Winding Down the Angolan
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Naveed Bork Memorial Tournament: Tippecanoe and Tejas
Naveed Bork Memorial Tournament: Tippecanoe and Tejas Too By Will Alston, with contributions from Itamar Naveh-Benjamin and Benji Nguyen, but not Joey Goldman Packet 3 1. A sculpture from this modern-day country found at a site called Alcudia is often interpreted as a bust of the goddess Tanit. Ephorus of Cyme described a magnificent harbor city found in this modern- day country called Tartessos. During the Iron Age, this modern-day country contained the southernmost expansion of the Halstatt culture. Models of the gladius made from the 3rd century BC onward were copied from designs from this country which, with Ireland, contained the most speakers of (*) Q-Celtic languages. The Roman-owned portions of this modern-day country were divided into portions named “Citerior” and “Ulterior” until a series of conquests that included the Cantabrian and Numantine Wars. Ancient settlements in this modern-day country include Saguntum and Carthago Nova. For 10 points, name this modern-day country where most Celtiberians lived. ANSWER: (Kingdom of) Spain [or Reino de Espana] 2. Unlike the painting it is based on, this painting places a single pearl earring on the only visible ear of its subject. A book about the “women” of the artist of this painting by Rona Goffen argues that a woman in it is masturbating. The presence of a single fallen rose in this painting is often interpreted as a sign of “plucked” virginity. Most critics instead theorize that, based on the cassoni in the right background, this painting may have been intended to instruct Giulia Varano and is thus an allegory of (*) marital obligations. -
SADF Military Operations
SADF Military Operations 1975 -1989 Contents 1 List of operations of the South African Border War 1 2 Operation Savannah (Angola) 3 2.1 Background .............................................. 3 2.2 Military intervention .......................................... 4 2.2.1 Support for UNITA and FNLA ................................ 5 2.2.2 Ruacana-Calueque occupation ................................ 5 2.2.3 Task Force Zulu ........................................ 5 2.2.4 Cuban intervention ...................................... 6 2.2.5 South African reinforcements ................................. 6 2.2.6 End of South African advance ................................ 6 2.3 Major battles and incidents ...................................... 6 2.3.1 Battle of Quifangondo .................................... 7 2.3.2 Battle of Ebo ......................................... 7 2.3.3 “Bridge 14” .......................................... 7 2.3.4 Battle of Luso ......................................... 7 2.3.5 Battles involving Battlegroup Zulu in the west ........................ 8 2.3.6 Ambrizete incident ...................................... 8 2.4 Aftermath ............................................... 8 2.5 South African order of battle ..................................... 9 2.6 Association .............................................. 9 2.7 Further reading ............................................ 9 2.8 References ............................................... 9 3 Operation Bruilof 13 3.1 Background ............................................. -
Critical Geopolitics of Foreign Involvement in Namibia: a Mixed Methods Approach
CRITICAL GEOPOLITICS OF FOREIGN INVOLVEMENT IN NAMIBIA: A MIXED METHODS APPROACH by MEREDITH JOY DEBOOM B.A., University of Iowa, 2009 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Masters of Arts Department of Geography 2013 This thesis entitled: Critical Geopolitics of Foreign Involvement in Namibia: A Mixed Methods Approach written by Meredith Joy DeBoom has been approved for the Department of Geography John O’Loughlin, Chair Joe Bryan, Committee Member Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. iii Abstract DeBoom, Meredith Joy (M.A., Geography) Critical Geopolitics of Foreign Involvement in Namibia: A Mixed Methods Approach Thesis directed by Professor John O’Loughlin In May 2011, Namibia’s Minister of Mines and Energy issued a controversial new policy requiring that all future extraction licenses for “strategic” minerals be issued only to state-owned companies. The public debate over this policy reflects rising concerns in southern Africa over who should benefit from globally-significant resources. The goal of this thesis is to apply a critical geopolitics approach to create space for the consideration of Namibian perspectives on this topic, rather than relying on Western geopolitical and political discourses. Using a mixed methods approach, I analyze Namibians’ opinions on foreign involvement, particularly involvement in natural resource extraction, from three sources: China, South Africa, and the United States. -
Zimbabwe-South Africa Interstate Relations, 1980-1999
Zimbabwe-South Africa Interstate Relations, 1980-1999 Lotti Nkomo THIS THESIS HAS BEEN SUBMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, FOR THE CENTRE FOR AFRICA STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE DECEMBER 2018 SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR NEIL ROOS CO-SUPERVISORS: DR DAVID PATRICK AND DR CLEMENT MASAKURE Declaration I declare that this dissertation is my own independent work and has not previously been submitted by me at another university or institution for any degree, diploma or other qualification. Signed………………………............. Date……………………………………… Lotti Nkomo Bloemfontein TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ................................................................................................................................. I Opsomming .......................................................................................................................... II Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................. III Glossary ............................................................................................................................... VI Map Showing Geographical Locations of Zimbabwe and South Africa................................ IX Chapter One Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction and Background ............................................................................................... -
Introduction 1. Among Many Examples Are: Pérez Jr., Cuba in the American Imagination, Also His on Becoming Cuban: Identity
Notes Introduction 1. Among many examples are: Pérez Jr., Cuba in the American Imagination, also his On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality and Culture, and Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy; Schoultz, That Infernal Little Cuban Republic; Morley, McGillion, and Kirk, eds., Cuba, the United States, and the Post–Cold War World; Morley, Imperial State and Revolution: The United States and Cuba, 1952–1986; Pérez-Stable, The United States and Cuba: Intimate Enemies; Franklin, Cuba and the United States; and Morales Domínguez, and Prevost, United States–Cuban Relations. 2. Ó Tuathail, “Thinking Critically about Geopolitics,” 1. 3. This notion corresponds with philosopher Paul Ricoeur’s theory that human actions, just like works of literature, “display a sense as well as a reference.” Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences, 16. In other words, the coexistence of internal and external systems of logic facili- tates both interpretation and explanation. 4. Ibid. 5. Throughout this work, the term africanía defines both an essential quality of Africanness as well as the accumulation of cultural reposi- tories (linguistic, religious, artistic, and so on) in which the African dimension resides. 6. On the other hand, several shorter analyses were published in the form of essays and journal articles. A few worth mentioning are: Casal, “Race Relations in Contemporary Cuba;” Taylor, “Revolution, Race and Some Aspects of Foreign Relations;” and the oft-cited contribu- tion from David Booth, “Cuba, Color and Revolution.” 7. Butterworth, The People of Buena Ventura, xxi–xxii. 8. Marti, Nuestra America, 38. 9. Martí, “Mi Raza,” 299. 10. Ibid., 298. 11. Guillén, “Sóngoro cosongo,” 114. -
Power Sharing, Negotiated Settlements and the Logic
REBELS WITH A CAUSE: POWER SHARING, NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENTS AND THE LOGIC OF PREEMPTIVE DEFECTION By Chelsea Blake Johnson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Leonardo R. Arriola, Chair Associate Professor Jason Wittenberg Assistant Professor Aila Matanock Professor Ann Swidler Fall 2015 © Copyright by Chelsea Blake Johnson 2015 All Rights Reserved Abstract Rebels with a Cause: Power Sharing, Negotiated Settlements, And the Logic of Preemptive Defection By Chelsea Blake Johnson Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Leonardo R. Arriola, Chair Why are some negotiated settlements successful at resolving intrastate conflict, while others fail? Are settlements involving agreement to share power more effective and, if so, why have conclusions about power sharing been so mixed? I theorize in this project that power-sharing guarantees improve the prospects for a peaceful settlement by reducing the stakes of winning post-conflict elections, thereby increasing the likelihood that rebels will willingly demobilize. Contrary to the preeminent model of bargaining for peace in the literature, I posit that the costs of complying with a negotiated settlement are asymmetrical. For rebels, compliance means forfeiting military capacity and bargaining power. In contrast, the government never concedes its monopoly on the use of force and, therefore, always retains the option of resorting to military action. Given this, and the risk of competing against an entrenched incumbent with an electoral advantage, it is a rational strategy for rebels to resist demobilization until expectations of future benefits are sufficiently high. -
ANGOLA ASSESSMENT OCTOBER 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit
ANGOLA ASSESSMENT OCTOBER 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2 III ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.4 IV HISTORY Post - Independence historical background 4.1 PEACEKEEPING INITIATIVES 4.2 Lusaka Peace Accord 4.3 UNAVEM III 4.4 MONUA 4.5 - 4.10 New UN Office in Luanda 4.11 Internal Peace Moves 4.12 POLITICAL HISTORY Multi-Party Politics and the 1992 elections 4.13-4.14 Government of Unity and Reconciliation 4.15-4.16 Relations with neighbouring countries 4.17-4.21 GOVERNMENT AMNESTIES 4.22-4.25 V INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE & SECURITY This section includes the situation in territory held by UNITA where applicable. THE CONSTITUTION 5.1 - 5.2 Presidential and legislative election plans 5.3 - 5.6 THE JUDICIARY 5.7 - 5.10 UNITA Court Systems 5.11 LEGAL RIGHTS/DETENTION 5.12 - 5.13 Death Penalty and Extrajudicial Killings 5.14 PRISON CONDITIONS 5.15 - 5.16 UNITA Prisons 5.17 TORTURE 5.18 Torture in UNITA areas 5.19 DISAPPEARANCE 5.20 Abductions by UNITA 5.21 SECURITY FORCES 5.22 - 5.26 Military Service 5.27 - 5.31 Military recruitment by UNITA 5.32 SOCIAL WELFARE Medical Treatment 5.33 - 5.35 AIDS 5.36 People with Disabilities 5.37 Education 5.38-5.39 1 VI HUMAN RIGHTS- GENERAL ASSESSMENT OF THE SITUATION Introduction 6.1 SECURITY SITUATION Recent developments in the Civil War 6.2 - 6.17 Security situation in Luanda 6.18 - 6.19 Landmines 6.20 - 6.22 Human Rights monitoring 6.23 - 6.26 VII SPECIFIC GROUPS REFUGEES 7.1 Internally Displaced Persons & Humanitarian Situation 7.2-7.5 UNITA 7.6-7.8 Recent Political History of UNITA 7.9-7.12 UNITA-R 7.13-7.14 UNITA Military Wing 7.15-7.20 Surrendering UNITA Fighters 7.21 Sanctions against UNITA 7.22-7.25 F.L.E.C/CABINDANS 7.26 History of FLEC 7.27-7.28 Recent FLEC activity 7.29-7.34 The future of Cabindan separatists 7.35 ETHNIC GROUPS 7.36-7.37 Bakongo 7.38-7.46 WOMEN 7.47 Discrimination against women 7.48-7.59 CHILDREN 7.50-7.55 VIII RESPECT FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES This section includes the situation in territory held by UNITA where applicable. -
Soviet-Angolan Relations, 1975-1990 1
NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H OCCASIONAL PAPER TITLE : Soviet-Angolan Relations, 1975-199 0 AUTHOR : S . Neil MacFarlan e DATE : March 15, 1992 In accordance with Amendment #6 to Grant #1006-555009, this Occasional Paper by a present or former Council Trustee or contract Awardee has bee n volunteered to the Council by the author for distribution to the Government . NCSEER NOTE This paper consists of Chapter III from Soviet Policy in Africa : from the Old to the New Thinking; George Breslauer Ed. : Published by the Center for Slavic and East European Studies; University of California, Berkeley, for the Berkeley-Stanford Program in Soviet Studies. Forthcoming Spring, 1992. SUMMARY ` This paper supplements two earlier reports by the author, The Evolution of Sovie t Perspectives on Third World Security (distributed on 2/19/92), and The Evolution of Sovie t Perspectives on African Politics (distributed on 3/15/92), and further particularizes hi s analysis by concentrating on Soviet-Angolan relations . A detailed account of those relation s from about 1970 to the late 1980's serves almost as a case study in support of the principa l conclusion of his previous two papers - that the Soviet shift from an aggressively forward , ideological, confrontational and optimistic posture to much the opposite was not tactical, an d not prompted exclusively by extraneous constraints and interests, but was importantly a product of learning from African realities and Soviet experience with them, and is therefore lasting. While already dated and overtaken by larger events, this paper provides not only a useful summary of two critical decades in recent Soviet-Angolan relations, but perhaps also a litmus for Russian Federation policies, including those presumably pursued by Foreig n Minister Andrei Kozyrev in his recent trip to Angola and South Africa . -
Angola Country Report
ANGOLA COUNTRY REPORT October 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Angola October 2004 CONTENTS 1. Scope of the document 1.1 2. Geography 2.1 3. Economy 3.1 4. History Post-Independence background since 1975 4.1 Multi-party politics and the 1992 Elections 4.2 Lusaka Peace Accord 4.6 Political Situation and Developments in the Civil War September 1999 - February 4.13 2002 End of the Civil War and Political Situation since February 2002 4.19 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 Political System 5.9 Presidential and Legislative Election Plans 5.14 Judiciary 5.19 Court Structure 5.20 Traditional Courts 5.23 UNITA - Operated Courts 5.24 The Effect of the Civil War on the Judiciary 5.25 Corruption in the Judicial System 5.28 Legal Documents 5.30 Legal Rights/Detention 5.31 Death Penalty 5.38 Internal Security 5.39 Angolan National Police (ANP) 5.40 Armed Forces of Angola (Forças Armadas de Angola, FAA) 5.43 Prison and Prison Conditions 5.45 Military Service 5.49 Forced Conscription 5.52 Draft Evasion and Desertion 5.54 Child Soldiers 5.56 Medical Services 5.59 HIV/AIDS 5.67 Angola October 2004 People with Disabilities 5.72 Mental Health Treatment 5.81 Educational System 5.82 6. Human Rights 6.A Human Rights Issues General 6.1 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.5 Newspapers 6.10 Radio and Television 6.13 Journalists 6.18 Freedom of Religion 6.25 Religious Groups 6.28 Freedom of Association and Assembly 6.29 Political Activists – UNITA 6.43 -
Southern Africa in the Cold War, Post-1974
SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE COLD WAR, POST-1974 WAR, SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE COLD SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE COLD WAR, POST-1974 History and Public Policy Program Critical Oral History Conference Series Edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart van Wyk History and Public Policy Program Critical Oral History Conference Series SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE COLD WAR, POST-1974 Edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart van Wyk Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org ISBN# 978-1-938027-06-2 Cover image: Soviet and East Bloc military advisors in Angola. “Soviet Military Power,” 1983, Page 92, U.S. Department of Defense, http://www.defenseimagery.mil © 2013 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE COLD WAR, POST-1974 Contents A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS v OPENING REMARKS 1 SESSION 1: The Angola/Mozambique Crisis Briefing Paper 15 Discussion 43 Documents on Angola 74 Timeline on Angola 153 SESSION 2: The Rhodesia/Zimbabwe Confrontation Briefing Paper 159 Discussion 183 Documents on Rhodesia 217 Timeline on Rhodesia 309 SESSION 3: South West Africa/Namibia Briefing Paper 323 Discussion 335 Documents on South West Africa/Namibia 378 Timeline on South West Africa/Namibia 453 SESSION 4: South Africa Briefing Paper 455 Discussion 466 Documents on South Africa 492 Timeline on South Africa 524 CLOSING REMARKS 535 iii III The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living U.S. memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In providing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. -
Not 1 9 8 8 0 9 2 3 . 0 3 5 . 0 1 7 . D 1
TRANSLATION TRANSLATION PERSONAL NOTES OF THE CONVERSATION WITH HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT JOSE EDUARDO DOS SANTOS ON 23 SEPTEMBER 1988 TO BE CONVEYED DIRECTLY TO HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT PIETER W BOTHA 1. Answer to the question presented by President P W Botha of the Republic of South Africa - I have guaranteed that the Cubans will not interfere in the implementation of 435. They will not pose a threat. - The Cubans are not preparing any offensive whatsoever against Unita and are not taking part in any operation against Unita (only Angolans). - The Cubans only defend themselves against external actions. They are in a defensive position. (Of course they react should they be attacked.) Only FAPLA fights against Unita. All on-going operations are led by FAPLA. No Cubans are involved. I have guaranteed that Angola will fulfil what has been agreed in the "Geneva Accord"; item 6. (prohibits any action by the Cubans in the South-east of Angola). I have guaranteed that this Accord will be observed. If necessary: Angola (and Cuba) can give additional guarantees in the next meeting to be held in Brazzaville (commencing 26 September 1988). Angola is interested in the implementation of 435 and therefore, it will make every effort to ensure the correct fulfilment of 435 (additional guarantees can be given in the Brazzaville meeting). If the RSA wishes that item 6 of the Geneva Accord (secret) be made public, Angola will agree to do SO. I acknowledge that I have guaranteed that the Cuban troops' will not take part in offensive actions once the South African troops have withdrawn from Angola. -
South Africa and Its Sadcc Neighbours
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. 159 SOUTH AFRICA AND ITS SADCC NEIGHBOURS by J.c. Chipasula and K. Miti. Introduction The Portuguese coup d'etat of April 1974 unleashed a chain of events that were to lead to a complete transformation of the Southern African subcon- tinent. Up till that time the white's control of the region appeared unassailable. The Americans had by 1969 come to the conclusion that: The whites (in Southern Africa) are here to stay and the only way that constructive change can come about is through them. There is no hope for blacks to gain the political rights they seek through violence, which will only lead to chaos and increased opportunities for the communists (Lemarchand 1981. 35). A number of African countries had also come to a similar conclusion and had by 1970 began to call for dialoque with South Africa. The call for dialoque that began with Ivory Coast's President Houphouet-Boigny's announcement on 6th November 1970 that "we will not achieve the solution to the problem of apartheid in South Africa by resorting to force of arms" was premised on the following arguments: 1. The African states both lacked the military and economic resources to challenge South Africa successfully; 2. The trade embargo against South Africa was bound to fail since powerful non African powers such as the U.S.A, Britain, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan have maintained their Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies Vol.