THE LANGUAGE of the MODHUPUR MANDI (GARO) Vol. II

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THE LANGUAGE of the MODHUPUR MANDI (GARO) Vol. II THE LANGUAGE OF THE MODHUPUR MANDI (GARO) Vol. II: The Lexicon Robbins Burling University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan April 2003 c 2003 by Robbins Burling Table of Contents ONE The Lexicon 1 TWO Survival Word List 335 THREE Intermediate Word List 345 FOUR English Index of Mandi Words 391 REFERENCES 457 INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME II When I ¯rst went to live among the Mandis in Bangladesh I had no intention of making a study of the lexicon, but I wanted to gain some uency in the language and I began to collect words for my own use. As the words accumulated I found it helpful to sort them into rough semantic categories: kinship terms here, body parts there, trees in some other place. Gradually, I became fascinated by, even addicted to, the search for words, and as my lists grew, I kept looking for ways to sort them. I even hoped that a plausible sorting might reveal something about the workings of the language, and not merely reect my own preconceptions of how words ought to be organized. My methodology was simplicity itself. When a category grew big enough to become cumbersome, I looked for a way to divide it into smaller but still coherent categories. This worked well enough for some areas. Kin- ship terms fell naturally into those for men and for women, and for older and younger generations. Mandi names for animals could be sorted, as easily as English words, among birds, ¯sh, land animals and bugs. Vast areas of the vocabulary fell into no such clear categories, however, and there were many hundreds of words that would ¯t easily in three or four di®erent places. A disturbing number seem to ¯t nowhere at all. What does one do with a word that can mean `messy' of possessions or `confused' of an argument? To extend a word's meaning from messy objects to messy language is rea- sonable enough, but it makes categorization itself more than a little messy. My only recourse has been to include such words in more than one category, occasionally in three or four. Still, I did try to keep the multiplication of entries under some sort of control. Any native speaker could easily double, and then redouble, the length of most of the categories. Some categories are certainly more complete than others. I doubt if I have missed many vi Introduction kinship terms except for the odd idiosyncratic term from a dialect that I have never encountered, and I have not included all the Bengali kin terms that Mandis sometimes use as alternates for their own. I certainly have a much higher proportion of mammals than of insects or ¯sh, but it is in the more abstract areas of the vocabulary, verbs and adverbs in particular, where the limitations are most severe. Thousands of words are still out there waiting to be written down. This volume is made up of several lists. 1. The ¯rst and largest part of Volume II consists of my word collection, organized by the categories that emerged as it grew. Most of its words are those used by the Mandis who live in the Modhupur area of Bangladesh, but they share most of their words with other dialects. In order to suggest how the dialects di®er, I have given some A.chik equivalents, but I have not done this systematically, and anyone who wants to know more about the more \standard" A.chik dialect should turn to one of the Garo dictionaries. The remaining lists are intended primarily for people who want to learn to speak Mandi or another dialect of Garo: 2. A survival vocabulary of about 250 of the most common and useful words. This is intended as a guide for people who want to get started with learning the language. Where the dialects di®er, I have done my best to give A.chik equivalents along with the Mandi forms. 3. A somewhat longer, but still basic vocabulary list of almost 1000 words. This is meant to give some guidance to people who want to move beyond the most basic level. Di®erent learners will have di®erent needs, of course, and nobody should be con¯ned by my judgement about which words are most important. The words each person needs can always be sought in the full list. 4. The ¯nal list of this volume is an English index to the full Mandi word list. Super¯cially, this may look like an English to Garo word list, or even a short English to Garo dictionary, but it cannot be used without referring to the full Mandi list. The entries on the fourth list will lead you to the Mandi words that overlap in meaning with the English word, but many will not be exact equivalents. Since a single English word may have meanings that are divided among several Mandi words, you will have to look up the Mandi words in the full list in order to ¯nd the best word for your needs. One important way in which the vocabulary of Mandi di®ers from that of dialects spoken in the Garo Hills is that it has been even more heavily inuenced by Bengali. Mandis feel absolutely free to incorporate any Ben- gali word into their speech that they think their listeners will understand. This means, in principle, that the entire vocabulary of Bengali is available for use by the Mandis. To fold an entire Bengali dictionary into a Mandi Introduction vii word list would be absurd, of course, but to include no Bengali words at all would give a terribly false picture of the language as it is actually spoken. The impossible problem is to decide which Bengali words to include and which to leave out. In an attempt to keep sheer bulk under control, I have taken a some- what restrictive approach. I have, for example, included only the most common of the Bengali numbers. Bengali has an extraordinarily complex number system and there seems little point in copying that whole system into a work that focuses on Mandi. On the other hand, I have included the Bengali names for the days of the week, which are the only words that Mandis ever use for them. I also include the names of the twelve Bengali months. Mandis now use the western calendar for some purposes, but they continue to use the Bengali months to describe their agricultural cycle, and it would be arti¯cial to leave them out. I welcome words that are used for the daily activities of the farming villages where I have lived, but I omit large swathes of Bengali vocabulary that are used for religion, government and politics, education and learned subjects, and all aspects of urban life. I have included the Bengali words that seem to me to be best established and least avoidable for those who still live in predominantly agricultural villages. I have simply had to use my judgment. I have spelled borrowed Bengali words to reect the pronunciation that I have heard from Mandis. This is often quite di®erent from their pronunciation by native speakers of Bengali, and it is even further from a transliteration of Bengali spelling. Some borrowed words are well estab- lished and have gained a consistent conventional pronunciation when used in Mandi sentences. Other words vary chaotically. I have included some of the alternative pronunciations, but by no means all. Some borrowings are revealed by their telltale phonology, but many are not. My own skills in Bengali do not go beyond a sort of rudimentary pidgin, so I have generally had to rely on my consultants to know which words have been borrowed. Their reports, unfortunately, are not always consistent. Occasionally I have been given synonymous pairs, only to have one Mandi speaker attribute one of them to Bengali, while another speaker points to the other. More often, fortunately, Mandis know perfectly well which words are borrowed. They have had plenty of experience speaking to Bengalis so they know which words work and which do not. It is more likely that I have failed to recog- nize some words as having come originally from Bengali than that I have mistakenly attributed unborrowed words to Bengali, though it is all too likely that I have made both kinds of errors. As with Bengali, I spell words that are taken from English in the way that I have heard them pronounced by Mandis, and as I pronounce them myself when I speak Mandi. As a speaker of English, I have much more viii Introduction con¯dence in my own ability to spot borrowings from that language. \<B" indicates that the word is borrowed from Bengali, while \<E" marks the word as coming from English. One problem that Mandi poses for the word collector is that a high proportion of its words are built up from two or more meaningful parts { from smaller morphemes. Words constructed from a half dozen meaningful pieces are by no means rare. Speakers construct words on the y, just as English speakers construct phrases on the y. It is no more possible to speak Mandi without constructing new words than it is to speak English without constructing new phrases. This means that Mandi words are not really the same sorts of units as English words. Obviously, a Mandi word list cannot include all the words that could be constructed. Such a list would never end. Ideally, one should list \lexical items" the conventionalized bits from which longer sequences are constructed. Such a list would have to include a±xes that are never used as independent words, but it would also have to include many words that contain several morphemes, but whose overall meanings have become so conventionalized that they are not fully predictable from the meaning of their parts.
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