the ethical issues are discussed in this chapter.
Chapter Four provides a background of the study area i.e. Honiara City in the Solomon
Islands context. It briefly focuses on geography, history, economy and urbanisation and its effects in the Solomon Islands. Having discussed that, the chapter then focuses on
Honiara in terms of its origin, growth and urban development problems. This is then followed by a brief overview of the water supply and sanitation in the study area and institutional effectiveness in dealing with water and sanitation services in Honiara.
15 Chapter Five focuses on research findings and analysis. It provides a summary of responses that are classified into multidimensional categories that fulfill the key question posed in the thesis and the specific objectives formulated.
Chapter Six provides conclusions and recommendations based on the study findings. It also identifies implications of the research to sound water and sanitation policy and also provides some indications for areas of future research on the subject.
16 CHAPTER TWO
URBAN GROWTH AND PROVISION OF WATER-SUPPLY AND SANITATION: A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction
This chapter focuses on basic concepts and linkages revolving around urban water and sanitation issues. In particular, it discusses the conceptual linkages between urban growth, poverty, health and the environment and water and sanitation in general, and in the context of Small Island Developing States (SIDS) such as the Solomon Islands. The chapter provides a conceptual framework for the research and reviews models and approaches relating to the subject. An extensive literature review is done in this chapter covering various studies done elsewhere in the developing countries and particularly in the South Pacific countries and the Solomon Islands.
2. 2 A Conceptual Framework and Literature Review
In many discussions about urbanisation, urban growth and its effects on basic urban services (water supply and sanitation), two opposite views dominate the literature. These are pro-urban and anti-urban views (Tacoli, 1998; Tacoli, 2004; Mangiza, 2002).
The two views noted above have persisted for long. Although modified in some cases, they still influenced national settlement policies in many parts of developing countries.
17 2.2.1. Pro-Urban and Anti-Urban Views
The pro-urban view sees urbanisation (or urban growth) as a progressive process and as one of the key forces that governs and influences technological innovation, economic development, and socio-political change (McGranahan, Satterthwhaite and Tacoli, 2004).
This line of thinking propagates the belief that cities and towns being national repositories of scientific and artistic knowledge are both the locii and agents of innovation. In other words, cities are the center for innovation. Further, they are also the agents of innovation, diffusion and socio-economic transformation.
Proponents of the pro-urban view stress the importance of cities and towns as engines of economic growth and development. According to this view, from cities and towns, development will diffuse through the top-down approach to the rural countryside, thereby developing both urban and rural areas.
This line of thinking has its roots in the neoliberal approach. The approach argues that there is no causal relationship between the incidence of urban problems and city size.
Size is not the only problem. According to this argument, urban problems can be solved through the enhancement of economic efficiency and productivity (Burgess, Carmona and Kolstee, 1997:79).
18 This view became popular in the 1950s and 1960s. A highly influential contribution to this view was the development of the concept of ‘urban functions in rural development’
(Rondinelli and Ruddle, 1978; Belsky and Karaska, 1990). Here, the underlying argument was that in order for rural development to be rationally promoted, there has to be a well articulated, integrated and balanced urban hierarchy (Rondinelli, 1985).
The second view, the anti-urban view of urban growth however, argues that cities and towns are centers of problems. Lipton’s (1977) notion of ‘urban bias’ made a provocative contribution to the debate. Although, criticized for negating the existence of rural rich and urban poor, his work can be said to have provided a descriptive and analytical contribution to the understanding of the interconnectedness between the rural and urban areas. Southall (1988) articulated this view in response to Rondinelli’s model by stating that small towns contribute to rural impoverishment, as they are vanguards of exploitation (Southall, 1988:5).
Barkin (1997) similarly argues that the urban centers are plundering their hinterlands. In other words, an exploitative relationship persists between urban and rural areas whereby the urban areas developed at the expenses of the rural areas. In this way, the rural areas lose their resources (both human and natural) to urban centers.
This view became eminent in the 1970s due to the failure of ‘growth center policies’ and a major shift in development paradigm (Barkin, 1997). This shift in development
19 paradigm engendered the conception that urbanisation was a ‘parasitic’ process leading to underdevelopment and the neglect of agriculture. This indeed laid the foundation for
Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP), which until today became a widely adopted development program in many developing nations (Baker and Pedersen, 1992;
Escober, 1995).
The anti-urban preposition is rooted in the dependency theory of development. Besides, the anti-urban view is more rural development oriented. It sympathizes with the disappearance of rural lifestyles (social and cultural) in urban centers.
The anti-urban view remained very influential in many parts of the developing world. It explains why there are today, numerous rural development programs in countries across the developing world. For the most part, the programs are an attempt to reduce rural – urban migration as the primary agent of urban growth in cities and towns and the problems associated with them.
However, as Polese (1999) rightly stated, rural development only accelerates urbanisation, it does not stop it. Empirically, due to the transfer of demands in rural areas for manufactured products or products that are available in urban centers, improving rural areas purchasing power will still continue to accelerate urbanisation and urban growth as rural people will continue to move to the urban centers for products not available in rural areas (Polese, 1999). For example, if investment in farming in rural areas is done, farmers
20 will hopefully have higher purchasing power. But to maintain that, they will still have to purchase more manufactured products like fertilizer, seeds or even tractor and pesticides and that means they will still come to the urban centers.
Against this backdrop, a more recent argument emerges which tries to contextualize these rival perspectives. This is known as the intermediate view of urban growth.
2.2.2 The Intermediate View
The intermediate approach or what is often regarded as the ‘rural-urban development linkage’ approach has its roots in the study of economics, geography and regional planning. The approach is based on the premise that both the urban centers and their rural counterparts depend on each other for their existence and progress (Okpala, 2003; Tacoli,
1998; Tacoli, 2004).
Proponents of this view argued that urban centers utilize human resources from the rural sectors as their source of labor manpower. Thus the rural hinterland becomes the source of labor supply for cities and towns in developing countries. Similarly, the urban areas use the rural sectors and vise-versa as their source of market since a large portion of the population resides in rural areas. Besides, many of the resources used by urban centers are drawn from rural hinterland for example, water resources (United Nations, 2008).
Similarly, many resources used by rural areas are drawn from urban centers such as medicinal products and agricultural products like fertilizers. 21 Given this, Okpala (2003) noted that it is becoming increasingly recognized that both the urban and the rural areas are interdependent to each other for their development. It is therefore, unwise to overtly concentrate efforts on ‘urban bias’ development approach or
‘rural-oriented’ approach. The two must mutually be supportive to each other according to the intermediate view.
Having discussed the above conceptual underpinning, it is necessary to examine in some detail the theoretical linkages between urbanisation, water supply and sanitation, and development.
2.3. Urbanisation and Provision of Water- Supply and Sanitation
2.3.1. Poverty, Water -Supply and Sanitation
Urban poverty plays a key-determining role in people’s accessibility to water supply and sanitation. According to the United Nations (2002), urban poverty is a major source of concern and about 30 percent of the poor now live in urban areas and it is expected to reach 50 percent by 2035.
The concept of urban poverty in developing countries is intrinsically linked with underdevelopment that characterizes most of the developing countries today. It is more than just inadequate income. It includes lack of services, poor living conditions, difficulty in meeting basic human needs and a lack of representation in decision-making process
(Storey, 2006). Amartya Sen expounded on this concept with his much popular idea of
22 ‘capabilities 7 ’ and ‘entitlement 8 ’ approach (Sen, 2000). Sen defines poverty as deprivation of basic capabilities that deprives a person from choosing the life he or she has reason to value (United Nations Economic and Social Council, 2007).
Abrams (2003), in discussing poverty stresses that it embraces institutional life9 from public institutions of governments to individual level 10 . The characteristics of institutional poverty are widespread in cities across developing countries and in many ways, linked to poor water and sanitation service delivery.
Collectively, institutional and individual level poverty pose a serious challenge to water supply and sanitation services in urban areas of developing countries. As cities and towns in developing countries continue to expand, proportion of the population in urban areas living in poverty condition increases correspondingly, thereby increases the level of urban poverty (Cohen, 2006).
Consequently, this exacerbates problems of accessibility to water and sanitation services by individuals and similarly curtailed water-sanitation providers from providing adequate water supply and sanitation services. Thus, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of halving the proportion of people without access to water and sanitation by 2015
7 Capabilities approach entails the approach whereby an individual is provided with an enabling environment where he or she can maximize his/her capacity for survival in society. 8 The entitlement approach shares the beliefs inherent in the capabilities approach and is deeply rooted in the popular human right approach whereby individuals are entitled to inalienable rights including the right to life, the right to food ,the right to safe water and sanitation and the right to development apart from other streams of rights. It is an approach that postulates the principles of good governance. 9 Institutional life encompasses all the institutional arrangements in an organization from policies, laws etc to the actual delivery of institutional services. However, with ripening poverty in developing countries, institutional life has become seriously hampered. 10 Individual level poverty refers to an individual’s inability to have access to social or economic services like water supply and sanitation because of his/her social and economic position in society which deprives him or her from such accessibility. 23 seems difficult to be achieved, particularly when poverty relating to water and sanitation requires both institutional and individual level solutions.
2. 3 .2 Water, Sanitation and Health
Water is life. The importance of water has been noted since time immemorial. In 1993 for example, the World Health Organisation (WHO) solemnly declared that: ‘protecting water is protecting life’. Despite this noble realization, increasing urbanisation in developing countries has seriously affected water supply and sanitation that negatively affected the health status of cities (Khatri and Vairavamoorthy, 2007).
The prolific growth of cities in developing countries over-stretched the abilities of urban governments to meet the demand for water supply and sanitation, thereby leading to increased levels of water pollution from domestic, industrial and agricultural activities.
Besides, sewage systems in developing countries have often become inadequate, posing serious health threats to the sustainability of cities (United Nations Economic and Social
Council, 2007; Khatri and Vairavamoorthy, 2007; Ichimura, 2003; the Secretariat of the
Pacific Community, 2007).
It is noted for example, that one in two hospitals around the world is occupied by a patient suffering from water –related illness (Bouguerra, 2006; UNICEF and WHO,
2008). According to the United Nations, 36,000 people die every day from lack of safe drinking water and sanitation. The WHO affirms this by estimating that 1.5 billion in the world are infected with parasites originating from faecal matter.
24 Evidently for developing countries, rapid urbanisation exerts great threat to the health and security of their cities. The threat comes from water pollution and contamination, especially at the household and community levels. Consequently, water - borne diseases are found to be common in low-income countries 11 (LICs) because of inadequate sanitation, poor drainage and solid waste services (Ichimura, 2003).
This increases governments’ expenditures in water treatment for industrial and domestic purposes, undermining urban economies from fulfilling important development goals.
With poor urban water quality, sewage, garbage collection and disposal, cities and towns in developing countries suffer from severe health consequences. Table 2.1 shows different types of diseases caused by poor water and sanitation services and the estimated morbidity and mortality rates and the relationship of diseases to environmental sanitation in the developing countries.
It is apparent from Table 2.1 that the majority of diseases relate to poor water and sanitation quality. Furthermore, the morbidity 12 and mortality 13 rate is highest for diarrhoea that also has a strong relationship with insanitary excreta disposal, poor personal hygiene and unsafe drinking water (WHO, 1997; WHO & UNICEF, 2005).
11 Low Income Countries is used interchangeably in this thesis to mean Least Developing Countries or Developing Countries. 12 Morbidity refers to either incidence rate or prevalence rate of a disease. 13 Mortality rate refers to number of persons who died per 1000 population. 25 Table 2. 1. Water-Sanitation related Diseases, Morbidity and Mortality Rates and Relationship to Environmental Sanitation in Developing Countries
Morbidity Mortality Water –Sanitation (episodes/year Relationship of Diseases to (deaths/year) Related Disease Environmental Sanitation or in million in 000 cases)
4,002.0 Strongly related to unsanitary excreta Diarrhoeal diseases, 2,473 disposal, poor personal hygiene, unsafe including dysentery drinking water
Strongly related to drinking water and food Typhoid fever 16.0 600 contaminated by human excreta, poor personal hygiene
3.0 Dengue and dengue Strongly related to unsanitary solid waste 138 haemorrhagic fever disposal
48.0 Related to unsanitary excreta disposal, poor Amoebiasis 70 personal hygiene, food contaminated by human excreta
151.0 Strongly related to soil contaminated by Hookworms 65 human excreta, poor personal hygiene
250.0 Related to unsanitary disposal of human faeces, food contaminated by soil Ascariasis 60 containing human faeces, poor personal hygiene
200.0 Strongly related to unsanitary excreta Schistosomiasis 20 disposal and absence of nearby sources of safe water
45.5 Related to soil contaminated by human Trichuriasis 10 faeces, poor personal hygiene
0.1 Strongly related to drinking water Cholera 6 contaminated by human faeces
0.5 Strongly related to drinking water Giardiasis - contaminated by human faecal matter, poor
26 personal hygiene
152.4 Related to poor personal hygiene, lack of Trachoma - soap and water use
0.1 Strongly related to drinking water Dracunculiasis - containing infected copapods
Source: World Health Organisation, 1997.
Montgomery and Elimelech (2007), in a study provided a comprehensive assessment of water and sanitation’s impact on health. They argued that about 60 percent of infant mortality14 in developing countries is linked to infectious diseases, mostly relating to poor water, sanitation and hygiene. Similarly, Khartri and Vairamoorthy (2007) reported that every year the lack of safe drinking water and proper sanitation kills at least 1.6 million children under the age of five years. Not surprisingly, the UNICEF and WHO
(2004) affirmed that a billion of people are locked in the ‘cycle of poverty and diseases’.
Clearly, water and sanitation, health and development are closely inter-linked. A ‘vicious cycle’ continues between poverty, water and sanitation, health and development
(Mohanty, 2009). Given this, the alarming rate of people suffering from water and sanitation related diseases inflict significant economic burden through the loss of productivity in the workforce and through increasing health care costs. Mohanty (2009), for example noted that:
Many Pacific Island cities and towns such as Tarawa, Suva, Honiara, Nuku’alofa and Port Moresby have per capita water consumption level much lower than the World
14 Infant mortality refers to the number of babies who died before the age on 1 year per 1000 population per year. 27 Health Organization’s (WHO’s) prescribed level of up to 250 liters per person per day. The incidence of water and waste-borne, environmental sanitation-related and lifestyle diseases has thus increased in significant proportion.
2. 3. 3 Urban Growth and Demand for Water-Supply and Sanitation
The rapid pace of urbanisation and population growth poses serious challenge to water- supply and sanitation provision in developing countries. In most of the developing countries, especially in Asia and the Pacific, water availability decreased rapidly while water demand increased with population growth (Asia - Pacific Forum for Environment and Development, 2002; the Secretariat of the Community, 2007).
Figure 2.1 highlights the decline of water resource per capita between 1950-2025 as a result of increasing demand for water from agriculture, industry and households. This increasing demand for water is a direct result of population growth compounded by economic development in developing countries.
Montogomery and Elimelech (2007) stated that global figures concerning people without access to water and sanitation are alarming. They reported that more than 1.1 billion people lacked access to drinking water, while 2.6 billion individuals lived without sanitation services.
28 Figure 2. 1. Decline in Water Resource Per Capita, 1950-2025
Source: Asia –Pacific Forum for Environment and Development, 2002.
Gidey (2006) further elaborated that water requirement has generally been increasing with urban population growth, while fresh water supply from ground and surface sources have become scarce over time. As a result, the provision of adequate water supply and sanitation services to urban centers in developing countries is insufficient and remains one of the greatest challenges today.
2. 3. 4. Water and Sanitation and Environment
Rapid increase in population and urbanisation poses serious threat to the management of the environment and quality of life in developing countries (Vajpeyi, 1998). According to the United Nations (2007), urban population changes the environment through
29 consumption of food, energy, water, and land. In so doing, the urban environment is being polluted, leading to degradation and poor quality.
However, urbanisation has a number of positive impacts on the environment and human beings. This is manifested in higher population densities with lower per capita cost of providing energy, health care, infrastructure and services. Besides, urbanisation has been historically associated with declining birth rates, thereby reducing population pressure on land and resources (Ichimura, 2003).
However, in urban environments of developing countries, the positive impacts of urbanisation are limited by its negative impacts. In most cities, air and water pollution are common at city, community and household levels. Air pollution impairs the health status of urban residents (especially women and children) while water pollution from industrial and domestic activities pose serious health threats particularly for those living in slums and below poverty level.
The Secretariat of the Pacific Community (2007) highlighted the environmental implications of urbanisation by stating that:
Sustained and uncontrolled high urban population growth and overcrowding in areas without proper facilities lead to environmental degradation and contamination, with effects on the freshwater lens, not only from sewage, but also from disposal of animal waste (e.g. from pigs) and household garbage.
30 In developing countries, uncontrolled urban population growth becomes detrimental to the urban environment. It is thus very likely that countries in the developing world can achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for water supplies while they trail behind in sanitation (UNICEF and WHO, 2008). This is demonstrated in Table 2.2 that shows the global and regional progress of MDG for sanitation between1990-2006.
Table 2.2: Regional and Global Progress of MDG for Sanitation, 1990-2006
Region Sanitation Coverage Needed MDG Target MDG Coverage (%) to be on-track in Coverage (%) Progress 1990 2006 2006 (%) Commonwealth of 90 89 93 95 Off track Independent States Northern Africa 62 76 74 81 On Track Latin America & 68 79 78 84 On Track Caribbean Western Asia 79 84 86 90 On Track Eastern Asia 48 65 75 74 On Track South Eastern Asia 50 67 64 75 On Track Sub-Saharan Africa 26 31 50 63 Off track Southern Asia 21 33 46 61 Off track Oceania 52 52 69 76 Off track Developing Regions 41 53 60 71 Off track Developed Regions 99 99 99 100 On Track World 54 62 69 77 Off track Source: UNICEF & WHO, 2008
Clearly, the developing world is not on track in meeting the MDGs for sanitation.
Oceania region is one of the regions in developing world that lags behind. Other lagging regions in sanitation progress include the Commonwealth of Independent States,
Southern Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa (Table 2.2).
In the context of water supply, it is reported that most of the regions of the world are ‘on track’ in achieving MDG target for water. Despite this progress, several regions of the
31 world are still ‘off track’ in meeting the water supply target. These are mainly Oceania and Sub-Saharan Africa as is shown in Table 2.3.
Table 2.3: Regional and Global Progress of the MDG for Water Supply, 1990-2006
Region Drinking Water Coverage MDG MDG Coverage (%) Needed to be Target Progress 1990 2006 on-track in Coverage 2006 (%) (%) Commonwealth of 93 94 95 97 On Track Independent States Northern Africa 88 92 92 94 On Track Latin America & 84 92 89 92 On Track Caribbean Western Asia 86 90 90 93 On Track Eastern Asia 68 78 88 84 On Track South Eastern Asia 74 87 82 87 On Track Sub-Sahara Africa 49 58 65 75 Off track Oceania 51 50 67 76 Off track Developing Regions 71 84 80 86 On Track Developed Regions 98 99 99 99 On Track World 77 87 84 89 On Track Source: UNICEF & WHO, 2008
Given this MDGs scenario, it can be strongly contested that the developing world, especially Oceania region is faced with an enormous challenge in water supply and sanitation. Since water supply and sanitation are closely related sectors, and have direct linkages to other MDG targets (example, infant mortality, sustainable development etc), it is very unlikely that the overall MDG targets will be realistically achieved by the developing world by 2015 (Gleick, 2002; WHO and UNICEF, 2006).
32 2.3. 5. Water and Sanitation and Politics15
‘Whisky is for drinking, water is for fighting over’ (Mark Twain)
In many countries, water is a much-contested resource. Hydro politics 16 affect many countries. Water has triggered numerous conflicts between and within countries for decades. Gleick (2006) elaborated that water has a long history of being used as a political and military target or tool and can be traced back to 2, 500 years.
This empirical knowledge has undoubtedly led scholars and international commentators like the former World Bank’s Vice President, Ismael Serageldin, King Hussein of Jordan, and Boutros Boutros Gali of Egypt, to prophetically declare that while the wars of this century are related to oil, the wars of the next century will be over water resources
(Dombrowsky, 2007: 4-5). Conflicts, both within and between countries over water are predicated on the experiences of countries suffering from both water stress and water scarcity situations (Tadesse, 2007).
Against such backdrop, water has often being politicized. Dungumaro (2006) illustrated this with the case of Tanzania in Africa that has three lakes shared with several countries
– Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Zambia, Republic of Congo, Malawi and Mozambique. The
Middle-East region is another classic example where water has become a political and
15 Politics is used in this thesis to refer to the ability to decide who gets what, when to get it and how to get it. Used in the context of this thesis, it is the ability to decide who gets water supply and sanitation, when water supply and sanitation should be distributed and how they should be distributed or delivered in society. 16 Hydro politics is the systematic study of conflict and cooperation between states over water resources that transcends international borders. It also encompasses the authoritative allocation of values in society with respect to water. 33 military tool. This is well articulated in the late Egyptian president, Anuar Sadat’s warning statement to Ethiopia:
Any action that would endanger the waters of the Blue Nile will be faced with firm reaction on the part of Egypt, even if that action should lead to war (Daniel, 1999).
The politics of water are best manifested in developing countries through its unequal distribution, thus giving rise to conflicts. The unequal distribution of water within countries and between countries is well documented in scholarly literatures (Anand,
2007; Mehta, 2000; Gleick, 2000; Montogomery and Elimelech, 2007). As long as water is unevenly distributed within and between countries in the developing world, the hydro- politics associated with it will remain a permanent feature of water’s socio-political landscape.
Since water directly relates to sanitation and both cannot be separated out, it is a truism that contentions and conflicts over water resources are also conflicts over sanitation. The duo are intimately linked, thus hydro-politics associated with water also affect sanitation.
Indeed, water supply and sanitation are considered to be ‘environmental capital’ and closely linked to economic development. Karshena ( 1994) developed a basic model that attempts to capture the relationship between economic development and ‘environmental capital’, it offers a useful guideline to urban water supply and sanitation as they are
34 environmental capitals17 that have direct bearing to a nation’s economic development.
Figure 2.2 shows the Karshena’s Model.
Figure 2.2 Karshena’s Economic Development and ‘Environmental Capital’ Model
The Concept
Standard Ecological
of Catastrophe Development Trajectory
Living
Unsustainable Development
Min
Malthusian Catastrophe
Min
Stock of Environmental Resources
Source: Turton, 1999.
Briefly, this model draws heavily from experiences in the Middle East due to its vast experiences in the ‘precautionary approaches’ to resources. Figure 2.2 is an attempt to conceptualize the relationship between development and the use of environmental capitals such as water supply and sanitation. The portion on the top right hand corner is the space where development can take place in a sustainable manner. The area to the left and below this represents the depletion of resources (e.g. water) in an unsustainable
17 Environmental capitals are defined in this thesis as resources that derive from the natural environment which sustain human societies. 35 manner. The zones adjacent to the axes are those of ecological and Malthusian catastrophe, where environment and economic circumstances become irreversibly degraded. The development trajectory shown is similar to that of poor countries.
Ohlsson (1995) noted that some societies have ‘first order scarcity 18 ’ while other societies have ‘second order scarcity19’. In this regard, a society which does not have sufficient ‘adaptive capacity 20’ to cope with increased resource scarcity in the water supply and sanitation sectors can be said to have a ‘second order scarcity’ (Ohlsson,
1999:61). Within this frame of thinking, water resources scarcity (first order scarcity) as a result of physical conditions like climatic change can be addressed if the social entity responsible can mobilize social tools with which to deal with the first order scarcity.
Turton and Ohlsson (1999) argued that social resources are embedded in institutions within an institutional framework including actors and rulers.
This conceptual model is relevant, as it provides an overall framework in which issues of water supply and sanitation in the study area can be conceptualized and addressed within the broader development context.
18First Order Scarcity refers to the scarcity of physical resources such as water resources that are important for the development of societies. 19 Second Order Scarcity refers to the lack or scarcity of social resources, (proper laws, policies, programs, management skills, political will, financial resources etc) to properly address first order scarcity. 20 Adaptive Capacity refers to the capacity of societies to adapt to water stress situations with evolving mechanisms to tolerate water and sanitation stress situations in societies. Adaptive Capacity also has sustainability levels attached to it. Some societies do not even have ‘adaptive capacity’ and thus can be said to have ‘second order scarcity’. 36 2. 4 Urban Growth, Water Supply and Sanitation in the Pacific
2. 4.1 The Growth of Urban Centers
The Pacific Islands have witnessed a remarkable growth in its population in the past half century (Stabile, 2001:19). Connell (1994) stated that urbanisation is relatively a new phenomenon in the Pacific. Prior to the arrival of colonial administrators, there were no formal urban centers in the Pacific. However, with the arrival of colonial powers, towns became necessary as a means of dispensing new religious ideas, as well as acting as points of exporting and importing through which governments maintain links with their home countries. In many cases, towns and cities developed with an inherent functionary role as education, religious, residential, social and political centers (Ward, 1997).
By the 1960s and 1970s, urbanisation increased rapidly in most of the Pacific Island countries (PICs). Primary explanatory factors for such increase were the social and economic effects of independence – localization policies, increase in foreign aid, growth in services and manufacturing industries and removal of administrative constraints on population movements (Ward,1997).This provided the catalysts for rural–urban migration that consequently led to high natural increase in many cities and towns in the Pacific.
Given this, throughout the Pacific, urbanisation and its associated urban growth has become an undeniable characteristic that influenced development in both negative and positive ways. However, in many instances, urbanisation has been widely argued as
37 disastrous to Pacific Island nations (Storey, 2000; Connell 1994; South Pacific Applied
Geoscience Commission, 2007).
2. 4. 2 Urban Water -Supply and Sanitation Challenges
In the context of water supply, most countries in the Pacific are well endowed with water.
However, water consumption is gradually rising with the increasing urban population.
Water consumption in the Pacific remains relatively high. This is attributed to the increasing exponential growth of towns and cities as well as high demand for water. For example in Samoa, water consumption in some cases has reached six hundred to seven hundred liters per capita per day compared with the developed nations with two hundred fifty liters per capita per day (United Nations Centres for Human Settlements , 1999).
In some countries of the Pacific, there is mismanagement of the water-supply system through leakage because of lack of maintenance, inefficient billing and poor meter charges, resulting in high-unaccounted for water. Attempts to meter the water supply has often met with public resentments because the public construe water as natures’ gift to human beings and should not be paid (South Pacific Applied Geoscience Commission,
2004; Crennan, 2005).
Such management problems have been exemplified in Guam where 44 percent of water supplied in 100 wells was lost from the system through leakage, and Nuku’alofa where
45 percent of water is lost through unaccounted water (South Pacific Applied Geoscience
38 Commission, 2001). In the light of this, it is difficult for countries to meet the WHO required level of water supply of 250 lpd per person per day.
Depledge (1996), identified some problems of water supply in the Pacific Islands by stating that Pacific Islands suffer from the problems of:
shortage of supply as well as poor quality leading to health problems.
high project failures due to inappropriate technology that is culturally unsuitable
and with no provision for funding of responsibilities for operation or maintenance
of the projects.
lack of data or equipment and technical expertise.
lack of political will, legislation and policies.
lack of catchment management and environmental protection.
lack of urgency in the water sector.
The above portrays the issues and problems affecting urban water supply in the Pacific
Islands. Carpenters (2001), in discussing Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for SOPAC
(2001) stated that the constraints can be broadly divided into three groups:
insufficient institutional capacity.
inefficient government support.
insufficient public support.
39 These problems have constrained the successful provision of water supply in the urban centers of the Pacific. Besides, they provided explanations as to why the Pacific continues to experience water supply problems.
In the context of urban sanitation, Naiker (2001), stated that inadequate disposal of human waste is one of the more serious environmental problems in the Pacific. This has been exemplified in cities such as Suva, Fiji where only 25 percent of its population is served with adequate sewage treatment facilities and 11 percent in Port Moresby, Papua
New Guinea (Naiker, 2001).
Besides, Naiker (2001) noted that surface pollution from septic tanks in planned settlements and pit latrines in squatter settlements cause serious health problems. Ocean outfalls are used for sewage disposal in Honiara, Solomon Islands and Tarawa, in
Kiribati. The lagoons besides Funga’uta in Tonga, Port Vila, Vanuatu, Suva in Fiji and
Tarawa in Kiribati have become a public health concern due to high faecal caliform levels (Naiker, 2001).
Furthermore, disposal of solid waste is increasing as lifestyles and consumption patterns in the Pacific change to western ways, with increasing levels of imported non – biodegradable material. Dumping on seashores is common since landowners do not usually provide suitable sites for garbage disposal.
40 These problems along with water supply problems discussed above are a result of the lack of formal strategic and spatial planning for urban development in developing countries.
Consequently, there evolves a spectrum of planning and management approaches pursued by developing countries to address issues of water supply and sanitation as well as development challenges in general. These approaches are explored in the following sections.
2. 5 Institutional Approaches to Water and Sanitation
2.5. 1 Top-Down, Centralized, Supply- Driven Approach21
Urban water supply and sanitation services in developing countries have been strongly influenced by the pro-urban view. According to this view, the management approach is characterized by top-down, centralized and supply-driven approach in urban services delivery. It becomes the conventional approach to urban water supply, wastewater collection and disposal for decades (White, Ashbolt and Fane, 2007; Schuck, Clark, and
Russel, 2007).
21 An institutional approach whereby decisions, policies or programs relating to water and sanitation are controlled and regulated strongly by the state or central government and are channeled down to citizens or water –sanitation customers through the top-down process through various government or semi- government agencies. In many cases, it is supply-driven and relied extensively on hard ware technology to supply water and sanitation services. 41 Gleick (2000) observed that the supply-sided and centralized water (and sanitation) management approach is a result of future projected growth in population; water per capita demand, agricultural production, and level of economic productivity. The assumption is that each of these variables is expected to increase water and sanitation needs.
As a result, traditional and supply-sided approach conclude that future water supply and sanitation demand will inexorably rise and will eventually exceed the capacity of institutions to supply them to residents (Khatri and Vairavamoorthy, 2007; SPC, 2007;
Cohen, 2006; Montgomery and Elimelech, 2007). Given this anticipated scenario, the management and planning approach has been to bridge the gap. Bridging this gap means the construction of more physical infrastructure such as water pipes, dams, pipelines, slabs, sewer lines and reservoirs (Gleick, 2000).
For quite a long time, this conventional high cost standard practice for water supply and sanitation was regarded as a solution. However, it was often unaffordable in developing countries. For example, the approach during the 1970s and 1980s for water supply and sanitation had been primarily a centrally planned and supply – driven. Experiences however, showed that this was often unsuccessful and often misplaced because many systems ceased to function over time due to lack of maintenance and the technology could not be sustained.
42 Besides, the centralized, top-down approach to water and sanitation is technology- ridden
(Hannan and Anderson, 2001). Given high regard to water and sanitation technology, some economically disadvantaged groups cannot afford the technology or the costs of sustaining them and thus are not usually provided with basic water and sanitation services. Hannan and Anderson (2001) further pointed out that the technocratic approach as embraced by the top-down, centralized and supply-led approach is more water focused. Less focus is paid to the users and this resulted in less attention being paid to people in the development of policies and programs. This calls for a shift from a centralized, top-down and supply-driven water and sanitation approach to a decentralized, bottom-up and demand-driven approach. An examination into the decentralized, bottom- up and demand-driven approach to water supply and sanitation is made in the following section.
2.5.2 Decentralized, Demand –Driven W ater -Supply and Sanitation Approach22
In decentralization programs, three main trends emerged. These are private sector participation, delegation, and devolution. These three characterize the decentralization of water supply and sanitation services in developing countries today.
In ‘private sector participation’ (PSP), decentralization program entails full privatization to contracting out of services. It is argued to have achieved better results in the urban
22 Institutional approach in water supply and sanitation whereby decisions and power over the administration, planning and management of water supply and sanitation derives from a wider stakeholder participation and is not so much regulated through the top-down approach. In many cases, it shifts emphasis away from water-sanitation technology to people or users of water-sanitation technologies. 43 sector and has led to better quality services and higher operational efficiency
(Fauconnier, 1999). However, this does not work well for economically disadvantaged groups because private profit-seeking companies tend to concentrate more on economically affordable sector of the economy.
In the ‘deregulation model’, governments usually transfer water and sanitation management to semi-private water companies while the ‘devolution model’ involves devolution of activities to local governments. The strongest local governments can undertake activities ranging from interaction with communities to technical planning to supervision construction.
Reeds (2001), in his discussion of decentralization initiatives and programs stressed that although decentralization is a good approach, it too often requires external support from outside the community. To this end, he discusses several sources of community support, comprising of ‘vertical supply’, ‘devolved supply’, ‘subsidiary’, and ‘mutual support’.
With community support, the focus of the management system changes as the people in- charge is no longer those at the top but the users. However, the management is still top- down and although the users are in charge, they still depend on external support.
In the light of the above, Reeds (2001) strongly proposed a ‘mutual support model’ as an alternative model. This is where communities group together share resources, rather than
44 relying extensively on external assistance. This support is horizontal, co-operating with communities of similar size. It is a demand-driven approach and based on bottom-up principles. It ensures that the management remains at the local level, with resources coming from outside. Effectively, as the size of communities increases, resources also increase simultaneously. Though control of resources can be outside of the social group, it is still with people with similar interests and motives (Reeds, 2001; Baker, 2002).
In a similar study by Satterthwaite, McGranahan and Mitlin (2005) for urban water supply and sanitation, a community – driven urban water supply and sanitation approach is strongly encouraged and supported. This is in light of the fact that numerous urban water and sanitation projects have failed due to their non-incorporation of community efforts and needs. Ruiz-Mier and Ginneken (2006) of the World Bank therefore proposed the ‘consumer-cooperative model23’ as an alternative institutional model for delivery of water and sanitation, a model similar to the ‘mutual-support model’ as discussed earlier.
However, having discussed these decentralization efforts, it is also important to mention that the drive to ensure that communities are not deprived of water supply and sanitation is largely influenced by the increasing emphasis on the ‘human right’ approach to water and sanitation.
2. 6 Human Right Approach
Article 25 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Right (1948) says:
23 Water –Sanitation Service model that places the management of both services under the control and supervision of users or consumers. 45 ‘everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well being of himself and his family’.
To strengthen the accessibility of communities to urban water supply and sanitation the human right question enters into the debate. Proponents of a right – based approach argue that a rights perspective informs people of their legal rights and entitlements and empower them to achieve those rights (World Health Organisation, 2003). Rather than seeing people as passive recipients, the rights-based approach puts people at the center of development.
The right-based approach will ensure that governments, individuals, communities, civil societies and private sectors take critical steps to respect, protect and fulfill the right to water and sanitation within their various jurisdictions (World Health Organisation, 2003).
It is also premised on the principle of freedom from discrimination and equality between men and women that is closely linked with the issue of accessibility. Besides, an important feature of this approach is the notion of accountability that requires development of adequate laws, policies, institutions, administration procedures and practices, and mechanisms of redress (World Health Organisation, 2003).
It is argued to have the capacity to deliver more sustainable solutions to problems of urban water-supply and sanitation as decisions are based on what communities and individuals require, understand and can manage rather than what external agencies needed (World Health Organisation, 2003). It is an approach closely tied to the
46 ‘capabilities approach’ (Sen, 2000) and the ‘consumer –cooperate’ model discussed earlier.
2.7 Planning and Development
The conceptual framework and linkages are needed in order to analyse urban planning and development models that are important in order to understand the delivery of urban basic services especially, water supply and sanitation. These planning models are explored in the following section.
2.7.1 Traditional Planning
In ‘traditional’ planning, the planner prescribes both the goals of the plan and the means to achieve them. This approach to planning presupposes that there is a right and wrong way to develop a city and planners by virtue of their expertise and experience, know the correct path. Reiner (1967:232) summarized the ‘traditional’ planning approach in the following way:
An appealing and plausible idea attracts planners the world over: we are scientists, or at least capable of becoming such. As scientists or technicians, we work with facts to arrive at truth, using methods and language appropriate to our tasks, and ways of handling problems are not subject to outsiders’ criticism.
Gans (1993:128) however, pointed out that in ‘traditional’ planning; planners have generally advocated policies that fit the predisposition of the upper classes but not of the rest of the population. In many cases, this approach is attached with the notion what the planners think and do will be in the best interest of the people being planned for and thus,
47 people who are affected by the plan are not usually consulted. This planning approach falls within the ‘top-down’ centralized approach.
This approach to planning as Fainstein (1996:273) says owe its origin to the works of
Comte, Saint – Simon, Owen and Fourier who advocated that technology is the cure for all societal ills and that social change must be engineered from the top by a social strata that commands the economy, and in the public interest, meaning the interests of the lower classes in society. This view sees a harmony between the interests of the masses and the ruling ‘elites’.
2.7.2 Democratic Planning
The ‘traditional’ planning approach seriously came under attack in the 1960s. Many critics accused traditional planners for imposing their version of an idealized elite world that did not reflect the world of the general population.
This called for a transformation from a ‘top-down’ to a more participatory process. This gave birth to ‘democratic’ planning whereby planners rely on the public as the ultimate authority in the formulation of plans. This approach to planning is best summed up by
Godschalk (1967:972) as:
What is needed is a modus operandi which brings government planners face to face with citizens in a continuous cooperative venture. Such a venture could not only educate and involve the community in planning, but could also educate and involve the planners in their community.
48 The ‘democratic’ planning approach falls within the decentralized, bottom-up and demand –driven institutional approach as discussed earlier and has strong support from others (Friedmann, 1987 and Forester, 1989). In his scholarly contribution to the discussion, Friedmann (1987) encouraged planners to be open to those who possess the knowledge about the locality to be planned.
Indeed the philosophical underpinning in ‘democratic’ planning approach revolves around the sanctity of individual with the emphasis that everyone is equal and has an equal right to advance his or her cause (Tocqueville, 1957). Within this philosophical frame of mind, democratic planners involve the majority of citizens in planning so that citizens can grow up and become more responsible for their own welfares (Fainstein,
1996).
2.7.3 Equity Planning
‘Equity planning’ and ‘democratic planning’ are overlapping types but differ in approach.
While democratic planning emphasizes the participatory processes, the ‘equity’ planning on the other hand focuses on the substance of the program. In this kind of planning, planners try to take into account the conflicting multitude of social interests, many of which are difficult to reconcile (Fainstein, 1996).
'Equity planners try to promote a wide range of choices for those who have few'
(Forester, 1989). The term ‘equity’ planning has often being used interchangeably with
49 ‘advocacy’ planning. The latter however, connotes to advocating for the poor (Fainstein,
1996: 245).
Originally derived and constructed within the socialist thinking, ‘equity’ planning approach advances the idea that the well-being of a society is judged by equality in society. Equality must be manifested in material forms rather than simply political or legal terms where the upper classes in society have their interests served while those in the lower ladder are disadvantaged and marginalized.
2. 7. 4 Incremental Planning
In ‘incremental planning’, policy makers come to decisions by weighing the marginal advantages of a limited number of alternatives. According to Fainstein (1996:245) rather than working with a range of long-term goals, they move ahead through successive approximation. Toteng (2002) explained ‘incremental planning’ as:
‘planning knowledge is acquired by experimentation and is thus very much based on pragmaticism.’
The overall assertion in this kind of planning is that societies continually require conscious control and manipulation (Lindblom, 1965). Thus, in ‘incremental planning’, though ends and means are not formulated, decision makers work out ways to reach socially desirable goals.
50 According to Fainstein (1996:245) originally derived from liberal political theory of the seventeenth century under philosophers like Locke and later popularized by Bentham,
Spencer and a number of thinkers in the nineteenth century , the theory advances the conception that human beings are rational beings and thus, the best judge of their own private interests. The public interest is argued under this approach as the interplay of a multiplicity of private interests within the confines of the political marketplace.
To this end, incrementalism shares the weakness of liberalism in that when societies already have inequality in terms of wealth and power, then those who are worse off materially will have less ability to change the system.
Based on the spectrum of planning approaches mentioned above, the following section discusses urban planning and management challenges particularly in the Pacific context.
2. 8. Urban Planning and Management in the Pacific
In general terms, formal strategic and spatial planning of the nature discussed above is not well provided for either in central or local government administrations in the Pacific as alluded to by Carpenters (2001). There is no specific or integrating legislation that provides for national oversight or direction on matters of urbanisation and urban infrastructure (Connell 1994; Storey, 2000).This is exemplified in countries like the
51 Solomon Islands where there is a marked absence of formal strategic and spatial planning resulting in haphazard growth of residential houses in Honiara City town boundaries.
Besides, infrastructure planning and financing is usually the responsibility of line
Ministries within the national government in the Solomon Islands. Although there is in some units the existence of Ministries’ responsibilities for co-ordination of infrastructure services, there are usually no defined responsibilities for urban infrastructure planning issues. This leads to a disconnection between planning of urban services such as water supply and sanitation, land use and other development issues in the Pacific Island countries (PICs).
2. 9. Conclusion
This chapter has provided a conceptual and theoretical framework and the linkages for understanding issues relating to urban water-supply and sanitation especially in the
Solomon Islands and Honiara City in particular.
52 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1. Introduction
This chapter deals with the research approach and methodology adopted for the study. It starts with a general discussion on the conceptual methodological approaches. Having done that, it then discusses the sources of data and research methods and designs adopted in the study. The sampling and sampling size, study area, limitation of research and ethical considerations governing the study are discussed in this chapter.
3. 2 Methodological Approaches
Amongst the social and natural sciences, two important philosophical research approaches persist. There is a ‘positivist -realism’ approach that dominates both the sciences. This approach entails the assumption that objective reality exists and by using the right scientific research method, the reality can be discovered. Here, the epistemological position is that the ‘observer’ and the ‘observed’ are independent to one another. An interpretation and understanding of the objective reality means the researcher is looking in from outside rather than inside. It also presupposes that there is a universal truth that can be understood using universal quantifiable scientific models. Some scholars
53 (Douthwaite and de Hann, et. al, 2001) call this the, ‘quantitative research’ that sets up hypothesis and tests them with quantifiable experiments.
Alternatively, there is the second research approach known as the ‘constructivist- approach’ or ‘constructivism’. Epistemologically, this research paradigm assumes that knowledge is maximized when distance between the inquirer and the participants in the study is minimized. Furthermore, it holds that the voices and interpretation of those under study is key to understanding phenomenon of interest, and subjective interactions are the primary way to access them. The findings from ‘constructivist approach’ are the product of the interaction between the inquirer and the participants. This research approach is referred to as ‘qualitative research’ and is mostly utilized in the social sciences.
In discussing qualitative research, Walsh (2005:103-104) states that:
…qualitative research asks questions (and often find answers) which cannot be asked (or found) by quantitative research. These qualitative researchers look to ‘contextualize’ their research in their search for underlying and often hidden meanings, and deeper causation.
According to Walsh (2005), the objectives are to document the feelings and experiences of people living under the issues being studied.
3. 3 Sources of Data
For this thesis, both primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data was obtained through participant observation, household survey, focus group discussions
54 and informal discussions. Two sets of questionnaires (Appendix 1) were prepared for the surveys undertaken in the study area. First set of questionnaire was used for a household survey in Honiara City while the second set aimed to collect information from key government officials of the Solomon Islands.
The secondary sources of data or information for this thesis included government reports such as national census reports and other reports by the local, national government and regional and international agencies. These sources dealing with the issues of urbanisation, water-supply and sanitation, poverty, health, environment, urban planning and management were reviewed.
3. 4 Research Design
The research design for this study includes methods of data collection, sampling and methods of research analysis.
3. 4.1. Data Collection Methods
Questionnaires, interviews, observation, focus group discussion, case studies, photographs and key informants discussion were used to derive primary data. The following section provides a brief account of each of these methods of data collection.
55 3.4.1. 1. Questionnaire
Both structured and unstructured questionnaires were used in the survey. Structured questionnaires were designed after a thorough review of relevant literature about the study area. The structured questionnaires were used by the researcher in household survey in Honiara.
Questionnaires were designed in such a manner as to accommodate all the issues concerning the focus of this study. As Hausfeld (cited in Mayer, 1974: 32) stated that
‘the best questions are unambiguous, neutral and in the case of forced choices, cover all likely cases’. The questionnaires mostly included closed-ended questions and divided in to different sections. The first section of the questionnaire sought to understand the background information of household respondents. The second part of the questionnaire covered questions on water-supply and the third part focused on sanitation24 in Honiara.
These questions were collected for an understanding of issues as well as how the people in the study area were affected by the provision of two essential basic urban services.
Issues that were not covered in the structured questionnaires were covered in the semi- structured interviews and informal discussions in the study area.
The second set of questionnaire was designed for the ministries, departments and government agencies dealing with water- supply and sanitation issues in Honiara. The key officials were consulted from SIWA, the Honiara City Council (HCC), the Ministry of Mines and Energy Water Resources Division (MME) and the Ministry of Health and
Medical Services (MHMS) as well as the Ministry of Lands and Housing. For these
24 Refer to questionnaire in the appendix for the types of questions under each section of the questionnaire. 56 Ministries and agencies, the questions were mainly open-ended. This was designed so as to provide ample scope for in-depth institutional responses.
3.4.1. 2. Interview
The interviews conducted for this study consisted of semi-structured ones. As Mikkelson
(1995) said in a semi-structured interview, only some of the questions are pre- determined. This allows for more interactive and conversational approach and scope for changes, if needed. It also allows for re-structuring the questions as well as adding new questions during the interview.
The semi-structured interview also allows for the respondents to express freely their feelings, and opinions. All interviews conducted were recorded in a tape recorder for purposes of final analysis.
The researcher, as much as possible also interviewed some women participants from different ethnic background to bring into focus their sides of the story concerning the subject of this study. This was done because of the critical role played by the women as primary users of water-supply and is the water fetchers for meeting the household water needs. They are also primarily responsible for maintaining household sanitation and hygiene and responsible for a healthy living environment.
A due care was taken for minimizing the husband’s influence over wife’s participation in the survey. The interview was mainly done at a time when husbands were away from
57 home. Similar studies carried out elsewhere have confirmed this. As Covane (1996:35-
36) states that:
…I generally observed that when husband and wife were interviewed together, the men spoke and quite openly tried to prevent his wife from saying anything. This is partly a reflection of traditionally assumed minor and secondary role reserved for women…
All interviews were conducted in the ‘pidgin’ language because it is a widely spoken language in Honiara City. Having stated that, it must be admitted here that because
‘pidgin’ had to be translated into English during data analysis, there was chance of bias- ness based on the author’s understanding of ‘pidgin’ language. However, a due care was taken in minimizing the risk of distortion of information while translating and analyzing data from pidgin language. In order to maximize the data validity, the researcher also consulted others those are well versant with the pidgin language and English translations.
3.4.1.3 Observation
The researcher spent much of his time observing in the field, for obtaining first-hand information regarding the problems of water-supply and sanitation in the different residential areas and in the city as a whole. This was very useful, especially when talking to different people who gave views based on their experiences. It was also through travelling and observation in the field that the researcher was able to understand the problems of water and sanitation especially associated with women in the city.
Observation method provided the researcher with more insights about issues and useful information that would have otherwise been unaccounted for. These included in
58 particular the issues of attitude and behavior of people towards public facilities in the city and overall sanitary conditions both at household and city level.
3.4.1.4 Focus Group Discussion
Focus groups are used as a way of learning about public opinion on a variety of issues
(Bouma, 1984: 181). This method was particularly important for this study in order to obtain public opinion on issues concerning the growth of the city and the provision of water-supply and sanitation.
For the focus group, a combination of in-depth interview as well as observation was done to strengthen the validity of information collected. In this study the researcher selected a group of six people (women and men) who discussed issues raised by the researcher.
Here the researcher acted as a facilitator ensuring that the discussion was on track and revolved around the subject of the study. The whole discussion was recorded used some of the views as case studies.
3.4. 1. 5. Photographs and Maps
Photographs provide the reader with a visual evidence of what was being observed in the field. This also substantiates information as well as improves the validity of data presented. Photographs and maps were used by the researcher for this study in substantiating evidences in the field.
59 Maps were employed in this study as vital information base on locality, water-supply sources, sewage outfalls, and direction of city growth. This information was presented in this study in a comprehensive way. Therefore, maps proved to be very useful for this study.
3.4. 1.6 Key Informants
Key informants are people who are more knowledgeable in their respective work or field
(Mikkelson, 1995). Key informants for this study were drawn from various agencies and departments within the government organizations who were more knowledgeable about the issues covered in this study. This provided a much deeper understanding of different aspects of water-supply and sanitation in Honiara.
A total of four key informants were interviewed with semi-structured questions. These include the Director of the Rural Water Supply Services (RWSS) of the Solomon Islands whose span of experience in the water and sanitation sector proved an invaluable part of this study. The Manager of Engineering Division for SIWA also contributed substantially by providing information on urban growth, water supply and sanitation in Honiara City.
Finally, the Chief Health and Environmental Officer with his Senior Environmental
Health Officer and the councilors in Honiara City Council whose in-depth knowledge and understanding of city affairs including water-supply and sanitation and waste disposal and overall planning and management aspects in Honiara City were of great values.
60 3. 4 .1. 7 Secondary Data
As mentioned earlier the secondary sources of information included various government reports. The reports which were consulted include for example, the Ministry of
Development Planning, Ministry of Mines and Energy Technical and Financial Recovery
Program/ SIWA Report, 2003, SIWA Approved Budget, 2003; SIWA Water-Supply
Works Plan 1996 to 2006; and the JICA’s (1996) Basic Design Study Report for
Improvement of Water -Supply System in Honiara, the Solomon Islands.
Other SIWA reports included SIWA 1998 Operational Budget Estimates and SIWA
Project Profile, 2000. Furthermore, secondary sources of information were also drawn from the country report on municipal solid waste management in Honiara, Solomon
Islands by the Honiara City Council Environmental Health Division (2002), the Urban
Environmental Management Sanitation Services by the World Bank (1995), and the reports of Government of Solomon Islands, Statistics Department (1999) and United
Nations Development Programme, 2002. Other reports consulted also included the population report by Walsh (1986).
These secondary sources of information played a pivotal role in assisting the researcher in understanding the historical, social, political, economic, environmental and cultural aspects of Honiara.
61 3. 5. Sampling
Most of the social sciences have been concerned with classifying different ‘types’ of behavior and distinguishing the ‘typical’ from the ‘atypical’ (Mays and Pope, 1995). The issue of similarity and differences leads to the use of various statistical sampling in qualitative research.
Sampling methods such as random samplings are relatively uncommon in qualitative research. Most qualitative data collection methods are time consuming and expensive.
Given this constraint, it is not practicable to employ probability sampling. An alternative approach used in qualitative research is non-probabilistic sampling. In non-probability sampling, the purpose as noted by Mays and Pope (1995) is:
…not to establish a random or representative sample drawn from a population but rather to identify specific groups of people who either possess characteristics or live in circumstances relevant to social phenomenon being studied.
For this research, the researcher adopts non-probability sampling technique also known as ‘purposive sampling’, as the prime objective is to gain a deeper insight into issues of urban water-supply and sanitation from groups of people in Honiara City who live in circumstances relevant to the social phenomenon being studied.
3. 5.1 Sample Size
The researcher selected samples from those whom he considered were affected by the provision of water-supply and sanitation in Honiara City. As noted above, the purpose is
62 to gain a deeper insight of issues surrounding water-supply and sanitation from groups of people who lived under the circumstances of the phenomenon being studied.
A total of sixty households were surveyed with a structured questionnaire. These households had a total population of 476 people, those were covered in this study. The households were selected from the twelve administrative wards of the Honiara City
Council (Map 4.5).
3. 6. Research Analysis
The data collected were put in suitable tabulation and suitable graphs, and figures were made for analysis.
For survey questionnaire, coding booklet was produced to assist in the analysis. The questions in the questionnaires were pre-coded and later tabulated. Tabulation was done so as to draw out the main themes according to individual questions in the questionnaire.
Tables produced from the code booklet sought to draw out some statistical representation of variables that the questionnaires attempted to generate. This was later converted into tables and graphs using Microsoft Excel Program to ensure easy summarization of data.
63 The adoption of Microsoft Excel Program was used because the analysis of results does not intend to test casual relationship between variables but identification of variables that have affected water supply and sanitation in Honiara City.
For all interviews, transcription was done to the data to identify main themes or ideas that the researcher sought. As noted already, although some quantitative presentation is made, the overall research framework was qualitative. The presentation of data in the forms of tables and graphs only facilitates proper and easy analysis of data.
3.7 Study Area
Honiara is the capital city and largest urban center in the Solomon Islands, where bulk of the urban population live. It is the center of concentration of urban infrastructures such as housing, water and sanitation, and road and transport. Honiara is also the political and administrative center where local government agencies work and coordinate urban functions. Administratively, Honiara is divided into twelve wards.
The selection of the study area Honiara City was influenced by a series of reports and publications as well as the researcher’s personal experience of living in Honiara City. The findings of various reports about the problems of water and sanitation and the first hand experience of the researcher have influenced the selection of this study area.
64 3. 8. Limitation
The sampled population and size chosen for this study as well as the sampling method being a purposive sampling method may not be true representative of larger urban population. Therefore, the findings are valid only for the sampled population and may not be readily generalized.
Since the study was conducted under the methodological framework of qualitative research, only some variables particularly in the structured questionnaire were controlled.
It is possible that other variables that are not in the questionnaire also affect water supply and sanitation and may have introduced biases in the sample.
Furthermore, the unavailability of required data by government agencies for water and sanitation in Honiara city put a limitation for an in-depth city- wide study. Moreover, the limited time and inadequate funding are the major limiting factors in this study.
3. 9 Ethical Considerations
A researcher who engages in data collection through interviews or questionnaire must always place emphasis on anonymity and confidentiality. Respondents’ response to both interviews and questionnaires depend to a large extent on how well the researcher is able to guarantee anonymity and confidentiality and build their confidence.
65 For this study, the interviewees consisted of the Solomon Islanders (both men and women) who resided in Honiara City. Participants were given a hundred percent assurance about the purpose of study and the researcher built their confidence to allow them to engage in discussion on issues pertinent to this study. The researcher also sought the permission of the respondents before taking photographs. Participants were assured that the interviews and the photographs taken would be used only for study purposes.
3.10 Conclusions
This chapter has provided a background of methodological approaches and research methodology used in this study. It provides the research design for the study including data collection methods and justification for the adoption of these methods. A presentation of sources of data as well as data analysis methods are covered in this chapter. Finally, the chapter provides an account of research limitation and ethical considerations involved in this study.
66 CHAPTER FOUR
BACKGROUND OF THE SOLOMON ISLANDS AND HONIARA CITY
4.1 Introduction
The chapter provides a brief background of the Solomon Islands in which the study was undertaken. Besides providing a geographical, demographic, and economic account, the chapter focuses on the information on water resources and sanitation provisions at the national level .These information are pivotal in facilitating an understanding of the study.
The chapter then provides a background of Honiara City: its historical evolution, social and economic characteristics and environmental setting. Having presented these aspects, the chapter then focuses on an overview of the status of water supply and sanitation provision in the study area.
4.2 The Solomon Islands Context
4.2.1 Geography
Geographically, the Solomon Islands located at longitude of 155o 30’ and 170o 30’ East and Latitude of 5o 10’ and 12o 45 South, is a widely scattered archipelago of mountainous islands and low-lying coral atolls. The country stretches over some 1,677 km south- easterly direction between Papua New Guinea and the Republic of Vanuatu (Map 4.1). It has a total land area of 28,369 sq. km and a sea area of 1,632,964 sq.km. The total land 67 area of Solomon Islands is split up into provincial groups, namely, Malaita, Guadalcanal,
Makira/Ulawa, Choiseul, Western, Isabel, Temotu, Central, Rennell and Bellona and
Honiara (Map 4.1).
Map 4.1 Map showing the location of the Solomon Islands
Source: Asian Development Bank, 2002
The climate of the Solomon Islands is tropical with an annual temperature of 27o Celsius
(800 F) and an annual rainfall of 3,000mm. There are no well-defined seasons. Between
November to April heavy rain and cyclone usually occurs. The amount and periodicity of rainfall and the surface runoff significantly affect the water supply in urban areas. The country is prone to tropical cyclones, causing severe social and economic damages particularly to urban infrastructural facilities.
68 Due to the country’s mountainous topography and tropical climate, the country has an abundant water resource that ranges from sizeable rivers to small streams. For low –lying atolls and islets, rainwater and underground aquifers of thin fresh water lenses have become a source of water.
However, the abundance of water resources in the Solomon Islands and the quality and quantity of water has been reducing at an alarming rate as a result of mal-development practices such as logging and the traditional ‘slash and burn’ methods of farming
(Government of the Solomon Islands, 2002).
More than 90 percent of the islands are forested. Mangrove and coconut trees protect the coastal strips. Luxuriant rainforests cover the interiors of larger islands. Soil quality ranges from extremely rich volcanic to relatively infertile limestone. The country is rich in biodiversity having for example more than 230 varieties of orchids and other tropical flowers brightening the landscape (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 2003).
4. 2. 2 History
The Solomon Islands of today is a result of colonialism, created during the scramble for the Pacific by the colonial powers. In this instance it was the British Empire. Prior to that, islanders lived in their own communities and engaged in their traditional ways of life- head hunting, fishing, sorcery and witchcraft, and other tasks that they inherited from their forefathers. 69 The first contact that the islanders had with Europeans was in the 16th Century (United
Nations Development Programme, 2002:12). Within this period, the Spanish explorer
(Alvaro de Mendana) discovered the country and named the islands comprising the
Solomon Islands today. It was from there after (from mid-19th century onwards) contacts between native islanders and outsiders intensified. Most came as missionaries, traders and beachcombers.
In 1893, the group of Islands became declared a British Protectorate. Between 1893-
1978, the British administrators assumed political and economic control over this group of Islands. They controlled labor migration, introduced western–style laws, imposed taxes and attempted to suppress potential militancy uprising or threat to their rulings.
This also marked the introduction and the beginning of western model of governance for the islanders. For the most part, this became a newly introduced administrative system that differed quiet markedly from the islanders’ own traditional leadership system, namely the ‘Big-Man system25’ and the ‘Chiefly system26’ (Nanau,1995:17).
However, it was the Second World War (1942 –1945) that had much influence on the history of the Solomon Islands as well as its political developments. The war provided a
25 A system of leadership whereby one’s authority or leadership status is achieved rather than inherited. The chief attributes for a ‘Big Man’ are wealth, skill in public speaking and a warrior. In this kind of society any person (mostly man) can become a leader as long as he posses these leadership qualities. 26 A system whereby leadership status is inherited rather than achieved. In such societies, leaders are pre- determined and have to be from chiefly tribe or family. Such system of authority is prevalent in most of Polynesia. 70 catalyst in the demand for political independence by Solomon Islanders. Encouraged by the involvement of black Americans as well as the role played by native Solomon
Islanders (mostly as coast watchers and scouts) in the war, an increased resistance towards colonial policies emanated as the Ma’asina Ruru Movement (1945) and the Moro
Movement (1957) (United Nations Development Programme, 2002).
Much of these resistances were towards the British system of centralizing political, administrative, and economic activities. The movements were seeking greater self- autonomy, self-reliance and participation and decentralized development. Amidst such internal pressure, the British administration granted political independence to the
Solomon Islanders in 1978.
4. 2. 3 Demographic and Household Growth in Solomon Islands
Table 4.1 shows the growth of population and household in the Solomon Islands and the percentage of annual increase between 1970 and 1999. Besides, it highlights population density and the average size of households during those years. Clearly, Honiara experienced rapid growth both in terms of households and population.
71 Table 4.1 Household and Population Growth for Solomon Islands by Province
Rate of Annual Pop. Average 1976 1986 1999 Increase of Density household Population Person size (%) per sq. Province km.
Pop. Househ Pop. Househ Pop. House- old old hold 1970- 1976 1986-99 76 -86 196,823 34,849 285,176, 43,738 409,042 65014 3.4 3.5 2.8 13 6.3 Solomon Islands Choiseul 10,349 1,605 13,569 1,889 20,008 3,142 4.3 2.8 3.0 5 6.4 Western 29,980 4,753 41,681 5,962 62,739 9,992 3.6 3.1 3.2 8 6.3 5.7 Isabel 10,420 1,951 14,616 2,362 20,421 3,556 3.1 3.2 2.6 5 Central 11,683 2,284 16,655 2,768 21,577 3,625 3.7 3.4 2.0 35 6.0 Rennell 1,893 417 1,802 311 2,377 432 3.9 -0.5 2.2 4 5.5 Guadalcan al 31,677 5,957 49,831 8,072 60,275 10,399 1.5 4.3 1.5 11 5.8 Malaita 60,043 10,564 80,032 12,417 122,620 18,606 2.5 2.7 3.3 29 6.6 Makira 14,891 2,556 21,796 3,271 31,006 4,926 3.1 3.6 2.7 10 6.3 Temotu 10,945 2,028 14,781 2,370 18,912 3,415 3.2 2.8 1.9 22 5.5 2,24 Honiara 14,942 2,734 30,413 4,316 49,107 6,921 3.7 6.8 3.8 4 7.1 Source: Government of Solomon Islands, 1999.
Table 4.1 shows that the demographic trends of the Solomon Islands reflect a fast
growing population. As displayed by all the provinces in the Solomon Islands, there is
growth in population from 1970-1999 with some years recording distinctively higher
increase in population (Table 4.1). Correspondingly, the household sizes in the Solomon
Islands also grew during this period.
72 4. 2. 4 Urbanisation in the Solomon Islands
The Solomon Islands has a young population with 0-14 years making up 41.5 percent of the population. This young age group created a high youth dependency ratio of 75 percent in the working age group (Government of the Solomon Islands, 2002:9;
Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics Department, 1999).
The implication of such demographic characteristics for the Solomon Islands is that the country will experience continued growth in its population for the coming years as higher number of females enter the child-bearing age. The country had one of the highest growth rates (2.8 percent) between1986-1999 (Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics
Department, 1999).
Migration takes place both within the country and between countries and they are referred to as ‘internal’ and international’ migration. For the Solomon Islands, the former
(internal) becomes dominant process as people move from outer islands and rural areas to urban centers. Honiara being the capital and having concentration of economic and political functions, attract most of the internal migrants in the Solomon Islands. Figure
4.1 shows the dominance of Honiara City as the prime center of internal migration from1970 –1999 and still continues to the present day.
73 Figure 4.1 Internal Migrations in the Solomon Islands by Province, 1970-99
80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 U. Total Isabel Malaita Makira- Central G'canal Honiara Temotu Ren-Bel Western Choiseul 1970 1976 1986 1999
Source: Government of the Solomon Islands 1999.
It is apparent from the trends of migration that most of the migrants come to Honiara on
Guadalcanal province. The main reason for such migratory trend is the concentration of development activities in and around Honiara City and on Guadalcanal province in general. The former Gold Ridge Mining Company (Ross Mining) and the former
Solomon Islands Plantation Limited (SIPL) are located in this province. These are the centers of attraction of migrant population from other provinces.
In the context of urbanisation, the Solomon Islands has the lowest level of urbanisation but recorded the highest urban growth rate in the Pacific (World Bank, 1995; Connell and
Lea, 2002). The decentralization policies were not very successful, subsequently leading to overconcentration of development functions in Honiara thus attracting a bulk of migrants into the city, and making it a primate city. However, there are other towns such 74 as Noro, Munda, Tulagi, Auki, Kirakira, Lata, Gizo, Buala and Taro that are emerging in the Solomon Islands but at a slow pace.
Consequently, urbanisation in the Solomon Islands remains primarily a phenomenon of dominance of Honiara City. Its dominance continued in the post-independence period in the Solomon Islands. This is evidenced by the fact that in 1986, about 82 percent of urban population of the country was in Honiara City and only 18 percent in other urban centers in the country. In 1999, the concentration of the urban population in Honiara was reduced to 77 percent. Figure 4.2 and 4.3 below show urban population distribution in the urban centers in the Solomon Islands in 1986 and 1999 respectively.
Figure 4.2 Distribution of Population in the Urban Centers in the Solomon Islands
Auki Tulagi 3% Other 3% Kirakira 2% Urban Buala centers 2% 18% Lata 1%
Gizo 6% Honiara Town 82%il
Source: Government of Solomon Islands, Statistics Department, 1999
75 The marked decline in urban population for Honiara in 1999 may be attributed to the emerging smaller order towns in the country especially new town like Noro in the
Western Province. Besides, the ethnic crisis was responsible for the exodus of people from Honiara city to their respective provinces and urban centers, thereby increasing the proportion of urban population in urban centers in the provinces.
Figure 4.3 Distribution of Population in Urban Centers in the Solomon Islands
Buala 1% Tulagi 2% Noro Auki Other 5% 3% Urban Center Kirakira s Gizo 23 2% 5% Lata 1% Taro Honiara 1% Surroundings 5% Honiara Town council 77%
Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics Department, 1999
4. 2. 5 Economy
The economy of the Solomon Islands consists of a mixed subsistence sector. Over 80 percent of the population depends on a small monetised sector dominated by large-scale commercial enterprises. Between 1996 and 2002, the gross domestic product (GDP)
76 declined in real terms by 24 percent and 35 percent in per capita (South Pacific Applied
Geoscience Commission, 2007). However, in 2003, GDP grew by about 3.8 percent that nearly equaled the 1992 level.
The government formulated what was known as the National Economic Recovery,
Reform and Development Plan (NERRDP) that focused on five key areas of development
(Central Bank of the Solomon Islands, 2004). These are: a) normalising law and order; b) strengthening democracy, human rights and governance; c) restoring fiscal and financial stability; d) revitalizing the productive sectors; and e) restoring basic social services. The
NERRDP was the then government policy with an ultimate objective of economic recovery for the Solomon Islands following the negative impacts of the ethnic crises in the country.
Cocoa and copra is the mainstay of rural income and their production continue to increase despite poor transportation services, poor infrastructure and lack of access to working capital by cocoa and copra exporters and traders.
With the restoration of law and order, the domestic economy started recovering. Export prices for most of the Solomon Islands, major commodities became stabilized. Logging is the biggest foreign exchange earner for the Solomon Islands. Log export remains the major foreign exchange earner for the country. It continues to increase unabated although price of log in the Solomon Islands contracted between 30 to 35 percent of the
77 international prices. However, over-reliance on one or few commodities makes the country more susceptible to external shocks.
4. 2. 6 Water Resources
Water resource potential in the Solomon Islands ranges from small streams to sizeable rivers. Most of the islands in the country are mountainous and are densely forested with tropical rainforest and have thin fresh water lens of underground aquifers, particularly in small low-lying atoll and islets.
The annual average rainfall for the Solomon Islands ranges between 2000 to 4500 mm.
Although most of the parts of the country enjoy high annual average rainfall, but the rainfall is highly variable and so also the river flows.
For the low-lying atoll islands in the Solomon Islands, rainfall is comparatively low and there is a limited supply of ground water. Even where water resources are abundant, they may not be suitable for human consumption.
In water scarce atoll islands, rainwater and the groundwater are the main sources. Dug wells have been used to collect water but due to high salinity, the well water is unsuitable for cooking and drinking and rainwater is used for these purposes. The groundwater is used only for washing because of its poor quality. In the atoll islands, water conservation methods are being practiced.
78 On higher continental islands in the country, problems of water availability still persist particularly in areas where logging is predominant. Logging in the Solomon Islands has posed serious threat to environment and nearby watersheds and has caused the rivers to be polluted.
Consequently, people travel long distances to fetch water for drinking and cooking. In areas where other sources of water are not available for farming, groundwater is the only option. Groundwater is important especially in the atoll islands and for the highlanders, the surface water is the main source. When groundwater is available for higher islands, there is less stress on the surface water.
4. 3 Honiara27 City Context
4. 3. 1 Physical Setting
Honiara, the capital of the Solomon Islands is located on the northern coast of the island of Guadalcanal (Map 4.2). It is a land-locked city. It is surrounded by mountain ridges to its southern border, making further city expansion southward, difficult.
The high mountains to the south of Honiara cast a rain shadow. The average annual rainfall in Honiara is only 2,250mm, much lesser than other parts of the Solomon Islands.
A bulk of rainfall occurs during the months between November and April.
Honiara rests on reef limestone bedrock. The ridges with reef features are very old and clearly distinguishable to many parts. The valleys and the flat areas on the ridges were
27 The name ‘Honiara’ initially derived from ‘Naho-ni-ara’, the Guadalcanal (Ghari) word for facing the Ara, the east and the southeast trade winds, or the place of the winds. 79 once the lagoon areas. Honiara was subjected to tectonic processes. During tectonic processes, the land where Honiara is situated became uplifted thus leaving behind traces of marine features such as coral limestone and clam shells.
Map 4. 2 Map of Guadalcanal Showing the Study Area– Honiara City
Source: Government of the Solomon Islands , Ministry of Lands and Housing, 2009.
80 Honiara, located on the northern coast of Guadalcanal, enjoys a moderate climate because of continuous cool sea breezes during the day and land breezes at night. The average temperature in Honiara is 27o C. The largest river in Honiara is the Mataniko, with Vara
Creek and Vatuliva Creek running into it. The City has White River, Rove Creek and
Mbokona Creek located to its west and Naha Creek, Vura Creek, Lio Creek to the east.
The Burns Creek forms the town boundaries.
4. 3. 2 Historical Evolution
In 1568, Alvaro de Mendana, a Spanish explorer, landed on the island of Guadalcanal at a place where a small piece of land protruded outwards the sea. His associates went ashore and set up a wooden cross on a small hill overlooking the ocean. The place where the ship originally anchored was named as Port Cross. This is now known as Point Cruz
(United Nations Development Programme, 2002).
In 1942, the imperial forces of the Japanese Empire invaded Guadalcanal and established a camp to the east of Point Cruz that was predominantly a coconut plantation area. In
1943, the Japanese and American forces fought a battle that was known as the battle of
Mataniko in which the Japanese got defeated.
At the end of the Second World War, because of the administrative headquarters at
Tulagi in Florida Islands had been destroyed, it was decided that the capital be shifted from Tulagi to Honiara. The decision was also made in order to use the abandoned
81 infrastructures left by the allied forces. This marked the beginning of Honiara becoming the capital of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate.
4. 3. 3. Growth of Honiara City
Honiara became the capital of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate in 1946. Since then, it has continued to grow (spatially and demographically) as rural-urban migration into Honiara proliferated. The City expanded eastwardly (Figure 4.6). The growth of
Honiara was influenced by a whole lot of ‘push-pull’ factors including improved transportation and communication, better working conditions for the Solomon Islanders, growth of new industries offering employment to the Solomon Islanders, better educational and health services and the existence of intricate kinship (wantok 28 ) relationship in town (Lal and Fortune, 2000:95).
The primacy given to specific urban centers like Honiara soon became manifested in its demographic characteristic. Increasingly the population size of Honiara grew. According to Lal and Fortune (2000:90), Honiara had a population of 3,534 in 1959. Table 4.2 shows growth of Honiara City since 1970.
28 The term ‘Wantok’ literally refers to group of people who speak the same language. It derives from Solomon Islands pidgin world ‘one-talk’, one literally means one, talk literally means language. Put together, the word means one language. However, the term has different meanings depending on different circumstances. For instance, within Solomon Islands, this would refer to people from same province, or language group within the provinces. However, when one is amongst non-Solomon Islanders, this association encompasses other provinces within the Solomon Islands. Furthermore, the concept also includes other groups of people who may understand or speak similar languages that Solomon Islanders speak. This includes ni-Vauatu and Papua New Guineans. 82 Table 4.2 Growth of Honiara City, 1970-1999
Year No. of Household Total Population Population change (%) 1970 2,209 12,006 - 1976 2,734 14,942 24.5 1981 - 21,233 42.1 1986 4,316 30,413 43.2 1999 6,921 49,900 64.1 Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics Department, 1999
Table 4.1 shows that during 1986-99 the population change in Honiara was 64.1 percent.
Since 1970 Honiara’s population and households have been growing rapidly. Between
1970 and 1999, Honiara’s population grew by 315 percent and number of households by
213 percent (Table 4.1). Honiara’s rapid population growth has created a case for it being a primary urban center relative to the other emerging urban centers such as Gizo, Auki,
Kirakira, Lata, Buala and Noro.
Given such rapid demographic growth and population concentration, Honiara City has been experiencing numerous development problems. Besides, the continued establishment of residential and industrial/commercial areas in Honiara has resulted in the continued expansion of the city boundaries. As mentioned earlier, the presence of mountain ridges to the south of Honiara has restricted expansion southwardly and most of the expansion activities have been occurring onto its eastern boundary (Map 4.3). As a
83 result, there has been high concentration of industries and population on the eastern part of the city.
Map 4. 3: Map Showing Honiara’s Growth Pattern
Direction of Growth
Source: Solomon Islands Water Authority, 1999
The patterns of Honiara City growth have implications not only for the land tenure system but also for the issues concerning the basic urban services like water supply and sanitation.
4. 3. 4 Demographic Growth of Honiara’s Administrative Wards
Honiara City is made up of twelve administrative wards (Map 4.5). These administrative wards witnessed drastic expansion in population and industrial/commercial activities over
84 the years. The expansion of administrative wards in Honiara can be seen in the pre- independence and post-independence periods during 1976, 1979 and 1981 (Table 4.2 and
Figure 4.4.).
Figure 4.4 Honiara Ward Population Growth, 1976-81
4000 3500 3000 2500 1976 2000 1979 1500 1981 1000 Proportion 500 0
Wards
Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999
Apart from migration into Honiara, natural increase is largely responsible for Honiara’s demographic growth. This is compounded by Honiara’s expansion into the customary land and to the peri-urban fringes.
Consequently, as Table 4.3 suggests, Honiara’s administrative wards have grown substantially. In terms of population size, Vura was the largest ward in Honiara City in
1986 followed by Panatina. Cruz was the smallest ward with only 550 persons. During
85 1981-86, Panatina ward witnessed the highest population growth with an annual growth rate of about 17 percent. The other wards such as Rove/ Lengakiki and Vura also grew substantially with an annual growth rate of 14 percent and 13 percent respectively during the period (Table 4.3).
Table 4.3: Population and Growth Rates of Honiara Wards, 1976 -1986
Ward Population Annual Growth Rate of Population (%) 1976 1979 1981 1986 1976-79 1979-81 1981-86 Ngossi 1,636 1,930 2,322 3,110 4.5 6.3 5.6 Rove/Lengakiki 440 509 842 1,568 4.0 11.9 14.3 Mbuburu 1,021 932 1,101 1,348 -2.4 1.3 3.7 Cruz 332 448 498 550 8.3 7.3 1.7 Vavaea 2,012 2,525 2,997 4,755 6.2 7.2 9.7 Vuhokesa 576 529 542 637 -2.2 -1.05 2.5 Mataniko 1,247 1,585 1,616 2,315 6.6 4.6 6.0 Kola’a 2,446 3,142 3,621 4,306 6.9 7.1 3.2 Kukum 1,022 1,268 1,237 1,654 5.9 3.4 5.6 Naha 365 357 421 585 -0.6 2.5 6.4 Vura 2,182 2,601 2,859 5,146 4.8 4.8 13.3 Panatina 1,499 1,926 2,436 4,910 6.9 8.8 16.9 Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics Office, 1981 & 1986.
Despite the general increase in population at ward level, however, there were several administrative wards in Honiara that experienced a downward annual population growth rate during 1986-1999. For example, the Cruz ward witnessed a decline of more than half of its population during the period (Table 4.4). Movement of people to other wards within
Honiara City and outside of Honiara after the social conflict of 1998-2000 in the
Solomon Islands was the explanatory factors for this decline.
Nevertheless, as Table 4. 4 shows, both the population and household size of Honiara
City continued to grow immensely. Panatina became the most populated ward in Honiara
86 in 1999 followed by Vura, Kola’a, and Vavaea. Ngossi and Panatina showed very high rate of population changes during 1986 and 1999 with nearly 99 percent and 89 percent respectively. This also corresponds with the increase in size of households, with Panatina recording the highest number of households during the period followed by Kola’a and
Vura (Table 4.4).
Table 4. 4: Honiara City Population and household by Administrative Ward, 1999
Ward No. of Households Population, 1999 Census Population 1999 Change (%) 1986-1999 Ngossi 944 6,186 98.9 Rove/Lengakiki 310 2,177 38.8 Mbuburu 357 2,390 77.3 Cruz 43 268 -51.3 Vavaea 804 6,683 40.5 Vuhokesa 149 1,073 68.4 Mataniko 382 2,898 25.2 Kola’a 1,138 7,287 69.2 Kukum 241 1,969 19.0 Naha 113 877 49.9 Vura 1,081 8,025 55.9 Panatina 1,359 9,274 88.8 Honiara City 6, 921 49,107 64. 1 Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, Statistics Department, 1999
With Honiara’s alarming growth rate, the abilities of civic authorities (HCC and SIWA) to meet the demand of basic urban services have become a challenge.
4. 3. 5 In-Migration to Honiara City
Honiara has a high migrant population. In 1976, more than three out of every four people living in Honiara were born elsewhere (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999).
87 However, a decade later, this proportion declined slightly. Successive waves of displacement arose from the ethnic conflict (1998-2003). The 1999 census enumeration in Honiara noted a population of nearly 49.000, of which 63 percent were born outside
Honiara (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999).
Given this, Solomon Islands-born population outside Honiara is steadily decreasing.
Many Honiara residents have moved to Honiara between 1997 and 1999. About 28 percent of the Solomon Islands-born population aged 28 years or older enumerated in
Honiara had moved recently (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999).
Due to Honiara’s primacy as mentioned earlier, Honiara still holds the most popular destination for both lifetime and recent migrants from other provinces. Within Honiara, particularly in the wards on the outer edges, land is still available for housing. Panatina and Vura in eastern Honiara and Vavaea, Ngossi and Mbumburu in the west and south- west of the city have high positive net-migration. The inner-city areas have lower net- migration, probably because of unavailability of housing. Nevertheless, rates of in- migration from other provinces are high for all wards of Honiara. They vary from 53 percent of lifetime migration and 22 percent of recent migration in Ngossi to 76 percent and 39 percent respectively in Naha (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999).
Net-migration both lifetime and recent, is generally positive and high in Honiara wards with an exception of Mataniko ward which witnessed more outflow of population. Other
88 wards such as Rove-Lengakiki, Cruz and Kukum show net outflows. Overall, the western and eastern wards have gained population mainly through in-migration.
4. 4 Urban Problems in Honiara City
4. 4 .1 Urban Land Use in Honiara City and Informal Housing
Land-use in Honiara presents numerous challenges. The two most notable challenges of urban land-use are: first, the expansion into areas that are difficult to serve in terms of urban basic services such as water-supply and sanitation – because of uncontrolled land development and second, conflict with land owners over customary land use for city expansion. The former implies much higher operating costs for providing infrastructure and services particularly in the hilly areas (World Bank, 1995). The latter connotes problems of acquiring customary land for city expansion thereby posing problems on the provision of urban services such as water supply and sanitation because most of the water sources as mentioned earlier are located in customary land.
The growth of settlements in Honiara can be traced back to the 1970s when a system known as the Temporary Occupation License (TOL) was established and implemented by the government through the Ministry of Lands. The aim of TOL was to prevent people from illegally settling permanently on public land. However, this system had broken down in the 1970s, in the pre-independence years. Despite the problems alluded to above, settlements in Honiara continue to expand.
89 Map 4.4 shows the extent of expansion of informal/ squatter settlements into the customary land outside of Honiara City boundaries.
Map 4.4 Squatter Settlements Outside Honiara City Boundaries
Source: Gilmore cited in Chand and Yala, 2007
During the decade of 1970s, two-thirds of all housing became subsidized by government as a way of providing employment benefit or to provide public housing. Despite that, an increasing proportion of population could not afford the housing costs.
During the 1980s, settlements in Honiara continued, particularly with the influx of rural – urban migrants in search for social and economic benefits that Honiara had to offer. 90 Consequently, the number of residents in officially designated areas as Temporary
Housing Areas (THAs) was reported to have grown by 19 percent per year (World Bank,
1995). By 1989 there were 33 such areas accommodating approximately 15 percent of
Honiara’s population. This proportion has since increased to 23 percent.
Today, this proportion has further increased as new squatter settlements mushroomed around the city, particularly during and after the ethnic conflict in the Solomon Islands
(1998-2003). A relatively large proportion of people who used to work and reside on rural Guadalcanal were evacuated from rural Guadalcanal as a result of the conflict and now permanently established themselves in various squatter settlements in Honiara.
Others have created informal settlements like Burns Creek on the eastern part of Honiara
City. The squatter areas have appalling conditions in urban basic services such as water - supply and sanitation and infrastructural conditions.
4. 4. 2 Urban Infrastructure and Basic Services
With Honiara’s rapid demographic growth and industrial expansion, urban infrastructures and basic services have become inadequate to meet the growing demand. This problem has been further aggravated by land shortage and land conflicts within the town boundary. The mushrooming growth of squatter settlements that created difficulties in accessing water-supply and sanitation services; housing shortage; inadequate and failing infrastructures; inadequate institutional capacity and human resources and ominous crime rates are the growing problems (Storey, 2005). 91 The World Bank study (1995) reported that for water supplies, the relatively high coverage of 90 percent has been diminishing as a result of Honiara’s unplanned growth.
Besides, water infrastructures are old, therefore experiencing high leakages, thus reducing the volume of available water and cannot meet the growing demand.
For sewage and wastewater, only 30 percent of Honiara City are connected to the main sewer line while the majority relies on septic tanks and to a lesser degree, pit latrines
(World Bank, 1995, KEW Consultant Company Ltd, 2007). The sewage generated in
Honiara is untreated and are pumped into the sea fronts along the coast of Honiara. Two of the sewage outfalls are pumped into the Mataniko River in central Honiara, increasing the level of pollution and degrading the quality of environment in Honiara City.
Similarly, the storm water drainage and flood control systems in Honiara City provided a very limited cover to the city population (World Bank, 1995). This limited coverage has resulted in a high frequency of flooding along main roads and highways after heavy rainfall. The waste collection in Honiara by authorities like the Honiara City Council
(HCC) has become inadequate as a result of Honiara’s rapid population growth and industrial expansion. The abilities of civic authorities to meet the demand for waste collection and disposal have been outstripped resulting in the non-collection and disposal of garbage in many residential and industrial areas in Honiara City (Connell and Lea,
1993; World Bank, 1995).
92 4. 4. 3 Urban Poverty in Honiara City
Despite the economic growth of Honiara, income distribution is quite skewed (World
Bank, 1995). In Honiara, the Solomon Islanders receive on an average SBD$1,443.32 a month (United Nations Development Programme, 2002: 65).
It is important to highlight that income disparity exist between Honiara and the rural areas. Honiara consumes a much larger proportion of country’s income than the rural sector. It is this inherent income imbalance between the core center like Honiara and the peripheral rural area that provided the catalyst for rural-urban migration.
The lower income groups in Honiara tend to be the ones with larger sized families varying between 6 to 8 persons as compared to averages of 5 persons in families with higher income. Besides, low income groups spend more than half (55 percent) of their income on food and little is left for meeting other essential needs including urban basic services costs like water supply and sanitation fees (World Bank, 1995:46).
4. 5 Urban Water -Supply Authority (SIWA)
The administration pertaining to water-supply falls within the Solomon Islands Water
Authority’s (SIWA) jurisdiction. An Act of Parliament in 1992 officially mandated the establishment of an autonomous agency to take over the responsibility for water-supply and sewage in Honiara initially, and later to other provincial capitals.
93 Under the 1992 Act, SIWA has been commissioned with the task of providing safe, sustainable and reliable water and wastewater services to the Solomon Islands’ urban areas (Solomon Islands Water Authority, 1999). It is within this overall jurisdictional framework that SIWA embarks on with its activities.
Administratively, SIWA has a board of Directors, General Manager, office of the General
Manager and four divisions. The administrative divisions within SIWA are the operations, planning and development, finance and sales and support services29.
According to the current administrative arrangement of SIWA, the operations division is responsible for system operations and system maintenance and environmental protection and control. The planning and development division is responsible for system development as well as asset information system. The Finance and Sales divisions are responsible for finance management and sales and customer services. Finally, the Support
Services is for administrative services, workforce development and management of information system.
4. 6 Honiara City Council (HCC)
With Honiara’s rapid growth, urban management becomes an important issue. The
Honiara Municipal Authority (HMA) and its political body, the Honiara Town Council
(now Honiara City Council) was established in 1969 under the Local Government Act to
29 SIWA is divided into four administrative divisions. 94 be responsible for functions such as for example, town planning, health and sanitation, maintenance of roads and bridges, drainage and solid waste management.
Administratively, the Honiara City Council (HCC) governs the twelve wards in Honiara
City. These wards include: Panatina, Kukum, Vura, Naha, Kola’a, Mataniko,Vukokesa,
Vavae, Point Cruz, Rove and Lengakiki, Mbuburu and Ngossi (Map 4.5). The twelve administrative wards comprising of Honiara City are represented by ward members who are the political figureheads bestowed with devising policies, planning and management of their respective wards and Honiara City in general.
Although the Honiara City Council (HCC) was assigned the task of urban management, it has extensively relied on the central government for government grants and human resources. Implicitly, the ‘top-down’ and centralized approach to urban management still exists despite genuine attempts to establish the Honiara City Council (HCC) as an autonomous body.
Furthermore, Honiara has a Town and Country Planning Board. The Board is responsible for physical planning. Despite the existence of the Board, it is evident from the haphazard nature of development in Honiara that there is lack of guidelines for proper land zoning as well as allocation of urban services. The only zoning guideline present was the 1988-
1992 Plan that is now outdated.
95 Despite the existence of the Town and Country Planning Board and the HMA, their work is limited in terms of expanding the area that constitutes the legal city. As discussed earlier, the prime constraint to Honiara’s physical expansion is the acquisition of customary land, particularly to the west and the south. Besides, the alienated land to the east and southeast has also caused land acquisition problems. These are compounded by overlapping with Guadalcanal province land immediately outside the city boundary.
96 Map 4.5: Map Showing the Honiara City Administrative Wards
Source: Government of the Solomon Islands Statistics Department, 1981
97 4. 7 Conclusions
This chapter has provided some background information on the Solomon Islands and the study area, Honiara City. It particularly introduces the social, economic, and political setting of the Solomon Islands and examines in some detail the physical setting of
Honiara, its historical evolution, growth, problems and challenges posed by increasing urbanisation and urban planning and management issues including water and sanitation.
This background information is important in providing the linkages for analysis of water and sanitation provision in Chapter Five of the thesis.
98 CHAPTER FIVE
FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS: WATER SUPPLY AND SANITATION IN HONIARA CITY
5.1 Introduction
The present chapter deals with an analysis of status, levels and problems associated with water and sanitation in Honiara City. An analysis is done at both macro and micro levels.
The macro-level study focuses on Honiara City as a whole and covers the state of water and sanitation in terms of network distribution system and its capacity, demand and supply and, consumption per capita. The micro aspect focuses on a household survey in the study area over water and sanitation issues in terms of availability, accessibility, and problems at the household level.
The chapter also focuses on the environmental and health aspects by examining incidence of water and sanitation-related diseases. Besides, institutional aspects covering management and planning and the effectiveness of civic authorities in dealing with water and sanitation issues in Honiara City is also discussed in this chapter.
The chapter is divided into three parts. The first part deals with state of water and sanitation in Honiara City, the second part focuses on the problems associated with water and sanitation and the third part looks at the institutional aspects and management of water and sanitation in Honiara City.
99 5.2 Status of Water- Supply in Honiara City
5. 2.1 Zonal Water -Supply System Network
Honiara City’s water-supply is developed according to a zonal system. Normally, the zones operate independently but can be interconnected. Map 5.1 shows the water distribution network according to the different zonal systems.
Map 5.1 Honiara Water-supply Zonal System
Source: Solomon Islands Water authority, Geographic Information system Dept, 2003
100 The water-supply network in Honiara operates according to different water sources. As shown in Map 5.1, there are five main zonal water sources supplying water to Honiara
City. These are: Kongulai Spring; Rove Spring; Tuvaruhu Bore wells; Kombito Spring; and Panatina Bore wells. With this current water supply arrangement, about 95 percent area of Honiara city has been served with water-supply (Government of the Solomon
Islands 1999).
5. 2. 2 Demand for Water in Honiara
Urban water demand in Honiara is increasing due to increase in population, migration, industrialization, and rise in living standards as well as increasing consumerism. It is evident from different census figures that the population of Honiara City is following a geometric rate of growth whereas water demand is increasing exponentially. The rapid increase in demand for water is evidenced in Table 5.1.
Table 5.1 Water Demand and Growth in Honiara, 1996-2016
Category 1996 2001 2006 2011 2016 Water 8,896 12,444 16,753 20,946 26,192 Demand (m³) % Growth - +39.8 +34.6 +25.0 +25.0 Source: Solomon Islands Water Authority, 2001.
By 2016, except White River Gravity and Rove Spring zonal water system, most of the water source demand will outweigh production/supply (Solomon Islands Water
Authority, 1999). Table 5.1 shows that the increase in demand level is projected to be of threefold and with a total demand growth rate of about 124 percent between 1996-2016.
101 This has serious planning and management implications for water-supply to Honiara City on a sustained basis.
The projected level of water demand in Honiara City clearly demonstrates an upward growth when compared with other urban centers in the country. Figure 5.1 provides the water demand projection for Honiara and other provincial urban centers in the Solomon
Islands during 1996-2016.
Figure 5.1 Projected Water Demand in Honiara and other Urban Centers 1996-2016
Source: Solomon Islands Water Authority (2001).
102 Honiara has the highest water demand, far outweighing the demand for other urban centers such as Gizo, Auki, Noro, Buala, Kirakira, Lata, Munda and Taro (Figure 5.1).
This is due to rapid urban population growth and growth of residential areas, industrial and commercial activities, and multiple use of water in the Honiara City.
5. 2. 3 Capacity and Supply of Water in Honiara
With escalating demand for water in Honiara City, the supply side should expectedly rise to meet the rising demand. However, as shown in Table 5.2, there exists a significant gap between current water- supply and in the total capacity. The estimated total supply capacity from all water sources was 28,142 m³/day but the current water-supply from these sources to Honiara was 20,442 m³/day.
Table 5.2 Water Supply and Supply Capacity by Water Source in Honiara
Water Source Current Water Supply JICA Improvement Projected Supply m³/day m³/day Capacity (m³/day) White River High Level 8,000 2,600 10,600 White River Gravity 3,888 - 3,888 Rove Spring 3,888 3,500 7,388 Panatina 3,197 1,600 4,797 Tuvaruhu/Mataniko 1,469 - 1,469 Total 20, 442 - 28,142
Source: Solomon Islands Water Authority, 2001
A South Pacific Applied Geoscience Commission’s (2001) study shows that the maximum daily water demand in Honiara was 25, 719 m³/day (Table 5.3) and the
SIWA’s Works Plan shows the level of water-supply was 20, 442 m³/ day, thus leaving a
103 gap of 5,277 m³/ day. In other words, the level of water demand in Honiara far outweighs supply. According to SOPAC’s study, the per capita water demand for domestic customers in Honiara was 274 l/p/d while the per capita water consumption in the city was 164 l/p/d.
Table 5. 3 Water Demand and Consumption in Honiara City
Category Data Population in town boundary 60,365 Leakage ratio (%) 40.0 Per capita water consumption for domestic 164 customer (l/p/d) Per capita water demand for domestic 274 customer (l/p/d) Maximum daily water demand (m³/day) 25,719
Source: SOPAC, Miscellaneous Report, 2007.
5. 2.3.1. Sources of Household Water Supply
According to the 1999 census, the majority (89 percent) of Honiara residents relied on piped water as their major source of water supply. A significant proportion also depends on rain water tanks and a minor proportion on rivers/streams. The Japan International
Cooperation Agency’s (JICA’s) (2007) study revealed that 75 percent of Honiara residents used piped water as their main source. A significant proportion of households especially the higher income households relied on rain water tanks as their source of drinking water (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999).
104 Similarly, from a household study undertaken by the researcher, it became evident that the majority (70 percent) of households in Honiara relied on piped water as their main source of water, while another 20 percent depend on creek/stream, and 5 percent each on well and rain water (Table 5.4).
Table 5. 4 Sources of Domestic Water Supply in Honiara City
Water Supply Source Number of Household % Households N=60 Piped water 42 70 Creek/ Stream 12 20 Well 3 5 Rain water 3 5 Source: Household Survey, 2007.
It became evident that although a significant proportion of household relied on piped water, the proportion of households depending on other sources such as creek/stream, well and rain water is also significant mainly due to unavailability as well as irregularity in piped water -supply.
5. 2. 4 Water Consumption, Coverage and Availability
The SOPAC’s (2001) study found about 6,000 domestic connections in Honiara and noted a 76 percent water-supply coverage with a per capita consumption rate of 200 l/p/d, while other studies (Kew Consultant Company Ltd, 2007) recorded more than 95 percent water-supply coverage in the City. In addition, SOPAC’s study also highlighted the availability of water on a 23 hourly daily basis.
105 In another study, JICA (2007) found more than 7,000 household connections to SIWA lines, with a daily water consumption rate to be 150 l/p/d in an average household size of
7 persons in Honiara. However, the consumption level falls far below the WHO’s prescribed limit of 250 l/p/d. The JICA (2007) study further noted that the industrial sector is a high water demanding sector and consuming between 5,000 - 6,000 kiloliters per day.
The above studies indicated the trend in coverage, consumption and availability of water- supply in Honiara. These studies also noted that while the number of household connections to SIWA lines increased, the overall water consumption level had declined.
In gauging a comprehensive understanding of water availability at the micro level, attempts were made to investigate households’ experiences on water shortage and availability. The total households surveyed (60) consisted of both informal (squatter) and formal (non-squatter) settlements. The survey revealed that a majority households (70 percent) experienced water shortage while 28 percent did not experience such problem
(Figure 5.2).
106 Figure 5. 2: Household Response to Water Shortage30 in Honiara
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
The result epitomizes the ever-growing concern facing residents of Honiara City with regards to water availability. Studies conducted by all international and regional institutions (World Bank, 1995; ADB, 1997; SOPAC, 2001) reported a similar trend.
Indeed, many studies (Connell and Lea, 1993; World Bank, 1995; Storey, 2000; KEW
Consultant Company Ltd, 2007, Global Environmental Facility, UNDP, SOPAC and
UNEP, 2007) have noted the Honiara’s water availability is irregular and intermittent.
In addition, water availability in Honiara City can be analysed by investigating the duration of water available to households. As figure 5.3 illustrates, 70 percent household responded that water was irregular in supply and never available on a 23/24-hour daily basis, contrary to the SIWA’s official policy.
30 Water shortage used in the context of this study refers to the non-availability of water for household purposes for a twenty-four hour daily basis. 107 Figure 5.3: Water Availability Duration in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey, 2007
Figure 5.3 shows that only 25 percent of households in Honiara had a 24-hour water supply while less than 2 percent had intermittent water-supply available between 3 to 6 hours and another 2 percent received water for 12 hours per day. Another 2 per cent household stated that they received water for less than 1 hour. Overall, about 75 percent households get water-supply less than 23/24 hours.
An investigation into the causes of water shortage and irregular availability revealed that they were deeply institutional and technical in character. Map 5.2 provides an overview of the problems of water in Honiara that has affected the availability of water in residential and commercial areas (Solomon Islands Water Authority, Ministry of
Development Planning and Ministry of Mines and Energy, 2003).
108 Map 5.2 Water Problem Areas in Honiara City
Source: SIWA, Ministry of Development Planning & Ministry of Mines & Energy, 2003.
Besides other causes, a low pressure and leakages in pipes and the consequent water loss from the system were the dominant causes of water shortage and unavailability in
Honiara City. These technical problems are intrinsically institutional. However, the inability of SIWA and other civic authorities to address these problems have affected a significant proportion of Honiara population. This was best described by Viola of the
Western province who resided in Honiara. In articulating her experiences on water shortage and availability, she said in pidgin:
Alketa water taps yea stand up dry nomoa ia no any water come out lo oloketa. Lo here time power hem cut ma water cut too. Sometimes water come nomoa 2 or 3 hours than stop now so mefalla barava findim hard tumas for tekem water lo here.
109 What had been said by the respondents in this study captured the reality of water situation in Honiara. As explicitly expressed by the woman, the metered water taps were standing without running water. When the electric power supply was disrupted, water is automatically disrupted because the water sources rely on boreholes that use electric pump to distribute water. Given the power supply problem, water was supplied to households intermittently between 2 to 3 hours daily.
Similar sentiment was echoed by another woman when SIWA disconnected water without notice from eight Honiara City clinics in 2009. In total dismay, she said:
Everyone knows that as soon as the power goes off, soon the water will go off as well. We have power cuts for half a day and usually water does not come for at least 2 days, and this is very frustrating as a lot of our chores depend on water (The Solomon Times, 2009).
In addition, the leakage and low pressure problems created a low availability of water for the Honiara residents. This had been the perennial problems for years and SIWA is under intense pressure to address these problems.
5. 2. 5 Accessibility to Water Sources
Accessibility to water sources by households especially those using non-tap water sources was measured by two indicators. The first was the distance travelled by the household members to fetch water and the second was the time taken to fetch water.
110 5.2.5.1 Distance Travelled to Fetch Water
The access to water is directly linked to distance to water sources. Generally speaking, the greater the distance from the source of water, lesser is the access to water. A significant proportion of households (30 percent) used non-tap sources. Besides, the households frequently relied on non-tap sources for water due to shortage, irregularity and unavailability of water in taps. The distance travelled by theses household members to fetch water from non-tap sources show that about 20 percent households travelled a distance to fetch water in Honiara. Of this, nearly 12 percent households travel a distance more than 100 meters to fetch water and the rest move to a distance less than 100 meters.
However, for the majority (78 percent), distance factor was considered as a non-issue
(Table 5. 5).
Table 5. 5 Household Response for Distance Travelled to Fetch Water
Response Category No. of % Household Household N=60 Not an Issue 47 78.3 >100 meter 7 11.6 0-100 meter 5 8.3 Not stated 1 1.7 Source: Household Survey, 2007
Figure 5.4 below graphically represented households’ accessibility to water in terms of distance travelled.
111 Figure 5. 4 Distance Travelled by Household to Fetch Water in Honiara
Source: Household Survey, 2007
Overall, it was observed that for the majority of households in Honiara, distance travelled to fetch water was considered insignificant as far as accessibility of water was concerned.
In aggregate, only about 20 percent household regarded distance travelled as an important factor of them to have access to water.
5.2.5.2 Time Taken to Fetch Water
Another indicator used in this study to measure water accessibility is the factor of time taken by household members to fetch water. Greater the time taken to fetch water, lesser is the degree of accessibility. About 17 percent households considered time taken to fetch water as a factor for their accessibility to water. About 7 percent households stated that they spent more than 20 minutes; another 7 percent spent less than 10 minutes, and 3 percent between 10-
20 minutes to fetch water. About 3 percent did not respond to the question.
112 As Figure 5.5 shows that 80 percent of households considered time taken to fetch water not relevant as water was collected indoors when it was available. Even in cases when water was not available and they rely on non-tapped water sources, time factor for them was not an issue.
Figure 5. 5 Household Response for Time taken to Fetch Water in Honiara
Source: Household Survey,2007
5. 2. 6 Water Quality
As mentioned earlier, there are five water sources supplying water to Honiara City. These sources experienced problems that severely affected the quality of water in the city. For example, the Panatina Bore well that has an immediate catchment area of 30 hectares is located both on government and customary land. Due to its location, residential houses are built within the catchment area while further residential houses are expected to be
113 developed. The establishment of residential houses within the catchment area has affected the water quality as a result of land clearance and septic tanks that are built close to the bore well. Besides, wastewaters from surrounding villages flood the bore well during rainy seasons and increase the water turbidity and contamination.
The frequency of water turbidity that residents of Honiara experience increases after rainfall. Some areas experience high turbidity problem in Honiara than others. The Map
5.3 shows the areas in Honiara that experienced high water turbidity in taps after heavy rain.
Map 5.3: Areas in Honiara Experiencing High Water Turbidity in Taps
Source: SOPAC, Miscellaneous Report 645, 2007.
The Kombito Spring, another water source had the similar problems (The Solomon Star,
2006). Intensive gardening activities in the catchment area have been leading to an increasing sedimentation of water source. It is highly influenced by seasonal rain.
114 However, the most serious problem arises with the use of pit toilets and septic tanks which are located close to the water source and within the catchment area (The Solomon
Star, 2006). Besides, the water has been used by villagers for washing and swimming.
Moreover, logging activities within the catchment areas of water sources have significantly affected water quality.
The above problems are similar for other water sources such as the Rove Spring and the
Kongulai Spring. The catchment areas of these water sources span into customary land.
The land owners at times make accessibility to regular and reliable water-supply to
Honiara problematic.
To assess the water quality problem at household level in Honiara City, a question was asked to the households by the researcher. The survey revealed that 62 percent households stated getting poor to very poor quality of water in taps while only 33 percent households reported the water quality to be good to very good (Figure 5.6).
Observations in the field also revealed that water quality is generally poor and becomes worse after heavy rain.
115 Figure 5.6: Household Response to Water Quality in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
Plate 5.1 shows typical water turbidity problem in tap-water in Honiara particularly after heavy rain.
Plate 5.1: High Turbidity Water Tap in Honiara after Rainfall
116 Source: Herman Oberli, 2003
A further investigation in one of the settlements in Honiara (the Ontong Java Settlement), reveal the similar story. Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (2003) summed the households’ experience on water quality by stating that:
Sometimes our water turns milky or whitish, indicating a higher dosage of chlorine injection. At other times, especially after prolonged periods of rainfall, our water turned brown, indicating an increasing presence of sediment materials. However, in this settlement, the presence of tadpoles in water supply taps is also a major source of concern for water quality.
Another respondent of East Kola Ridge, Honiara, complained that water quality was unsafe after rain. Similar voice was shared by the communities in Tanuli Ridge area.
From respondents’ experiences, it is derived that situations pertaining to water quality in
Honiara are highly critical and wide spread. Furthermore, water quality issues of the nature highlighted here provide a symptomatic reflection about the weaknesses of water utility as well as, the health consequences for Honiara residents.
5.3 Status of Sanitation in Honiara City
5. 3. 1 Demand Aspects of Sanitation
With increasing urbanization, the problem of environmental sanitation and solid waste management remain critical in the Pacific cities (Mohanty, 2007). Due to Honiara’s rapid
117 growth as earlier discussed, demand for sanitation services increased in the city. The
Honiara City Council (HCC) and SIWA that are mandated to manage sanitation services in the City are under-resourced to perform their statutory obligations. This created poor water and sanitation services in the city.
5.3.1.1 Demand for Collection of Waste31
With a total population of around 50,000 (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999) in
2000, Honiara generated up to 10,862 tons of uncompacted waste or, 51, 970 cubic meters annually (Nanau, 2001). This was based on a waste generation rate of 0.62 kg per person per day. A World Bank (1995) study noted an annual waste collection in Honiara to be between 8,000 –10,000 tons, quite similar to the Solomon Islands Government’s findings. Table 5.6 highlights a month-wise summary of waste collection for 1998 in
Honiara City that shows clear seasonality in waste generation.
As Table 5.6 shows, there exists huge gap between rate of waste generated and waste collected. The waste generation no doubt depends upon people’s spending patterns.
Higher the spending, greater would be the volume of waste generated.
31 The Honiara City Council that collects wastes from residential and industrial areas use two different methods. The first method consists of two compactors with six men workforce who collect waste from Honiara City Council’s schools and institutions, diplomatic offices, Government offices and National Referral Hospital. The second method involves private collectors who collect wastes at twelve administrative wards of the city with a ‘user-charge-system’. Individual households also collect, store and dispose of their wastes. 118 Table 5. 6 Waste Generation and Collection in Honiara City by Month, 1998
Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.
Item
No. of 313 387 366 458 395 441 422 427 465 480 448 496 Load Average 13.6 19.4 15.9 20.8 17.2 20 18.3 18.6 21.1 20.9 20.4 21.6 Load/ day Approx. 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 453 Wt/load. Total 142 175 166 207 179 200 191 193 211 217 203 225 Weight collected tones Source: Nanau, 2001.
A month-wise waste collection (Table 5.6) in Honiara in 1998 showed that waste load increased during October to December and was low during January to March. Clearly, there is an emerging trend in Honiara where volume of waste generated was higher than volume of waste collected. The impact of increasing urbanisation on waste generation in
Honiara is evidenced from the fact that in the last decade the daily demand rate of waste collection was between 6-10 loads and this has increased to between 11-20 loads per day
(Nanau, 2007, 2009).
5.3.1.2 Supply of Waste Storage Facility
Related to the above problems is the issue of waste storage. This has become a problem due to limited approved waste storage facility and the use of broad range, sizes and types of containers. Legally, households should use 3 cubic feet of refuse bins. This was not
119 adhered to as different sizes and types of refuse bins were used (Honiara City Council,
2002).
Due to high waste generations as earlier discussed, waste storage facilities like refuse bins became inadequate. In many instances, excessive wastes were piled on the ground.
Plate 5.2 provided an evidence of excessive household wastes that had been piled on the ground in Honiara.
Plate 5.2 Household Waste Dumped on the Ground Near to Water Source in Honiara
Source: The Researcher, 2007.
In many instances, households disposed off their wastes on the roadsides, causing severe environmental and health problems for Honiara residents.
5. 3. 2 Sanitation Availability and Coverage
120 5.3.2.1 Sewage and Waste Water
A significant proportion of Honiara population suffers from lack of sanitation availability and coverage both in terms of facilities and services. According to studies conducted by various international agencies like the World Bank (1995) and JICA (2007), Honiara has only 30 percent of its total residents connected to main sewers, a large proportion rely on septic tanks and to a lesser extent, pit latrines. Sewage from residential areas are not treated but discharged to shorelines through sixteen outfalls in and around Honiara
(Solomon Islands Water Authority, Ministry of Development Planning and Ministry of
Mines and Energy, 2003). Map 5.4 below shows the sixteen outfalls in Honiara.
Map 5.4 Honiara Sewage Outfalls
Source: SIWA, Geographic Information System Department, 2003
121 Of the sixteen outfall shown in Map 5.4, two outfalls namely, Tuvaruhu and Vara Creek discharge directly into the Mataniko River causing serious environmental consequences.
According to World Bank (1995) a sewage Master Plan was prepared for Honiara in
1966. However, the Master Plan has been largely ignored as a result of Honiara’s exponential growth with subsequent haphazard development. For example, the
Mbokonavera housing area although had sewers laid, they are not connected to the town system because of haphazard development.
Areas that are not connected to the reticulated sewage system largely rely on septic tank and soak pits. With the city’s current growth, new housing areas have been built with septic tanks. However, many cases, most of these tanks do not meet any construction standards (World Bank, 1995).
When the tanks are full, the Honiara Municipal Authority (HMA), now Honiara City
Council (HCC), emptied the tanks. This is done upon the request of the households and firms for a fee which does not usually cover the operating costs (Honiara City Council,
2002). However, many septic tanks in Honiara are never emptied. For those that are collected, septages are emptied into local near shore outfalls as shown in Map 5.4.
The proximity of discharge and lack of sewage connection for over half of Honiara’s population has led to severe water contamination along the shoreline. Water quality tests taken in 1992 for example, indicated faecal caliform readings at inhabited areas along the
122 coast (World Bank, 1995). Without treatment or improvement to these outfalls, conditions are expected to worsen as more consumers are connected to the sewer system.
An investigation into the current level of households’ connection to sewer lines showed that about 67 percent households were not connected to sewer lines, while only 32 percent of households were connected. Another 2 percent households did not respond to the question as they were unaware whether they were connected to the sewer lines
(Figure 5.7).
Figure 5.7 Proportion of Households Connected to Sewer Lines in Honiara
Source: Household Survey, 2007
In conformity with the earlier studies, this study also found that the majority of Honiara residents were not connected to sewer lines and they rely mainly on waste disposal methods such as septic tanks and other illegal means of disposing waste water.
123 5. 3. 2.2 Storm Water Drainage
In Honiara City, storm water drainage and flood control systems provided a very limited coverage, and flooding has occurred on numerous occasions particularly after heavy rainfall. The reason for such limited coverage can be attributed to a lack of system maintenance. For example, culverts and drains were often seen to be clogged with garbage and unchecked vegetation. These problems had become worsen notably at times when road improvements or constructions took place without any subsequent improvement on drainage (World Bank, 1995).
The problems alluded to above became hard hit on the temporary housing areas (THAs), normally those living in squatter settlements. With little development control, these areas, most of which are located in low-lying areas, become immune to flooding and risks from mosquitoes (World Bank, 1995). Over the years, the problem had worsened as unplanned settlements increased in river valleys thereby increasing quantities of runoff (World
Bank, 1995).
5. 3. 3 Accessibility to Sanitation Service
Honiara City had 88 percent of its population relying on modern toilet facilities
(Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999). The remaining households were without modern toilet facilities, representing mostly squatter settlements within the city boundary.
124 Despite higher coverage, accessibility could be understood by examining the location and type of modern toilet facilities. According to the 1999 census, 71 percent used flush toilet facility, 15 percent pour toilet facility, 1 percent pit toilet and 0.1 used other types of toilets (Table 5.7).
Table 5.7 Toilet Facility in Honiara City by Location and Type Toilet Type of Modern Toilet Facility Location Flush Pour toilet Pit toilet Other type (%) toilet (%) (%) (%) Inside 99.5 0.4 0.0 0.0 dwelling Outside 37.3 58.0 4.4 0.4 dwelling, private Outside 50.9 44.1 5.0 0.0 dwelling, shared Honiara 71.1 15.4 1.2 0.1 Source: Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999.
As Table 5.7shows a large proportion (29 percent) of population in Honiara did not have flush toilet or access to modern and improved sanitation services. The toilets located outside and privately used are mostly pour-type of toilets (58 percent) and to a lesser degree flush toilet (37 percent).
5.3.3.1 Location and Distance Travelled to Toilet Facilities
According to the household survey by the researcher, about 63 percent households in
Honiara had toilet facilities located indoors while the rest had facilities located outdoors
(Figure 5.8) About 37 percent households responded that they had toilet facility located outside the house and a distance is travelled by them for accessing sanitation facility.
125 Figure 5. 8 Household Accessibility to Toilet Facilities in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
For the 37 percent households that had outdoor toilet facilities, 27 percent travelled nearly 50 meters to have access to the sanitation facility and another 10 percent travelled a distance between 51-100 meters for accessing to their sanitation needs.
The study also observed that accessibility to sanitation facilities was becoming poor as a result of increased growth in squatter settlements, many of which had toilet facilities located outdoors. Besides, given the water-supply shortage, a significant proportion of households with indoor sanitation facility could have used outdoor as well.
126 5. 3. 4 Shortage of Sanitation Services
The rapid growth of Honiara City had seriously outstripped the abilities of civic authorities to meet the demand of sanitation services.
5. 3. 4. 1 Household Waste Disposal Methods
Within the context of inadequate sanitation facilities, households waste disposal methods were also investigated. It was found that 40 percent households relied on HCC supplied refuse drums while 27 percent used pits. Another 13 percent used rivers/streams and 10 percent used roadsides. About 5 percent used nearby bushes to dispose of their wastes and 2 percent used drains. Figure 5.9 shows the methods of household waste disposal in
Honiara City.
The study revealed that only a low proportion (40 percent) of households in Honiara relied on legally prescribed methods of waste disposal which was the use of HCC supplied refuse drums while a majority (60 percent) had no access to improved sanitation services. Therefore, there existed significant inadequacy or shortage of sanitation facilities for residents of Honiara City.
127 Figure 5.9 Household Waste Disposal Methods in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
5. 3. 5 Quality of Sanitation Services by Civic Authority
Investigation into the quality dimension of sanitation services in Honiara City was undertaken to gauge an understanding of the level of sanitation services in Honiara. In so doing, two aspects of sanitation service quality were taken: the first was the frequency of solid waste collection and the second was the conditions of public toilet facilities in
Honiara City.
5.3.5.1 Frequency of Waste Collection in Honiara City
Nearly 53 percent household stated that despite using HCC approved waste disposal method (i.e. use of drums/bins) as mentioned above, their wastes were never collected by
HCC or private companies. About 10 percent household stated that there was fortnightly
128 collection, 3 percent had monthly and another 3 percent had weekly collection. About 2 percent households experienced yearly collection of waste. A significant proportion of about 25 percent however used outside the HCC approval methods and for them the waste collection was a non-issue (Figure 5.10).
Figure 5.10 Frequency of Household Waste Collection in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey, 2007
The study observed an irregular rate of waste collection which was also demonstrated in the main streets of Honiara City. Plate 5.3 provides an evidence of accumulated and uncollected wastes on the roadside of a main in Honiara City.
129 Plate 5.3 Uncollected Wastes on Roadside in Honiara City
Source: The Researcher, 2007.
In sum, there exists a low frequency of waste collection in Honiara resulting in a poor quality of sanitation services in the City. Thus there is a greater need for drastic improvement in waste collection in Honiara City.
5.3.5.2 State of Public Toilet Facilities in Honiara City
Another aspect taken to assess the quality of sanitation services in Honiara City was to solicit households’ experiences on the state of public toilet facilities in the City. Nearly
55 percent households responded that the public toilet facilities in Honiara City were very poor. Another 32 percent households reported that facilities were too unhygienic while another 13 percent said they never used public toilet facilities thus for them it is not an
130 issue. Figure 5.11 illustrates households’ responses regarding status of public toilet facilities in Honiara City.
Figure 5.11 Household Responses to Public Toilet Quality in Honiara City
Source: Household Survey,2007.
An overwhelming majority of 87 percent households that used public toilet facilities indicated quality of sanitation services in the city to be pitiable, very unhygienic and health hazardous.
5. 4 Problems Associated with Water and Sanitation
5. 4.1 Water Disruption in Honiara
As mentioned earlier, disruption of water supply in Honiara is becoming a normal trend.
This has been documented widely in various studies (KEW Consultant Company Ltd,
2007; World Bank, 1995; SOPAC, 2001 and Global Environmental Facility, UNDP,
131 SOPAC and UNEP, 2007). From these studies, disruption to water supply in Honiara resulted from multivariate factors including electric power supply failure, sabotage of water supply by customary water source owners, illegal connections, and flooding in water source areas.
It was evident from the household survey that 80 percent of households experienced water disruption frequently while 13 percent did not experience such problem. Figure
5.12 shows household responses to water disruption in Honiara.
Figure 5.12 Household Responses to Water Disruption in Honiara
Source: Household Survey,2007.
About 3 percent households however noted that the issue of disruption was not an issue for them as they relied on undisrupted water sources.
132 5. 4. 2 Public Opinion about problems associated with water-sanitation in Honiara
Public opinion was taken about the problems associated with water-sanitation in Honiara
City. The response include problem of water shortage (68 percent), water contamination
(42 percent), power cuts and dispute over water sources (5 percent) and time wasted (3 percent) to fetch water.
Table 5. 8 Problems Associated with Water and Sanitation in Honiara
Type of problem No. of Household % household* N=60 Water Shortage 40 68 Contamination 25 42 Dispute and power cuts 3 5 Time wasted 2 3 Not stated 2 13 Not an issue 2 3 Source: Household Survey, 2007
*This is a multi answered question and thus more than one answer was given and the total is more than 100 percent.
5. 4. 3 Environmental Issues
5.4.3.1 Water-Sanitation and Environmental Pollution
Water pollution due to poor waste management is a source of grave concern for Honiara
City. Studies undertaken in Honiara by international bodies (World Bank, 1995; Asian
Development Bank, 1999), and regional (SOPAC, 2001, SOPAC, 2007) and national
(Solomon Islands Water Authority, Ministry of Mines, Energy and Rural Electrification,
2007) institutions highlighted the worsening environmental status of the city.
133 The World Bank (1995) noted that rapid population growth in Honiara created uncontrolled and unplanned growth in the city. Residential buildings began mushrooming within and around the city, mostly in poorly drained, water logged and elevated areas.
This subsequently resulted in increased environmental pollution due to poor waste management.
The study by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) (2007) alluded that increased development and residential housing in water catchment areas exacerbate problems of water pollution and waste management. Despite existing environmental legislations (e.g. Environmental Act, 1969, River Water Act, 1969 and Public Health
Ordinance Act, 1970) due to resource (both human and financial) constraints, these environmental legislations are never implemented.
Evidences of Honiara’s deteriorating environment can be vividly portrayed through field investigations and observations. Plate 5.4 shows human degradation of Honiara with excessive household wastes being dumped on roadsides. This no doubt paves the way for the spread of water-sanitation borne diseases.
The study also noted much of politicization over urban issues in Honiara City. For example, the researcher noticed discontents among Honiara residents over waste management and urban sanitation issues. Honiara residents staged several complaints to the Honiara City Council for removal of excessive wastes accumulated at the Kukum
134 Market area in the city. The wastes created nuisance as well as breeding grounds for disease vectors such as rats and flies that carry diseases transferrable to humans.
Plate 5.4 Stockpiles of Household Waste at Kukum Market Area, Honiara
Source: The Solomon Star, 2009.
The Mayor of Honiara City Council issued an order for the dismantling of the Kukum
Market in order to properly regulate problems of increased wastes. The Mayor’s order was strongly detested by Kukum residents. The contention between the Honiara City
Council and residents of Kukum Market is still on-going although the dismantling process has already begun.
Besides the issue of solid wastes management that endangered Honiara’s environment, the Solomon Islands Water authority, Ministry of Mines, Energy and Rural
Electrification (2007) undertook a study on Managing Honiara City Water Supply and
135 Reducing Pollution through Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). The study highlighted some key environmental threats within Honiara City. These included road construction and logging within Honiara water catchment areas, sewage leakage into streams within Honiara City, location of boreholes within residential areas in Honiara
City and sewer outfall on coastal front of Honiara City.
The researcher further investigated Honiara’s environmental issues from household and city wide experiences. Most of the Honiara residents interviewed stated that present status of environmental quality had rapidly deteriorated. Table 5.9 shows the households response on environmental quality in Honiara City.
Table 5.9 Household Response on Environmental Quality in Honiara
Household Response No. of Households % of household N=60 Improved 3 5 Deteriorate 28 47 Remained the same 24 40 Unsure 3 5 Not stated 2 3 Source: Household Survey, 2007
About 47 percent of households responded that the condition of environmental quality in the city had deteriorated. Another 40 percent households reported that the status of environmental quality in the city remained unchanged compared to the past years. Only 5 percent however, felt an improvement in environmental quality.
The gloomy environmental scenario for Honiara City prompted for further investigations into the hygienic issues relating to poor environmental conditions. Figure 5.13 revealed
136 that 48 percent regarded disease vector menace such as mosquitoes to be the biggest problem. This implicitly implied the existence of various breeding grounds based on poor water-supply and sanitation conditions. Pools, drains or creeks where mosquito larvae breed are not uncommon in the city. As a result, incidence of malaria is very rampant in
Honiara and the Solomon Islands in general.
Figure 5.13 Household Response to Disease Vector and Hygienic Problems
Source: Household Survey, 2007
* Street dogs dragging rubbish, & sewage leakage.
About 35 percent household indicated menace of flies as a problem. The researcher also observed in the field flies that lived and bred on the piles of uncollected wastes on the road sides in Honiara and sewer wastes discharged through streams/rivers. About 9 percent household stated smell of rubbish to be a problem while another 7 percent stated other problems including nuisance from street dogs dragging household wastes and disposing them on people’s residential areas. The findings from this study therefore
137 indicated that Honiara’s environmental quality is worsening. Indicators of the worsening environmental conditions in Honiara therefore attest a doomsday projection as far as the
MDG target in the Solomon Islands is concerned.
5.4.3.2 MDGs and Environmental Sustainability in Honiara and the Solomon Islands
WHO and SOPAC (2008) provide a fresh but realistic scenario of Pacific Island countries achievement of the MDG. Table 5.10 shows the progress of selected PICs in the MDGs for improved water and sanitation by 2015.
Table 5.10: MDG Progress for Water-supply and Sanitation in Selected PICs Countries MDG Progress
Sanitation Water-Supply
Cook Islands * * Fiji ** ** Kiribati ** * Federate States of Micronesia ** * Niue * * Palau ** ** Papua New Guinea ** ** W. Samoa * ** Solomon Islands ** ** Tonga * * Tuvalu * * Source: WHO & SOPAC, 2008 * on track ** off track
Due to the environmental sustainability issues discussed above, achieving the MDG for water and sanitation will remain Solomon Islands most daunting challenge. As
138 highlighted above, Solomon Islands remained off track and lagged behind other Pacific
Island countries in achieving the MDG for water and sanitation. In the context of
Honiara, this MDG gap raises question of poor environmental planning and management issues in the urban environment.
5.4.3.3 Water and Sanitation, Health and Diseases
Infectious diseases continue to cause high morbidity and mortality rates in the country, especially amongst children. This was evident in 1993 when 41percent of children under the age of five died from infectious and parasitic diseases (World Bank, 1995).
Today, as the city expands and as the sanitation problems multiply, the health risks attributed to poor sanitation is deemed to increase. For example, a study conducted by
HCC (2003) at Kombito Squatter Settlement, Central Honiara revealed a sharp increase in the incidence of diarrhoeal diseases from 1995 to 2001 (Figure 5.14).
The Figure 5.14 shows that the incidence of diarrhoe and skin diseases increased progressively between 1995-2001 in the Kombito residential areas of Honiara City. This increase resulted from the poor state of water-supply compounded with insanitary conditions in the area. This trend clearly demonstrated close linkages between water, sanitation and health in Honiara City. Earlier studies (World Bank, 1995; Global
Environment Facility, UNDP, SOPAC & UNEP, 2007; HCC, 2003; and ADB, 1999) undertaken in Honiara affirmed the deteriorating standard of water and sanitation services and their health consequences.
139 Figure 5.14 Skin Diseases and Diarrhoea in Kombito Residential Area, Honiara
Source: Global Environmental Facility, SOPAC, UNDP & UNEP,2007.
Table 5.11 that shows the household responses to diseases revealed that nearly little less than one-third households had experienced some kind of water and sanitation related diseases. About 27 percent households had contracted diarrhoeal disease, 8 percent dysentery, 13 percent skin diseases, 2 percent gastro-intestinal diseases and 3 percent had other water –sanitation disease. The study however, found that a majority (68 percent) did not have any water and sanitation diseases.
Table 5.11 Household Response to Water and Sanitation Diseases in Honiara
Water -Sanitation Diseases No. of Households % Household*
140 N=60 No diseases 41 68 Diarrhoea 16 27 Skin diseases 8 13 Dysentery 5 8 Gastro-intestinal disease 1 2 Others 2 3 Source: Household Survey, 2007. *The total percentage is more than 100% due to households indicating more than one disease at one time.
The study interestingly found that for the households suffering from water and sanitation diseases, diarrhoea and skin diseases are the two most dominant water-sanitation diseases in Honiara. This result also confirms the finding of earlier HCC study (2003) that was highlighted above in Figure 5.14.
5. 5 Water and Sanitation Governance and Management in Honiara
5. 5. 1 Water and Sanitation Administration
As discussed in Chapter Four, water supply and sanitation administration in Honiara City fall within the jurisdiction of SIWA and HCC. Besides, other government agencies also play significant role in the water-sanitation sector. Table 5.12 highlights agencies involved in water-sanitation administration in Honiara City.
Table 5.12 Water-related Functions in Honiara and Responsible Agency
141 Water Function Responsible Agency
Water Resource Management Ministry of Natural Resources – Dep. of Mines and Energy Watershed Protection Ministry of Natural Resources – Dep. Of Forestry, Environment and Conservation Water Supply Services Urban Areas: SIWA Rural Areas: Ministry of Health Sewage Services SIWA Septic Tank Collection Operated by Honiara City Council and private company but shortage of manpower and vehicles so sewage is flooding from tanks into rivers. Storm Water Drainage NA Water Quality Monitoring Ministry of Health SIWA Ministry of Natural Resources Hydro Power Generation Only two hydro plants but are not working at the moment. Most of the power produced by diesel. Irrigation Water (very limited) Produced by the Ministry of Agriculture Source: KEW Consultant Company Ltd, 2007.
Table 5.12 highlighted that water and sanitation administration is a shared responsibility between different government agencies, a trend that characterizes most of the developing countries.
5.5.2 Water and Sanitation Legislation
The legislations that govern and impact on the provision of water and sanitation services in Honiara City include, River Water Ordinance, 1969; Environmental Act,1998; Public
Ordinance Act,1970; Solomon Islands Water Authority Act,1992; Environmental Health
142 Act & Provincial Ordinance; Water Supply Act; Water Resource Act 2006 and the
Honiara Town Council Refuse Disposal Bylaws, 1967.
The above legal instruments were devised to regulate the provision of water- supply and sanitation services in Honiara City. However, various constraints surrounding water- sanitation had down played the successful implementation of the policies.
5. 5. 3 Constraints
The effectiveness and efficiency of water and sanitation services in Honiara City have been hindered by multiple constraints. To a larger degree, these constraints influenced and shaped the nature of water-sanitation services in Honiara City. The constraints that hindered improvement of water-sanitation provision are explained below.
5.5.3.1 Financial Resource Constraint
Financial resource plays a critical role in the delivery of water-sanitation services.
However, in Honiara City, HCC is financially under- resourced to perform its prescribed roles and responsibilities. The lack of adequate financial resources exerts cumbersome effect on HCC to deliver services and to improve existing water-sanitation infrastructure, or to conduct public awareness programs. This caused a major setback for the sector.
Similarly, the Solomon Islands Water Authority (SIWA) that relies on revenues from water and waste water services levy to maintain its operations is seriously weakened by customers’ refusal to pay bills in time. Consequently, the financial capacity of SIWA to perform its expected roles becomes seriously affected.
143 For Honiara, most programs for the improvement and development of the water and sanitation sector are funded by external donor agencies (European Union, AusAid, and
JICA). But in many cases, effective implementation and monitoring of activities are always hindered by a lack of funds. This is also an outcome of the lesser priority given to the water-sanitation sector by the government as exemplified by the Government
Budgetary provision for 2006-2008.
There is generally a lack of sustainability in cost recovery and non-financial viable operations. The low level of cost recovery persists due to high and accumulated arrears.
This is further aggravated by high energy cost.
5.5.3.2 Human Resource Constraint
The lack of technical capability to perform applied research and hydrological investigations in order to properly understand and address issues of water-sanitation in
Honiara is an on-going problem. This is further deepened by the limited manpower (i.e. graduates) capable of undertaking technical related studies in the water-sanitation sector.
5.5.3.3 Lack of Political Will
As already noted, water-sanitation received low priority in the Solomon Islands from governments. However, the government’s role in driving the process of attaining sustainable water-sanitation services is of primary importance. There has been limited
144 emphasis by government and lack of political support for the water-sanitation sector as reflected through budgetary provision. Lack of political will is one of the constraints in the development of water-sanitation infrastructures.
5.5.3.4. Institutional fragmentation
A high degree fragmentation and isolationism institutional practices adopted by water and sanitation institutions and a lack of coordination between various agencies involved in water-sanitation functions are the root cause of poor state of water-sanitation services.
5.5.3.5 Low Literacy Rate and Poor Water-Sanitation Hygiene
Literacy rate and hygiene are closely related. In general, higher the literacy rate, greater is the hygienic conditions. Female literacy in particular is of crucial importance. The
Solomon Islands is ranked amongst the lowest in literacy level especially with a female literacy level of 20 percent. Such a low level of literacy in the country (inclusive of
Honiara City) exacerbated problems for water-sanitation improvements and awareness programs as women often were ignorant about important water-sanitation issues.
5.5.3.6 Poor Community Awareness and Participation
Fundamental to the success of any water-sanitation utility is the level of public participation and awareness by communities and stakeholders in Honiara. As noted from various studies (KEW Consultant Company Ltd, 2007; Global Environmental Facility,
145 UNDP, SOPAC & UNEP, 2007) undertaken in Honiara, the level of awareness and participation by Solomon Islanders on water-sanitation is very limited. The limitation of community awareness and participation has proven counter-productive for the improvement of water-sanitation services.
5.5.3.7 Women in Decision -Making
Women in Honiara, like in the rest of the country are mostly associated with water and sanitation issues for domestic uses. In light of this, they are usually the ones mostly affected by the water-sanitation problems of the nature discussed above. Indeed, women’ lives in Honiara revolve around water-sanitation and thus their participation in decision- making processes relating to water-sanitation is vital.
However, it is ironic in the context of Honiara that although emphasis has been placed on public awareness and participation, women have been pushed to the periphery when it comes to decision-making relating to water-sanitation.
5.5.3.8 Vandalism and Tampering of Water-Sanitation Facilities
The ethnic conflict that besieged the country (1998-2000) had severely affected water- sanitation facilities and services. In many parts of Honiara, poor public awareness and education, poor public attitude and behavior towards public infrastructures and facilities aggravated the problem. This was exemplified in places such as White River Springs where the water pump was destroyed (Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation, 2003).
146 In many instances, members of the public turned off water valves or deliberately damaged water mains to access water illegally.
Such problems are notable where water mains are close to squatter settlements or where there is high concentration of poor people. For the most part, due to the non-existence of law and order during the period of the ethnic crisis (1998-2000), authorities like SIWA could not protect the water-sanitation facilities.
Today, despite the return of law and order with the help of Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), illegal tampering of water from water mains is still very much evident in many parts of Honiara City. SIWA is working hard to stop this kind of illegal water connection from its water mains.
5.5.3.9 Irregular Electricity Supply
The unreliable nature of power supply in Honiara City has significant impact on SIWA’s ability to provide reliable water-sanitation services to Honiara City. Some water sources
(bore wells) for example, use electric pumps and frequent power failure meant that the system could not supply water during those times. SIWA has standby generators, but they are not sufficient to maintain pumping at adequate volumes to meet the consumer demand.
5.5.3.10 Lack of Storage Capacity
During times of extended power cuts or burst supply mains, reservoirs could be used to store water. SIWA’s reservoirs however, do not have sufficient storage capacity.
147 Normally, reservoirs should be designed to hold a 24 hours supply. This insufficient storage capacity of the reservoirs has further worsened the problems for Honiara water- sanitation supply.
5. 5. 4 Effectiveness of Civic Authorities
Due to the aforementioned constraints, the effectiveness of water and sanitation authorities (SIWA and HCC) in Honiara City was systematically undermined. This was widely documented (World Bank, 1995; SIWA 2001; KEW Consultant Company Ltd,
2007; and JICA, 2007) in scholarly literatures of various persuasions. For this study, three different but interrelated indicators were taken to determine the effectiveness of both SIWA and HCC. These include the level of water and sanitation services, unaccounted for water, water tariff and revenue recovery, and household responses to improvements in water-sanitation and civic authorities (SIWA and HCC) response to public complaints.
5.5.4.1 Level of Services
An analysis on the level of water-sanitation services in Honiara City could be easily deduced by examining water-supply and sanitation indicators discussed in the preceding sections of the thesis. Inevitably, the level of water-supply and sanitation services had plummeted below the internationally prescribed levels as exemplified in the water sector with a per capita consumption of 160 lpd as opposed to WHO prescribed rate of 250 lpd.
148 5.5.4.2 Unaccounted-for- Water (Ufw)
At present, SIWA has a water production capacity of 25 mega liters per day (The
Solomon Star, 2004). With Honiara’s estimated population of about 50,000 and a daily average domestic demand of 150 l/capita/day, the water demand is calculated to be about
10 Mega liters per day (The Solomon Star, 2004).
Comparing the amount of water produced at water sources to the amount of water sold to
Honiara consumers and taking into account the losses of water through leakages and unmetered standpipes, the amount of unaccounted for water in SIWA is as high as between 40-60 percent. Some areas in Honiara are deprived from reliable supply of water. Due to poor maintenance, aging of water mains, the physical loss of water in
Honiara is as high as about 40 percent (Table 5.3).
According to SIWA, the main causes of unaccounted for water are: a) illegal connection to water supply, particularly by consumers who have been disconnected for non- payments of accounts and illegal squatter tapping into SIWA water mains;(b) inadequacy of existing system because of aging mains and resulting in high leakage and water loss; c) faults not reportedly in time resulting in leaks occurring for many weeks or months; d) ground water conditions (coral limestone and thick vegetation) allow water leaks to go undetected or unnoticed, and; e) difficulty in meter reading because of the differential units such as liters and gallons used. This has often led to reading error causing large amount of revenue loss to SIWA.
149 5.5.4.3 Household Response to Water -Supply Improvement
Attempts to investigate improvement in water supplies showed that 43 percent households experienced that water situation remained unchanged over the years. About
37 percent households regarded water condition to have deteriorated badly while 3 percent stated an improvement in water conditions (Figure 5.15). Besides, 12 percent of households interviewed were unsure about the condition of their water supply and 5 percent did not respond to the question.
Evidently, there were no major improvements undertaken on the water supply conditions, thus affecting the people of Honiara City. This indicated that civic authorities were rarely effective in providing water services needed to meet the needs of Honiara residents.
Figure 5.15 Household Response to Honiara Water & Sanitation Improvement
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
150 5.5.4.4 Household Water Bills and Revenue Recovery
Water supply in Honiara City is based on a user-pay system administered by the Solomon
Islands Water Authority (SIWA). It is however, necessary to understand how much households are paying for their water bills, as this will provide further insights into understanding water issues in Honiara City. Table 5.13 provides household patterns of water bill payment in Honiara.
Table 5.13 Patterns of Household Payment of Monthly Water Bills
Monthly Water Bill (SI $) No of household % of household 0-100 26 62 100-200 7 17 >200 5 12 Not stated 3 7 Unsure 1 2 Total 42 100 Source: Household Survey, 2007.
What transpired was that for the total (42) households connected with piped water and paid water bills, the majority (62 percent) paid less than SI $100, 17 percent paid between
SI$100-200 and a minor proportion of only 9 percent paid more than SI$200 in water bills per month (Table 5.13). A Household Income Survey of the Government of the
Solomon Islands (2007) noted that the largest proportion of households’ income in the
Solomon Islands including Honiara is spent on food. Other basic necessities were of secondary priority.
This provided a logical explanation for the structural composition of households’ expenditure on water. In many ways, the key issue underpinning the current water billing
151 scenario was households’ affordability status. The majority (59 percent) paid water bill at a rate less than SI$100.00, justifying lower expenditure on water supplies. The civic authority (SIWA) is only able to collect revenue at a rate lower than the total demand. In addition, Honiara has significant amount of arrears in water fees, particularly with the
Solomon Islands Electricity Authority (SIEA), showing poor efficiency in revenue collection.
5.5.4.5 Civic Authorities’ Response to Complaints
Effectiveness of civil authorities, in this case SIWA and HCC, was measured in this study by investigating how the two civic authorities responded to complaints made by the public regarding water and sanitation services.
Figure 5.16 Civic Authorities Response to Household Complaints
Source: Household Survey,2007.
152 Clearly, 48 percent household did not receive response from both SIWA and the HCC on their water and sanitation complaints. About 38 percent households stated this as not an issue for them since they did not consult SIWA or HCC.
Interestingly, as highlighted in figure 5.16, civic authorities’ response on complaints raised by households in Honiara was dismal. This was revealed by a low level of response (12 percent) from civic authorities towards households’ complaints in Honiara
City. Besides, households’ level of satisfaction was also measured as an indicator of the nature of civic authorities’ response to household complaints.
Figure 5.17 Household Satisfaction Level on Civic Authority’s Response
Source: Household Survey,2007.
About 47 percent households were not satisfied with the response received from civic authorities consulted (Figure 5.17). About 38 percent never consulted civic authorities and therefore stated not an issue. Only 13 percent stated they were satisfied with civic
153 authorities’ responses to their water-sanitation complaints. The 38 percent household that stated not an issue had also experienced that their past complaints were never addressed by civic authorities and thus avoided approaching civic authorities with their complaints.
Overall, the study showed that civic authorities in Honiara (SIWA and HCC) had a very low level of response to complaints raised by households in the city. In turn, the households resorted to various water-sanitation adaptive strategies including relying on family members, relatives, neighborhoods and the community for meeting their needs.
5.5.4.6. Civic Authorities’ Response to Water Disruption
When water supply was disrupted, it was the responsibility of SIWA to distribute water to residents. An investigation was also undertaken to determine whether the Solomon
Islands Water Authority (SIWA) responded by supplying water during water disruption periods.
154 Figure 5.18 SIWA/HCCs’ Response in Water Distribution during Disruption
3% 3%
Supplied
No supply
94% Not an issue
Source: Household Survey, 2007.
Contrary to conventional mode of thinking, 94 percent household stated that there was no supply of water by either SIWA or HCC and other agencies during water disruptions in
Honiara City (Figure 5.18). Only 3 percent responded positively, implying that they received water from SIWA. Another 3 percent stated that it was not an issue since they never experienced water problems.
5. 6 Urban Planning
Like other Pacific towns and cities, problems of planning have affected the successful development of Honiara since independence. Planning problems in Honiara is exacerbated by lack of trained people, which equally true for SIWA and HMA and lack of co-ordination between the Guadalcanal province Authority, HMA, HCC, the National
Government and SIWA.
155 These planning problems have increased the magnitude of urban problems particularly for water-supply and sanitation services. Consequently, they have reduced the city’s ability to serve as the principal ‘engine’ of economic growth. First, society pays for the higher marginal cost of service provision mentioned above, thereby reducing the availability of funds for other productive activities. Second, the lack of serviced land imposes higher costs for both industries and households that must pay for alternative means of obtaining water and disposing wastes. Third, health problems arising from poor water supply and sanitation services affected worker productivity and increase society’s bill on medical related expenses.
5.6 Conclusions
The chapter has provided an analysis on the status of water-supply and sanitation in
Honiara City from both macro and micro level. Besides, it identifies various constraints affecting water and sanitation in Honiara City. These constraints affected issues of water governance, management and planning. The study addressed the effectiveness of civic authorities in providing water and sanitation services. Overall, the level of response by
Honiara civic authorities towards public demand for water and sanitation services was extremely low.
With Honiara’s rapid growth, compounded by civic authorities (SIWA and HCC) that were marred by multivariate constraints, it came as no surprise that Honiara City had plummeted below normal standard as far as water and sanitation status was concerned.
156 CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.1 Introduction
Urbanisation and its resultant urban growth is an inevitable process of development in developing countries. Urbanisation presents both challenges and opportunities. In most of the developing countries however, the rate of urban growth outstretches the abilities of cities to cope, thus cities vis-à-vis towns have become sources of problems rather than solutions. The urban growth put pressure on civic authorities, making them under- resourced in providing basic urban services at adequate levels. Consequently, cities and towns have become centers of more problems rather than opportunities for progress.
Against this backdrop, this study was based on the central objective of investigating the growth of Honiara City in the Solomon Islands, and its impact on basic services such as the water- supply and sanitation in the city. The study was undertaken within the confines of the key research question posed in the thesis: what factors are evident in
Honiara City that best capture the realities of water-supply and sanitation? and, the overall research objective noted above. The study employed a multidimensional approach integrating the economic, social, cultural, physical, and political factors.
The study focused on the status, levels and problems associated with water-supply and sanitation in Honiara City. An analysis is done both at a macro and micro level. The
157 macro-level study focused on Honiara City as a whole and covered the state of water and sanitation in terms of network distribution system and its capacity, demand and supply and, consumption per capita. The micro-level study focused at the household in the study area over water- supply and sanitation issues in terms of availability, accessibility, quality, and associated problems.
The study also covered environmental and health aspects by examining incidence of water and sanitation-related diseases. Besides, institutional aspects covering management and planning and the effectiveness of civic authorities in dealing with water and sanitation issues in Honiara City is also discussed.
Although the overall research approach was qualitative, the research methodology employed was not restricted to qualitative one. It interweaved research tools from both qualitative and quantitative approaches to arrive at valid, reliable and justifiable research results. Many researchers called this a ‘triangulation approach’. For this study, the research tools adopted include a household questionnaire survey, key informant interviews, observation, informal discussion and focus group discussion.
In executing these research tools, sixty households from the twelve administrative wards in Honiara City were selected using a purposive sampling technique. This sampling method was employed in conjunction with the research question which was not only aimed at finding statistical relationships or explaining the question of ‘why’, but also it attempted to understand social processes and experiences and addresses the question of
158 ‘what’ experience the Honiara residents had regarding water supply and sanitation provision. Besides, four key informants from government agencies were also interviewed to solicit the institutional dimensions of water and sanitation. Furthermore, six Honiara residents were engaged for the focus group discussion as well as a significant proportion of Honiara residents who were engaged during the process of informal discussions on water and sanitation issues in Honiara City.
6. 2 Linkages of Theoretical Approaches to Findings
Two conceptual models that originally revolved around urban issues were analysed.
These are ‘pro-urban’ and ‘anti-urban’ models. Within the ‘pro-urban’ framework,
Honiara City is seen as the locus of development, and an ‘engine’ of economic growth, contributing significantly to the Solomon Islands’ development. The popular belief of the pro-urban proponents is that the urban growth is not related to urban problems but provides ample opportunities for development. In contrast, the over- concentration of population and urban functions in Honiara City consequently led to urban problems.
Although the traditional ‘pro-urban’ model still predominates, the ‘anti-urban’ approach oppose the position of Honiara City as the ‘engine’ of economic growth and development but sees Honiara as the source of urban problems especially of water supply and sanitation problems. The demand for water and sanitation in Honiara was higher than supply and the poor quality of water and sanitation has brought in environmental and health problems in the city.
159 The third model, the ‘intermediate’ one emerged to contextualize the above two rival perspectives. The intermediate model argued that both the rural and urban sectors played pivotal roles in the development process and should be integrated to achieve optimum development for the entire country.
Amidst these contested theoretical approaches, it became evident from this study that urbanisation and its impacts on water supply and sanitation in Honiara City, Solomon
Islands, inclined more towards the anti-urban theoretical framework. This was manifested through a series of urban problems including the rapid growth of formal and informal
(squatter) settlements in Honiara, housing and land shortage, increased urban poverty, and increased crime, deteriorating environmental conditions, water pollution, deteriorating health status and inadequate water supply and sanitation services.
In particular, the study found a direct linkage between issues of urbanisation, water supply and sanitation with urban poverty as the key determinant in households’ accessibility and civic authorities’ capacity to provide improved water supply and sanitation services in Honiara City. The water and sanitation, poor drainage and solid waste-borne diseases are pervasive in Honiara City. This study noted that a significant proportion of household residents who suffered from water and sanitation related diseases in Honiara City especially from diarrhoea are those who experienced water shortage, poor quality of water-supply and sanitation services.
160 On the urban environmental front, the study found that the uncontrolled growth of
Honiara City became detrimental to its environment, creating problems such as the illegal disposal of solid wastes in drains, streams, rivers, ocean and bushes. Besides, high urban population growth in areas without proper water and sanitation facilities led to environmental degradation and contamination of water sources.
The hydro-political dimension of water and sanitation cannot be undervalued in this study as it sets the center stage where water and sanitation’s major actors contest for control.
This study revealed that in Honiara City, water and sanitation has been a center of contestation between aid donors, the Solomon Islands Government, SIWA, HCC, various government agencies, Honiara residents and the customary land owners at water sources.
This has often resulted in land owners in Honiara, sabotaging water supplies when in disagreement over land issues with SIWA or the Government of the Solomon Islands.
The study also found strong linkages of Honiara City’s water-supply and sanitation institutional arrangement to a top-down, centralized and supply–driven approach. Despite attempts for a bottom–up, decentralized and demand–driven approach, the practice of the former approach still supersedes the later. This is true because most of the funding and control for water and sanitation sector is derived from and controlled by the government and aid donors despite SIWA and HCC as autonomous entities with specific mandatory obligations.
161 Finally, the study found that water-supply and sanitation provision in Honiara city had direct linkage to economic development. However, given the downward spiraling of water and sanitation condition, it is clear from this study that the development trajectory of Honiara City is plunging towards an ‘unsustainable development’ and conforming to the ‘Malthusian Catastrophe’ if no prompt ‘precautionary measures’ are taken as described by Karshena in his ‘environmental capital’ model.
6. 3 Summary of Broad Findings
The study found that the evolutionary growth of Honiara City owed its origin to the period of colonialism and the Second World War. After the War in 1946, the administrative headquarter at Tulagi, Central Island province was shifted to Honiara, on
Guadalcanal. Since then, Honiara continued to grow both demographically and spatially.
In 1959, for example, there were 3,534 people in Honiara and the number increased progressively to 12,006 in 1970 and 49,900 in 1999. Correspondingly, the percentage of population change increased from 33.5 percent in 1976-1986 to 64.1 percent in 1986-
1999.
Manifested in such demographic expansion was the growth experienced in terms of the numbers of households. Honiara City had an increase in households from 2,209 in 1970 to 6,921 in 1999 (Government of the Solomon Islands, 1999). Paralleling this was the physical growth experienced in terms of geographic land area. Physically, due to the prevailing topographic features i.e. mountainous in its southern borders, the physical
162 expansion is restricted southward and most of the physical expansion of Honiara is towards the eastern part of the city.
Honiara’s demographic growth was a result of the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. During its early growth, particularly immediately after the independence in 1978, Honiara’s growth was caused by factors such as improved transportation and communication services, improved employment conditions for the Solomon Islanders in Honiara, growth of new industries offering employment in Honiara, existence of better education and health services, and to a larger degree, the existence of intricate kinship relationship known as the ‘wantok system’. Migration and natural increase in population contributed substantially to the growth of Honiara City.
The study on the status of water supply and sanitation in Honiara City found the following:
1. Honiara City’s water supply was developed according to a zonal system that operated
independently. With this, water demand in Honiara increased due to growth in
population, migration, industrialization, rise in living standard as well as a high
level of consumerism. The demand level was projected to be of threefold increase
between1996-2016 with a growth rate of about 124 percent. Consequently, the
maximum daily water demand in Honiara was 25, 719 m³/day while the supply
level from all water sources was 20,442 m³/day, leaving a gap of 5,277 m³/ day.
This reflected the need to raise the supply level to meet the growing demand for
water in the city.
163 2. There was also a significant gap between actual supply of water and the supply
capacity. The gap indicated the weakness in actual water-supply relative to
capacity of supply. The total supply capacity was 28,142 m³/day relative to a total
supply of 20,442 m³/day, thus leaving a gap of 7,700 m³/day. This gap revealed
that there is a need for improvement in the supply side augmentation of water
sources.
3. According to the 1999 census, the majority (89 percent) of Honiara residents
relied on piped-water. The household survey found that 70 percent of households
had piped-water as their main source of water while the rest relied on creek/up-
stream (20 percent), well (5 percent) and rain water (5 percent).
4. The daily water consumption per person per day was 150 l/p/d based on an
average household size of 7.0 persons. The consumption level was
overwhelmingly below the WHO’s required level of 250 liters per person per day.
Besides, 70 percent household stated that water was irregular in supply and never
available on a 23/24-hour daily basis as prescribed by SIWA’s official policy.
Only 25 percent households however, reported to get 24-hour water-supply. Thus,
there was a significant gap between SIWAs water-supply policy and reality
experienced by households in water availability in Honiara City.
5. The study found that the problems of low pressure and pipe-leakages and water
losses from the system were the prime causes of water shortage and unavailability
164 in Honiara which was aggravated by other causes such as power-supply
interruptions and disputes with land owners on customary land at the water
sources.
6. In terms of accessibility to water and sanitation sources, the households in
Honiara that relied on non-tap water sources indicated that they travel certain
distance to fetch water. About 20 percent households travelled a distance outside
house to fetch water. Nearly 12 percent households travelled a distance of more
than 100 meters to get access to water. In terms of time taken as an indicator of
accessibility, 20 percent household considered time as an important indicator and
a barrier to have access to water. About 7 percent households stated that they
spent more than 20 minutes to fetch water from the source.
7. The majority of households (62 percent) experienced poor and very poor water
quality. Evidently, poor water quality is one of the major issues in Honiara and
need to be addressed. Many water sources for example, Panatina borewell and
Kombito spring due to their catchment locations close to residential houses are
getting affected in their water quality. The waste water from surrounding villages
is increasing contamination and water turbidity. Besides, logging activities within
catchment areas have significantly affected water quality at the sources. Flooding
in water sources is common phenomenon resulting in frequent disruption and
turbidity problem in water -supply in Honiara.
165 8. The non-implementation of various water legislations and laws to regulate water
quality in Honiara City are the other concerns. The two important legislations
dealing with water quality issues were the Public Health Ordinance Act and the
Environmental Health Act.
9. The Honiara City Council (HCC) and the Solomon Islands Water Authority
(SIWA) are mandated to manage sanitation services in Honiara City. An
increasing urbanisation has impact on waste generation in the city. This is
evidenced from the fact that the daily demand rate of waste collection which was
around 6-10 loads per day has increased to between 11-20 loads per day. Due to
high volume waste generations, waste storage facilities like refuse bins became
inadequate leading to piling of excessive wastes on the ground, thus causing
severe environmental sanitation and health problems in Honiara City.
10. A significant proportion of households (67 percent) in Honiara were not
connected to sewer lines. This implies that a majority dispose their waste water
through septic tanks and illegally, the methods not approved by HCC or SIWA.
11. In Honiara City, due to lack of maintenance, storm water drainage and a very
limited coverage of flood control systems, flooding have occurred in many
occasions particularly after heavy rainfall. This in turn encourages breeding of
vector diseases such as mosquitoes that cause malaria.
166 12. In terms of accessibility to toilet facilities, 63 percent household responded that
they had toilet facilities located indoors, while 37 percent had outdoor facilities.
For the households that had outdoor toilet facilities, 27 percent households said
that they travelled about 50 meters outside house to have access to the sanitation
and another 10 percent travelled a distance between 51-100 meters. This shows
that accessibility to sanitation facilities is inadequate and needs improvement.
13. In the context of availability of sanitation facilities, 40 percent households relied
on HCC supplied refuse drums, while 60 percent used pits, rivers/streams,
roadsides, nearby bushes, drains and the ocean. This revealed that a significant
proportion of household either did not rely on HCC’s legally approved waste
disposal methods or without HCC’s waste disposal facilities.
14. In terms of sanitation service quality in Honiara, 53 percent household stated that
despite using HCC approved waste disposal methods such as drums/bins, their
wastes were never collected by HCC or private companies. This reflects poor
waste collection efficiency. An overwhelming majority of 87 percent households
that used public toilet facilities in the City indicated the quality of sanitation
services to be unsatisfactory and with very poor in-sanitary conditions. Overall
the study found that the quality of sanitation services in Honiara City was below
the required standard and needs to be improved.
167 15. The problems of water and sanitation in Honiara City experienced by households
revolved around the issues of disruption of water, water shortage and
contamination and degradation of Honiara’s environment. Due to these, achieving
the MDGs for water and sanitation would be the Solomon Islands’ most daunting
challenge.
16. Disruption of water-supply in Honiara is a common phenomenon and it is caused
by several factors such as power supply failure, sabotage of water supply by
customary land owners, and flooding of water source areas. About 80 percent of
households experienced frequent disruption of water-supply.
17. Due to water and sanitation and waste disposal problems, disease vector menace
such as mosquitoes and flies is high. About 48 percent households stated that
mosquitoes menace is one of the biggest problems in Honiara.
18. A significant proportion of households (42 percent) suffered from water and
sanitation-related diseases with diarrhoea and skin diseases remaining the two
most dominant water and sanitation-related diseases in Honiara City. The
incidence of malaria is very rampant in the city of Honiara.
19. The study found that the two civic authorities -SIWA and HCC dealing with
water and sanitation affairs in Honiara are grossly ineffective in performing their
168 mandated roles and thus resulting in very poor state of water and sanitation
services in the city.
20. Most of the households in Honiara City opined that SIWA or HCC have failed in
responding to their grievances over water and sanitation problems. Consequently, the
households adopt a community-based approach in which family members, relatives
and neighbors’ were involved in addressing water and sanitation problems.
The study also found several constraints to improvement of water and sanitation in Honiara City.
These include :(a) financial resource limitation; (b) human resource scarcity; (c) lack of political will; (d) institutional fragmentation; (e) low literacy level; (f) limited awareness and public participation; (g) lack of women participation on water-sanitation issues; (h) vandalism over water and sanitation facilities; (i) unaccounted for water; (j) power- supply interruptions and;
(k) lack of storage capacity. All these problems had curtailed efforts in improving water and sanitation in Honiara City. These problems are primarily due to institutional and technical problems and need to be addressed by the concerned authorities in a coordinated manner.
The study found urban planning and management of water and sanitation was more centralized and still follow a top-down approach. Besides, multiplicity of agencies with overlapping functions and a lack of coordination have resulted in many jurisdictional conflicts between agencies and institutional unaccountability. The poor water and sanitation governance may be one of the significant contributing factors for such a state of water and sanitation affairs in Honiara City.
169 Despite efforts at decentralizing water-supply and sanitation with bottom – up approach through the establishment of autonomous entities like SIWA and HCC, they have become ineffective. The duo still relied heavily on the National government for financial support and directives. In policy terms, the water and sanitation sector is governed by a series of water and sanitation legislations as mentioned earlier. These administrative and legal mechanisms were placed under the mandatory roles of various line ministries and agencies within government. Despite policies and management methods in place, Honiara
City authorities could not effectively implement such polices, thus leaving a poor state of water and sanitation provision in the city. With rapid growing urbanization, the problems associated with the water and sanitation is likely to multiply substantially in the future.
6.3 Recommendations
Based on the findings from this study, some suggestions are outlined to address the challenges of water and sanitation in Honiara City. These suggestions are for the government, civic authorities (SIWA and HCC) and other governmental agencies involved in the water and sanitation service delivery in Honiara. The suggestions are:
1. The Solomon Islands Government needs to immediately address the extrapolating
water demand in Honiara City through SIWA and HCC. Implementation of the
much talked about rural development program so as to properly regulate the
uncontrolled influx of migrants into the city from rural countryside is called for.
170 2. The government has to adopt demand–side water and sanitation management
approach so that focus and emphasis on water and sanitation is placed on people
in Honiara rather than water and sanitation technology only.
3. The government must support the supply augmentation of water to bridge the gap
of water supply.
4. SIWA and HCC urgently need to revamp and execute wider public awareness
campaigns on water and sanitation related issues in Honiara City.
5. SIWA and HCC, in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Human
Resources must integrate within the national curriculum provisions whereby
students at all levels study implications of water and sanitation and issues
involved in hygiene and environmental and health aspects.
6. The Solomon Islands Government, in consultation with donor partners and civic
bodies such as SIWA and HCC need to increase investment to the water
sanitation sector in order to meet the growing demand and improve the quality
and accessibility of water and sanitation in Honiara.
7. SIWA, HCC and other governmental agencies involved in water and sanitation
needs to be properly coordinated in performing their respective and collective
roles and responsibilities pertaining to water and sanitation. A central
171 coordinating mechanism must be established to monitor and address issues of
institutional fragmentation, duplication of roles and responsibilities of various
agencies.
8. The Solomon Islands Government in close collaboration with the Ministry of
Lands and Housing, Ministry of Environment and Conservation, Ministry of
Health and Medical Services and the civic bodies involved in water and sanitation
must put all efforts at ensuring that relevant water and sanitation legislations are
effectively implemented.
9. The governments have to have political will in addressing urban issues
particularly of water and sanitation. The government must place water and
sanitation as key priority areas as these play critical role not only in health status
of Honiara City dwellers and the people of the Solomon Islands but also in
achieving sustainable development. The access to water and sanitation is
fundamental human rights of citizens to better life and higher standard of living.
10. There is a necessity to include gender balance in decision-making relating to
water and sanitation in Honiara City as women are closely involved with water
and sanitation sector in Honiara City. In so doing, SIWA, HCC through the
Solomon Islands government put concerted efforts to increase female literacy and
generate awareness amongst women in Honiara so that they can actively
172 contribute to decision-making relating to water and sanitation planning and
management.
11. Involvement and participation of communities in water and sanitation projects is
most needed for successful results and their greater effectiveness in Honiara City.
Thus adoption of decentralized and a bottom-up approach with greater community
involvement is most needed.
12. Moreover, a public-private partnership in water and sanitation infrastructural
projects in Honiara City is called for. SIWA and HCC along with other
government agencies must strive to actively also involve private bodies and local
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in identifying their potential partnership
in urban projects especially in water and sanitation projects.
6.5 Future Research
There is a need to undertake further in-depth studies to assess the nature of water and sanitation problems in Honiara and in other urban centres in the Solomon Islands. The demand and supply in water and sanitation is a product of society, thus, to understand and address these issues require a comprehensive understanding of societal level. The present study had limited time and resources for a detailed study of this nature and a relatively narrow sample that may not necessitate for a wider generalization.
173 Evidently, more studies are needed to explore ways of increasing stakeholders’ participation and determine the water and sanitation management that best suits Honiara communities. This is pivotal as different ethnic and cultural groups characterize Honiara.
Future studies should therefore, focus on how to integrate these communities in water and sanitation planning and management in Honiara City.
More in-depth study is required linking water and sanitation question to broader issues such as gender, environmental sustainability, health, institutional governance, public– private partnership and the role of NGOs in water and sanitation planning and management.
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192 APPENDICES
193 Appendix 1
HOUSEHOLD QUESTIONNAIRE
Confidentiality: All answers in response questions in this questionnaire are deemed confidential and will be used solely for the purpose of this study.
Date: ______Ward/Location: ______%Squatter % Non-Squatter ______
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Please tick appropriate box (es) wherever necessary.
1. Ethnicity of household: % Malaitan %Western %Central %Isabel %Temotu %Guadalcanal % Renbell %Choiseul %Others, specify:______
2. Sex of household head: %Male %Female
3. Total household members:
4. House ownership: %Owned %Rented % Others, specify:
5. Income level of household per month?
6. Occupation of household head: %Self-employed %Wage labour %Salary earner %Others, specify:
WATER, SANITATION AND HEALTH
7. Do you experience water shortage? %Yes %No. If no, does the household get water for: %24 Hours %Half day %Few Hours %Not sure %Others, specify: ______8. a). How do you get your water supply? %Piped %Rainwater %Borehole/well %Creek/stream/river %Others, specify: b). If piped water supply, is it metered? %Yes %No.
9. a).What is the distance travel to fetch water? b). How long does it take to collect water?
194 10. Does the household share the water supply facility? %Yes %No.
11. How much average unit of water per month is consumed by this household (See water bills)?
12. Do you think the quality of water you get is: %Very good %Good %Poor %Very poor %Not sure.
13. What other water problems do you face? %Too much time to get water %Shortage of water for other household needs %Contamination %Others, specify:
14. What do you think about water supply in the city? %Deteriorated in the last few years in quality and quantity %Improved in quality and quantity from previous years %Remain unchanged %Unsure.
15. Does the water authority distribute water to your locality when there is no water? %Yes %No.
16. Do you think water supply is usually disrupted without notice? %Yes %No.
17. What do you think about water supply demand in the city? %Growing rapidly %No change %Falling %Unsure.
18. Where do you dispose of your household waste? %Roadside %Bush %Drain %River %Pit %Drum and collected by city council.
19. How frequent does the Honiara Municipal Authority collect garbage from your area?
20. Do you notice people relieving themselves in places other than proper toilet facilities? %Yes %No. If yes, which of the following are used? %Bush %River/Stream %Sea %Others, specify:
21. Do you think the number of people using the river, bush or the sea in the city is: %Increasing in the last few years %Remained unchanged %Decreasing %Unsure.
22. Does your community provide rule or guidance for waste disposal? %Yes %No.
23. What toilet facility is available in this house? %Flush toilet %Water sealed %Pit latrine %Others, specify:
24. Does the household share the toilet facility with neighbors? %Yes %No. If no, is it owned? %Yes %No.
25. Where is the toilet facility? %Indoor %Outdoor. If outside the house, what is the distance traveled to get to the facility?
195 26. Does the house have sewer or septic tank? %Yes %No. If no, what does it do with its wastewater?
27. Does any member of your family get water-sanitation related diseases? %Yes %No. If yes, what type of diseases? %Diarrhea %Dysentery %Malaria %Dengue %Gastro- entrological %Others, specify:
28. How frequent do your children get sick? Very frequently Rarely Occasionally Not applicable
29. Do you think sanitation condition in the city has: %Improved from previous years %Deteriorated from previous years %Remained unchanged %Unsure.
30. Is there any public sanitation facility in the city? %Yes %No.
31. What other sanitation problems do you face in your household? %Flies %Mosquitoes %Smell of rubbish %Others, specify:
32. With whom do you consult regarding these problems?
33. Are you satisfied with civic authorities? %Yes %No. If no, state reason:
34. What in your opinion are the main problems affecting quality of life in Honiara?
THANK YOU VERY MUCH FOR YOUR TIME. TAGIO TUMAS!
196