ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 227

Disney Worlds: Culture on the Move

John Van Maanen

Most cultural studies of work organizations ln this paper the author looks at »culture-as­ product,» what can be learned by what an are informed by the culture-as-a-process per­ organizatlon produces, rather than the more spective. The workings of a given organization conventional view of "culture-as-process," the (or subunit) take precedence and what it is the workings of an organization. The author dismisses organization produces is more or less ignored. the two theories of culture flow: global homogenization and resistance to culture flow as Organization culture is defined by members too simple. What he focuses on 1s the meaning only and thus conceptually closed off from associated with a given product from the those who observe, serve, consume or other­ perspectives of the sender and the receiver. Using wise interact in some fashion with the studied as his example the exporting of Disneyland (a organization. The focus on social organization product and a cultural experience) into a culturally distinct context (Tokyo), the author and practice over social symbol and product is discovers many traits of the flow of culture: it is unfortunate in the sense that while we are giv­ not one way; it is ongoing and slow; cultural en portraits of bright or dull corporate cultures, meaning shifts considerably as imports are given we learn very little about what such corporate new meaning; culture is not only an lntegrating device but a differentiating device as well, and cultures do in the world at large. My interest people on both sides of the culture flow learn here is to move a little past conventional new things about the new culture and about their representations of organizational culture and own culture. consider what might be learned if we were to make use of a culture-as-a-product perspective. This necessitates first thinking about how culture moves about or flows from place to place and group to group. ln commercial spheres, markets are channels for culture flow as the products of one cultural group are The study of culture - organizational other­ offered to members of another group. This as­ wise - has a long and cantankerous history. sumes that the commodities or services sent lt is a history full of differing concepts, theories, forth by organizations have value to their cus­ definitions, disciplinary standards, empirical tomers beyond whatever function they perform conceits and orienting strategies. Perhaps the and whatever labor value is tied to their produc­ most significant differences are found between tion. Presumable, part of the "added value" that those who study culture as a process and those sticks to a given product or servicedepends on who study culture as a product (cf, Peterson, the cultural meaning consumers associate with 1990). The former treats culture as the codes the product or service. A hamburger, book, or of conduct embedded in or constitutive of the plane ride may carry more meaning than what­ social life of a given group - the "culture" of ever nutrition, intellectual stimulation or trans­ a nation, tribe, corporation, gang, occupation, portation they provide. village, ethnic enclave and so forth. The later Sometimes it appears that cultural meaning treats culture as the result of group activity - is all that is being sold. MacCannel (1976) pro­ the "culture" expressed by classical music, vides some fine examples of this sort of cultural romantic fiction, soap operas, hip-hop graffiti, consumption. ln his ethnographic account of Ingmar Bergman films, haute cuisine, nude the contemporary tourist, he argues that the ob­ mud-wrestling and so on. The process view of jects of the world are increasingly invested with culture is that of the social sciences, primarily symbolic capital. So much so that even pure ex­ anthropology and sociology. The product view perience can be marketed as a culturally­ is that of the humanities, particularly the criti­ infused "product" that leaves no physical trace cal schools of literature, history and the arts. like the "fidelity" of a stereo, the "style" of a HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991 228

restaurant, the "feel" of a computer, or the "am­ The other answer, however, looks to cultur­ biance" of a resort. Goods are sold then on the al acquisition and the recipients of culture "experience" they deliver. flows. This perspective suggests that those cul­ lf experience associated with commodities tural experiences that do not fold easily into lo­ is marketable, so too is experience associated cal patterns of everyday thought and action are: with culture. ln fact, cultural experience is ahot (1) unmarked entlrely and thus without ln­ item in the marketplace today. Cultural ex­ fluence; (2) rejected out-of-hand as culturally in­ perience, following MacCannel's lead, implies appropriate and unattractive; or (3) eventually the transformation of an original emptlness or brought into line through transformations of skeptlcism on the part of an individual or group one sort or other. Culture may still flow from into a feeling or belief that is based on direct the center outward, but it does not always pene­ involvement in the previously unknown social trate. Caruption takes place down the line and world. lt in no way conveys competence in or the core of a target culture is left untouched. acceptance of the new social world marked by The local core may even be recharged, reinvigo­ the experience - rejection, distaste, amuse­ rated; its representatives made more aware and ment, befuddlement are all possible results. assertive of their own values and perspectives But, persona! encounters do promote a kind of as a result of such contact. Everyday life thus cultural awareness that was previously lacking. colonizes the center rather than vice-versa, Examples of such cultural experiences are reshaping the imported culture to its own not hard to locate. Attending a baseball game tastes and specifications. at Yankee Stadium might serve as a charming The problem for the cultural theorist is that cultural experience for a visitor from Finland, both answers are too simple. Homogenization the more vitriolic the fans and argumentative scenarios trivialize culture by reducing lts rel­ the players the better since it would be "more evance to something that is thought to be ful­ American." Similarly, the showing of Rambo 1, ly under the control of a few and exported to 11 or XIV in Helsinki may provide an audience many. Resistance scenarios enshrine culture as a not-so-charming cultural experience. Or, to re­ local, impenetrable, unique, unfathomable and verse the flow, Americans baking in a Finish essentially timeless and omnipresent. Minimal­ sauna located ln Palm Springs may lose a few ly, if we wish to look seriously at culture flows, pounds while gaining a fleeting sense that they we must pay close attention to the meaning have also experienced a bit of life in the land (and cultural experience) associated with a giv­ of the midnight sun. Certainly, in most of the en product from the perspectives of both those world today, few of use are immune from cul­ who send it forth and those who (more or less) tural experiences of this sort. What are we to receive it. This calls for a sort of symbolic make of them? double-vision whereby the assumptions of one Two rough answers can be sketched out. One culture are brought to light by another. answer focuses on cultural transmission and To this end, a tale is told below of just how the agents or lnitiators of culture flows. At the one culture attends to the imports of another. limit, this approach suggests that powerful cul­ The level of analysis is relatively broad, deal­ tural influences continually pound away on the ing with national or societal culture. The story sensibilities of people such that whatever bits concerns a common practice of multlnational and pieces of indigenous culture they hold are firms, the packing up of an operation or prod­ eventually ground down. Global homogenlza­ uct developed at home and shifting it lock, tion results as the local character of exposed stock and barrel elsewhere. The hope is always cultures are replaced by transnational symbol­ that it will perform as well (or better) in its new ic forms originating elsewhere. This is cultural surroundings as in the old. Examples are every­ imperialism pure and simple. Homogenization where. Volvo goes to Russia. Honda comes to results from a center-t:>-periphery flow bringing Detroit. Club Med goes to paradise. My story about something of a commerciallzed world concerns the exporting of Disneyland, a prod• culture. This is a zero-sum game where the loss uct (and cultural experience) of some fame, into of culture shows ltself most directly in the least a new and culturally distinct context. organized and powerless communltles while the more organized and powerful grow increas­ ingly similar; coming ln the end to shape, share and slgnal the world culture. ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 229

MICKEY GOES TO TOKYO2 would then seem to validate the idea that Dis­ ney's cultural products and experience work in At first glance, Tokyo Disneyland is a physi­ the same way across two radically dissimilar cal and social copy of Disneyland in Southern contexts, effectively and effortlessly transcend­ California - a clone created six-thousand miles ing cultural boundaries. distant and perhaps something of a cultural Such a situation suggests that the Japanese bomb dropped on perfect strangers. The cas­ managers of Disneyland believe they have tle, the flags, the rides, the entertainment, the created a replica and that the imported Disney orderly waterways and impeccably clean version retains its original influence and mean­ grounds, the ever-smiling ride operators and ing. The market conquers all in this sterling tale Disney characters that prance about amusing of an excellent company and product. Howev­ the old and young alike; even the crowds, the er, if we look somewhat closer and in more de­ traffic, the smog, the lengthy waits for attrac­ tail - beyond the sales figures and surtace tlons, the summer heat, the suburban sprawl similarities of the two parks - certain interest­ surrounding the park, all seem in harmony with ing contradictions to this presumed un­ the spirit and letter of the 35 year old original. problematic one-way flow of culture begin to Even the gate recelpts for thls detailed replica appear. 1 shall start at headquarters, move brie­ met and exceeded expectations from the day fly to Florida where the second Disneyland was the Tokyo park opened. Walt's world travels built (thereby providing a degree of choice for well it seems. So well, in fact, another version, the Japanese partners ln the amusement trade) again a copy, is set to open outside Paris in and then stop at my destination, Tokyo Disney­ 1992. land, to consider its cultural position and prod­ Tokyo Disneyland is perhaps a glimpse of the uct. coming world culture, a commodified, mechan­ ized and highly standardized mass culture built on the Coca-Colonizing forces of western, par­ THE ORIGINAL: ticularly American, consumer values. The in­ creased traffic in culture and the apparently Disneyland first opened its gates in July of asymmetric transfer of meaning systems and 1955. lt has been a remarkable economic suc­ symbolic forms give way to an empire of signs cess and become something of a national in­ ruled by those who produce and export the stitution. Viewed as a product, Disneyland is world's most desirable goods and services. part movie theater, part tourist site, part shop­ This is a sort of context-free reading of the Jap­ ping mall, part museum, part stage production, anese fascination with American popular cul­ part playground, part shrine, part ceremony, ture and the universal desire for the bland sort part spectacle, part festival, and so on. lt has of cultural experience a visit to Disneyland pro­ been subject to countless assessments of cul­ vokes. lndeed, Disney products and images ture critics who, while not always impressed by have long been part of a world culture and are its wonders, do manage to agree on a number virtually impossible to escape anywhere. ln of unifying themes standing behind the prod­ many respects, the Disney corporate logo of the uct, themes that seemingly integrate and make globe wlth mouse ears is hardly an idle boast. meanlngful a visit to the park on the part of the Context-dependent explanations for the millions that crowd the grounds each year.3 workings of culture flow seem antiquated, Most begin by noting the order, safety and downrlght quaint, when employed to explain cleanliness at Disneyland and the marked con­ the success of Tokyo Disneyland. Thus, when trast these features bear in relation to contem­ Disney officials expressed an interest in provid­ porary urban life in America (Marin, 1977; My­ ing some home country attractions like a erhoff, 1983; Schickel, 1968). The rectangular "Sumural Land" to replace one of its American grid of the city is replaced in the park by grace­ attractlons or a ride and narrative based on the ful, curved walkways.Motorists become pedes­ classic Japanese children's story, "'The Little trians. The drab industrial and metropolitan Peach Boy," the Japanese partners in Tokyo landscape is replaced by bright colored build­ Disneyland reslsted strenuously and insisted ings done up in ebullient and whimsical forms on a duplicate American version, thus retain­ and covered by sumptuous ornaments and ing (presumably) the cultural purity of the origi­ thousands of twinkling lights that turn night nal (Brannon, 1990). The streams of visitors into day. The crowded, disorderly, fear-inspiring HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991 230

city scenes of ardinary life are transformed a walk truough Main Street, an imaginative (but within the park to obedient, friendly queues and pickled) recreation of a midwestern railroad the peaceful strolling of people kept secure by town at the Turn of the Century full of quasi­ unarmed, unobtrusive yet ever-present and Victorian shops selling modern merchandise. smiling park police. Work clothes give way to Between Adventureland and Frontierland lies leisure garb. Adults take the role of children on New Orleans Square, whlch, Walt Disney rides designed to rekindle youthful memories claimed "is just llke the 1850's orlginal Vieux while children take on adult roles by driving Carre but a lot cleaner" (Lowenthal, 1985:321). snarling miniature automobiles on toy free­ And, in the backwoods of Disneyland, sits Bear ways, exploring deep space and making fami­ Country and its reminder of the rural, "hayseed" ly decisions about what to do next. The fron­ relatives of the Mom and Pop entrepreneurs tier town of yesteryear ls no longer dusty, dirty who made it to Main Street. and rather formless but becomes prim, tidy, and To the American visitor, each of the lands "what it should have been" by virtue of its and constituent elements fit rather well-worn scrubbed, freshly-painted, simple and sweet and comfortable mythical and historical narra­ look. tives. Fantasyland, for example, embodies the ln the American context, Disneyland is a classic children's literature of the west that has topsy-turvyworld that hlghllghts in lts physical been culturally stripmined by Disney via mo­ and social design a long string of semiotic con­ vies, books, television programs. The verbal and trasts that set the park off as a sought after cul­ visual images of Perrault, Collodi, Milne, Bar­ tural experience for patrons: work/play, rie, Lewis are now thoroughly familiar as Dis­ adulUchild, dirty/clean, poverty/wealth, danger­ ney's Cinderella, Pinocchio, Winnie-the-Pooh ous/safe, rude/civil, cold/warm, routine/festive and Peter Pan. ln Frontierland, a Frederick Turn­ and so on (Gottdiener, 1982; King, 1981). These er version of America is conveyed by its relent­ contrasts of America/Disneyland create the less Western Ho imagery of rugged individual­ differences on which the park's claim to be "the ism and hardships overcome. Adventureland re­ happiest place on earth" rests. To bring off the minds visitors of the exploration saga of a Stan­ claim requires the banishment of all signs of ley and Livingstone sort as they journey decay, crime, confusion, discontent, pain or through a lush tropical jungle where elephants struggle in the park's design and the reduction wave their trunks on cue and headhundng is wherever possible of social and stylistic diver­ still in style. The stories are conventional, sity on the part of customers and employees stereotypic American versions of their world alike. and its inhabitants. The layout of the park conveys a high degree This mythology underlying Disneyland im­ of thematic integration well known to visitors. ages and narratives is a form of what Myerhoff Dominating the landscape from the center is (1983) usefully labels "Hyperculture," a collec­ Sleeping Beauty's Castle with streets radiating tive form of expression that overstates and outward, Versailles-like, into the four lands, overclarifies some cultural interpretation. There each representing something of a distinct stage is certainly nothing subtle to Americans about of life: Fantasyland for early childhood where Disneyland. The stories told in and by the park the attractions are small scale and built on are exaggerated, inflated versions of events, ag­ mythical, imaginary fables quite familiar to grandized to the point of parody. For example, American children; Frontierland for adoles­ when the summer long bicentennial parade was cence where Cowboy-and-lndian tales of the staged at Disneyland in 1976, who should ap­ Wild West are reenacted and summertime pear at the head of the parade bearing drums romps recreated on Tom Sawyer's lsland; Ad­ and fife stralght from the Spirit of '76 paintlng ventureland for young adulthood where a test by Willard but the three symbols of the Amerl­ of courage against the strange and savage is can Revolution, Mickey Mouse, Donald Duck presented as an lndiana Jones trek up-river into and Goofy. the dark, unexplored territories of the world; The imagination provided at Disneyland is and Tomorrowland for adulthood where the complete. Little room is left f or the spontane­ dream of science and technology conquers all ous or disarrayed. Lavish panegyric produc­ and personable robots cavort alongside hu­ tions are staged to evoke both patriotlsm and mans. · nostalgia. lconography is worked out in minute, The castle and hub of the park is reached by common denominator detail such that the par- ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 231

taker of gloom in the Haunted Mansion is greet­ differentiations of race, nationality and dress. ed by willows (for sadness), twisted oaks (for The marking is simple and redundant, cultural transitory life), dark podlike vehicles (for depar­ signs that Americans have long been ac­ ture) and black clad attendants (for morticians). customed to through children's literature, mo­ Seemingly nothing is left to chance: each rock, vies, television and comic books. Holland is tree and plant in the park is numbered and as­ coded by tulips and bells, Japan by fans and signed a proper role. kimonos, lndia by temples and saris. The faces The communicative work that takes place in­ are however basically Anglo-Saxon, even when side the park servesto distinguish Disneyland intended to signal Chinese, Latino or Arabic. from other (and earlier) theme parks. ln contem­ The facial markers are mere hints that point to porary America, Disneyland emerges as an is­ the possible existence of differences but, since land of calm sanity and safety in troubled times. the differences are so slight, they could not The forces of decay are arrested, sexual innuen­ possibly be taken to be of serious conse­ dos are all but banished, liquor is taboo, evil is quence. A sort of insidious ethnocentricism is overcome, the innocent prevail, disorder is obvious in the infantilization of the world's cul­ tamed, the future is clarified, the past cleaned tures where atl human differences are superfi­ up, and, in general, the perverseworld of doubt, cial and benign. Americans are notably absent fear and unfair competition outside the gates in this display except as passive observers of is held at bay. Turn of the Century amusement the scene, blissfully drifting past the world of parks in America performed much the same young, diminutive, ebuttient, bright-eyed, inno­ kind of symbolic work but the reversals were cent and loveable "Others." different, almost an inversion of the symbolic lf "Small World" is a hypercultural message work at Disneyland. Old parks developed from of simplicity and harmony, of sweet differences the background of a relatively stern Victorian and unity in the world, the Adventureland "Jun­ heritage that stressed self-control, rationalism, gle Cruise" is less reverential and more expliat industriousness, delayed gratification and thus toward some of the world's cultures. The racial worked to create feelings of spontaneity, inten­ themes and imperialist mentality of the late sified emotion, release, and a scornful, mock­ nineteenth and early twentieth century are built ing attitude toward the culture outside the park into this attraction, from the scenic construc­ (Kasson, 1978; Harris, 1990). tions on the banks of the river, to the words and Two emblematic attractions at Disneyland - phrases of the ride operator's animated spiel also found at Tokyo Disneyland - servenice­ which accompanies each cruise. The voyage ly as concrete instances of the hypercultural departs next to a pile of plastic human skutls, statements found in the park and will help it­ beneath shields, spears, totems and other sym­ lustrate and unpack something of the cultural bols of some nameless, but faintly menacing, experience the park offers to its American cus­ region beyond white settlement. The adventure tomers. First, consider the tame imagery consists mostly of short takes of mechanized presented by "lt's a Small World," an attraction people of color and wild life as encountered in first built by Disney for the New York World's the river and along its banks. One scene places Fair in 1964 and then rebuilt a year later at Dis­ four members of a safari atop a pole with a neyland. The cuteness and adorableness that horned rhinoceros threatening to impale them permeates every amusement in the park is par­ from below. The members of the party are three ticularly clear in this attraction. The patron Africans who stare minstrel-like at the animal enters a castle-like structure through a large beneath them, faces glazed with fear and eyes and elegant topiary garden of plant life shaped protruding. At the very top of the pole, furthest into animal forms. One rides in small boats from the rhino and danger, is perched the white through a cartoon-like array of moving dolls safari leader. dressed in native costumes that represent a Disneyland is, of course, made up of thou­ selected variety of world cultures. The dolls sands on thousands of hypercultural state­ spin and sing repetitively what is surely one of ments. Any one sign may give way to diverse the most nauseating tunes of all time - "lt's readings but when bundled together the teach­ a Small World After AII." ings are abundantly clear. The overt messages The dolls portray the "Children of the World" and themes come back to the same concerns: in miniature. They are uniform in size, appear­ Friendliness, optimism, the civilization of the ance and mannerisms except for marginal frontier, the ultimate victory of good over evil, HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991 232 the beauty and power of America, the impor­ ly notice much difference - beyond scale - tance of efficiency, cleanliness, order and in the two parks (Sehlinger, 1985; Blrnbaum, courtesy, the importance of staying in line 1987). What the park in Walt Disney World pro­ (figuratively and literally), the triumph of mod­ vides, however, ls a measure of choice for those ern technologies (panicularly transportation about to construct yet another copy of Disney­ technologies) and so forth. What is celebrated land. at Disneyland and what is being taught come together under labels such as patriotism, cul­ tural superiority and the trivlalization of differ­ THE TRANSFORMATION: ences across the globe. America shines and spreads its light on dhe world and the exotic Disneyland went International in 1983 with is reduced to safe and familiar terms. AII this the opening of its Tokyo operation. As noted, is packaged in a fashion that is thematically on the surface, it claims to be a near perfect consistent, rather banal, closely scrutinized and replica, of the Disneyland production mlnus a controlled, and licensed by broad middle-class few of the original's attractions. There are some values of harmony and order. recognlzed modifications but these are imports selected from The Magic Kingdom instead of Disneyland (e.g., Cinderella's Castle and the THE COPY: Mickey Mouse Theater). ln terms of organiza­ tional control, it is as decentralized as they The same production ls replicated as 'The come - the Oriental Land Company, a Japa­ Magic Kingdom" in Orlando, Florida. The sec­ nese development and property management ond park opened in 1969 and now, with its pe­ firm, took full control shortly after the park was ripheral attractions, Epcott Center, MGM­ built and now provides Walt Disney Enterprises Disney Studios and numerous Disney-owned with a rough ten-percent cut of Tokyo Disney­ and operated hotels and fun zones adjacent to land's profits from admissions, food and mer­ the park, the total complex in Orlando outdraws chandise sales. A small American management Disneyland. Walt Disney World is, in fact, sec­ team ("Disnoids") remains in Japan as advisors ond only to Washington D.C. in the number of and consultants to keep the park in tune with tourists it attracts within the United States each Disney doctrine and the firm hires a handful of year (Birnbaum, 1989; Time Magazine, April non-Japanese employees, mainly Americans, 25, 1988). lts construction, however, sets Dis­ as "east members" (entertainers, crafts people neyland apart as the "original," giving it the and characters) strategically scattered through­ measure of authenticity that only a copy can out the park. The question we now raise con­ provide. cerns the flow of culture from the west to the The copy is not perfect. The scale is larger east. To what extent does Tokyo Disneyland and some attractions such as the Matterhorn mean the same thing to its new patrons as it bobsleds are still found only at Disneyland. The means to its old? Magic Kingdom lacks the intimacy of Disney­ ln a nutshell, Tokyo Disneyland does not land but when combined with the other tourist work ln the same way as lts Amerlcan counter­ sites at Walt Disney World becomes part of an part. The cultural meaning of the park shifts sig­ activity menu that lengthens the average visi­ nificantly. This is not to say that the symbols tor stay to a matter of days rather than hours. and Disney narratives are meaningless in the Modest changes within the park are visible as Japanese context. Such a view could not begin well. Sleeping Beauty's Castle is replaced by to explain the popularity of the park which, is, the blgger, more photogenic and splendid ver­ in 1991, expected to outdraw Disneyland by sion, Cinderella's Castle. Some of the rides lika nearly five million customers (New York Times, Big Thunder Mountain are longer and slightly February 17, 1971). But, what does appear to be more harrowing. Others are thin replicas such happening is the recontextualization of the as the Pirates of the Caribbean, which is much American signs so that the Japanese are able more elaborate, lengthy and entertaining at Dis­ to make them their own. This process may be neyland. Still, despite small changes, the cul­ highly general and something of the norm for tural experience for American visitors to the cultural transformatlons. two parks must be much the same. The context Most observers of modern Japan note the does not shift radically nor do visitors seeming- country's penchant for the importatlon of ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 233

things foreign, from public bureaucracies 1979; Taylor, 1983; Dore, 1987). The legendary (Westney, 1987) to fashlon (Stuart, 1987); to sotto voice of the Japanese servlceprovlder is popular sports (Whiting, 1977). ln fact, Japan's merely a slight step away from the "people spe­ widescale adoption of things American is now cialist" of planned exuberance and deferential something of a universal clichå. The choice of manners turned out by the University of Disney­ lmports ls, however massive, highly selective. land in the United States - at least in theory From this perspective, the consumptlon of for­ if not in practice (Van Maanen, 1990). And, "lm­ elgn goods ln Japan seems less an act of hom­ agineering," a smart Disney term used to deslg­ age than a way of establishing a national iden­ nate the department responsible for the design tity by making such imports thelr own through of park attractions ("the engineers of imagina­ combining them in a composite of all that the tion"), is used in Japan, as ln the U.S., without Japanese see as the "best" in the world. Some a touch of irony or awareness of contradiction. of this conspicuous consumption correlates lf anything, the Japanese have intensified the wlth significant increases in per capita dispos­ orderly nature of Disneyland. lf Disneyland is able income and what appears to be a new and clean, Tokyo Disneyland ls impeccably clean; more relaxed attitude among the J apanese to­ if Disneyland is efficlent, Tokyo Disneyland ward leisure and play (Fallows, 1989; Emmott, puts the original to shame by belng absurdly 1989). But, whatever the source of this om­ efficient, or, at least, so says BusinessWeek nivorous appetite, the Japanese seem unwor­ (March 12, 1990). While Disneyland is a vision ried that their cultural identity is compromised of order, sanitized, homogenized and precise; by such importation. Tokyo Disneyland is even more so thus creat­ Not to be overlooked, however, are the sub­ ing, in the words of one observer,"a perfect toy tle, sometimes hidden ways, alien forms are not replica of the ideal tinkling, sugarcoated soci­ merely imported across cultural boundaries ety around it, a perfect box within a box" (lyer, but, in the very process, turned into something 1988:333). One of the charms of Disneyland to else again and the indigenous and foreign are American visitors is the slight but noticeable combined into an idiom more consistent with friction between the seamless perfection of the the host culture than the home culture. Two fea­ place and the intractable, individualistic, irre­ tures of the way Disneyland has been emulat­ deemable and sometimes intolerable character ed and incorporated in the Japanese context in of the crowd. ln the midst of its glittering con­ many different ways. Each suggests that Tokyo traptions and mannerly operatives are cus­ Disneyland takes on a rather different meaning tomers strolling about wearing "shit happens" for workers and customers alike in its new set­ or "dirty old man" T-shirts. Tourists in enor­ ting. mous tent dresses and double-knit outfits share Consider the way Tokyo Disneyland is made space in the monkey car of Casey Jones's Cir­ comfortable for the Japanese in ways that con­ cus Train with tattooed bikers, skinheads and trast with its California counterpart. ln some Deadheads. Obese men and women wearing ways, the fine tuning of the park's character fol­ short shorts mingle and queue up with ram­ lows a domestication principle familiar to an­ bunctious teenagers on the make, all to be thropologists whereby the exotic, alien aspects crammed onto hurling, clockwork bobsleds and of foreign objects are set back and de-emphas­ sent on their way for a two-minute roller coast­ ized, replaced by an intensified concern with er ride. Park police - dressed as U.S. Marshalls the more familiar and culturally sensible or tin-horn cops - chase down the little crimi­ aspects (Wallace, 1985; Douglas, 1966). Thus nals of Disneyland on Tom Sawyer's lsland or the safe, clean, courteous, efficient aspects of Main Street as irate parents screech at their off. Disneyland fit snugly within the Japanese cul­ spring to wipe the chocolate off their faces and tural system and can be highlighted. Disney­ keep their hands off the merchandise. For the land as "the best of America" suits the Japa­ Disneyland patron, such contrasts give life to nese customer with its underscored technolog­ the park and provide a degree of narrative ten­ ical wizardry and corporate philosophy em­ sion. phasizing high quality service. Providing hap­ ln Tokyo, the shadow between the ideal and piness, harmony and hospitality for guests by reality is not so apparent. Adults and children a staff that is as well-groomed as the tended bend more easily toward the desired harmoni­ gardens is certainly consistent with Japanese ous state and out-of-order contrasts are few and practices in other consumer locales (Vogel, far between inside (and, perhaps, outside) the

5 HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991 234 park. This is a society where the word for differ­ point to sing a passionate version of "America ent means wrong and "the nail that sticks out the Beautiful" along with the mechanical icon is the nail that must be hammered down" (Bay­ of Honest Abe. ln "Meet the World," a saga­ ley, 1976; Kamata, 1980, White, 1987). To the ex­ cious crane guides a young boy and his sister tent that there is order in Disneyland, it is wel­ through the past, pausing briefly along the way comed as a contrast to the outside world; or­ to make certain points such as the lessons der in Tokyo Disneyland is expected and large­ learned by the Japanese cave dwellers ("the im­ ly taken-for-granted such that the park glides portance of banding together") or the sig­ effortlessly rather than lurching self-consci­ n ificance of the samurai warrior ("we never be• ously toward its fabled efficiency. lyer came a colony") or the importance of early for­ (1988:317-18) summarizes his visit to Tokyo eign trade ("to carry the seeds offered from Disneyland in the following way: across the sea and cultivate them in our own Japanese garden"). Another site-specific attrac­ There was no disjunction between !he perfect rides and their human riders. Each was as syn­ tion in Tokyo Disneyland is the Magic Journeys chronized, as punctual, as clean as the other. Lit­ trip across five continents which culminates, tle girls in pretty bonnets, their eyes wide with dramatically, in the adventurer's return to "our wonder, stood in Iines, as impassive as dolls, beloved Japan where our hearts always re­ while their flawless mothers posed like manne­ quins under their umbrellas. (They) waited uncom­ main." plainingly for a sweet-voiced machine to break the Another singular attraction in Tokyo Disney­ silence and permit them to enter the pavilion - land is situated inside Cinderella's Castle and in regimented squads. AII the while, another produced as a tightly-packed mystery tour mechanized voice offered tips to ensure that the human element would be just as well planned as through a maze of dark tunnels, fearsome elec­ the man-made: Do not leave your shopping to the tronic tableaus, and narrow escapes. Groups of end, and try to leave !he park before rush hour, about 15 to 20 persons are escorted through and eat at a sensible hour, and do not, under any this breathless 13 minute adventure in the cas­ circumstance, fail to have a good !ime. tle by lively tour guides who, in the climatitic Such failures to have a good time are rare moment of the tour, select a single member of partly because of the way Tokyo Disneyland has the group to do battle with evil. The chosen rearranged the model to suit its customers. De­ hero or heroine is provided a nifty laser sword spite its claims as a duplicate, a number of and, backed by inventive special effects and quite specific changes have taken place and timely coaching from the tour guide, manages more are planned. The amusement park itself to slay the evil sorcerer just in the nick of time. is considerably larger than Disneyland (124 The group is thus spared, free again for further acres to 74). As a result, it loses some of its un­ adventures in the park. The attraction ends with characteristic intimacy in a Southern California a mock-solemn presentation of a medal to the setting but gives off a feeling of conspicuous usually bashful group savior who then leads spaciousness rather unusual in greater Tokyo everyone out the exit after passing down an where it seems every square inch is fully uti­ aisle formed by applauding fellow members of lized. Disneyland's fleet of Nautilus-like subma­ the mystery tour. rines is missing perhaps because of Japan's lt is hard to image a similar attraction work­ deep sensitivity to all things nuclear. There are ing in either Disneyland or DisneyWorld. Not few outdoor food vendors in the park but over only would group discipline be lacking such to forty sit-down restaurants, about twlce the num­ insure that all members of the tour would start ber in Disneyland. lt is considered rude to eat and end together but selecting a sword bearer while walking about in Japan - the munching to do battle with the Evil One would quite like­ of popcorn in the park being apparently the only ly prove to be a considerable test for a tour exception. guide when meeting with a characteristic Several new attractions have been added in American chorus of "me, me, me'' coming from Tokyo, each quite explicit about what culture children and adults alike. The intimacy, prox­ is, in the final analysis, to be celebrated in the imity, and physical, almost hands-on, interac­ park. One, incongruously called "Meet the tion between customers and amusement World," offers not only a history of Japan but sources found in Tokyo Disneyland are striking an elaborate defense of the Japanese way. ln to a visitor accustomed to the invisible securi­ this regard, it is not unlike Disneyland's "Meet ty and attention given to damage control so Mr. Lincoln" where visitors are asked at one prevalent in the U.S. parks. Tokyo Disneyland ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 235

puts its guests within touching distance of sion and pulp fiction. Thus, to the extent that many of lts attractions such that a customer nostalgia, patriotism and historical narratives who wished to could easily deface a cheerful provide the context of meaning for visitors to robot, steal a Small World doll, or behead the Disneyland, visitors to Tokyo Disneyland are Mad Hatter. This blissful audience respect for made comfortable through devices of their own the built environment at Tokyo Disneyland al­ making. While the structure may appear quite lows ride operators to take more of an exhibi• similar, the meaning is not. tory stance to their attraction than a custodial This shift in meaning can perhaps best be ap­ one which is often the perspective of Disney­ preciated by considering some aspects of the land operatives (Van Maanen and Kunda, 1989). emulation process at Tokyo Disneyland that run Other distinctly Japanese touches include counter to some of our more benign (or, at least, the white gloves for drivers of the transporta­ calming) beliefs about the workings of culture tion vehicles in the park, a practice drawn from flows. Tokyo Disneyland serves as something the taxi and bus drivers ln Japan; name tags for of a shrine in Japan to Japan itself, an emblem employees featuring last names rather than of the self-validating beliefs as to the cultural first names; a small picnic area just outside the values and superiority of the Japanese. Disney­ park for families bringing traditiona! box land servesas such an American shrine but it lunches to the park, a reminder of family cus­ is, of course, America that is celebrated. How toms in Japan and a compromise on the Dis­ is it that a painstaking near-copy of what is un­ ney tradition of allowing no food to be brought deniably an American institution - like base­ Into the park; subtitles in Japanese for most of ball - can function to heighten the self· the street and attraction signs. Ali ride sound­ awareness of the Japanese? tracks and spiels are, of course, in Japanese The answer lies in the workings of culture it· and one American visitor reports considerably self for culture is not only an integrating device, more ad-libbing on the part of Japanese ride but a differentiating device as well, a way of operators compared to their American counter­ marking boundaries. Tokyo Disneyland does so parts (Brannon, 1990). Such concessions to the in a variety of ways. One already mentioned is Japanese guest contrast with the proclamation the outdoing of Disneyland in the order-keeping of a pure copy. One might argue that such domain. The message here ls simply "anything changes are minor adjustments in keeping with you can do, we can do as well (or better)." lf one the fundamental marketing techniques of both of the characteristic features of modern Japan capitalistic societies, namely, tailoring the is its drive toward perfection, it has built a Dis­ product to its audience. But, it is aisa impor­ neyland that surpasses its model in terms of tant to keep in mind that even the nation of con­ courtesy, size, efficiency, cleanliness and per­ sumer capitalism in the two contexts varies sys­ formance. Were the park built more specifical· tematically. ly to Japanese tastes and cultural aesthetics, Main Street U.S.A., for example, has become it would undercut any contrast to the original in Tokyo, the World Bazaar. Little remains of the in this regard. While Disneyland is reproduced Turn-of-the-Century mid-western town of Walt's in considerable detail, it is never deferred to en­ slippery memory. The World Bazaar is quite tirely, thus making the consumption of this cul• simply an enormous, modern, up-scale shop• tural experience a way of marking the bound­ ping mall where many of the products (and pos­ aries between Japan and the U.S .. Japan has sibilities) of the five continents are brought to­ taken in Disneyland only, it seems, to take it gether in a post-modern Disney collage that is over. distinctly Japanese. Few modest trinkets are Consider, aisa, another cultural flow analo­ on sale at the World Bazaar but instead costly, gous to the way Disneyland itself treats the for­ hlgh status items are offered, ali bearing an offj. eign and exotic. Tokyo Disneyland maintains, cial Disney label and wrapped in Tokyo Disney­ indeed amplifies, Self and Other contrasts con­ land paper suitable for the gift giving practices sistent with Japanese cultural rules. Only Jap­ of the Japanese as outlined by Brannon (1990). anese employees wear name tags in the park, Frontierland's presentation of the continental the foreign (western employees) do not. Ameri• expansion of the United States has given way cans hired to play Disney characters such as to Westernland which is apparently understood Snow White, Cinderella, Prince Charming, Alice only through the Japanese familiarity with the in Wonderland, Peter Pan or The Fairy God• Wild West lmagery of American movies, televi• mother are nameless thus merging whatever HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991 236

personalized identities they may project with COMMENTARY that of their named character. Other western employees such as craftsmen (e.g., glass blow­ These contrasts in meaning across the two ers, leather workers), dancers, magiclans, mu­ parks could be extended considerably. The sicians and role-playing shop keepers also re­ point, however, is not to enumerate all the am­ main tag-less. Musicians play only American plifications, deflations, twlsts or reversals in songs - ranging from the Broadway produc­ meaning but to note their pervasive presence. tion numbers put on the large stage settings That the Japanese cultural experience in Tokyo of the park to the twangy country-western tunes Disneyland is akin to a "foreign vacation" with played by a small combo in a fake saloon of a number of comforting homey touches built Westernland. During the Christmas season, into the visit is the perspective I wish to estab­ songs such as Rudolph the Rednose Reindeer, lish. The perfect copy of Disneyland turns out Silent Night, and the hallelujah chorus of Hand• to be anything but perfect at the level of slg­ lel's Messiah are piped throughout the appropri­ nification. lf Disneyland sucks the difference ately festooned park as a portly American San­ out of differences by presenting an altogether ta Claus poses for snapshots with couples and tamed and colonized version of the people of families who wait patiently in long queues for other lands who are, when all ls said and done, such a photo opportunity. The gaijin (literally, just like the good folks at home in Los Angeles "outside person") ordinarily speak only English or Des Moines; Tokyo Disneyland celebrates while in role which furthers their distinctive­ differences bytreating the foreign as exotic, its ness in the setting. Mary Yoko Brannon (1990) peoples to be understood only in terms of the writes of these practices: fact that they are not Japanese and not, most assuredly, like the good people of Osaka or " ... rather than functioning as facilitators of the Disneyland experience like their Japanese coun­ Kyoto. terparts, galjin employees are put on display. Gai• ln this regard, both parks are isolated by a jin east members are displayed daily in a group belief in their own cultural superiority. lt would at the place of honor at the front of the Disney­ be asking to much perhaps of a commerclal en­ land parade, and gaijin craftspersons are dis­ played throughout the day at their boxed-in work terprise to question such a belief since the cor­ stations not unlike animals in cages at the zoo." porate aim in both settings is, ln crude terms, to build and manage an amusement park such The same general practice is followed at Dis- that people will come (and come again) to be neyland where, of course, the roles are reversed run assembly-line fashion through its attrac­ and the "Others" are constructed out of differ­ tions and stripped of their money. But, in the ent cultural building blocks. Just as blacks are cracks, Tokyo Disneyland offers some intrigu­ more notable at Disneyland for their absence ing lessons in culture flow beyond the mere from the productions and the work force, fact of its existence. 1 have four in mind. Koreans are conspicuously absent in Tokyo First, the representation of "the best in Disneyland, victims, it seems, of the racial pol­ America" in Japan breaks some new ground itics of Asia. Villains of the Disney narratives and contributes modestly to what might be produced in the United States seem always to called post-modernism by combining cultural speak and act with vaguely foreign personae elements in new ways and then allowing cus­ and accents, typically, but not always, Russian tomers and workers alike to develop the logic or German; evil in Tokyo Disneyland is of their relationship. Thus, Mickey Mouse, a represented by gaijin witches, goblins and symbol of the infantile and plastic in America, ghosts whose accents are distinctly non­ can come to stand for what is delightful and Japanese. Such a practice of sharply separat­ adorable in Japan and used to sell adult apparel ing gaijin from society mirrors other Japanese and money market accounts. This ls not sim­ cultural productions such as the popular tele­ ply a matter of the Japanese appropriating vision shows devoted to portraying gaijin stu­ Mickey but rather signals a process by which pidities (Stuart, 1987) or the practice of limiting a selected alien imports are reconstituted and the number of baseball players on profession­ given new meaning. al terms to two gaijin players per team (Whit• Second, such cultural flows are on-going ing, 1989). The outsiders may be accorded re­ matters. Mickey Mouse has been hanging spect but they are not to come too close for the around Japan for along time and his cultural culture provides no easy space for them. status has a history. Working out the cultural ARTICLES • JOHN VAN MAANEN 237

meaning of Tokyo Disneyland is aisa a long contextually-dependent malter. Culture can not term affalr. Many of the distlnctly Japanese be simply rammed down people's throats. As characteristlcs of the park were absent when indivldual identity and membership distinctlons the gates were flrst thrown back. Learning ls become blurred, culture must be approached occuring on both sldes of the cultural divlde. more as a rhetorlcal front than a felt reality. lnterestingly, EuroDisneyland, set to apen in Thus, when a CEO of a multinational corpora­ 1992 in Marne-La Vallee, 32 kilometers east of tion refers to his firm as »a family» or when Paris, is much less a duplicate of Disneyland government leaders reach out and tryto project in lts design than Tokyo. Part of this is due to the idea of a region as a culture, they may of­ the insistence of the French government on in­ ten be regarded as engaging in rhetoric or stat­ suring the park will have a number of decided­ ing an aspiration that is all too obviously miss­ ly French touches and due, in another part, to ing in practice. The trick in understanding cul­ Disney's own marketlng work and best guess­ ture flows would seem to be in finding the lev­ es as to what will play well with the 310 million el where culture becomes more than an orator­ Europeans within two hours flight time of Paris. ical abstraction and begins to turn on feellng A different kind of cultural sensitivity seems to and consciousness. Here, then, is where mean­ be operating in EuroDisneyland than in Tokyo ing will be marked and cultural imports em­ Disneyland such that the blending of culture braced, rejected, or, perhaps most commonly, may be more noticeable in France than Japan. transformed. Put another way, it is where Dis­ Third, not only are cultural meanings worked ney World becomes Disney Worlds. out rather differently ln a new setting compared to the old and such adaptation takes time; but, NOTES as culture flows continue, people on both sides of the border become more aware of their own 1 A considerably more elaborate treatment of both the theoryand data appearing in this paper is found culture (and its contradictions) as well as in­ in Van Maanen and Laurent (forthcoming). My ex­ creasing their awareness of the other culture use for putting forth thls modified and abbreviat­ (and its contradictions). The traffic flow is ed version is simply that I think the case materials messy but, as cultures move back and forth, are interesting and instructive on their own. lt is true, too, that twice-told tales are often better than people on both sides may discover new ways once-told tales. Finally, 1 blame the editor of this to do things and new things to do that might special issue, Juha Kinnunen, for encouraging me not have been apparent within either culture. on this task. People are not passive in relation to culture as 2 The analysis that follows in the text is based on a number of methods none of which are to be found if they merely receive it, transmit it, express it. in any respectable method textbook. Some are al­ They aisa create it and new meanings may together opportunistic and retrospective such as eventually emerge as cultures interpenetrate my 2-1/2 year work stint as a ride operator at Dis­ one another. The notions of family entertain­ neyland in the late 1960s; periodic visits to the U.S. parks with my family in tow; and, most recently, a ment, safe thrills and urban leisure will surely threeday visit to Tokyo Disneyland devoted to never be the same ln Japan since Tokyo Dis­ checking out the "findings" reported here. While neyland appeared on the scene.4 A recent poll this sort of emotional recall and research•in-reverse in Japan, for example, reported that over fifty are not recommended as a general fieldwork strate­ gy, both techniques did prove valuable in this case percent of Japanese adults when asked "where and allowed a certain amount ot representational they experienced their happiest moment in the fine-tuning to develop in their wake. Mary Yoko last year" responded by saying "Tokyo Disney­ Brannon helped mastermind my flying visit to land" (lyer, 1988). Tokyo Disneyland in December, 1990 and deserves a good deal of credit for whatever success was ob­ Fourth and finally, the view that cultural in· tained. Former Tokyo Disneyland skyway operator fluences move easily along the tracks of mas­ and current University of Tokyo sociology student, sification - mass media, mass production, Yoji lnowa, proved a skillful translator and guide mass marketing, mass consumerism - usher­ in and out of the park. lmportantly, there is a good deal written about Disneyland, Disney World, Tokyo ing in a global culture which spells the eclipse Disneyland, and EuroDisneyland. 1 have drawn liber­ of national and local cultures is certainly dis­ ally from these materials as noted. A small part of credited by Tokyo Disneyland. This view is 1 the materials reported here were presented at the think naive to the point of banality. While our American Anthropological Association Annual Meetings in Washington D.C. on November 16, 1989 understanding of cultural flows remains woe­ for a session tided »The Magic Kingdom» and or­ fully inadequate, we do know that cultural ac­ ganized by Maria Lydia Spinelli. See, Van Maanen quisition is a slow, highly selective and (1989). 238 HALLINNON TUTKIMUS 3 • 1991

3 Among the more engaging and challenging in­ MacCannel, D. (1976) The tourist. New York: Schock­ terpretations of the myth, magic and mystery of en Books. Disneyland not mentioned in the text include: Brit­ Marin, L. (1977) Disneyland: A degenerate utopia. ton (1989), Eco (1986: 20-56), Moore (1980), Real Glyph I. John Hopkins Textual Studies. Baitimore: (1977: 44-90), Shearing and Stennlng (1985), John Hopkins University Press, 50-66. Spinelli (1987 and Wolf (1979). This is but a drop Moore, A. (1980) Walt Disney's World: Bounded ritu­ in a very large bucket. ai and the playful pilgrimage center. Anthropolog­ 4 On this point, a sort of global ddal wave is seem­ ical Qu arterly. 53, 207-218. ingly building since the amusement trade is grow­ Myerhoff, B. (1983) The tamed and colonized imagi­ ing very rapidly at the moment. Nine parks (includ­ nation in Disneyland. Unpublished paper. Depart­ ing EuroDisneyland) are scheduled to open in Eu­ ment of Anthropology, University of Southern rope over the next few years. Japan has recently California. opened Sanrio Puroland (»Hello Kitty») and Tokyo Peterson, R. (1990) Symbols and social life. Contem­ Sesame Street. Sonyland is not far off in the future. porary Sociology. 19, 498-500. Korea's Lotte World opned outside Seoul in March, Real, M. (1977) Mass-mediated culture. Englewood 1990. The current scramble to break the bank in the Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. theme park business is reminiscent of the amuse­ Schickel, R. (1968) The Disney version. New York: Si­ ment boom that struck the United States just af­ mon Schuster (revised, 1985). ter Disneyland first opened to wild (and unantici­ Sehlinger, B. (1985) The unoffic/al guide to Disney­ pated) success. The boom was short-lived. Most of land New York: Prentice Hall the parks built during that period have long since Shearing, C.D. and P.C. 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