Democracy Watch 6 & 7

Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 1

A Quarterly Newsletter of the Ghana Center for Democratic Development 6&7 DemocracyWatch

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 statements. The openness to the media Volume 2, No. 2&3 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 was underscored by President Kufuors April-September 2001 The Media in the news conference to mark his first 100 Post Rawlings Era days in office, an event never witnessed ISSN: 0855-417X during the 19 years ex-President Rawlings was in power. A new era of positive government- In this issue media relations? In an early gesture of acknowledging the contribution of the media to Ghanaian Among the media, media watchers, democratic development, the NPP and observers of Ghanaian politics, government decided to abort ongoing EThe Media in the Post Rawlings Era there is a well-justified feeling of relief state prosecutions against journalists for ...... Page 1 and euphoria over the demise of a criminal and or seditious libel. Most media unfriendly-regime. Indeed, it significantly, it has made good on its E The New Challenges in Intra-media was expected that the relationship promise to repeal the obnoxious criminal Relations ...... Page 2 between the media and the new NPP libel law hitherto used by government to administration would be a departure harass the media. EThe Stadium Disaster and Other from the past, considering the Fallouts ...... Page 4 persecution some sections of the media The administrations policy of providing suffered under the nineteen years of access to the media has achieved dual goals: the dark side of the old regime is The New Council of State Rawlings PNDC and NDC E being exposed, new officials have been ...... Page 5 governments and the pro-media positions taken by the NPP when it was able to articulate their intentions, and in many instances, have been successful in Questions Over Vetting in opposition. E winning public sympathy and Procedures ...... Page 6 Eight months into its four-year term of cooperation. office Kufuors chemistry with the E Ripples from the June Fourth media has been warm. There has not Boom ...... Page 8 been any sign of the open hostility that ...... the NPP government has characterized the relationship between made good on its promise to government and the media in the past. repeal the obnoxious criminal Towards National Reconciliation libel law hitherto used by E In a powerfully symbolic about-face ...... Page 10 government to harass the media. that reversed the previous regimes style of running a closed administration, the NPP government began its term by In addition, journalists have been honored opening up to the media and accrediting with presidential appointments. Elizabeth all segments of the industry to cover Ohene, formerly of the British the presidency: the private media have Broadcasting Corporation, is Minister of Media Relations; veteran Graphic EDITORIAL TEAM been given full access to the Castle, the official seat of government. Sports editor Joe Aggrey is deputy n Baffour Agyeman-Duah Minister for Youth and Sports; Kabral n Audrey Gadzekpo This new openness has been further Blay Amihere, publisher of the n E. Gyimah-Boadi strengthened by the decentralization of Independent and president of the West n Edem Selormey information flow. The President, African Journalists Association, is n Kwesi Yankah Ministers, MPs and party functionaries Ghanas envoy to Sierra Leone; Kwesi have all been readily available to the Biney, editor of the Guide is a District media through press conferences, radio Chief Executive; and Haruna Atta, Democracy Watch is published with funding from publisher of the Accra Mail, is a member the Danish International Development Agency, and television appearances, and press DANIDA Continued on next column E Continued on page 2 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 2 of the National Commission on Culture and the Board of the Indeed, the episode presented a key test of the extent to Tema Oil Refinery (TOR). which officials of the new government were going to tolerate provocations by the media. After all, the manner in which the new NPP government reacts to aggravation from the But government-media relations have not been all rosy. There media is what will set it apart from its illiberal predecessor. have been testy moments. In spite of the enormous goodwill The episode also raised questions about what the media towards President Kufuor the media criticized his visit to was doing to improve its own level of professionalism. rr Togo to participate in the celebration of President Gnassingbe

Eyademas coup as indiscreet and an affront to the 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 democratic forces in that country. The media also rattled his 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 government over reports of harassment of members of the 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890The New Challenges in 1 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 past government by the security agencies. The absence of 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 consultation and public debate before Ghana joined the HIPC Intra-Media Relations Initiative has also received criticisms from the media. And the media has trenchantly criticized the circumstances In further reverberations of the Obestebi-Lamptey and surrounding the governments award of a contract to lift oil Graphic story, Chronicle publisher and editor-in-chief, Mr. from Nigeria to a private company Sahara. These provide Nana Kofi Coomson chastised the Daily Graphic and its positive indications that the media will not shirk its watchdog editor, Mr. Elvis Aryeh in an interview on a local radio responsibility, nor its responsibility to monitor the performance station, for what he described as professional misconduct of the government and to point out its lapses for correction. for not cross checking the Obetsebi-Lamptey story. Mr. Jake versus the Graphic Coomson also said the Minister of Presidential Affairs would be right to sue if the paper did not retract the story. The Perhaps the first major test of tolerance for a government next day, the leading state-owned daily published a full-page considered liberal in its attitude to the press was the editorial under the headline Enough of the filth of Kofi altercation between the Minister for Presidential Affairs, Coomson the crimson pirate. Mr. Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey, and the Daily Graphic over the publication of a Ghana News Agency (GNA) story during The Graphic editorial accused the Chronicle publisher of the Easter period in which the Minority Leader, Mr. Alban unprofessional and unethical behavior in gathering news and Bagbin, accused Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey of a conflict of the use of blackmail and extortion to suppress news stories. interest in the award of contracts to rehabilitate the Castle. The Graphic also claimed to have credible information about Coomsons shameless compromise of the ethics of The threat of libel action against Graphic, GNA and JOY- journalism in pursuit of his greedy motives and cited FM, and the huge amount of damages the Minister demanded instances of Coomson allegedly blackmailing named public from the Graphic in particular, was reminiscent of the officials. unofficial strategy of the NDC to cripple the press through libel actions in which they demanded huge compensations. The most obvious issue to be addressed is the propriety of Considering the fact that the originator of the story was a Mr. Aryeh using an entire page of a publicly-owned credible source the state-owned Ghana News Agency newspaper to launch an attack on a detractor, rather than it was reasonable for the Graphic to have assumed its seeking a rejoinder from the radio program on which he veracity. It seemed unfair on the part of the Minister to was criticized or writing a rebuttal addressing the specific accuse the paper of malice, even if the paper was at first accusations of a lack of professionalism that had been reluctant to retract the story. In the fast and competitive leveled against him and his paper. world of information, common newsroom practice the world over is predicated on the fact that established wire service The incident also highlights the problem that most stories are credible and publishable. newspapers, both state and private, are facing as a result of having been strongly aligned to political camps in the It is encouraging that Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey dropped the past and therefore having compromised their journalistic threat of libel against the media, after both the GNA and the balance and fairness. During much of the PNDC/NDC era Daily Graphic retracted the story and apologized. His professionalism at the Graphic was undermined by constant maturity in reconsidering his decision to sue must be interference from government. commended. To be sure, the paper was regarded by some as hostile to the new government largely because its editor It was especially problematic that Mr. Aryeh doubled as was closely associated with the former NDC government. Rawlings press secretary and editor of the leading state But by directing his anger against the Graphic in particular, daily during much of the PNDC years. With such a history the Minister for Presidential Affairs was likely to be it is understandable that Mr. Aryehs professionalism would perceived as singling out the newspaper. be questioned in a new political dispensation. The challenge posed to the Graphic editor in particular and the newspaper Continued on next column E Continued on page 3E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 3 in general is to rise above the NDC tag and to regain public Journalists who attended the event have denied that they credibility by being seen to be professional and nonpartisan. were given any money. Dr. Wereko-Brobbeys Clearly, catfights with other newspapers are not the way to accusation was even more specific. He claimed that restore public confidence. journalists who had been critical of the Sahara Contract had been bribed to do so. Intra-press battles have a rich history in Ghana and elsewhere and there is nothing inherently wrong in However, like Mr. Aryeh and Mr. Bruce-Quansah, newspapers occasionally slugging it out over differences of Dr. Wereko-Brobbey has failed to substantiate his allegations. opinion. But the most serious fallout from the Aryeh- Thus, all three men missed an opportunity to act in the public Coomson fight is the GJAs handling of the dispute. Like interest. It is instructive to note that when he was invited by Aryeh, Kofi Coomson is a well-respected senior journalist the GJA Ethics Committee to provide them with more who through his crusading and investigative journalism has information about the matter, Dr. Wereko-Brobbey appears become enormously influential. Not only is the Chronicle to have based his refusal to divulge information on the fact the leading private political newspaper in the country, Mr. that the Ethics Committee had failed to compel Elvis Aryeh Coomson is president of the Private Newspaper Publishers to divulge information about his own allegations of corruption. Association (PRINPAG). The incident had far-reaching implications not only for the editor-in-chief and his newspaper It is incumbent upon citizens and especially incumbent upon but the profession as a whole. Mr. Aryeh owed an obligation public officials who claim to have knowledge of corruption to his profession, the Ghanaian public and Mr. Coomson to have an obligation to help uncover corruption. Dr. Wereko- substantiate the accusation of corruption. Mr. Coomson, Brobbey may well have refused to be cooperative as a way the Chronicle editor-in-chief, deserved to have his good of protesting against the GJAs uneven-handedness. Just as name and professional reputation fully cleared by the peeved the Aryeh-Coomson case, the Ethics Committee appeared editor of the Graphic. to have bungled the public relations job by failing to effectively communicate the underlying principles it was operating under The Ghana Journalists Association (GJA) appears to have and therefore the reasons behind its ruling on Dr. Wereko- done the right thing by intervening through its Ethics Brobbeys allegations of corruption against journalists. Committee and thereby moderating the Aryeh-Coomson public blowout. But its methods were highly inadequate. Like all internal ethical structures, the GJA Ethics Committee While both Mr. Coomson and Mr. Aryeh agreed to appear is accountable first to the GJA and not directly to the public. before the Committee, the outcome was unsatisfactory But considering the unique position of the media and the mostly because Mr. Aryeh refused to substantiate his publics stake in free expression of which media freedoms allegations and Mr. Coomson declined to press the matter. are but an extension, it is important that they appear The inability of the GJA and its Ethics Committee to transparent, accountable, fair and balanced. If the image of sanction the journalists or to properly explain why a matter the profession is to be improved the Ethics Committee and in which there was so much public interest could not be the GJA must be seen as capable of and willing to exact taken further created an impression that a deal had been exemplary behavior from journalists. Indeed it behooves struck behind the scenes and that the GJA was unwilling to the GJA and the National Media Commission (the subject its members to the same litmus test that public officials constitutional body charged with ensuring high standards of are constantly being put to. This perception was further fueled journalism in the country) to be proactive in their approach by rumors that the GJA hierarchy had pressured the two to this mandate by investigating, without being prompted, senior journalists to seek amicable settlement in private, serious allegations of malfeasance in the media industry.rr possibly at the expense of full accountability and transparency. 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012

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If the image of the profession is to 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901The Stadium Disaster and 2 be improved the Ethics Committee 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 and the GJA must be seen as Other Fallouts capable of and willing to exact exemplary behavior from journalists. One of the worst disasters in Ghanaian history occurred Journalism in Ghana has for a long time operated under on 9 May 2001 when 126 fans died and many others suffered a cloud of unsubstantiated allegations of corruption. Aside injuries following a midweek match between Accra Hearts the Aryeh-Coomson problem, the profession has been of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko football clubs at the recently bruised by pronouncements by Lionel Bruce- Accra Sports Stadium. Immediately following the news of Quansah, editor of the Ghanaian Democrat and Dr. the tragedy, ministers of state rushed to the health centers Charles Wereko-Brobbey, now Chief Executive of the where the dead and injured had been sent, while doctors Volta River Authority. Mr. Bruce-Quansah claims AGC and nurses, urged on by radio stations, rushed over to hospitals Chief Executive Sam Jonah gave journalists 500,000 cedis to volunteer their services. The full impact of the tragedy early this year at a press fete attended by the President. was vividly captured by the sight of a Deputy Minister of Continued on next columnE Continued on page 4E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 4 State who cried uncontrollably as he appeared on national of enquiry. television to express the governments condolences to This display of official concern notwithstanding, chaos bereaved families. erupted at Nima where a sizable number of the dead had come from. There were violent demonstrations resulting in For many Ghanaians Black Wednesday, as the tragic day the destruction of property. This was given a political twist has been dubbed, raised troubling questions about football when the angry youth destroyed paintings of President hooliganism, policing and crowd control. The professionalism Kufuor. One more political thread was woven into the of the police has been questioned for overreacting to tapestry of the pandemonium when an NDC parliamentarian hooligans. Tear gas was thrown into the stands and ex-minister was invited by the Bureau of National indiscriminately when a handful of football hooligans began Investigations (BNI), allegedly for inciting the antigovernment ripping plastic chairs. A few months earlier during an outbursts. international match at the same venue, the police had in a similar manner fired tear gas into the crowd, some of which Probably a positive fall out from the stadium disaster was went into the presidential box. Had lessons been drawn from the establishment of a Commission of Enquiry. The that near-disaster and appropriate steps taken to adopt better Commission chaired by a prominent lawyer - Mr. Sam methods of crowd control, this national tragedy could have Okudzeto was tasked with investigating the circumstances been avoided. surrounding the tragedy, making recommendations on how to prevent a recurrence, and assessing the countrys The inability of so many football fans to escape from the preparedness to deal with such emergencies and disasters. stadium calls into question whether contractors had observed The legal standing of the Commission was however safety codes and whether those responsible for the stadium questioned on the grounds that its mandate breached the had inspected and ensured that they had. Even more Constitution; some questioned its composition for the importantly, it calls to question why gates at the lower end overrepresentation of lawyers and the absence of safety of the stand remained locked and whether proper fire and design engineers or soccer fanatics. These reservations not safety codes are observed in public places. Questions have withstanding, the Okudzeto Commission presented a good also been raised about the ease with which the chairs were opportunity to conduct an in-depth probe into the disaster ripped out of the stand. The public quickly recalled the and to come out with findings that would facilitate the controversy over the quality of work done as well as the development of comprehensive and democracy-friendly manner of awarding contracts for the renovation of the interventions. The question is where are the findings of the stadium last year. Commission?rr

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The tragedy also highlighted another major problem in Ghana 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 today: low levels of public confidence in the police. Blaming 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789The New Council crude police crowd control measures for the stadium disaster, sections of the public vented their anger at the personnel of of State that Service. Police officers felt unsafe everywhere and in some instances, they were compelled to abandon official duty posts incognito to avoid being harassed. This profound The new Council of State was sworn into office in June, anger at the police prompted the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to appear on national television to render an apology easing the constitutional difficulties that characterized the to the nation on behalf of the Service. Presidents appointments prior to that date. The new Council,

Finally, the May 9 Stadium Disaster exposed the shameful .....exclusion of younger people from the Council absence of a coordinated and effective multi-sectoral disaster gives it the appearance of a gerontocracy. prevention and management mechanism. While it was commendable that taxis and private vehicles were instantly converted into ambulances, the situation highlighted the fact now duly composed, makes it possible for the President to that Ghana has no ambulance service and exposed the fulfill the numerous constitutional obligations that are precarious state of the nations medical emergency services. contingent upon having a Council in place. The composition of this 25-member body raises the prospects that the Council Altogether, the Kufuor government demonstrated a deep of State will live up to the expectation of the framers of the sense of responsibility and empathy - canceling a scheduled 1992 Constitution and Ghanaians by helping to moderate overseas trip, throwing itself into the mobilization of relief the partisan and populist impulses of the President and the assistance, declaring three days of national mourning, government at large. The President has appointed individuals offering to absorb the full cost of medical expenses of the with significant personal accomplishments and well-deserved injured, donating ¢300 million worth of drugs to the health reputations for outspokenness. The appointment of such centers, organizing an interdenominational funeral service, respectable and highly independent-minded personalities as and most importantly, establishing a five-member commission Prof. Alex Kwapong, Prof. Adu Boahen and Mrs. Emma Continued on next columnE Continued on page 5 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 5 Mitchell (whose departure from the NDC government President Kufuor also alluded to the anticorruption policy when reportedly had something to do with ex-President Rawlings he swore in newly appointed deputy ministers. He told them physical assault on his vice-president, Kow Arkaah) is to be conscious of the fact that a day of accountability awaited reassuring. It is difficult to see such a body becoming the them. According to the President, the sight of former office sycophantic, errand boy version of what its immediate holders appearing before the law courts should serve as a predecessor was often perceived to have been. constant reminder that in all that we do, there will be a day of accountability. It is also edifying that the present Council, though predominantly Danquah-Busiaist, includes individuals from With the possible exception of the former sports minister, no the other political traditions such as Mr. Kwesi Armah, a major acts of corruption have been reported against members CPP elder statesman, and Mrs. Emma Mitchell, ex-minister of the Kufuor administration so far, but a number of in the NDC government. By reaching out of his immediate governmental actions in the area of public procurement have political circles to make these appointments to the Council, been questioned for lacking transparency. The contract for the President gave a positive affirmation of his commitment the renovation works at The Castle, for example, raised to an all-inclusive government. eyebrows, especially since the contractor who received the award was reportedly part of the NPP advertising campaign The presence of traditional rulers on the Council is not new. team during the elections. Governments explanation that But it is significant that two of the appointed, and three of the selective bidding process was adopted in the award of the elected members of the new Council are traditional this contract might have been passable, but it failed to address rulers. That would seem to indicate that Ghanaians perceive the concern that such a procedure was susceptible to abuse. the Council as something of an Upper Chamber and the embodiment of the dignified aspects of government, as the Committee of Experts who developed the framework of .....official reactions to the accusation of the 1992 Constitution had envisaged. On the other hand, it impropriety highlight a pervasive reflects the prevalence of a political culture that values poor sensitivity to issues of actual and potential conflict of interest. authority over meritocracy.

There is also commendable ethnic diversity on the Council, The payment by an anonymous Kumasi-based businessman both the elected regional members and the appointed of 41 million cedis to the state to defray the cost of extension members. However, exclusion of younger people from works on the Presidents private residence also raises similar the Council gives it the appearance of a gerontocracy. rr concerns. The donation was apparently provoked by a desire to silence the critics of the government who unfairly described

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 the rehabilitation works on the Presidents private residence 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 as self-serving and unnecessary, and who argued implausibly 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678Zero Tolerance for 9 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 that the President could conveniently live at the State House 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 Corruption where he currently has his office, pending the completion of the renovations at The Castle, the official residence.

The New Patriotic Party made the fight against The gesture might have been purely altruistic and it appeared corruption one of its campaign promises and the partys to have enjoyed a high degree of public acceptance. victory was an expression of the electorates distaste for However, it left behind questions of real motivation and corruption and a desire to see a new era of probity, what may be done in camera to repay this favor to the transparency and accountability in the conduct of public President. The gesture and official reactions to the accusation affairs. Against the background of alleged massive of impropriety highlight a pervasive poor sensitivity to issues corruption in the previous NDC government, President John of actual and potential conflict of interest. Governments Kufuors inaugural declaration on January 7, 2001 that his refusal to reveal the identity of the donor fueled the administration would have zero tolerance for corruption controversy and generated further criticism that it lacked was well received by the general public. transparency. It abridged transparency which is essential for the implementation of the fine policy of zero tolerance for Undoubtedly, the standards set by President Kufuor will corruption. be used to assess his governments performance. So far the President and his ministers have given strong indications The contentious contract for Sahara Energy Resources, a of their commitment to the zero corruption policy. Nigerian company, to lift oil to Ghana marked yet another Opening the Fifth National Governance Workshop Vice test of the zero tolerance policy. Criticism mounted over President Aliu Mahama said Ghanaians could count on the the fact that the contract was not put to open tender and that NPP Government to put the anticorruption crusade on top the companys Ghanaian agent is reported to be closely of the agenda and to open itself up to scrutiny as elected associated with the NPP. The management service for the public officers accountable to the good people of Ghana. lifting was also questioned. Until 1994 oil lifting had been performed by the Ghana National Petroleum Company Continued on next column E Continued on page 6 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 6 (GNPC), and as some critics pointed out, if the assignment Eight days earlier, the nomination of Alhaji Moctar Bamba, had been entrusted to officials of the Ghana High Commission Member for Wenchi East, as Deputy Minister for in Nigeria the $2.5 million a year management fee would Presidential Affairs, had been approved only after a raucous have been saved. For not submitting the contract agreement debate over his inability to produce an accountancy to Parliament for ratification, the government also was certificate he claims to possess. His reason was that the criticized. certificate had been destroyed in a fire. Moreover, the awarding institution was defunct. The Minority, who claimed Not surprisingly, the opposition NDC party and sections of the Member was not telling the truth, also pointed out that the media have dismissed the explanations by Government at the time Alhaji Bamba said he was a student at the Institute spokespersons as unacceptable and lacking in candor. of Professional Studies in Accra, he was actually in Nigeria. Moreover, the Minister of Energy was forced to make a statement in Parliament when the issue was formally raised there by the NDC. Not satisfied, the NDC took a further The case of Mr. Osei Kufuor suggests that little has changed in the partisan character step of going to court to seek an order to compel the of the Parliament of the 4th Republic Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) to probe the Sahara Contract. Though the suit was eventually withdrawn, the issue has continued to be The withdrawal of Mr. Osei Kufuors nomination was not the debated in the public domain. first time in the history of the Fourth Republic Parliament that a nomination had been withdrawn. In 1997 during the second The NPP government may have been justified in rejecting Parliament three nominees by the NDC government were the calls for a probe into the Sahara affair. After all, this is withdrawn. One nominee, Mr. Collins Agyarko Nti, a former only a one-year contract, signed under emergency Deputy Majority Whip had stated on his curriculum vitae that conditions and when the government was very new in office. he held a B.Sc. degree from the Kwame Nkrumah University But an apology and a promise to be more scrupulous in the of Science and Technology, Kumasi, which he did not have. award of future oil lifting contracts would have given a better In the case of another, Mr. J E A Ackah, MP for Jomoro, his indication of a full commitment to abide by the creed of constituents petitioned the Committee that he had not been zero-tolerance for corruption. rr able to account for some funds meant for development projects. Investigations later established that he had refunded the money. 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 There was also the case of Mr. Ekow Spio Garbrah, former 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 Minister of Education and Ambassador to the United States, 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 who in 1993 was disqualified from becoming a minister on the Procedures grounds that he had not registered as a voter.

The Appointments Committee has the powers of a High Court to summon witnesses to give evidence or produce documents Just before Parliament rose for recess after its second that are germane to its work. Yet, it has failed on many occasions meeting of the year, Mr. Benjamin Osei Kufuor, Member to summon institutions or persons to produce information about for Asunafo North, nominated for approval as Deputy nominees against whom allegations have been made or been Minister of Lands, Mines and Forestry, requested that the reluctant to investigate claims against nominees. President withdraw his nomination. The request came after days of contentious debate in the House on the report of the In 1997, for example, Dr. Tony Aidoo, former Deputy Minister Appointments Committee that had vetted him earlier. To of Defense and Mr. Samuel Ofosu Ampofo, former Deputy further frustrate the NPPs plan to approve the nomination Eastern Regional Minister, were approved without much effort using their thin majority, the minority NDC MPs stayed away to investigate or ascertain the veracity of accusations against from the Chamber to deny the House the quorum to do them. When Mr. J.H. Mensah, then Minority Leader, requested business. that the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Ken Dzirasah, who is now Second Deputy Speaker, summon the record of service Mr. Osei Kufuors decision to withdraw was the culmination of Dr. Aidoo from the University of Cape Coast, the request of a controversy that began at his vetting. His suitability for was refused. Mr. Dzirasah explained that the Committee had the position of Deputy Minister was questioned by Mr. Asiedu no information to warrant that action. Similarly, the Committee Nketia (NDC Wenchi West), who produced evidence rejected calls to investigate allegations against Mr. Ofosu suggesting that the nominee had been dismissed by his former Ampofo. The case of Mr. Osei Kufuor (who voluntarily employer, Mim Timber Company, for stealing. Despite this withdrew himself from consideration) and Alhaji Bamba the Appointments Committee, with its NPP majority, suggest that little has changed in the partisan character of the th proceeded to recommend him for approval by the full House Parliament of the 4 Republic and that the House is still of Parliament. hamstrung a reluctance to assert its collective authority when the need arises. rr

Continued on next column E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 7

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 NPP MP and other critical functionaries of the party. Letters 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567DCE Confirmation Battles: 8 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 protest his appointment. Confirmation battles in the Central 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 Democratic Progress of Region included the Komenda Edina Eguafo Abirem (KEEA) and Cape Coast Municipal assemblies. The KEEA Partisan Issues nomination, for instance, was described as lopsided.

Indications that the youth of the ruling party felt they had a right to input into the process were also underscored in places In January 2001, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) was voted such as Dormaa East and Atebubu South. In Jirapa- into power in Ghana. In spite of the legal requirement for Lambussie in the Upper West Region, the presidents district assemblies to be nonpartisan, the events that followed nominee was endorsed only after audible protests. The threw local government into some disarray. Within two Greater Accra Region continued to have its share of months of the NPP taking office, District Chief Executives difficulties with Mr. Quartey-Papafio being presented as (DCEs) and government appointed members of the DCE for Ga District despite protests by NPP executives assemblies had been withdrawn on the basis that they were that his nomination smacked of nepotism. not appointed by the NPP government and therefore, could not be said to be its representatives. Troubles persisted in East Akim until late July when the Ghanaian Times reported that voting on the Presidents Indeed, the DCEs of the previous regime had protected the nominee had to be postponed indefinitely because of an interests of the NDC government in their efforts to be the exchange of gunfire. Some chiefs and local opinion leaders chief representative of the central government in the district raised the issue of equitable representation of the traditional (Act 462 Section 20 d). Pro-NDC appointees such as councils/geographical areas in the district. For some of them, members of the 31st December Women Movement had filled Kibi had had enough glory through the Member of Parliament quotas for special interest groups by taking advantage of the and representation on the Council of State. It was therefore law which provides for the removal of appointed members only fair that the DCE should come from somewhere else in at the Presidents discretion (Act 462 Article 9, 6). By this the district. action, over two-thirds of presiding members (PMs) were also affected. There were interesting cases in the Western Region also. In Ahanta West, newspaper reports indicated that the regional In March 2001, following the defeat of the NDC the tedious minister accused assembly members of having received process of replacing these functionaries began. Since a DCE bribes not to endorse the candidate. Observers suggested a has to have the approval of not less than two-thirds of the simpler reason: that Mr. Kwesi Biney, the governments members of the assembly present and voting at the meeting nominee, was not sufficiently well known in the district. (Act 462, Article 20, 1), efforts were made to put government appointees in place. Without a friendly assembly a DCE The same regional minister made equally serious allegations could be at the mercy of elected members who could prove in the case of Jomoro when in July he accused NPP officials difficult. in the region of blocking the appointment of a DCE because the latter would uncover their deals in fuel distribution in the However, the foretaste of battles to come began when PMs district. Earlier, the Chronicle of June 4 had attributed the had to be elected by their peers. This was seen as critical failure of a nominee, Mr. Peter Nwanwah, to get through since a PM manages the meeting to approve the presidents because of NDC dominance in the Jomoro Assembly. An nominee for DCE. interesting appointment across party lines was that of the Hon. Kojo Armah for Nzema East (the previous CPP The Ghanaian media relayed accounts of these lesser battles Member of Parliament for the Evalue Dwira Constituency with reports in the March and April, 2001 editions of the who had lost the 2000 elections). While his nomination could Daily Graphic, Ghanaian Times and the Chronicle. The have been indicative of negotiations or trade-offs between reading public shared the difficulties of the Assin, Kumasi parties, the local party activists felt disappointed since they Metro, Tema Municipal, Bawku East, Fanteakwa and Kpando were under the impression that their candidate would have assemblies in selecting a PM (amongst others). As at June been given first consideration. The Hon. Ex-MP was not 2001, PMs in the Greater Accra and Tema metropolitan areas even on their shortlist. had not been elected. Indeed, Chief Executives had been nominated and approved by assemblies in their absence. There was relative lack of conflict about DCEs nomination and confirmation in the Volta Region. There, two-thirds of One of the first indications that NPP party activists wanted PMs had not been affected by the removals since they were to be involved in the selection of DCEs came from Tema elected. The minimal dissension could have been due to two where Mr. Daniel Quayes nomination was opposed by the things: the inaction of NPP support groups in that region or

Continued on next column E Continued on next page E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 8

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 the NPP was in government, anyway. There are 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 suggestions that in a few places, the inability to choose a 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345Ripples from the June 6 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 DCE was due to an interparty fallout. The case of West Fourth Boom Mamprusi, for instance, was attributed to the failure of the NPP to return the favor the Peoples National Convention (PNC) had done them by providing support Since June 4, 1979 when fellow army officers rescued for the NPP in the second round of presidential voting. Fl. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings from jail in a bloody military take over, June 4th has been celebrated as a public holiday. On It is clear from these events that even though the law each anniversary Ghanaians were reminded of the principles categorically requires non-partisanship in local of peoples power, grass-roots democracy, probity, government, NPP supporters like their NDC accountability and transparency that formed the rationale predecessors ignored the law in the DCE selection behind the revolution. But the controversial date also process. Where there were confirmation battles, it was represented for many Ghanaians gross human rights more intra-party conflict (and a failure of the function of violations, including indiscriminate confiscation of assets, mechanism for consultation) than an interparty one. organized and large-scale public stripping and whipping of Regional ministers had played varying roles ranging from women, extrajudicial killings, untold brutalities, and gross overt involvement in the process to restricted guidance. illegalities.

Apart from the tensions and the slow down in local level By the stroke of Parliaments pen on June 3, 2001 the governance activities, the confirmation battles may not infamous day was extirpated as a public holiday, throwing necessarily have been a bad thing. The notion that local into frenzy its chief proponent and beneficiary, former groups can organize, protest that their interests have not President Jerry Rawlings. Only days earlier, the NDC had been taken account of, and force a certain amount of vehemently protested the planned excision of June 4th from balance provides an increasing check on the actions of the national calendar of holidays. Minority Chief Whip Mr. more powerful actors. These conflicts brought the Doe Adjaho defended the retention of June 4th for its concerns into a wider domain, provoked comment and principles; the governing NPP promoted its scrapping for more caution on the part of the power brokers. the inherent illegality and the cruelty of annually celebrating an event that brought painful memories, degradation and It is clear from these events humiliation to thousands of Ghanaians. The NDC members that even though the law categorically of Parliament boycotted the proceedings; the NPP lawmakers requires non-partisanship in local who are in the majority went ahead and tossed the holiday government, NPP supporters like their overboard. NDC predecessors ignored the law in the DCE selection process. Mr. Rawlings outbursts were crude and outrageous, but the reactions of some key Whatever good reason the appointing authority may have government officials and had, the battles also point to the need for consistency in pro-government organizations internal democracy within the party. After encouraging local were also undemocratic. party activists to submit lists of preferred candidates, the nominating/appointing authority should have adequately At a public lecture the next day to mark the 22nd explained why these names were rejected and other action anniversary of the revolution that brought into power taken. the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council, the former President who was in the fifth month of his post- The pool of people with experience in local government presidency adjustment process, dropped all elementary has grown with the new appointments and therefore, the rules of protocol and gave a rumbling condemnation of capacity to monitor the assemblies and promote local good the NPP government. Mr. Rawlings chastised the Kufuor governance has increased. Government for expunging June 4th from the nations calendar as a public holiday, showed utter discourtesy To some extent, the battles have also crystallized the parties toward the President and called two high-ranking officials at the district level. Where the NPP and to some extent, of the new NPP Government the Minister of Foreign the other parties had been inactive in the past or their growth Affairs Hackman Owusu-Agyeman, and the Minister for stunted at the local level, there is now room to grow and Media Relations Elizabeth Ohene liars. The former deepen the level of democratic activity at the grassroots. president also exhorted a spirit of defiance among his rr supporters, whom he urged to defy authorities at their 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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Mr. Rawlings outbursts were crude and outrageous, but confirm the commonsensical notion that state-sponsored the reactions of some key government officials and pro- NGOs are non-sustainable and make a net negative government organizations were also undemocratic. Mr. contribution to democratic institution building and the Owusu-Agyeman and Ms. Ohene appeared to have entrenchment of core values of fair play, self-reliance and abandoned all decorum and shot back with equal venom. accountability. Government organized NGOs (Go-NGOs) The former threatened to exercise the power he alone has are bad for democracy; they are inherently fly-by-night in Ghana: to withdraw all privileges and benefits accorded organizations that congest the social and political space for the former President if he did not behave himself; the latter the development of a viable civil society. It is not clear called the Rawlings a dzimapkla, a derogatory Ewe term whether the recently formed CDD is a Go-NGO. But the connoting bad upbringing and lack of manners. new NPP government and democracy watchers must be wary of groups such as Friends of Kufuor, Danquah-Busia The decision by the former Deputy Minister of Defence Dr. Club and the like becoming sources of financial drain on the Tony Aidoo to join the fray by taking to the airwaves and state purse, congesting legitimate social and political debating calling the Minister of Foreign Affairs a buffoon and a liar and organizational space, as well as complicating local proved highly provocative. It triggered a synchronous uproar governance issues. The total silence of the CDD since the of condemnation in the media, the listening and reading public, demonstration is telling. Another worrying aspect of the and the new political leadership that was noticeable for its CDD demonstration is its foreclosure of freedom of inappropriate tone and dangerous political posturing a expression. Calling on former President Rawlings and Dr. condemnation that was both strident and frightening. Tony Aidoo to shut up is antidemocratic and anti-libertarian. It is quintessentially an attack on free speech generally. To Amidst the condemnations and the clamor for a ceasefire be sure, what is warranted in our country is the exercise of emerged a hitherto unknown NGO calling itself Coalition free and responsible speech. Voices of dissent have as much for the Defense of Democracy (CDD) that called for a validity as any other in a democracy. Shouting down the national protest demonstration against former President opposition is an old tactic in political debating, but it is equally Rawlings. Tens of thousands of ordinary people joined the an old enemy to democracy. The tyranny of the majority is march, some of them having traveled long distances. Led still tyranny. The saying of Voltaire: I disagree with what by individuals who claimed to be victims of gross human you have to say, but I will defend to the last drop of my rights violations under the Rawlings regime, the protesters blood your right to say it should guide responsible debates rebuffed the entreaties of the Minister for Presidential Affairs, in a democracy.rr Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey, acting on the instructions of the

President, to call off the demonstration in the interest of 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 of Rawlings might organize a counter-demonstration that 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789Ban on Drumming: would probably result in clashes and violence. In the end, A Recurrent Ritual? the fears did not materialize and much of the hot air blew over. He who fights and runs away, lives to fight another Shouting down the opposition is an day, one of the most memorable and timeless refrains old tactic in political debating, but it is equally an old enemy to democracy. from Reggae superstar Bob Marley, can be applied to The tyranny of the majority is still tyranny. the contention over the annual ban on drumming in the City of Accra. In May-June 1999, when matters reached a head between traditionalists and Pentecostal Christian The emergence of the CDD was reminiscent of the strategic groups over the issue the government simply pretended and thunderbolt arrival, during particular political moments the problem did not exist. Amidst the deafening silence in the Rawlings era, of some so-called NGOs such as the of the NDC government, some constitutional and Liberated Nkrumahist Brigade, the Veranda Boys and Girls statutory bodies did what officialdom in Ghana knows Clubs, Friends of Attah-Mills, Atta-Mills Fan Club and how to do well: they called for peace and calm and numerous other progressive organizations. Some of these mutual understanding. NGOs were government-organized, with serious cross- fertilization in their memberships and leaderships. Indeed, Predictably, the calls went unheeded and violence broke leaders of some of the NGOs learned of their status only at out. The Ga traditionalists were bent on enforcing a ban press conferences organized for them by the state. Some of on noisemaking in parts of Accra during the holy month them had dubious and non-sustainable objectives and funding of May that preceded the Homowo festival. Some sources. It is also instructive that all the groups have virtually charismatic churches in the capital saw the ban as an disappeared from the current political landscape since January infringement on their right to freedom of expression and 7, 2001. Their disappearance as well as the muteness of the worship. The government did little to diffuse the st more broad-based 31 December Womens Movement escalating conflict. Continued on next column E Continued on page 10 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 10 Not surprisingly, the conflict flared up even more Notwithstanding the above dilemmas, a draft bill on National intensely this year with violent confrontations in some places Reconciliation has been placed before Parliament. This of Christian worship. To enforce the ban, some churches provides a golden opportunity for Ghanaians to join in the were targeted and attacked by the traditionalists; the Christ deliberations and debates on the matter and to help in the Apostolic Church in Osu was the target of the most vicious development of a framework that would foster genuine and enforcement attack. It is also significant that this time sustainable national reconciliation and unity. around, vigilantes entered some churches and preemptively destroyed drum sets and other musical equipment that were In the meantime, the Declaration of the International not in use at the time of the attack. Indeed, the targets for Conference on National Reconciliation in Ghana in June enforcement appeared to be highly subjective and selective. this year offers useful suggestions that points the way It seemed that noise making was not the sole criterion for forward towards such an outcome. The Conference the attacks; several noisy churches were spared the participants declared unanimously that: ordeal. § There is the need for the establishment of a national The attacks on the churches were as unfortunate as they truth and reconciliation commission to reconcile the were illegal; they were acts of lawlessness that cannot be difficult past of the country. condoned. But the traditional ban aside, the city also has § There should be full public involvement in defining a code on noisemaking. Residents of Accra are constantly the mandate and powers of the Commission. subjected to excessive noisemaking by churches that scream § There should be ardent public education on every prayers and supplication, vendors who blast loud speakers aspect of the reconciliation process. and motorists, particularly impatient taxi and truck drivers § The mandate of the Commission be framed to who toot their horns for fun. Who enforces the code? guarantee and ensure the independence of the Commission. It is encouraging that a Parliamentary Committee has been § There should be full consultation with stakeholders setup to review the perennial conflict over the ban on in particular the civil societies in the selection of drumming and to explore ways toward a lasting solution. commission members. The Committee should consult widely and involve all relevant § The members of the Commission should be stakeholders in the search for an amicable solution. persons who command respect across the board in Hopefully, this should happen before the next years the country to guarantee its credibility and public Homowo celebration. In the meantime, the City of Accra confidence. should also seek ways to enforce its code on § The notion of justice, rehabilitation and reparation noisemaking.rr must be considered carefully in order to unify the nation rather than divide it.

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 considered to arrive at a consensus acceptable to 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890Towards National Reconciliation 1 Ghanaians and in conformity with the prevailing 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 international norms. § The time frame for examining cases of abuse and As Ghana continues to celebrate its recent democratic injustice should not be too restrictive to be construed as overly selective and targeting people. It was transition, Ghanaians appear eager to put behind them the agreed that the time frame for the Commissions past of politically motivated injustices and egregious human work should be from 6 March 1957 to 6 January rights. There is growing recognition of the fact that a 1993. However, the government should involve the silenced past may lead to bitterness and simmering conflict; Ghanaian public in the debate with the aim of arriving and genuine reconciliation and national recovery may not at a practical time frame for the Commissions work. be possible without coming to terms with the crimes of the § To achieve transparency, the proceedings of the past. Commission should be open to the public. But in a politically polarized context today, a national § There should be the Political Will and a mechanism reconciliation initiative is bound to generate controversy. As to implement the Commissions recommendations. an initiative of the new NPP government, it was likely to be § The work of the Commission, the publicity it perceived by the former ruling party, the NDC, (with organic engenders, and the education it provides should antecedents in the past regimes of Flight Lieutenant Jerry inform and facilitate the establishment of institutions Rawlings) as an assault on its record and its leadership. It is and the strengthening of existing ones to guard also likely to arouse genuine concerns that the process would against human right abuses and ensure that the rule rake up unnecessary bitterness and memories that are better of law prevails at all times. rr left buried.

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234 Dr. Agyenim Boateng, a visiting Kentucky-based Attorney led a 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123FOR THE SECOND AND THIRD 4 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234 round table discussion on The Ghanaian Judiciary and the 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234 of Ghana, Justice E. A. Aikins Chaired the discussion that was attended by over 26 participants. April 12

Dr. Paul Nugent of the University of Edinburgh, England led a July 10 discussion on the topic Winning and Losing: The lessons of the 2000 Elections. The discussion reviewed the performance Prof. Gwendolyn Mikell of the Georgetown University, USA and of candidates and parties in the presidential and parliamentary member, Council on Foreign Affairs led a round table discussion elections in December 2000. The program was Chaired by on The Bush Administrations Africa Policy: A New Approach? Mr. Justice V. C. R. A. C Crabbe, a retired Chief Justice of the Her presentation generated discussions on pertinent issues in Supreme Court. the Bush Administrations foreign policy on Africa. Hon. Kwabena Okerchiri Adusa, Chairperson, Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs. Forty five people attended the function. May 18-20 . The Center organized a 3-day seminar at the Volta Hotel, August 9 Akosombo on the role of the military in a constitutional democracy. It was aimed at bringing together senior officers of the Ghana A one-day seminar on Conflict, Peace and Reconciliation was Armed Forces to assess their role in Ghanas democracy. Five organized for members of the Ghana Network of Peace major presentations were delivered by military experts from Ghana organizations (GHANEPO). Prof. Nii Ashie Kotei of the University and the US. of Ghana and Dr. Baffour Agyeman-Duah were the main presenters. Thirty participants took part in the discussions.

May June August 22 The Center conducted a nationwide opinion survey on National Reconciliation in Ghana. Prof. Gyimah Boadi presented the Professor Mike Ocquaye chaired a round table discussion on findings of the study at an international conference on Democracy and Conflicts in Africa. Prof. Richard Joseph, from reconciliation that subsequently took place in Accra on June 21. Emory University and Prof Edmund Keller of the University of California, Los Angeles, both in the USA made presentations on the subject. Fifty-five people from parliament, academia, police June 19 service, the military, civil society, the media, opinion leaders and diplomatic/donor community took part in the discussions. As part of CDD-Ghanas ongoing Afrobaromter project , the Center organized a one-day outreach workshop for media practitioners August 31 to review findings in an Afrobarometer Opinion Survey on Popular Attitudes Towards the Media in Ghana. Mr. Jon Temin, a Fulbright A roundtable discussion on Maintaining Internal Security in a fellow on internship with the Center presented the survey report. Constitutional Democracy was held at the Center. It attracted 55 More than 30 participants drawn from all sections of the media participants from the security services, civil society and academia. made a lively critique of the report. Dr. Bonnah Koomson of the The lead resource persons were: Mr. Sam Awortwi, Commissioner School of Communication Studies chaired the workshop. of Police and Chief Supt. Kofi Boakye drawn. The discussion was chaired by Hon. Darko-Mensah, Chairman, Committee on Defense and Interior of Parliament. June 20-21 September 7 The Center organized an international conference on the theme National Reconciliation: International Perspectives in Accra. The Center in collaboration with the District Assembly of the Ahanta The conference was aimed at setting the agenda for discussions West, Western Region organized a one-day seminar for 28 traditional on the proposed reconciliation program. Resource persons rulers and 20 public officials on Conflict Management in Land included, Dr. Alex Boraine, deputy chair, South African Truth administration. Two main presentations were made: Overview of Commission and president of the International Center for Conflicts in the Ghanaian Society by Dr. Baffour Agyeman-Duah and Transitional Justice. The guest speaker was the Attorney General Preventing Conflict in Land Management by Dr. W. Odame-Larbi, Nana Akuffo Addo. The Speaker of Parliament Rt. Hon. Peter Ala Executive-Secretary, Lands Commission, Accra. Mr. Kwesi Biney, the Adjettey chaired the opening session of the conference. DCE gave the opening remarks while the Presiding Member of the Assembly chaired the seminar.

June 27 September 1 September 13 A subregional seminar on Crime and Security in the West African The Center organized a series of forums on civil-military relations Subregion came off at the Golden Tulip Hotel in Accra. It brought in Kumasi, Sunyani, Tamale, Ho and Sekondi-Takoradi where together security intelligence experts from Ghana, Guinea, Sierra Leone garrisons of the Ghana Armed Forces exist. A team of military and Togo. Hon. Yaw Barimah, Deputy Minister for Interior chaired the officers, Human rights experts and officials from the Center led seminar while Mr. Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey, Minister for Presidential the discussions for the large audiences at each of the centers. Affairs and Chief of Staff gave the opening remarks. The main About 1,500 participants made up of soldiers, civic society presenters were Mr. K.B. Quantson, a former director of the BNI, representatives and community opinion leaders attended the Commissioner of Police and Executive Secretary, Narcotics Control forums. Board, and Mrs. Suzanne Soukoude, Ghana-Togo Border Demarcation Committee, Lome-Togo. Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 12

The Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-GHANA) 14 Airport West Residential Area P.O.Box 404, Legon Accra-GHANA

Phone: 233-21 776142/ 763029 / 784293 /4 Fax: 233 21 763028 e-mail: [email protected] Website:www.CDD-GHANA.org The Ghana Center for Democratic Development, CDD-Ghana is CDD-GHANA Publications an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit organization based in Accra, Ghana. It is dedicated to the promotion of democracy, good governance and the development of liberal economic environment in Ghana in particular and Africa in general. In so doing, CDD-Ghana seeks to foster the ideals of society and n Briefing Paper Vol. 1 Nos.1- 4 government based on the rule of law and integrity in public n Briefing Paper Vol. 2 Nos 1- 4 administration. n Briefing Paper Vol. 3 Nos 1- 2 n Critical Perspectives Nos.1- 6 n CDD Research Papers Nos.1- 9 n Conference Proceedings Nos. 1-5 Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 2&3 April-September 2001 13