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War Message to Congress” Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism Woodrow Wilson’s “War Message to Congress” April 2, 1917 INTRODUCTION In this message urging Congress to declare war on of choosing “peace or war, as our interest, guided by Germany, President Woodrow Wilson presents the justice, shall counsel.” Progressive understanding of foreign policy: America Throughout the address Wilson appeals variously has a duty to spread liberty across the world. “The to humanity, mankind, free peoples, and a “League world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must of Honor.” He would have America conform to the be planted upon the tested foundations of political lib- highest aspirations of mankind, as expressed by erty.” By contrast, the prudent practice before Wilson the united wishes of the peoples of other nations— was best captured in John Quincy Adams’s statement hence the need for a League of Nations and, later, that America “goes not abroad, in search of monsters a United Nations. Prior to Wilson, the shapers of to destroy.” American foreign policy kept “independence” as the Inaugurated less than a month before, Wilson watchword. had been reelected not least for his having kept Wilson justifies the U.S. entry into war “for a uni- America out of the European war. But Germany’s versal dominion of right by such a concert of free unrestricted submarine warfare created a state of peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations war and called for American intervention. Wilson is and make the world itself at last free.” He declares careful, however, to reject mere self-defense in justi- “our object now” for a “concert of purpose and action” fying war, thereby marking another profound break among like-minded nations dedicated to peace and with traditional American foreign policy. In Wilson’s justice. Thus, he approves of the overthrow of the czar view, national interest alone cannot guide American of Russia, a nation that he found “always in fact demo- policy. When America acts in the world, he would cratic at heart.” Wilson’s universalism is not the Dec- have it be for the universal good of mankind. By laration’s universalism of “all men are created equal.” contrast, Washington in his Farewell Address spoke The Founders sought to base their own government FP_PS_22 Published by 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002-4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org The Heritage Foundation’s First Principles Series explores the fundamental ideas of conservatism and the American political tradition. For more information call 1-800-544-4843 or visit heritage.org/bookstore. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. PRIMARY SOURCES Progressivism and Liberalism on consent, not to offer a battle cry for a utopian, nev- gressive democracy could be safe and salutary for any er-ending mission abroad. Wilson’s passion to make world, let alone the one nation that is based on indi- “the world…safe for democracy” assumed that his Pro- vidual natural rights. 2 PRIMARY SOURCES Progressivism and Liberalism “Address of The President of the United States Delivered at a Joint Session of The Two Houses of Congress” Woodrow Wilson April 2, 1917 GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS: every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their I have called the Congress into extraordinary ses- cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruth- sion because there are serious, very serious, choices lessly sent to the bottom: without warning and with- of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it out thought of help or mercy for those on board, the was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of bellig- I should assume the responsibility of making. erents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief On the third of February last I officially laid before to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial though the latter were provided with safe conduct German Government that on and after the first day of through the proscribed areas by the German Govern- February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints ment itself and were distinguished by unmistakable of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reck- every vessel that sought to approach either the ports less lack of compassion or of principle. of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of I was for a little while unable to believe that such Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of things would in fact be done by any government Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practic- to be the object of the German submarine warfare ear- es of civilized nations. International law had its ori- lier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial gin in the attempt to set up some law which would Government had somewhat restrained the command- be respected and observed upon the seas, where no ers of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise nation had right of dominion and where lay the free then given to us that passenger boats should not be highways of the world. By painful stage after stage sunk and that due warning would be given to all oth- has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, er vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy indeed, after all was accomplished that could be when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. chance to save their lives in their open boats. The pre- This minimum of right the German Government has cautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity as was proved in distressing instance after instance in and because it had no weapons which it could use at the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but sea except these which it is impossible to employ as a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new it is employing them without throwing to the winds policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of all scruples of humanity or of respect for the under- 3 PRIMARY SOURCES Progressivism and Liberalism standings that were supposed to underlie the inter- dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German course of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at of property involved, immense and serious as that is, all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of even in the defense of rights which no modern pub- the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, licist has ever before questioned their right to defend. engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards darkest periods of modern history, been deemed inno- which we have placed on our merchant ships will be cent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The pres- with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffec- ent German submarine warfare against commerce is a tual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the warfare against mankind. face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual: it It is a war against all nations. American ships have is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has it is practically certain to draw us into the war with- stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and out either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. people of other neutral and friendly nations have been There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. of making: we will not choose the path of submission There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to and suffer the most sacred rights of our Nation and our all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; be made with a moderation of counsel and a temper- they cut to the very roots of human life. ateness of judgment befitting our character and our With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragi- motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. cal character of the step I am taking and of the grave Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious asser- responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating tion of the physical might of the nation, but only the obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I vindication of right, of human right, of which we are advise that the Congress declare the recent course of only a single champion. the Imperial German Government to be in fact noth- When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth ing less than war against the government and people of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert of the United States; that it formally accept the status of our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it, and that against unlawful interference, our right to keep our it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a people safe against unlawful violence.
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