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TRADE UNION INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY:
EXPLORING THE UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT OF
GRASSROOTS SOLIDARITY FUNDS WITHIN
CANADIAN UNIONS
by
Karen M. Brown
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August, 1999
Copyright by Karen M. Brown, 1999 National Library Bibliothegue nationale m*I of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bi bliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 W Jlington Street 395. rue WMigtm OttawaON KlAON4 OtrawaON K1AW Canada CaMda
The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fomat électronique.
The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial exîracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. TO ALL THE DEDICATED TRADE UNION ACTIVISTS
WHO HAVE WORKED SO HARD OVER THE YEARS
TO ADVANCE THE INTERESTS OF THEIR
UNION SISTERS AND BROTHERS AND THE WORKINC CLASS
IN THE GREATER COMMUNITY TABLE OF CONTENTS
... List of Tables and Figures ...... viii
Abstract ...... ix
Acknowledgements ...... x
Preface ...... xi
Chapter One: Introduction ...... 1
1 -1 The Objective of This Study ...... 1 1.2 Methodology ...... ,, ...... 2 1.2.a Participants in the Study: Two English-Canadian Labour Centrals ...... 5 1.2.b The Focus is On: Unions With Solidarity Funds and Unions Without ...... 6 1-3 Background Information on the Nine Unions ...... 11 1.4 The Earliest Stages of Labour Internationdism ...... 20 1.5 Canadian Unions and 'Official' Labour Intemationalism ...... ,,37 1-5 .a The ICFTU ...... -,73 1.5.b The ITSs ...... 24 1 -6 'Unofficial' Labour Internationalism ...... 25 1 -7 Chapter Outline ...... 26
Chapter Two: Moving From Business Unionism to Social Unionism?: Grassroots International Solidarity as a Sign ...... 29
2.1 Some Preliminary Observations About the Solidarity Funds ...... 29 2.2 International Solidarity and Two Models of Trade Unionism ...... 30 2.3 Considering Business Unionism ...... 31 2.4 Considering Social Unionism ...... 34 2.5 The Conflict Between Social and Business Unionism ...... 34 2.6 The Link Between Business Unionism, Bureaucracy, and the Postwar Compromise ...... 35 2.7 Feminist Critique of Business Unionism ...... 38 2.8 Unmasking Social Unionism ...... 38 2.9 Can a Union Change?: Sociai Unionism and Global Solidarity ...... 40 2.10 Individual Unions: Bureaucracy. Militancy and Social Movements ...... 42 2.1 O.a Unions With Funds ...... 44 (1 ) Canadian Union of Public Employees ...... 44 (2) Canadian Auto Workers ...... 50 (3) Communications. Energy and Paperworkers Union ...... 54 (4) United Steelworkers of Arnerica ...... 57 (5) La Confédération des Syndicat Nationaux ...... 64 2.1 O.b Unions Without a Fund ...... 70 (6) Canadian Union of Postal Workers ...... 70 (7) Public Service Alliance of Canada ...... 77 (8) Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees ...... 82 (9) United Food and Commercial Workers Union ...... 88 2.1 1 Anal ysis and Summary ...... 93 2.1 1 .a Unions With a Fund ...... 95 2.1 1 .b Unions Without a Fund ...... 97 2.1 1 .c Canadian Unions and a Discourse of 'Class Conflict' ...... 100 2.1 1 .d The Influence of Marginaiised Groups ...... 102
Chapter Three: Two Types of Trade Union International Solidarity: Bureaucratic versus Grassroots ...... 105
3.1 Whose International Solidarity 1s It?: Grassroots Activists Claim a Larger Space ...... 105 3.2 Evolution of the 'Made in Canada' International Solidarity Funds ...... 113 3 2.a Creating a Sol id Structure ...... 113 3 .2 .b The CLC Model ...... 115 3.2.c Having a History is Important ...... 115 3.2.d Significance of International Networks and Coalitions ...... 116 3.2.e The CLC Conflicts With its Affiliates: The American Comection ...... 119 3 2.f The Hegernony of a Single Voice is No Longer Viable ...... 125 3.2.g The Growth of the CSN's International Solidarity Fund: Separate But Similar ...... 126 3 -3 The LIDC: Singing From the Sarne Songbook? ...... 130 3.4 International Solidarity Funds: Administration and Projects ...... 134 ( 1 ) Canadian Union of Public Employees - CUPE Union Aid ...... 135 (2) Auto Workers - Social Justice Fund ...... 137 (3) Communications. Energy and Paperworkers Union . CEP Humanity Fund ...... 140 (4) Steelworkers Humanity Fund ...... 142 (5) La Confëdération des Syndicats Nationaux - Alliance Syndicats Tiers Monde ...... 146 3.5 Overview of the Funds' Similarities ...... 146 3.6 Summary: The Funds and Their Finances ...... 147
Chapter Four: Unravelling the Uneven Development of International Solidarity Funds Amongst Canadian Unions ...... 150
4.1 Relevant Political and Economic Conditions ...... 151 4.1 .a A Labour Movement Under Siege ...... 151 4 1 .b Globalization, Global Competitiveness and Neo-liberalism ...... 156 4.1 .c The Unions With Funds ...... 159 (1) Canadian Union of Public Emptoyees ...... 159 (2) Auto Workers ...... 161 (3) Communications Workers ...... 163 (4) Steelworkers ...... 165 (5) La Confédération ...... 166 4.1 .d The Unions Without Funds ...... 169 (6) Postal Workers ...... 169 (7) The Alliance ...... 170 (8) Hotel Employees ...... 172 (9) Food Workers ...... ,...... 173 4.2 Globalization Discourse and Grassroots Global Solidarity ...... 175 4.3 Union Financial Constraints and Global Solidarity ...... 176 4.4 The Postal Workers as an Anomaly ...... 178 4.5 Relationship Between Job Sector and Global Solidarity Funds ...... 181 4.6 Considering Alternative Functions of the Funds ...... 184 4.7 Summary of the Findings ...... 185
Chapter Five: Conclusion ...... 187 5.1 Summary of the Major Findings ...... 188 5.2 Limitations of this Study ...... 192 5.3 Implications for Future Research ...... 193
References ...... 194
vii LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Tables Page
1 Type of Union in Relation to Solidarity Fund ...... 9
3 Unions and Number of Workers Represented ...... 19
3 Association Between Gl~balSolidarity Fund and Social Unionism ...... 99
4 Union Participation in Bureaucratie and Grassroots Intemationai Solidarity ...... 111
5 CAW Social Justice Fund Project Expendinires ...... 138
6 CEP Hurnanity Fund Project Expenditures ...... 141
7 Steelworkers Humanity Fund Project Categorïzation ...... 143
8 Steelworkers Humanity Fund Project Expenditures ...... 144
9 Globalization Discourse in Relation to Grassroots Global Solidarity ...... 175
10 Financial Constraints in Relation to Global Solidarity Fund ...... 177
1 1 Job Sector of Union Members in Relation to Global Solidarity Fund ...... 183
Figures
1 Rank-Order. of . Unions in Relation to 'Business Unionism' and 1 Social. Unionrsrn' ...... 94
2 Rank-Order of Unions on International Solidarity Work ...... , ...... 112 ABSTRACT
This thesis explores the factors that are linked to the uneven emergence of
international solidarity funds within Canadian unions. Trade union international
solidarity has been an important practice of unions for over a century. The solidarity
hdsfacilitate grassroots activism and serve to bridge geographical boundaries between
workers and communities in the 'North' and 'South'. Encompassed within this
comparative study of nine Canadian unions are interviews with union leaders, members
and staff, and data drawn from union documents and academic literature.
Several factors are examined for their potential connections to the development of
the Funds within some unions. and the absence of the Funds in other unions. Canadian unions are analysed for attributes that indicate a tendency towards either 'business unionism' or 'social unionism'. At the same the, the benefits and disadvantages of bureaucratic versus grassroots organizations are debated. in relation to the evolution of the Funds. Intertwined with this are longstanding conflicts between national and internationai unions (Amencan-based unions), and Québec nationalism versus Canadian federalism.
Globalization, financial constraints and marginalised groups, within unions and society. emerge as crucial factors related to the creation of the international solidarity funds and the practice of grassroots union solidarity. ACKNOWLEMJEMENTS
s
1 would like to extend many thanks to al1 the trade unionists who participated in this study. 1 am most appreciative of these individuals for granting me interview time or comecting me with potential interviewees. Without their input this study would not have been possible. They have also greatly broadened my perspective of Canadian trade unionism.
1 would also like to thank the staff of various trade unions who generously provided me with background material about their organizations. Tkank you to Paulette
Sadoway of the Canadian Labour Congress in Halifax for offering to me some helpfd data. In addition. merci beaucoup/muchas gracias to Nora Lezada Côté. librarian at the
Canadian Labour Congress Library in Ottawa for king so tnendly and efficient in digging out union materiai for me. at such short notice.
Most importantly. I want to thank my thesis cornmittee, Drs. Richard Apostle,
Jennifer Jarman and Herb Gamberg. 1 am especialiy gratefu! to my cornmittee supervisor. Richard Apostle. for guiding me through the painhl process of creating a
Masters' thesis. and for his encouragement. A thousand million thanks to, the one and only. Dr. Herb Garnberg for king so enthusiastically supportive of my academic pursuits, and for many enjoyable discussions. Finally. thank you to Ms. Mary Morash-
Watts, Ms. Janet Graham and Ms. Doma Edwards for their technical assistance, moral support and laughs. PREFACE
1 was first introduced to the idea of trade union international solidarity as a participant in a course o&ed by the union which represents me in my workplace, the
Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW). At that time, 1 learned that there were a number of unions in Canada involved in very interesting comrnunity and labour-oriented work in this country and abroad. My own union had also been making international solidarity connections for a few years through its membership in larger bureaucratic international organizations and at the grassroots level, worker-to-worker.
Not long after, 1 had the opponunity to nsit Cuba and meet with some workers in
Santiago de Cuba who are members of the National Communications Workers Union
(SNTC). The Cuban Communications Workers is a sister union to the Canadian Union of
Postal Workers. A number of CUPW locals have twinned with locals of the SNTC in
Cuba. Since these international connections seemed to be mutually beneficial to the parties involved, 1 began to wonder why more unions did not engage in such activity.
Then, 1 discovered there were Canadian unions that were very organized in promoting grassroots solidarity through their own non-governmental organizations, called solidarity funds. This led to my research question: why are certain unions involved in making these types of international connections, while others are not? CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 The Objective of This Study
The main focus of this thesis is to explore the factors related to why grassroots international solidarity is practiced by some Canadian unions, while its practice is absent in other unions. More specifically, what variables. either internai or extemal to a particular union. serve to constrain or facilitate the creation of trade union international solidarity fwids? Further. does the emergence of these Funds represent a sign of some fundamental change in the Canadian labour movement? This study explores these and other questions through a comparative analysis of nine labour organizations in Canada.
A deregulated global economy and global cornpetition are ofien linked to what appears to be a widening gap between the wealthy and the rest of the populace. During the 1990s. Canadian workers have ken particularly hard hit by fiscally-conservative governments; the consequences include pay and benefit cut-backs, downsizing and the trimming-down of social programs. The advent of continental trade agreements. over the last decade. have paved the way for the transfer of more Canadian jobs to offshore locations. In spite of the fact that trade unions are an important voice in civil society and have the capacity to mobilize a large number of people, some critics suggest that unions are powerless to generate an effective opposition to the current gIobal process that is being directed by the dominant institutions.
The establishment of trade union internat ional solidarity funds represents a 2 challenge to this inference. Some trade unionists suggest that because corporations have gone global. so must labour. There seems to be a gmwing contingent of labour activists who refuse to accept the neo-liberal ideology that is king propogated by institutions of power. The Funds are not rnere symbols of international solidarity; they are sub- structures linked to the main body of the union. with a mandate to promote grassroots global solidarity and an oppositional consciousness to the dominant ideology. However.
the question still remains as to whether unions with Funds have different attributes than unions without Funds. This also leads to another question -- do the dissimilar attributes of Canadian unions hinder union solidarity?
This thesis will examine the factors that have long ken considered as detrimental to both national and international solidarity, fiom a Canadian perspective. John Porter outiines the factors that have contributed to fragmentation within Canadian labour (Potier
1965). They include the conflict between Amencan-based international unionism and national [Canadian] unionism; crafi versus industrial unionism; Québec nationalism and the resistance from Canadian federalists: and business unionism clashing with social unionism (Porter 1965: 3 1 5.3 1 8,33 1,33 5). Issues of political economy. culture. and the structure of organized labour intersect to form the context within which the solidarity funds are situated.
1.2 Methodology
In order to explore variations in trade union involvement in international solidarity. 1 decided that qualitative methods using a combination of serni-structured interviews and secondary material would be the most appropriate. Investigating trade
union leaders' perceptions of international solidarity programs across a range of unions in
Canada provides an illustration of the role of this activity within the labour movement.
The approach this study takes would most accurately be described as inductive analysis.
Rather than theory guiding the inquiry, theory is generated fiom the data. The dependent
variable in this inquiry is gassroots global solidarity.
The first stage of this investigation began with gatherîng documents fiom various unions, such as newsletters, magazines, videos, and copies of national constitutions.
After having scanned the accurnulated union documents, the second stage of the study involved contacting prospective interviewees. These interviewees were selected on the bais of one form of nonprobability sampling known as judgmentai (purposive) sampling.
In his discussion of the judgrnental sampling methodoEarl Babbie suggests that such a procedure may be sufficient for general comparative purposes and when it is not feasible to sample al1 members of a particular population (Babbie 1989: 204). The goal of this study is not to obtain an exhaustive picture of global solidarity work in relation to every union in Canada. Nor would it be possible to interview al1 of the trade unionists whose insights may enhance our comprehension of that fonn of activity.
Following a more pragmatic course, this is a comparative study of a Iimited number of Canadian unions. In a sense. this is exploratory research, as Ted Palys describes it. Palys suggests that exploratory research allows us to gain an understanding of a particular phenornenon whose dynamics are obscure to us (Palys 1992: 82). This is apt to involve a strategic sampling of insightful informants or revealing situations, 4 including people who are familiar with the phenornenon (Palys 1992: 83). Exploratory research does not necessarily involve an attempt at "representative" sampling of persans or situations (Palys 1992: 83). However, 1 have tried to include informants fiom an assortment of unions that may share some characteristics but also differ by a number of factors. The modest aim of this study is to acquire a more in-depth understanding of the function of curent practices of global trade union solidarity by exarnining unions that
Vary in their degree of involvement and in their type of solidarity work.
Most of the people whom 1 interviewed were not previously known to me; some were recommended by persona1 acquaintances. The rnajority of my interviewees were those whom 1 believed would be most knowledgable about their own union andior international union solidarity.
A series of 17 face-to-face interviews were conducted with 19 informants in the months of June and July 1997, in Nova Scotia, Ontario, and Quebec. The twelve male and seven female informants who were interviewed represent 11 labour organizations.
Al1 prospective informants who were asked agreed to be interviewed and al1 were initially contacted by either telephone or electronic mail. Union documents and various union
Web sites on the Intemet were my principle sources of possible interviewees. Indeed, al1 of the unions in this study either display a national Web site or a number of Web sites created by various locals. The data provided have proven to be a usehl augmentation to other matenal that 1 have collected.
My interview sample encompasses a diverse group of eiected union representatives. hired staff, and activist rank-and-file union members. They are located at 5 various levels of their union structure: national, regional and local. Some of these people have been members of their respective unions for decades, having advanced fiom workplace activisrn to elected or appointed positions. Other interviewees include outside hired staff who may claim a shorter history with their present union employer but are knowledgable in the field of international developrnent, possess technical skills, or have experience working with other unions and social justice organizations. None of my informants occupy positions at the very top of the union hierarchy.
The interviews were semi-structured in that the interview guide consisted of a number of open-ended questions that allowed for flexibility in the informants' responses and impromptu queries by the researcher. The union information that 1 had collected in the preceding months inspired many of my questions. The interviews were tape-recorded and ranged in duration fiom 45 minutes to two and one-half hours. The informants were extremely accommodating in granting me interview time in spite of often very busy sc hedules.
Interviews were conducted with representatives of the nine unions focused on in this study. Also included are observations fiom an individual who represents a union which is afiliated with the Confederation of Canadian Unions (CCU) and a Canadian
Labour Congress (CLC) spokesperson.
1.2.a Particinants in the Studv: Two Ennlish-Canadian Labour Centrals
The Canadian Confederation of Unions (CCU) was formed in 1969 and is a small labour central comprised of 40.000 members in 21 affiliated unions. It claims to be 6
dedicated to the development of a democratic, sovereign labour movement controlled by
the ordinary members. The Canadian Labour Congress was formed in 1956 and is the
largest labour central in Canada, with a membership of 2.3 million workers belonging to
85 national and U.S.-based, international unions, Two Canadian labour centrals, that
predated the CLC, the Trades and Labour Congress (TLC) and the All-Canadian
Congress of Labour (1927), merged to form the CLC (Porter 1965: 3 17).
The CLC holds biennial national conventions attended by 2,500 local union
delegates who propose resolutions that govern CLC policy. Chartered bodies inchde the
Provincial Federations of Labour and Local Labour Councils. From its inception, it has
maintained close links with social democratic political organizations, including collaboration with the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) to form the New
Democratic Party (NDP)of Canada (Porter 1965: 3 17). The conduct of multinational corporations over the last few years has reinforced the importance of the CLC's
International Affairs Department.
1.2.b The Focus is On: Unions With Solidaritv Funds and Unions Without
For the purpose of this study, the nine unions are divided into two groups: five having grassroots global solidarity prograrns, or 'Funds'. that are stmctured on a national union level and the other four unions that have no such program or may be in the process of creating one. These Funds support a range of programs that lin.unions and non- govermental organizations (NGOs) in Canada with unions, NGOs, and cornmunities in the 'majority' or Third World. In addition, the Funds support a few projects within 7
Canada. suc h as food banks. A crucial part of the overall undertaking is the education and involvement of the union membership to foster their direct interaction with their conterparts overseas, hence the terrn 'grassroots'. More detail about these Funds is provided throughout the study.
The five unions with structured international solidarity fimds, including the names of their Funds, are:
1. Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE). Public sector, Canadian union.
- Union Aid. 1993.
2. Canadian Auto Workers (CAW). Pnvate sector, Canadian union.
- Canadian Auto Workers' Social Justice Fund, 199 1.
3. Communications. Energy and Paperworkers Union (CEP). Private sector. Canadian
union.
- CEP Humanity Fund, 1992.
4. United Steelworkers of America (USWA). Private sector. international (U.S.-based)
union.
- Steelworkers Humanity Fund. 1985.
5. La Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN)/Confederarion of National Trade
Unions (CNTU). Mixture of public and pnvate sector, Québec labour central.
- Alliance Syndicats Tiers-Monde, 1986 -- financing aid projects in the 'Third World',
and Le Collectif International -- coordinating the international actions of the CSN. 8
The four remaining unions without a structured international solidarity fund include:
6. Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW). Primarily public sector, Canadian union.
7. Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC). Primady public sector, Canadian union.
8. Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union (HERE). Private
sector, international (US.-based) union.
9. United Food and Commercial Workers International Union (UFCW). Private sector,
international (U. S.-based) union.
This sample is illustrated in table form, where:
Public Cdn = public sector Canadian unions
Private Cdn = private sector Canadian unions
Private Int = private sector international (US.-based) unions
Québec = Québec unions TABLE 1
TYPE OF UNION IN RELATION TO SOLIDARITY FUND
International Solidarity Fund
Yes Total
Public Cdn CUPE CUPW PSAC
Private Cdn CAW CEP
Private Int USWA HERE UFCW
CSN
Total 5
Al1 of these unions. except for la Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN). are affiliated with the labour central' the Canadian Labour Congress. The Internationalt.
'The label 'international union' is actually a misnomer as it applies to Amencan-based unions that also have organized workers in Canada. A more appropriate designation would be 'continental union'. However, Jack Scott insists that the self-proclaimed title of 'international union' has been an intentional ploy to obscure the Arnericanism of these unions and an underlying political agenda of interfering in Canadian domestic affairs (Scott 1978: 7,8). This corresponds with Robert Laer's analysis that international union leaders in Canada have tended to direct the New Democratic Party policy away fiom a 10
U.S.-based unions are also affiliated with the Arnerican Federation of Labour - Congress
of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). 1 have attempted to include a mixture of public
and private sector unions, Canadian, international, and Québec unions, as well as unions
that vary by size of membership.
The following are alternative versions of union names used throughout this study:
CUPE - Public Empioyees
CA W - Auto Workers
CEP - Communications Workers
US WA - Steelworkers
CSN - La Confédération (des Syndicats Nationaux)
CUPW - Postal Workers
PSAC - the Alliance
HERE - Hotel Employees
UFC W - Food Workers
CLC - the Congress
Canadian nationalism that would pose a threat to American business style unionism and Arnerican corporations (Laxer 1976: 297). 11
1.3 Background Information on the Nine Unions'
(1) The Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE)is the largest union in Canada, with 460.000 public sector members. Many CUPE members are municipal workers. university employees, health care workers, flight attendants. as well as workers in libraries, social service agencies, the CBC and public utilities. There are approximately
3.400 CUPE locals in almost every city and town across the country. Women comprise more than half of the membership, with workers of colour also representing a significant component of the union. At least 25 percent of CUPE members are part-tirne workers.
Their information booklet States that CUPE was formed in 1963, principally from the merger of two public sector unions, the National Union of Public Employees and the
National Union of Public Service Employees. whose roots can be traced back as far as
1921.
(2) The Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) is a private sector union with 2 15,000 members. Besides the manufacturing and servicing of assorted vehicles of transport,
CAW members are also fisherpeople, hotel employees, miners, health care and food service workers. Originally a part of the United Auto Workers, an international, industrial union founded in 1936, the Canadian faction voted to split from its American counterpart in 1984, due to differences in union philosophy and bargaining strategies
(Gindin 1995: 50,209- 19,226).
'Unless otherwise noted, the foilowing data are drawn fiom various union documents (constitutions, magazines, newsletters and bulletins), union internet web sites and persona1 interviews. 12
During an era of labour discontent and dissent, the United Auto Workers oficially came into being in 1936, in Indiana (Gindin 1995: 50). It began as a militant union affiliated to the Congress of Industriai Organizations (CIO) and was instrumental in gaining legai recognition for trade unions in Canada and the United States (Gindin 1995).
Today. the Canadian Auto Workers strongly espouses a philosophy of social unionism.'
As with most other unions. the CAW is diversieing beyond its traditiond jurisdiction; fewer and fewer of the Auto Workers' mcmbersl-ip is comprised of its traditional base of automobile manufacturers. About 20 percent of the members are female.
(3) According to their information folder, the Communications, Energy and
Papenvorkers Union (CEP) represents 150,000 private sector workers al1 across Canada.
They are employees of telephone companies, television and radio stations, newspapers. sawmills, chernical plants. print shops, mining companies, hotels, oil refineries. heaith care institutions and many others. As with the Auto Workers, the CEP claims that it is committed to social unionism.
Along with the Steelworkers and the Auto Workers, the CEP originates fiom mostly older mass production industrial unions, dating back to the beginning of the
jThis is a forrn of trade unionism based in the workplace, but which considers it crucial to participate in, and influence, the gecerai direction of society. Areas of concern inchde health care, education, housing, and the environment. It involves the recognition that union struggles are "part of a social movement for a more human society here and for peace and justice internationally" (CAW-Canada National Constitution 1994: 2). hventieth century. The CEP is a fairly new formation resulting fkom the mergers of a number of unions with the Communications Workers of Canada (CWC), which, in tum, broke away from its American parent, the Communications Workers of America (CWA) in 1972. The CEP was established in 1992 and is comprised of a number of Canadian unions. some of which have also separated fiom their Amencan international. One major aiteration resulting fiom these numerous mergers was a decrease in the proportion of female mernbers in the CEP. Women now comprise roughly t 5 percent of the membership.
(4) The Canadian section of the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) represents approximately 165,000 private sector workers in manufacturing, mining, retail, banks, food services, taxi services, electronics, hotels and elsewhere. The Canadian
Steelworkers is structured into three large districts along with a Retail Wholesale
Division. The number of female members has risen fiom 13 percent to 27 percent.
It was only in late 1974 that the Steelworkers' position as the largest union in
Canada was usurped by the Canadian Union of Public Employees (Laxer 1976: 37). The predecessors of the USWA include a number of steel and metalworkers' industrialkions in the United States dating back to the 1870s. Initially, the USWA was also member of
'As John Porter suggests, industrial unionism featues the "organization of dl the workers within a plant or industry into the same union", regardless of the employee's job hnction or classification. Craft unionism, which is most often found in the building trades today, involves organizing the "workers according to their crafts or skills into separate unions". In contrat to the crafi unions, the industrial unions eagerly organized large numbers of unskilled and semi-skilled workers. The relationship between crafi and industrial unions has been charactenzed as one of conflicting ideologies, especially during the 1930s (Porter 1965: 335,336). 14 the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The Steelworkers, as an international
union. is in the process of merging with two other large unions -- the International
Association of Machinists (IAM) and the United Auto Workers (UAW). By the year
2000, this will be the largest union in North Arnerica with 2,000,000 members in total, which will also raise the Canadian Steelworkers' membership to 200,000.
(5) La Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN) is an umbretla labour organization currently compnsed of approximately 2,174 unions, aimost al1 of which are based in the province of Québec. There are also a very small nurnber of CSN &liates in
New Brunswick and Ontario. The latest figure offered on the CSN Web site for total nurnber of members is about 232,000, which represents a quarter of the unionized workers in Québec. Approximately, 43.3 percent of workers in Québec are unionized -- the highest level in North America. Currently, the percentage of workers unionized in
Canada hovers around 33 percent; it is much lower in the United States at about 15 percent. The CSN represents approximately 6 percent of the organized workers in
Canada (Palmer 1992: 403)
The CSN began as the Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour (CCL) in
192 1 (CSN and CEQ 1987: 90). In 1960. it adopted its present narne as the first stage in acquiring a more secular character and, by the 1970s, developed an ideology of militant. class-conscious unionism (CSN and CEQ 1987: 199,23 1).
The CSN maintains a relatively equai number of male and female members, although they are disproportionately represented in public and private job sectors. In accordance with the structure of employment in Québec, 80 percent of CSN female 15 rnembers work in the public sector for various govemment departments, in health and social services, and in education. The remaining 20 percent in the private sector are employed in commerce and communication.
By contrast, 80 per cent of CSN's male members are private sector employees.
They can be found in construction, pulp and paper, forestry, and in metalworking. The public sector male members are mostly employed in colleges and universities, as well as in public transport.
The CSN's Web site is entirely in French while some, although not ail, of the other unions included here offer the option of union idormation in either English or
French.
(6) The Canadian Union of Postai Workers (CUPW) and the Letter Carriers Union of
Canada (LCUC) were oficially established in 1965. Their formation was a direct result of a wildcat strike which emerged fiom the rank-and-file membership of the Montreal.
Toronto. and Vancouver locals, in defiance of the government and their postal associations' leadership. Previous to this, letter carriers had first organized in 1891 followed by the inside postal clerks in 19 1 1 (Palmer 1992: 320). The 1965 illegal strike by the postal employees is considered to have been a catalyst for the federal government passing a law in 1967 permitting the right to strike or arbitration by public sector workers
(Heron 1996: 96).
As a result of a nationwide membership vote in 1989, the CUPW became the official bargaining agent for the letter carriers and a number of other workers within the post office. provoking ongoing interna1 conflict between the two groups. This process 16
expanded the CUPW membership fiom 24,000 to 46,000, where it still stands today
(White 1990: Postscript). However, female workers, whose proportion of the
membership had increased fiom 4.9 percent in 1962 to 40.1 percent in 1986, are now
reduced to 29 percent of the total membership (White 1990: 2, Postscript).
The majonty of members of the CUPW are public sector workers employed by
Canada Post; aithough, as with many other unions, the Postal Workers is also organizing
beyond its traditional jurisdiction to encompass private sector workers. From its
historical composition as a relatively hornogenous union with one employer and one
national collective agreement: the CUPW is slowly evolving into an industrial union with
a more diversified membership working for many different employers.
(7) The founding convention of the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) took
place in Ottawa in November 1966. Previous to the creation of the 'Alliance', a number
of conservative civil service associations had represented federal governent workers
since the early 1900s, but lacked collective bargaining rights (White 1993: 5 1). It was
not until 1967 that federal public sector workers in Canada obtained the right to colIective
bargaining (White 1993: 5 1). At that time, the Alliance consisted of 98,000 members, 28
percent of whom were women (White 1993: 52). By 1994. women accounted for 47
percent of the 170.000 membership. Currently. membership stands at about 155,000.
Most Alliance workers are employed throughout the public sector, although the
union has been organizing a smail number of private sector workers in recent years.
Presently, due to government downsizing and privatization. the composition of the membership is in a state of flux. However, over the years, the Alliance has represented 17 workers at national parks, weather forecasting, agricultural research, support staff at
Canadian Forces Bases, Employment and Immigration, Revenue Canada, Statistics
Canada, Customs, Correctional Services, Canada Post, Public Works, Transport Canada, food inspection agencies and many more. The Alliance and CUPE are generaily characterized as "white collar" unions, although they aiso encompass "blue collar" workers and are organized under the mass industrial union mode1 (Laxer 1976: 35).
(8) The origin of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union
(HERE) harkens back to the mid-nineteenth century. In 1866, afier the Civil War had ended, the Bartenders and Waiters Union in Chicago was formed. Later, the Hotel and
Restaurant Employees Nationai Altiance was officially inaugurated at its first national convention in 1892. By 1898, the union included three Canadian locals.
Organizing waitresses in 190 1 was HERE's first attempt at unionizing femaie workers. and an important step in its continuing evolution. During World War 1, 70 percent of waitresses organized by HERE in the U.S. belonged to separate all-female
Iocais (Cobble 1991 : 420.42 1). Women now form approximately 58 percent of the mernbership (White 1993: 115).
Although HERE was almost devastated during the Prohibition era (Canada- 191 6.
U.S.4 91 9). the union underwent a revivai and expansion commencing in 1933. Today.
HERE maintains a total membership of 300,000 in North Amenca, and approximately
30,000 in Canada. One of the smailer unions representing Canadian workers in this study, the Hotel Workers is a private sector, international crafi union. As its name 18 implies, the union represents employees in the hospitality trades including hotels, bars, casinos. restaurants, and railways.
(9) The United Food and Commercial Workers International Union (UFC W) maintains
1.4 million members in North America. In Canada, there are about 200,000 members of the UFCW. According to its glossy, well-organized information package. the UFCW is the fastest-growing union in the Canadian Labour Congress.
The present incarnation of the Food Workers is a consequence of a number of mergers of large unions. Its origins can be found amongst the militant indusbial unions within the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) of the 1930s (Horowitz 1997).
The United Packinghouse Workers of America (UPWA) was distinguished by its militant minority of black and female workers and an anti-discrimination philosophy represented in its union logo of a handshake between a black and white hand (Horowitz 1997: 1-8).
The UPWA merged in 1968 with another industrial union, the
Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen. In 1979, another merger transpired with a craft union, the Retail Clerks International Union (RCIU), which formally established the UFCW. Interna1 friction resulted due to divergent philosophical orientations and practices between this merging of industrial and crafi unions. However, the merger proved advantageous to Canadian members who attained virtual self- govenunent within the International (Thompson and Blum 1983: 79). Since then, other unions have also merged with the UFC W.
The UFC W is a private sector union encompassing workers fiom diverse workpiaces, including: food processing, department stores, meatcutting, fisheries, 19
supermarkets, grain and feed mills, bankskredit unions, agriculture, insurance industry,
breweries, restaurants, hotels and nursing homes. About 52 percent of the members are
women. Table 2, below, displays the nuniber of members in the unions
that are the focus of this study.
TABLE 2
UNIONS AND NUMBER OF WORKERS REPRESENTED
Union Total Membership
Public Ernployees (CUPE) 1 460,000 Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) Communications Workers 1 150,000
Steelworkers (US WA - Canada) La Confédération (CW Postal Workers (CUPW) Alliance (PSAC) 1 155,000 Hotel Employees (HERE- Canada) Food Workers (UFCW - Canada) Total 1 1,638,000
With the exclusion of la Confédération, the unions in this study represent 1.4 of the 2.3 million mernben of the Canadian Labour Congress, or 62 percent. Initially, the 20
Canadian labour movement during the nineteenth century was overwhelrningly comprised of union members belonging to US-based intemationals (Thompson and Blum 1983: 71).
However, the percentage of Canadian workers in international unions has been progressively dwindling, especidly fiom 1962 to 1989 when the rate dropped fiom 65 -9 percent to 32.3 percent (White 1993 : 57,58). In addition, Canadian divisions of some international unions have broken away to forrn independent Canadian unions or to rnerge with other Canadian unions. Concomitantly, the proportion of Canadian wornen in unions has grown fiom 16 percent in 1965 to 36 percent in 1992 (Warskett 1992: 1 13). These changes have been attributed to the increase in Canadian public sector unions since the sixties, with their large numbers of female employees (Thompson and Blum 1983 : 7 1).
As Robert Laxer points out, Canada is an anomaly amongst industrialized nations in having large numbers of its unionized workers as members of unions with headquarters in another country, the United States &axer 1976: 37). Consequently, the United States has been highly influential in the development of the culture of organized labour in Canada and in the continuation of structural weaknesses within the Canadian Labour Congress that hinder its emergence as a full-fledged social and political force capable of challenging the institutions of power (Porter 1965: 3 18,329,330).
1.4 The Earliest Stages of Labour Internationalism
To better appreciate the relationship between Canadian unions and their counterparts in other countries, it is essential to briefly examine labour internationalism in 21
a historical context. The leadership of the British trade unions were the fmt to initiate the
idea of an international labour organization to workers in European countries between
1862 and 1863 (Lorwin 1953: 8). Because building contractors in England were bringing
in workers fiom Europe to break a local strike, trade unionists recognized the need for
mutual cooperation and solidarity across national borders (Lorwin 1953: 8,9).
The First International, the International Working Men's Association, was formed
in 1864 and held its first congress in 1866 (Lorwin 1953: 9,lO). Karl Marx gave the inaugural address in which he appeaied to the audience, "working men of al1 countries, unite!" (Lorwin 1953: 10). The First International collapsed in 1878 afier the Franco-
Pmssion War and the Paris Commune Mach (Lorwin 1953: 13).
In 1889. the Second or Socialist International, which was to become a significant world movement, was initiated at a congress in Paris (Lewin 1953: 19,26). Coinciding with this development, was the emergence of socialist parties in various countries: the formation of the International Trade Secretariats; and, a decade later, the creation of the conflict-ridden International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers (Lorwin 1953:
19,30-34). Contentious issues that were debated within these organizations at that time are still controversiai today. Questions of revolution and reform, the relationship of political [socialist] parties to trade unions, and the fiction between craft [business- oriented] and industrial unions [socialist-refonnist] arose during these organizations' early years (Lorwin 1953: 22,32-40).
Due to the pressure of extemal forces, the working class, as represented by the
Second International, folded in 19 14 (Langley 1972: 296; Lorwin 1953: 30). Along with international labour, it failed to prevent the Fust World War through a general strike
(Langley 1972: 296). Although a Third International surfaced in 19 19, the trade union solidarity that had existed prior to 1914 was never Wly rekindled (Langley 1972: 296;
Lorwin 1953: 45).
The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) was formed in 1945 (Langley
1972: 296). The American Federation of Labour (AFL) contested the WFTU's clah as the embodyment of the fiee trade union movement and iinked it to the "Russian dictatorship" (Lorwin 1953 : 233). In 1949, Western trade unions abandoned the WFTU due to conflict over Stalin's totalitarian policies and the Marshall Plan in Western Europe
(Langley 1953: 296; LoMin 1953: 260-263). Western trade unions, shortly thereafter. formed the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions during the advent of the most intense phase of the Cold War (Langley 1972: 296-97: Lorwin 1953: 262,266).
1.5 Canadian Unions and 'Oflicial' Labour Internationalism
1.S.a The ICFTU
A fact pertinent to this study is the Canadian Labour Congress' membership in a larger international body, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).
Founded in 1949, the ICFTU is now comprised of 2 13 national trade union centres fiorn
143 countries and temtories with a membership of 126 million, 34 per cent of whom are women. It is described as an organization of organizations. Pressuring governments to create social and economic policies that improve living conditions and union rights are some of the aims of the ICFTU. Special attention is devoted to 'developing' countries. My interviewee from la Confédération (CSN) suggested that this particular
Québec labour central was in the process of gaining membership in the ICFTU, in order to better maintain contact with people intemationally. The latest listing of ICFTU members on the World Wide Web [April 19991 now includes la Confédération.
Originally. la Confédération had ken a member of the International Federation of
Christian Trade Unions (IFCTU). Interestingly, since the 1970s, the CSN has participated in the International Conference of International Solidarity, which involves none of the Canadian Labour Congress affiliates, but includes many other unions.
As Kim Moody suggests, the ICFTU has waxed and waned in its struggle to maintain a social-democratic orientation, usually guided by its Ewopean constituents
(Moody 1997: 227). This philosophy was more predominant in the ICFTU fiom 1969 to
1984 when the AFL-CIO, the American labour central. departed fiom the ICFTU because of the AFL-CIO's perception that the ICFTU was soi3 on Communists and too radical
(Lâuer 1 976: 133: Moody 1997: 23 1 ). The now-devastated World Federation of Trade
Unions (WFTU). comprising state-dominated unions of the former Communist Bloc. occupied a competing ideological position in the realm of 'offkial' labour intemationalism for most of the period since World War Two (Moody 1997: 227,230).
Much cnticism has been aimed at the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions for its preoccupation with the Cold War, its right-wing social democratic orientation, a current escalating shifi further towards 'global business unionism" under the
or economistic unionism is most often associated with a preoccupation with shop-floor issues, including collective bargaining, at the expense of encouraging influence of powerful and monied Amencan and Japanese labour centrais, its detachment
from workplace realities, and its general tendency towards inertia (CLC 1994: 96; CLC
1990: 18 1; Moody 1997: 228-33; Saul 1987: 10).
1.5.b The ITSs
Attempts to forge liaisons between unions wortdwide is also a focal point of the international trade secretariats (ITSs). Al1 of the unions included in this study are members of one or more of these 14 federations. The rnajority of the ITSs are close to
100 years old and al1 are based in Europe (Grune 1989: 43). However. they are often comprised of geographically autonomous sectors, i.e., North America or Asia/Pacific
(Grune 1989: 44). For exarnple, the Steelworkers and the Auto Workers are active members of the International Metalworkers Federation (IMF). Both the United Food and
Commercial Workers Union and the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees
International Union are members of the the North American region of the International
Union of Food and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF). The endeavours of the ITSs rank-and-file activism as a critical response to sociai injustice. The union's best interests are frequently viewed to be aligned with the interests of the employer. The concept of class conflict between workers and a business/govemtnent elite is not recognized. At its worst, Kim Moody cites American 'business unionism' as working hand-in- glove with the US govemment in destablilizing elected govements abroad during the Cold War (Moody 1997: 238). He dso claims that influential enterprise-based unions within the ICFTU are encouraging a "cooperative/nonadversarial approach" to business interests (Moody 1997: 232,233). Jack Scott points out that this style of unionism was actually imported into Canada and the United States during the mid-nineteenth century by British unions of skilled workers bringing with them their culture of compromise towards capitalisrn (Scott 1978: 20,2 1). 25
include "organizing international councils of unions by Company or industry",
internationai solidarity activities, collecting information on multinational corporations,
and worker education prograrns (Grue 1989: 43,44). In the realm of bureaucracies. the
ITSs are considered by some to be situated one rung down fiom the ICFTU and closer to
the real world of workers and the collective bargaining process but still hindered by the
domination of the same few national union affiliates as the ICFTU (Moody 1997: 233-
36).
1.6 'Unoffkial' Labour Internationalism
As will be more thoroughly illustrated fiirther on, a number of my informants were keen to point out the distinction between bureaucratic 'official' internationalism and a new wave of grassroots international union solidarity organized and promoted by union activists in Canada. There are also other unions in Canada, not included in this study, that are promoting cooperation between workers and communities rather than cornpetition, through their international solidarity projects. The Ontario Secondary
School Teachers' Federation (OSSTF), the United Fishennen and Allied Workers Union
(UFAWU), the Health Sciences Association (HSA), and the British Columbia Teachers'
Federation (BCTF) have al1 participated in grassroots global solidarity work on a long term basis.
It must also be noted that grassroots international solidarity activity is by no means confined to Canadian unions. American unions such as the United Electrical
Workers (UE), an independent union, and the United Auto Workers (UAW), an AFL-CIO 26 union. presently maintain reciprocal rank-and-file solidarity relationships with unionized
Mexican workers (Howard 1995: 370; Moody 1997: 24 1 ).
In addition, 'unofficial' labor intemationdism had already gained momenturn in the late 1970s in the form of transnational workers' networks (Moody 1997: 249,254), preceding the solidarity Funk of Canadian unions. The Transnationals Information
Exchange (TIE). founded in 1 978 as a response to the power of multinational corporations. promotes a global, grassroots social-movement unionism through its international network of research groups. workplace activists, and publications (Kidder and McGim 1995: 17; Moody 1997: 249-64). It is this notion of trade unionism that some of my interviewees link to the international relationships that their solidarity funds promote.
1.7 Chapter Outline
Chapter 1, "Introduction": In this chapter, a research statement was presented. along with related questions pertaining to the topic of this comparative study. The methodology that I have chosen to examine the phenomenon under question was also discussed. General information on the various labour organizations invoived in the study provides a historical, cultural and political framework, which is linked to trade union international solidari ty in the present context.
Chapter 2, "Moving From Business Unionism to Social Unionism?:
Grassroots International Solidarity As A Sign": In this chapter, a brief explanation of the international solidarity funds is offered. Throughout this section, a revitalized trade 27
union global solidarity is examined as a sign of a transformation of Canadian unionism.
A debate is offered cornpuhg and contrasting the two models of unionism. The
fragmentation within the labour movement in Canada is traced to conflict between the
two unionisms and other interrelated organizationai and cultural differences. A feminist
critique of business unionism is included. Trade union power and energizing the
rnembership in support of the union cause is an underlying centrai theme. Another main
theme is the role of marginalised groups in changing union culture and practices.
Contradictions within particular unions are voiced by the infonnants. A dearth of 'class
conflict' discourse is uncovered. The surnmary encompasses a discussion of the patterns
and discrepancies within Canadian unions in this time of flux.
Chapter 3, "Two Types of International Trade Union Solidariîy:
Bureaucratic Versus Grassroots": The difference between bureaucratic and grassroots
international solidarity, as it is practiced by trade unions in Canada, begins this chapter.
A theoretical examination of the nature of bureaucraties in relation to less formai organizations is also presented. A synopsis is offered of the unions that are engaged in either type of international solidarity. During the process of outlining the evolution of the
Funds, external and internai influences are depicted, as well as conflicts at the level of political orientation. Details about the Funds and their expenditures are revealed and patterns are illustrated. The significance for bweaucratic formations of some of the findings is suggested.
Chapter 4, "Unravelling the Uneven Development of International Solidarity
Funds Amongst Canadian Unions": This chapter probes more thoroughly into 28 relevant political, economic, structural and cultural conditions that serve as an impetus for the creation of the Funds. The informants tell the story of their union's ordeal as it is impacted by this situation. Globalization and its relationship to the uneven emergence of the Funds within the nine unions under study is examined. Other possible factors related to the presence of these Funds in only certain unions is explored. Finally, unions that are anomalies, and other possible functions of the Funds are considered.
Chapter 5, "Conclusion": This thesis closes with a review of the extemal and intemal factors related to the presence of solidarity Funds in only certain unions in this study. The significance of the influence of marginalised groups within society on the direction of larger institutions is considered. Globalization and financial constraints are considered as crucial factors. Limitations of the study are also ofTered. Finally, suggestions for fùtwe research are discussed. CHAPTER TWO
MOVINC FROM BUSINESS UNIONISM TO SOCIAL UNIONISM?: GRASSROOTS INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY AS A SIGN
2.1 Some Preliminary Observations About tbe Solidarity Funds
The key phrase for us would be 'cornmon friture'. 1 think we're working in that context. That's the picture we have -- that workers North and South have a common future and it's not lookjng very good just at the moment. The solution must be a common one. The evidence is there that we are in a conunon fknework with others around the world who are working on the same questions.
The preceding quote. as expressed by one of this study's informants. highlights the
perceptions of some trade unionists in Canada who are involved in international solidarity
work. These impressions represent a late twentieth century renewed interest in developing working class global alliances which bas ken facilitated by innovative trade
union international solidarity formations particular to Canadian labour. Besides
functioning as a fùndraising mechanism. the purpose of these contemporary union structures known as solidarity 'Funds' is to advance grassroots political and union education, activism and worker-to-worker exchanges. A number of my informants insist that it should not be considered as charity work. One informant explains:
The Fund is a creative tool ... a financial tool to give support to both social and labour partners and also allows us to do education around global issues within the union. ...to build active links between Our local union members and our counterparts in other parts of the world. sharing strategies with other workers for mutuai interest.
What is peculiar about this process is the Fact that only a few unions have devoted any significant degree of their energy and resources to this type of activity. According to a Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) representative who was interviewed for this study, some members of their affiliated unions are still averse to international solidarity ventures, insisting that their focus should remain on domestic issues.
The ordinary members differ tremendously on this. There's a continuum; there's a whole range of where our members are at.
2.2 International Solidarity and Two Models of Trade Unioaism
Although al1 of my informants agreed that developing international links is an important labour objective, their respective unions vary in the nature and intensity of their international solidarity activities. One assumption here is that international grassroots solidarity is associated with labour organizations that are progressive and practice social unionism rather than the more narrow, economistic business unionism. However, it may be that labour organizations that follow business union strategies are also practicing grassroots international solidarity. if that is the case, one could assume that the advent of this new wave of international solidarity and the emergence of the Funds is a sign that
Canadian unions are shifiing further away fiom business unionism. This wouId represent a direction contrary to the current trend of the expansion of global business unionism within the highly bureaucratie International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
Ideologically, business/economistic unionisrn and social unionism are diametrically opposed. In reality, not al1 unions exhibit a clear-cut propensity towards one type over the other. This chapter focuses on the conflicting concepts of social movement and market (business) unionism, as one of a number of interrelated factors attributed to a weakening of Canadian labour solidarity (Porter 1965: 3 15). Also ailuded 3 1 to, in this section and elsewhere in the study, are other divisive factors, such as the friction between international and national unionism; Québec nationalism and resistance fiom federalists; and the philosophical differences between craft and industrial wions
(Porter 1965: 3 15,3 18,33 1,335). The divergent characteristics of business and social unionism, as two different models of trade unionism, are addressed within academic literature.
2.3 Considering Business Unionism
The roles for the leadership and ordinary members of business unions replicate the economistic roles of buyers and sellers in a market place -- union leaders sel1 collective bargaining services and members are the customers (Porter 1965: 3 14; Robinson 1994:
670). Little fùss is made over altering the inchnations of the members or their sense of collective identity (Robinson 1994: 670). As 1 have alluded to earlier, business (or
'bread-and-butter') unionism appeais to the narrow self-interests of the membership limited to the realrn of collective bargaining (Porter 1965 : 3 14; Robinson 1994: 670).
There is a tendency to dismiss certain political and social causes as either marginal or antagonistic to the immediate interests of the union constituency. This is often exemplified in the promotion of a particularly virulent anti-cornmunism. Business unions have been known, however, to lobby for any legislation that could have a direct impact on the membership. In addition, a srnail number of business unions have occasionally been investigated for corruption and connections to the "Mafia".
Traditionally, business unionism has identified itself as a movement of male 32
breadwinners (Moody 1988: 274). The 'family wage' ideology, which allocated to men
the responsibility for the economic support of the family, justified the lack of women in
union leadership positions and unequal pay packets based on gender (Luxton and Corman
1993: 103; Moody 1988: 274). As Lwcton and Corman claim, "any challenge to the
sedgender division of labour is a challenge to the ideologies that support it" (Luxton and
Corman 1993 : 104). Comparatively speakuig, many of these unions could be categorized
as right-wing unions.
Traditionally, the leadership of such unions have been arnenable to compromising
with the employer or state for a number of reasons, including the desire to avoid a major confrontation and, no doubt, to safeguard their career. It may also simply be viewed as the most pragmatic strategy to obtain immediate gains for the members who are situated within particular economic, political or legal circumstances. These strategies are not necessarily disapproved of by the membership. For many trade unionists, however, it would be considered a 'sell-out' or class collaboration by "subordinating the movement's interests to reconciliation with the employers" (Lipton 1968: 237; Scott 1978: 2 16). This type of unionism minimizes worker activism and influence because, if encouraged to de fend their own interests. a militant tank-and-file may not only threaten the boss' profits but. of course, a system which distributes the wealth unequdly (Friedman 1982: 3 1,33).
On the other hand, one of this study's informants is highly critical of more progressive unions, such as CUPE, for not properly servicing their members with enough representatives in the field, compared to some 'business unions' which have been more efficient in this area. The informant comments: One that 1 would consider to be a business union ... They do a good job as a corporate union. They just Say, "this is a business and we service the members". Their membership will never bother themselves with ideology at their union meetings. They don't get into the rhetoric at all. At least they're honest, unlike some of the Canadian unions that are out there bullshitting.
What we need to do is provide service to our members who are paying the dues. If we can't do that, we can't do anything right. Anything else we do will fail because if we go to talk to the members about international solidarity. women's issues, or environmental issues... what are they going to say? You're spending al1 our damn money on these things? Why don't you spend some money on us?
Nevertheless. there are historical studies of North American trade unionism that support the notion that business unionism has been detrimental to the overall advancement of the working class (Earle and Gamberg 1989: Laxer 1976; Lembcke
1988: Moody 1988; Scott 1978). Within business unionism, the emphasis has ken on persona1 remunerative incentives derived fiom lucrative negotiated contracts to motivate membership participation and support for unionization. Ironically. a limited focus on wages. hours, and working conditions has achieved just the opposite within many
American unions. According to Jerry Lembcke, a disregard for "broader social issues like civil rights and imperialism" has discouraged U.S. workers in the post-war years from union participation (Lembcke 1988: 18).
Lembcke's study of early American trade unionism aiso argues that inter-union solidarity was hindered by the business unionism of AFL crafi unions (Lembcke 1988:
50). Furthemore, a militant international solidarity between left-wing U. S. unions and the Canadian Congress of Labour was biocked by state intervention, and a power-hungry, bureaucratie-professional trade union elite loosely aligned with rank-and-file conservatives and corporate interests (Lembcke 1988: 2 1,40,117,12 1,132).
2.1 Considering Social Unionism
Social unionism or social movement unionism is envisioned as a mechanism by which labour can chaileage the established order (Porter 1965: 3 14). According to John
Porter's depiction of social movement unionism, it has a progressive reformist quality
(Porter 1965: 3 16- 18). In its ideal form, it would evolve into a revolutionary unionism which actively promotes the structural transformation of power and property relations.
The focus of concem is not limited to conditions of work, wages, and benefits. Social unionism is "built on the premise that politicai goals are inseparable fiom economic ones and that ultimately both are achieved through the organization of workers" (Porter 1965:
35 1 ). Rank-and-file activism is essential. It has traditionally been linked to left-wing political groupdparties and, more recently. to building alliances with community groups and social movements, including anti-poverty groups, wornen's organizations, the environmental movement, international solidarity campaigns, and as part of the anti-
NAFTA Common Front (Porter 1965: 3 14; Pupo and White 1994: 834; Robinson 1994:
672-78; Waterman 1993: 267).
2.5 The Conflict Between Social and Business Unionism
Neither mode1 of trade unionism is a recent innovation. Beginning in 1860, US. labour history has been characterized by the periodic dominance of one over the other
(Porter 1965: 3 14,3 15). In an on-going battle with more militant unions, the early 35
Arnerican Federation of Labor (AFL), directed by Samuel Gompers, advanced 'bread-
and-butter' unionism as a means of enhancing the position of workers without
"challenging the economic and political system of American corporate capitalism" (Laxer
1976: 45,46). This form of union logic spilled over into Canada through AFL
international unions and Canada's role as a branch-plant economy of the United States.
Business unionism acquired renewed favour in North Arnerica between 1940 and
1955 and remains particularly strong today in the U.S. within the AFL-CIO (Earle and
Gamberg 1989: 5; Lipton 1968: 134,135; Moody 1988: 59; Porter 1965: 3 15). Labour
Iegislation, an anti-cornmunist assault, and a posfwar capitalist boom paved the way for
the virtual abandonment of the notion of social unionism that had been endorsed by the
Congress of Industriai Organizations (CIO) (Moody 1988: 41 ; Yates 1997: 10). As of the
1930s. the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in Canada also hctioned to encourage business union practices in the rniners' and steelworkers' unions in Cape
Breton (Ede and Gamberg 1989: 25). Nevertheless, some researchers claim that social unionism gained a finner foothold within the Canadian labour movement coinciding with the founding of the All-Canadian Congress of Labour, and reinforced by the impact of the
Depression Era (Porter 1965: 3 16; Robinson 1994: 67 1).
2.6 The Link Between Business Unionism, Bureaucracy, and the Postwar Compromise
Generally. business unionism is synonymous with bweaucratic unionism; although this does not eliminate the possibility that unions engaging in social union practices are not bureaucratic unions to some degree. Business unionisrn has been 36 recognized as the "ideology of bureaucratism", which serves as an "officia1 doctrine" that justifies the actions of bureaucratic union officiais (Friedman 1982: 1 3,14,30). However, conservatism is not necessarily a function of bureaucracy, as is reveaied in Mark Leir's study of the ideology of the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council from 1889 to 1900
(Leir 1995: 92). Unions defending class-conscious doctrines have also evolved into bureaucratic machines (Leier: 1995: 1992).
The tendency to separate union leaders fiom the rank-and-file through privileges
[exorbitant salaries, offices, other perks] granted to those in Ieadcrship positions, union officiais selected for expertise, control of information, elevated status, authority over members, and control of union policy and structure are quaiities most often associated with bureaucratic unionisrn (Leier 1995: 4 1). In other words, there is a divided union structure manifested as a power differential between various levels of leadership and the ordinary members.
Don Wells insists that the "institutional separation of union leaders fiom their members" was reinforced by Canadian labour legislation after World War II (Wells 1995:
150). Labour relations soon revolved around Canada's version of the U.S. 'Wagner
Modell. which amounted to a compromise between labour and capital (Weils 1995: 149).
In the long nui, labour seems to have compromised a great deal more than capital. In
1944 and 1948, federal government orders-in-council granted workers the rïght to unionize, bargain collectively and have a grievance procedure (Wells 1995: 149,150).
Justice Rand awarded an automatic deduction of dues to the United Auto Workers in
1945 (Palmer 1992: 280,283; Wells 1995: 149). These decisions set the stage for the legitimation and stable administration of unions, while limiting the rnembers' militant
actions (Gindin 1995: 104; Palmer 1992: 282; Wells 1995: 150).
Leo Panitch and Donald Swartz allege that, with the postwar compromise, "the
state's rationalisation and institutionalization of workers' fieedoms of association becarne
more formal". as did coercion, in the form of unions policing themselves (Panitch and
Swartz 1985: 22). The end result was that militant industrial unionism, based on an
activist. class-oriented rank-and-file, was transfonned into a more hierarchical,
bureaucratic and legdistic unionism (Jenson 1989: 84; Panitch and Swartz 1985: 29;
Wells: 1995: 150,15 1,173). This begs the question, how much can social unionism
accomplish under such constraints?
According to some researchers, bureaucratic organizations are essential to the
effective administration of large institutions in complex modem societies (Blau and
Meyer 197 1 : 4.5). However, maintaining democratic control over the bureaucracy poses
a crucial problem (Blau and Meyer 197 1 : 5). Trade unions differ fiom other
bureaucraties in that the members maintain varying degrees of democratic control over
the leadership and direction of the organization through an interna1 electoral process
(Crafi 1991: 395; Leier 1995: 15). In addition, unions are protest organizations that
channel worker discontent into supporting the collective bargaining process (Crafi 1991:
395,396). Nevertheless, unions share with other organizations a tendency to utilize
bureaucratic formations as rnechanisms to help powerful groups dominate others, thereby. sustaining existing societal inequalities in economic and political power (Blau and Meyer
1971: 4). 2.7 Feminist Critique of Business Unionism
Some feminist researchers link 'business unionism' -- hierarchical, authoritarian, and non-inclusive -- to the perpetuation of a gendered division of labour which marginalizes women trade unionists and staff by discouraging participatory, collective approaches within union processes (Stinson and Richmond 1993: 140). Moreover, some union women are of the opinion that Black women or other workers of colour are unlikely to gain support fiom union leadership unless they are '"politicaily acceptable' to the dominant power relations" and do not challenge the union hierarchy (Leah 1993:
167). At that stage, they run the risk of becoming part of the system by adopting the
"formal. bureaucratic, and patriarchal conceptions of authority held by union managers"
(Cuneo 1993: 1 19; Leah 1993: 167,168). In this way. bureaucratic practices which infiate the status of the conservative white male union leader induce a stagnation within organized labour, where a more inclusive unionism has the potential to generate a more dynamic and democratic unionism.
2.8 Unmasking Social Unionism
Within the literature on unions, one can find examples of shared views that social unionism is a positive step towards hurnanizing unions and alleviating the problem of the perpetuation of gendered hierarchies (Briskin 1993: 92; Creese 1995: 145,163,164;
Stinson and Richmond 1993: 150). Conversely, there are also waniings that "social unionism cm be equally patriarchal and bureaucratic, though more democratic and progressive" than business unionism (Cuneo 1993: 11 8). One case in point is the Canadian Auto Workers, which advocates sociai unionism as central to its philosophical
orientation but is criticized as still behg a "patriarchal institution that needs to foster a
greater understanding of the politics of gender and race among the majority of its
membership" (Sugiman 1993 : 184).
The social unionism that is in vogue today is aiso debunked as a camouflage for a trade union hierarchy that is more similar to business union hierarchies than it cares to admit (Palmer 1992: 372). Palmer contends that too much emphasis is placed on the ability of new social movements (NSMs) to displace the working class as the central
force for trmsforming social relations (Palmer 1992: 372). Although unions must connect with the women's movement, ecologists, and other protest groups, Palmer argues that these NSMs do not have the capacity to reaiize the most fundamental aim of trade unionism -- "to use and extend class power of the unions to launch a struggle for social change" (Palmer 1992: 372). Palmer argues that social unionists have done little to upset the traditional relations between business unions, employers, and the state; therefore, the difference between business and sociai unionism is more cosmetic than concrete (Palmer
One of this study's informants also views social unionism with suspicion:
...al1 the trade unions -- the big ones here -- and al1 the staff will be committed to the social rnovement. They know that if they're not committed to the social movement, they're going nowhere in the trade union movement. But if you scratch the surface, under a lot of thern you'll find right-wingers. 1 think the leadership is as right-wing as the membership. In many cases, 1 think the leadership is just plain, damn lazy.
While the staff are out doing the social movement stuff, the membership are obviously voting Refonn, Conservative and Liberal. 1 mean, you don't have to be a rocket scientist to sit back and Say, with al1 the efforts and the money we've spent on the social movement, why are our members still voting for right-wing parties? Why is it that the only NDP governments that can get elected are those that are led by the right-wing of the NDP?
Another informant offers an assessrnent of the cwrent shifi fiom business union practices to social unionism within organized labour in Canada:
Some progressive unions like CUPE and the CAW have certainly attempted to make that cross-over. There are other unions, particularly the private sector unions like Steel and the CEP and a bunch of them, that have resisted. But, even for the ones that have tried, 1 don't think there has been a great ded of success because what happens is that they separate the shop floor politics fiom the politics of the world around them-
These comments imply that certain features of business unionism have become ingrained within Canadian unions. The legacy of archaic bureaucratie practices pcrsists with the compartmentalization of political struggles. They are either work-related or external and global but not both.
2.9 Can a Union Change?: Social Unionism and Global Solidarity
Unions are criticized along with other bureaucracies as tending to resist change
(Craft 199 1). They are inclined to change only enough to accomodate to new. compelling circumstances (Craft 199 1 : 402.403). The dilemma facing unions, as a result of the current reign of globalisrn and competitiveness. causes concern as to whether we are
"witnessing the death of a social movement. or its painfiil metamorphosis" (Yalnizyan 41
So what does the advent of the new wave of grassroots global solidarity indicate about union innovation and the rebirth of social unionism? The informants in this study
who represent unions with Funds claim that the projects that the Funds support are partly
intended to enlighten the members about the concrete connections between the local and the global, and also to stimulate union and political activism. This would seem to be an atternpt to bridge the gap between shop flcor politics and the politics of the world around them; although it stops well short of striving for a major overhaui of the system. It may dso suggest that, given the politicai will and some imagination, bureaucraties need not become stagnant by clinging to elitism, and ineffective formai rules and procedures.
Such impediments cm be abandoned in favour of more useful mechanisms for the empowerment of the working class.
A Steelworker informant suggests that one goal of their Fund is to energize the members so that their voice can guide the direction of their union -- a large institution that has the capacity to influence civil society. It is beyond the scope of this study to determine whether the Fund's projects are having an impact on the overall direction of the union, as is desired by one of the Steelworker informants. The fact that this is a stated aim suggests an acknowledgement that their is a need for change within the organization.
Interestingly, informants from another trade union [Auto Workers] claim that their international solidarity Fund is a reflection of their union while the Steelworkers' Fund is much more progressive than the rest of that union. This opinion may spring fiom a bias towards one's own organization but it may be worth exploring further where various labour organizations are situated in the context of business unionism versus social 42
unionism, and the degree of bureaucratization as opposed to militancy. It might aiso
reveal something about the relationship between the international solidarity Funds and the
two mode1s of unionism.
2.10 Individual Unions: Bureaucracy, Militancy, and Social Movements
The following section offers an overview of the political and cultural orientation of the nine unions that are the focus of this thesis. It is not a comprehensive exploration.
On the contrary, a modest amount of data from interviews and other sources is presented in order to obtain a general idea of the extent of a union's alignment to business or social unionism and what comection this might have to its participation in grassroots global solidarity.
Ian Robinson claims that "mobilization capacity is really the most fundamental source of labour movement power" (Robinson 1994: 659). He suggests that the ability of union leadership to obtain voluntary participation of union members in collective action is crucial to building union density, the election of political parties sympathetic to labour. inter-union solidarity, and centrdized collective bargaining (Robinson 1994: 659,664,
667,668). In Robinson's view, social unionism is a more effective vehicle to achieve solidaristic cornmitment than business unionism (Robinson 1994: 669,671).
If there is any one ingredient that seems to offer a chailenge to business union practices it is the influence of social movements such as feminism, human rights and international developrnent. The increased number of women working outside of the home and becoming unionized, in addition to an expanding multi-ethnic union 43
membership, has motivated the creation of union Womens Cornmittees, Human Rights
Committees, Immigration Committees and others. Ail of the unions in this study,
including the most bureaucratie and autocratic, have established Womens and/or Human
Rights Cornmittees fiom the mid- 1970s onwards (White 1993: 125,223-32).
Working-class feminism, in the form of union feminism, grew during the the mid-
seventies, especially in Ontario (Warskett 1992: 1 14). Union feminism began to take
shape through a series of strikes involving female workers and/or issues directly related
to women (Warskett 1992: 1 14). The Auto Workers (UA W), the Postal Workers, the
Alliance and the Steelworkers found themselves embroiled in labour disputes which
linked feminism and unionism (Warskett 1992: 1 14- 16). This had the effect of contesting traditional industrial unionism and its tendency to segregate work as a domain somehow separate from the greater community; unions were compelled to broaden their sphere of concerns (Warskett 1992: 1 17). By the 1980s, problems of racism and discrimination were pushed forward by non-white and immigrant workers, through organizations such as the Ontario Coalition of Black Trade Unionists (OCBTU) (Leah 1990: 2).
While identity politics seems to have been embraced by these unions, at least on the surface, fewer indicate an acknowledgement that they are leading their membership through a class struggle. There is a decided absence of class codict discourse amongst a number of the unions in this study. Although the use of such terms seems to be passé. an explicit recognition that their membership is engaged in promoting their own ciass interests could be an indication that the union does not adhere to a business union ideology or its associated practices. 2.10.a Unions Witb Funds
(1) Canadian Union of Public Employees
-4 few of this study's informants offered an opinion of business or 'bread-and- butter' unionism, which they were quick to stress may or may not represent the officia1 stance of their union. A CUPE informant had this to Say:
1 disagree wholeheartedly. ...we did that for years and years. ...that was one mistake that unions have made. The union is its members. Members who work in the community; who volunteer in the community; who are very active in the community. Also, with the whole idea of 'globaiization' ..., I don't think we can do that [business unionism]. 1 think if we do that, we are burying our heads in the sand.
The informant suggested that women form more than half of the CUPE membership and many of the members are fiom minority groups, some of whom have obtained leadership positions. However, CUPE's progressive image obscures an intemal conflict conceming the democratic distribution of leadership jobs, according to the informant:
CUPE works very hard on equality issues. That's mostly because of the make-up of the union. But, if you look at your regional representation.. . Who's representing who? CUPE members? You'll find that they'd be middle-aged white males. 1 think, in most unions, you still see a lot of that. As much as you push for equaiity issues, they still have a long way to go in cleaning their own houses.
I think that that's a battle in itself. I think it has a lot to do with intemal politics. That's been a thorn in my side for a long time. I'd tell Judy Darcy [CUPE president] to her face that politics gets in the way of what is right and wrong. And for that reason, 1 wiH always probably be involved in ..., but 1 wouldn't move any Mer within the labour movement. 1 suongly believe that because of my willingness to speak out for the rights of workers, and the rights of women, and the rights of minority groups. However, king vocal sometimes, can be a thorn in your side. I've always believed that I'd go somewhere [in the union] because 1 deserve it, not because somebody thinks 1 should have that job or because I've done something that may be of interest to hem... That's a problem everywhere.
1 think that people are still very threatened by women who become vocal. There's stiIl an old boys' club out there. The two top positions in CUPE are held by women. but they also get wrapped up in the politics. Under them, it's mostly the males who are the decision-makers. Don't get me wrong, 1 think it would be a lot worse. if they [two top women] weren't there.
There have been changes... But there are no female Regional Directors and very few femaie reps below them. Women vying to move into those positions are king blocked. CUPE has got a fairly well-known reputation as king one of the more progressive unions in this country, but they still have a Iong way to go.
By a number of criteria, CUPE could be regarded as a social union. It is vocal on issues such as the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, women's rights, gay rights. people of colour. 'worlcfare', health care, education. and labour Iegislation. This seems logical. given that it represents public sector workers who, through their jobs. would often be faced with these issues. In addition. activism is highly promoted in their officia1 rnonthly magazine. "Organize". Many of the articles display members out on the picket line or demonstrating with various social justice groups. The union has aiso been active in the Ontario, anti-Tory Days of Action. and is a strong supporter of the Ottawa
Cornmittee for Solidarity with Chiapas (Mexico).
Nevertheless. the critique of CUPE just offered by the informant suggests that it harbours some bureaucratic, business union-type qudities that maintains white male- dominance in leadership positions above the local level. By the same token. the locals in
CUPE have a lot of power in that they nin themselves. which may deter authoritarianism flowing dom from the national leveI. However. this has forged a double-edge sword. as another CUPE interviewee admits:
CUPE has policies supporting al1 sorts of good things. We believe in everything that's good. We have really good policies and they don't mean s-t! It's because CUPE is so decentralized- It's the exact opposite of the CUPW which has. more or less. one contract. There are a lot of set-piece speeches at owconventions supporting this and that. and they almost never carry any weight when people go back.
Following to these cornments. policy is not always translated into action because of the union's structure. On the other hand. CUPE's Toronto Local 79 is regarded as having engaged in an exemplary union battle. which cut across divisions of racism and sexism, in its battle to defend jobs and improve working conditions of black and Asian wornen. who were employed as nursing attendants (Leah 1990: 1.16). This incident. in which the local acted on the union's policy of employment equity. widened the terrain of the struggle beyond the workplace by enlisting "the aid of immigrant. women. comrnunity and senior's groups" (Leah 1990: 18). During the late t 980s. women held almost half of the leadership and al1 of the staff positions of the 8,000 member Local 79
(Leah 1990: 19). Ro~ieLeah suggests that Local 79 directly challenged the labour movement's inclination to partition the questions of racism and sexism; the positive results are illustrative of how a stronger labour movement might be fashioned (Leah
1990: 1.16). Given that CUPE's locals are part of a very decentralized national union. replicating the mode1 of Local 79 may prove to be a dificult endeavour. In the opinion of an informant fiom another union, CUPE National has a research
department of dozens, with expertise in many areas but, as mentioned previously, they
have abandoned their locals by not providing them with enough representatives in the
field. [t also has a hands-off approach to the bargaining and administration of the 2.500
CUPE colIective agreements- This high degree of specialization of îünctions acts to sever
one segment of the union from the other. It is ironic that although a specialization of
functions is characteristic of bureaucratie arrangements, the purpose of which is supposed
to enhance efficiency. it actually fosters inefficiency in some regards (Blau and Meyer
1 97 1 : 18-2 1 ). Having said that. a CUPE informant suggests that the locals prefer such
autonomy from the national union. despite the empowerment of larger locals. often at the expense of smaller ones.
Indicating a need for more intra-union solidarity and activism. one CUPE
interviewee admits that over the two years 1995-97, the union has had major projects to organize the unorganized and also to organize the aiready-organized CUPE members.
"Because. 1 think. that's something that we were Iacking ..." Another interviewee adds:
Al1 of those international things. inctuding a11 of the Iabour ones. are bweaucratically-run fiom the top. To me, the only reasons unions will have any effect on anything is if there are abiiities for the workers to do things. to make trouble. If we can't get ordinary workers to do things atound these issues, then. we can tatk about them ail we want and it doesn't mean s--t.
At least, within CUPE. and I suspect increasingly everywhere else. workers are not going to do it because their leaders say "walk out". There's never been a culture of that within CUPE. There was a culture of that in other unions, in other places, but I suspect it's disappearing. 1 would ihink the driving forces are the need to get more members involved and more of a notion of development and less of diplomacy. Within CUPE and the culture of CUPE, the only way that the leadership gets turned into action is by using the Fund to empower a notion of discovery - situations where people will discover those things through personai experiences.
These cornments suggest âhat innovation is dependent upon an organization's noms and traditional orientation towards social action, as part of its unique culture. Heretofore, a cuIture of activism has not predominated within CUPE. Thus, an expenential process on a persona1 level will prove more effective in mobilizing the members than dictates fiom the union hierarchy.
A third CUPE respondent chats optirnistically about CUPE international solidarity and worker activism:
1 hope I'm not sounding like an incurable romantic! 1 still think there is no power greater than working people. That's what drives me dong. But, it takes organization and we tend to be pretty scattered.
The respondent speaks highly of the role of CUPE's International Solidarity
Committee in uniting diverse members of the union in the course of the overall operation of Union Aid. For example, union members from Oxfarn and CUSO were forced to modi@ their somewhat abstract notion of solidarity to make it more saleable to other
Committee members who had less of a global development perspective than members from non-govemmental, international development organizations would have. According to another respondent, this mix of CUPE "do-gooders", "pork-choppers" [provincial and other upper level representatives], and ordinary workers resulted in some 'interesting' dialogue, with ordinary workers not king "shy about telling these intellectuals that they didn't understand a f-----g thing they said". In a magazine article about inter-union conflict and participation in the anti-Tory
Days of Action in Ontario, Judy Rebick comments, " ten years ago the public sector unions couldn't mobilize their way out of a paper bag" (Kuitenbrouwer 1997: 16). On that particular coalition of unions and cornmunity partners. Rebick States, "this is the most potentially powerfùl social movement we have seen in Canada in a very long time. if the divisions at the top don't destroy it" (Kuitenbrouwer 1997: 17). One of my other informants faults union leadership for its inability to mobilize the workers duhg the resistance to fkee trade in 1986/87:
You had the leadership which recognized the nghts [of workersl citizens] ... and poured a lot of resources and money into it. But down on the ground, when it came time for CUPE or PSAC to get their members out, it somehow just didn't reach the rank-and-file to the extent that it should have.
Recent setbacks for the Public Employees through downsizing and restructuring of workplaces has. inevitably, resulted in a politicization of the members. However. references to 'class struggle' or 'class conflict' are few and far-between in CUPE literature.
And. according to a CUPE informant. this is typical of the union. One gets the sense that there is tentative support for the NDP but CUPE literature is not explicit on this. Two of rny CUPE informants. who are active in international solidarity, express a bias towards socialism. One informant daims to be a small 'm' marxist and suggests:
...my politics have changed over the last little while. I'm still a socialist. but with my experiences in Cuba... There were a lot of people who were despairing because of the 'Special Period' and the collapse of Eastern Europe. People were starving there three or four years ago. There was almost nothing legal that people could do to advance, to help themselves. You are totally dependent on the State. The State was 'they', not 'us'. So there's a state system that promotes al1 sorts of things that 1 believe in about equality and those things. But, because it's stagnated, partly through mis-management and partly through extemal things, there's a kind-of wide-spread corruption to ge around the rules -- the bureaucratic rules - and a kind-of despair.
I'm much more interested now in worker-control within a market system. Say, workers' control in pension fimd investment. .. .giving people more control over their lives. There are lots of problems with a market-based system that we're living through, but a state-controlled thing ... People having a sense of ownership is really important. Socialism. to me. is people saying. "we live here: I'm not at the mercy of the boss; we, at least, have some contro1"-
The same informant comments on 'class' in relation to CUPE international solidarity:
The hidden agenda -- and this is my personal one, rather than the Fund's, certainly maybe no one else -- is to promote a kind of class view of the world, rather than a national one. I'm not sure it's a workers' agenda to promote, in an international sense, a class view of the world. 1 wouldn't be surprised if it was with some of the leadership. It's my own private one that 1 don? talk about very much.
One gets a sense fiom these last comments that discussion of 'class' within CUPE is a taboo. Nevertheless. union literature indicates that there is a battle ktween 'them'
[government/corporations] and 'us' [workerslcitizens]. The Public Employees do exhibit some bureaucratic tendencies but there is, without a doubt, a concerted effort to increase the level of mobilization amongst the members. Central to this, is a resistance to concessions and privatization.
(2) Canadian Auto Workers
As was noted earlier in this study, the Auto Workers is very strongly oriented towards social unionism. It is a stated principle that the interests of the union extends 51 beyond collective bargaining to encompass issues such as housing, medical services, education. and the international economy (Gindin 1995: 280). Participation in, and influencing, the general direction of society is also an expressed goal (Gindin 1995: 280).
Evidence shows that these statements are not idle rhetoric. Union Iiterature and media reports reveal the CAW to be actively involved in projects such as CO-ophousing, promoting a national child care program, funding a new student centre at the University of Windsor, fighting NAFTA, creating a Toronto 'storefiont' workers centre and stmng participation in political demonstrations. It is a highly visible union on the public scene.
The Auto Workers was an active supporter of the anti-Tory Days of Action in Ontario
(Kuitenbrouwer 1997; Zeidenberg 1996).
My CAW informants insist that their Social Justice Fund was established as an expression of the philosophy of the union. They maintain that the leadership suives to integrate the work of the various departments. Not only is international solidarity a component of the education department, but international issues sometimes coincide with the work and politics of their Human Rights, Womens, and Workers of Colow
Committees. OWcially, the CAW aspires to democratic unionism and avoiding bureaucratization by encouraging leftist militancy (Gindin 1995: 276-78). Further to that end, the union has a rank-and-file executive board.
As was mentioned in this study's Preface, the Canadian Auto Workers split from the United Auto Workers in 1985 because of the UAWs offering contractual concessions to the employer -- an act often associated with business unionism. During the 1940s, the postwar compromise increased the concentration of power at the national and international levels of the UAW leadership, to the detriment of local union power and militancy which had been a tradition within many UAW Iocals (Wells 1995: 154,155).
Today. the CAW strives to sustain a culture of activism.
However. as with the other unions, creating a culture of activism is easier said than done. A CAW representative offers an appraisai of the problem of educating and mobilizing the membership:
I honestly feel that no matter al1 the good things we're doing, and al1 of these Funds and al1 of that, the level of political activism in the general membership of the labour movement in Canada isn't high today on international issues as it was. I just feel that there's a Io more that can be done by affiliates, central bodies. local unions. and rank-and-file activists because it is a worse world that we live in today.
Obviously. the informant distributes blame to al1 levels of trade unionism for a lack of political activism amongst the membership.
One of these aforementioned labour bodies. whose work is deficient on international issues, has closer links to the Auto Workers than the informant might care to admit. An interviewee from another union confesses to having a few gripes with certain
CAW people in leadership positions of a central labour organization:
...the majority of the leadership of the Federation of Labour are right-wing hacks who make too much money and probably have forgotten how to do their job. You know, the CAW full-timers went out on strike last year and one of their main issues \vas that they wanted a hl1 pension after 15 years of service, making $65 -- 75.000 a year. I've got nothing in common with people of that attitude.
And their politics ... 1 mean, you can be well-off and comfortable and still have a politics that's somewhat progressive. But the problern is they're sort-of right-wing social democrats. You know, lazy people who may do negative things to tmpeople off fiom organizing. They're off in their own world; they're dazed! 1 mean, I've ken involved long enough to build up a healthy hatred of the Federation of Labour.
Of course. a few Auto Workers in leadership positions in a Federation of Labour do not represent the entire union. But one wonders about the convictions of these leaders vis-à-vis the CAW culture of activism and social unionisrn when they relocate to a central labour body and treat themselves as an aristocracy of Iabour leadership. Certainly. this would do nothing to alleviate the problem of routinization and hierarchy associated with the 'Feds' and other labour bureaucracies, let alone foster provincial. national or global grassroots union solidarity .
Of note. and in contrast to most of the other unions in this study. the CAW informants do make reference to 'class' as a concept meaningfd to the work of the union.
Concerning international solidarity. an Auto Worker informant suggests:
Especially in the face of corporate competitiveness and pitting worker against worker, it's important for us to help workers understand why they have a class interest, in terms of these issues.
Other references to the concept of class were made during the interview. especially, in relation to women's issues and the fact that the CAW is a male-dominated union. There are few references to 'class conflict', per se, in the union literature that I have acquired. However, there is no doubt that the Auto Workers see themselves embroiled in a battle with corporate entities and the state's dismantling of social services.
Concerning party politics, the Auto Workers tended to support the New
Democratic Part); until Bob Rae and the Ontario NDP betrayed labour with the Social 54
Contract. As a result, the CAW oficially withdrew its support for a governrnent that was prepared to "use the power of the state to break collective agreements and enforce concessions on public sector workers" (Gindin 1995: 279). This has placed them in conflict with some of their own membership and with sorne private sector unions, such as the Steelworkers, the Communications Workers, and the Food Workers (Gindin 1995:
279). Aithough the CAW may harbour certain bureaucratic and hierarchical qualities- it gives al1 appearances of a union attempting to avoid falling into the practice of business unionism. It has a reputation as being one of the most militant unions in Canada.
(3) Communications, Energy and Papemorkers Union
As was discussed in the "Introduction" to this thesis, the CEP is a product of a series of mergers between unions. The majority are break-aways fiom Arnerican international unions. The result is a mélange of organizations, some having a background of activism but others bringing with them a bureaucratic tradition of business unionism.
The trend towards the merging of sometimes disparate labour organizations is also the current fashion for the Auto Workers, the Steelworkers, and the Food Workers. The rationale for the merging was the need for greater eficiency in keeping the bureaucratic machine properly servicing a diverse membership (McLaughlin 1993: 26). Similar to other unions, workplace restmcturing and downsizing has politicized the membership.
The desire for a more militant union arose from the grassroots of the CEP during the
1996 convention. At that event, the members demanded more political action education.
Much emphasis is placed on activism in the realm of electoral politics. The
Communications Workers is an emphatic supporter of the NDP, including the Ontario NDP. During the anti-Tory Days of Action. support for the Ontario NDP placed the
CEP. the Steelworkers, and the Food Workers in confiict with the more social unions that withdrew support for the economically-conservative NDP. including the Auto Workers,
CUPE. and the Alliance (Kuitenbrouwer 1997: 15). Judy Rebick describes the coalition between the social unions and "women's. church and anti-poverty groups" as "new social forces coming into the labour movement" that "are threatening the old boy's neniiork. the oid alliances between private sector unions and the NDP" (Kuitenbrouwer 1997: 16). Of course. the other side of the argument is that withdrawing support for the Ontario NDP opened the door to the election of the very Conservative, Mike Hamis.
An informant fiom the Communications Workers admits that the CEP is a male- dominated union. As a result of union mergers in 1992. the role and influence of women in the union declined. The informant also adds:
We probably have the largest Executive Board of any union in the country. and there is only one hll-time oficer who's a woman. She was elected ninning against the slate at the last convention. 1 corne fiom a part of the union where we have local unions that are male-dominated, and there are women who are president of the local union because they are the best person for the job.
The CEP does have some serious obstacles to overcome. domestically. within its structure in the way in which it deals with women -- women members and women leaders. I don't think we have the same problemin our international program. Our overseas program very much focuses on a feminist analysis.
The CEP Humanity Fund appears to be a more inclusive, less hierarchical. body than the union itself. According to the CEP informant, al1 decisions on international solidarity projects involve union members, and efforts are made to incorporate international participants into National Women's Cornmittee workshops. Of course, to obtain CIDA financial support, the Humanity Fund projects must impact postively on women and children. The women's question is one 'card' the CEP is playing as part of its mobilization and organizing strategies. The informant offers:
That's going to be one of the themes -- wornen's health and women's issues. as a mobilizing tool for women both inside the union and to bring women into the union. When we wilI be successhl, people will consider that international solidarity is an integral part of what this union is. We're not quite there yet.
This shift towards social union practices hammers home the point that business unionism is ineffective in areas that are at the heart of vade unionism -- organizing workers and mobilizing the members in an inclusive. democratic labour movement.
In its 1995 Annual Report, it is claimed that the Humanity Fund "reflects CEP'S cornmitment to social unionism". The question remains. then, if this modification [the
Fund] to the union's operations reflects a real or potential change to a bureaucratic organization [the union] with a top-heavy leadership [almost always pictured in business suits]. To be fair. the top leadership is not the only segment of the union that is problematic, as the informant explains:
Part of the probiem is that so much of our members' understanding about what happens overseas is shaped by the popular media. Notwithstanding the fact that we represent many of those people, the popular media does not do a very good job.
Of course. the popular media also influences how we relate to one another domestically and in Our workplaces. In the CEP Humanity Fund video entitled, "If We
Had a Magic Wand", the view is expressed that the Fund is no magic wand, but it does make a difference in the lives of working people. Workers in the South overcoming huge
obstacles is meant to be instructional to the CEP members. The CEP informant admits
that the purpose of the Fund is partly one of self-interest:
Our international work is al1 tied to Our attempt to build a better union for Our members, in the sense of a better understanding of their place in society. We're better able to defend their interests within society.
It's something that we have a right to be proud of, in terms of its ability to help people overseas. But we also have a right to be proud of what it brïngs to the culture of our own organization and how it helps us develop a more progressive culture within our own union.
We're a trade union that wants to do international work as part of our overall range of activities. We need to do domestic work, to do bargaining, to handle grievances, to do research, to be part of a social movement, to do political action and ail of those things that a union does; and they al1 have to be in balance.
If these remarks are representative of the overall ambitions of the Communications
Workers, then, it signifies a departure from a business union inclination. I have no verification of this, unfortunately. Further, my informant did not speak of the union or international solidarity in terms of 'class' or 'class confiict'; noi is there evidence of it in
CEP Iiterature. What one does find is a clear acknowledgement that the CEP members are involved in local, national, and international struggles to fbrther their interests as workers.
(4) United Steelworkers of America
It is claimed that the Steelworkers was "bom with bureaucracy intact" (Moody
1988: 47). The transformation of the Steel Workers Organizïng Committee (within the 58
United Mine Workers) into the United Steelworkers of Arnerica in 1942, bequeathed to the new union a bureaucracy before it had any membership worth speaking of (Moody
1988: 47). The International union is a bureaucratie machine noted more for its history of conservativism rather than its militancy. Similar to other unions, the Steelworkers retains a union bureaucracy "fa.removed fiom the shop floor because membership is scattered over many plants and even industries" (Aronowitz 1973: 216). In Canada and the U.S.. opposition. political debate and rank-and-file activism has emanated fiom the local and district Ievels of the Steelworkers (Moody 1988: 48). This has varied, depending on the local or district, and has fluctuated over the years within these sections. Wildcat strikes are not foreign to some Steelworker local tactics. especially in Canada.
During the 1970s. a business unionist philosophy guided the Canadian
Steelworker leadership in refraining from demanding too much fiom the employers. and opting for longer contracts. as well as fewer strikes (Laxer t 976: 203-5). Particularly throughout the last decade. the Steelworkers departed fiom pattern bargaining only to engage in concessionary bargaining with some employers (Moody 1988: 2.168). This business union practice is a direct result of employer pressure, partly due to a global steel crisis. and also because other major unions began participating in concessionary bargaining (Livingston 1993: 16.24 28.32; Moody 1988: 168,169). A Steelworker informant reflects on the current dilemma for the union and how it is trying to improve its position:
For the Steelworkers, you have the problem of trying to deal with the fact that capitalism is wiping out your membership. The Steelworkers took a position that started with Leo Gerard lpast national director of the Canadian Steelworkers], in how to deal with work reorganization. The Steelworkers took a position of empowennent. ...corporate management said, "why don't we try to work together?" That was going on throughout the union movement. It became a political question, as to whether the union should be involved in partnerships, joint ventures.
So. the fauIt lines between Steel and the CAW had already started because the CAW1sposition was to Say. "any participation with management is CO-optation". That was the perception that most of us had.
General Motors was setting up the 'Team Concept'. They were stopping production lines and talking to the workers; and because the union [CAY said. "we don't want to get involved", the members were left to fend for themselves against management at team meetings. So, in fact, they were buying management's line and becoming CO-optedbecause the union did not get involved.
It was my opinion that, number one. we had nothing to lose to sit with management; number two, maybe we could find out things that could help us serve our members better; and number three, we should. at least. work with management. If it's a sham. which it tumed out to be. we couId expose it for what it is. Not long thereafter, the prograrn was stopped.
1 should also Say there were dangers. ... there were local union presidents who immediately jurnped into bed with management. It's ok to work with management and sit at meetings, and do al1 that stuff. but you've got to make sure that everybody understands what they're doing there. They're there to serve the members. They're not there to buy into management's bullshit. So, there has to be a lot of education and training. There was sorne of that in the Steelworkers but not nearly enough.
Of the two options available. the informant suggests that the Steelworkers chose
the one that wouId empower the workers. Rather than choose a strategy of opposition to
the employers' goals, it was decided that working together with management would achieve the results that would best advance the interests of the Steelworkers. The path chosen, however, is one that placed Steel in conflict with other unions, such as the Auto
Workers. In essence, it is a clash in political orientation between business union practices and social unionism. The Steelworker informant daims that CAW members suffered because the union did not get involved when management introduced the 'Team Concept'.
But, the informant also confessed that some local leaders fiom Steel 'sold-out' to management. This hardly seems like empowerment of the workers.
The same informant offers an opinion on 'bread-and-butter' (business) unionism:
You can't do that because there's too much that's legislated. It makes your bargaining a lot easier on severance pay, if there's legislation that provides it. You have to deal politically... That's why you should be involved in politics.
With al1 its limitations, if you have a social democratic party, you should still fight to keep it. Fight for the issues that you believe in - social prograrns, better workers' compensation, better health and safety ... I'm very cognizant of the limitations of collective bargaining. How do you get rid of Mike Harris? Through local 2900? One plant ...? You have to do it politically. There's no other way of doing it.
I'm not a Gompente. You know, the American style of pragmatic ... You have to have a party that you can, at least, have influence on. In Canadian politics, there is social democracy. It has its problems but it's better than what is out there. Unions should be involved in it.
The Steelworkers, as an organization, is an unswerving supporter of the New
Democratic Party. This includes the Ontario NDP. In some provinces, they offer the party more financial assistance than almost any other single entity does. As discussed above. this has created a political clash between groups of unions. The informant explains: ...the role that the CAW and the public sector unions took during the Rae [Bob] period lefi a very bad taste. It was very divisive. It has severe repercussions, not only for Ontario. For exarnple. Bob White is not going to stay on as the CLC president- The question then becomes. who replaces him? Once you get into that sphere, that's when al1 the fragmentation comes forward.
Some Steelworker locals did participate alongside of the so-called social unions
during the ami-Tory Days of Action. in spite of the political differences. As far as
aIIiances with social movements is concerned. within Steel, much of this seems to be
conducted through the work of the Humanity Fund. Overall. the Steelworkers does not
have a reputation for king a politically radical union or promoting a militant
membership. However, two of my Steelworker informants suggest that part of the
purpose of the Humanity Fund is to enhance the members' understanding of globaVlocal
connections and to encourage them to become more active.
None of my informants brought up the issue of 'class' or 'class conflict' and 1
found no mention of this in Steelworker literature. In addition to shop-floor concems.
methods of mobiliùng the members include party politics. and the intercomected discourses of globalization/global competitiod union development/solidarity rather than a discourse of class conflict. The second methods are conveyed through the Hurnanity
Fund. However. the notion that the interests of global capital are at odds with the best interests of the workers was definitely articulated by two of my idormants.
One informant insists that, although the Fund is legally considered to be an NGO,
"it's certainly not parceled off" fiom the rest of the union. Further:
The education prograrn is one that's comptetely integrated into the union's overall education prograrn. 1 think there is a very strong sense of identity with the Fund on the part of the members. In a union where only 13 percent [as of 19971 of the membership is women, the likelihood of getting women placed in the courses compared to men is much smaller. We've used scholarships to create places for people fiom smaller unions [within Steel], women and people of colour.
Obviously, with women being very much the numerical minority within Steel, one would expect it to be a male-dominated union, as two of my interviewees admit.
Perhaps this is an underlying factor connected to Steel's retaining certain business union practices. However, one person suggests, "our union is still in transformation, in tenns of its gender composition". More women are becoming organized by the Steelworkers [27 percent as of 19991, and Canada's immigrant population has expanded the multi-ethnic composition of the union. It is likely that these changing demographics are not irrelevant to the formation of the Humanity Fund. Aside fiom its other very worthy hctions, the
Fund serves to broaden the union's domain of interests, including econornic exploitation, political oppression, women's nghts, and racism. The Fund is a pragmatic move. The union has to be seen to be more progressive in order to obtain active support fiom the mernbership. Because its identity is in a state of flux, "it does both sides", as an Auto
Worker informant suggested.
Some of the work of the Humanity Fund has been melded with the Steelworkers'
Wornen's Cornmittee. An example of this is the statement on "Gender and Solidarity" which was created by ten local union sisters. The statement is used as an instrument for screening projects. As of 1997, the 20-member Board of Directors of the Fund included three fernales. In the union, per se, USWA Local 1005 is one which has actively supgorted the inclusion of more women in the Stelco workforce since the early 1980s (Luxton and
Corman 1993: 103, 1 17-19). Led by a number of female steelworkers, the " Women Back into Stelco Carnpaign" was a feminist challenge to the sexual division of labour and support for a more progressive unionism (Luxton and Corman 1993: 1 1 1,112). One
Steeiworker informant insists that, on women's issues, the union has changed because it had to change. There are now more women on staffànd more 'ethnic minonties'.
That creates some problems. The white anglos don't necessarily like to see that, because they've got their own favourites out there. There's a lot of patronage. SoJ they don? necessarily like to see an East Indian staffrep. Especially around the 'golden horseshoe', fkom Toronto to Hamilton, the plants are al1 ethnic. You can't just have white males!
However, there are claims that many of Steel's working-class membership are not enamoured with the union's concems for women's equality, gay rights, and native issues; they have bought into the Tory ideology of neo-conservatism (Ziedenberg 1996: 17.18).
A Steelworker interviewee suggests:
... the real problem we have is to organize the organized in the plants. It's continuous. It's our members who vote for Mike Harris. It's our members who are racist. So, there's got to be more political awareness taught to people.
It seems that it is not only at the level of the rank-and-file where change is required. One of my Steelworker interviewees claims that international solidarity work is
"essential, but 1 think our real challenge within our own organization is to find a way to move the organization to that perception". Support fkom union staff varies. The interviewee adds: Leo Gerard, the former national director, was a strong proponent of the Fund. He simply put it out to staffreps, who are part of the support services for bargaining, that he didn't want to see a contract that didn't include support for the Fund within it. We discovered chat there was actually a place that went on strike over the Hurnanity Fund (laughter). We were quite fascinated with it, but it's definitely not the broader trend.
The Steelworkers draws on a hodgepodge of strategies to bolster the organization.
Some of these resemble business union qualities, and others lean towards social
unionism. It is a large service-oriented, bureaucratie union that has endorsed some progressive labour practices out of necessity, due to interna1 and extemal pressures. This
is a tacit recognition that business unionism is inadequate in obtaining a politicaily- enlightened membership that actively supports its union, both domestically and globally.
It is obvious that there are individuals at the leadership level and amongst the rank-and- file who have been instrumental in coaxing the union into experimenting with innovative tactics and this it has done, within certain boundaries.
(5) La Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux
From its origins, in 192 1, as the Codederation of Catholic Workers of Canada. to its present incarnation, the CSN has been transformed fiom a church and state sanctioned, consenrative labour central to a militant, nationalist, working-class organization, which is averse to business unionism, and is a supporter of grassroots international solidarity
(Palmer 1992: 192,312). For example, the construction union of la Confëdération is one which has conducted global grassroots solidarity with South Afncan unions for many years. This is a sharp deviotion fkom the orientation of the majority of construction 65
unions in Canada, which are business-style, craft unions afiliated to U.S. international
labour organizations.
As part of the Common Front in the early 1970s, which also included the Québec
Federation of Labour (QFL) and the Québec Teachers Corporation (CEQ), the CSN had
become a strong component of a political weapon which "confronted the government as a
united force" (Lacer 1976: 183). After 1972, the Comrnon Front collapsed, partly due to
inter-union conflict between the building trades unions of la Confëdération and the QFL
(Laxer 1976: 183). It was to re-emerge in 1975 (CSN and CEQ: 1987: 237). Business unionism was at the core of the clash (Laxer 1976: 183). American craft unions in the building trades bear much of the blame for hindering the "transformation of the Québec labour movement" (Laxer 1976: 184). The colonization of Québec labour and, in particular, the QFL, by the "business union mentality and its attendant corruption" contrasted with the "independent national construction unions in the CSN that were fiee of corruption" (Laxer 1976: 1 84).
The CSN is unique amongst labour organizations in the U.S. and Canada during this second half of the twentieth century. Riding dong the wave of Québec nationalism and a cuIture of resistance, the CSN has practiced a vibrant social unionism which probably came the closest to revoiutionary unionism. In the late 1960s, the CSN encouraged collective action not oniy at the shop-floor Ievel, but also amongst disgruntled consumers, and in mass opposition to power structures (Palmer 1992: 3 12).
As an anempt to recreate the social order, it also lent support to cultural intiatives including publishing CO-opsand film production (Palmer 1992: 3 12). 66
Working-class solidarity was additionally energized by the repression of the 1970
October Cnsis, and a Common Front-lead general strike, in 1972, in support of wage increases for public sector workers (Palmer 1992: 3 12). This was met with an assault on the Common Front by the Québec govemment, resulting in the imprisonment of some of its leaders and a fragmentation of its working-class unity (Palmer 1992: 3 12). However, the Comrnon Front did obtain some gains for public sector workers (CSN and CEQ:
1987: 237). By the 1980s, a worsening economic and social cnsis Merunravelled the solidarity amongst Québec dissidents. Disillusionment with the Parti Québécois governrnent and fiction between extreme leftists and other grassroots members also demobilized the movement (CSN and CEQ 1987: 256-57).
La Confédération seems to have undergone an attempted purging of its extreme leftists. In 1979, news reports indicated that one focus of the annuai convention of the
Montreal Central Council of the CSN would be on the excessive control of the union by its "radical lefi-wing elements" (Cotton 1979: Al). Disaffection fiom the labour central by many union delegates ensued because of domination by "the cornmunists" within some unions (Cotton 1979: A 1,A2). The CSN's main concern was for ensuring grassroots democracy (Cotton 1979: Al). However, as is their wont, the Québec Police
Force expressed apprehension about possible "violence and social chaos" due to the
"infiltration of unions by activists" (Cotton 1979: A2). Indeed, in 1987, counter- subversion tactics by the state against the CSN received much publicity. A major investigation was held in response to accusations against an employee of the Canadian 67
Security and Inteiligence Service (CSIS) for infiltration and attempted discrediting of the
CSN and other Québec unions (Cleroux 1987: A1 ,A2).
The CSN is in the 'same boat' as other unions within Canada regarding the
absence of a political party that genuinely represents the aspirations of the working class.
In Québec. the NDP is not much of a factor. My CSN informant was surpnsingly reticent
about discussing the political orientation of the CSN, but insisted that the Central does
not oficiaily support a political party. However, it does have a history of advancing
Quebec self-detemination. At their convention in 1990, members of la Confédération
voted ovenvhelmingly in support of Québec independence for the first time (Poirier 1990:
A5). The informant briefly discussed the CSN's political orientation:
... [the CSN] became a fairly politicized lefi-leaning trade union central. ...we are the representatives of the poor and the working class, Iike the NDP will do, ok? It [the Parti Quebecois] has a sociai democratic current which sometimes is stronger than others, but it's not a social democratic party.
The informant then abruptly switched the conversation back to the topic of international
solidarity. recalling when unions in Québec ran a marathon to collect money for the
purchase of short-wave radios to send to the guerillas in El Salvador [during their civil
war] .
La Confédération appears to not hold much reverence for bureaucratic extremism, at least where global solidarity issues are concemed. My CSN informant urged me to understand that their international solidarity cornmittee is a coilective where
issues get debated, as opposed to king an authoritarian structure. The informant also admits that getting the grassroots people involved is important, but is not always easy because the members often fail to see the links to their situation at home. Education is crucial, as is engaging the members directly in the collection of financial contributions through various fùnd-raising events.
There was no suggestion by my CSN informant that international solidarity is a tool to encourage the mernbers to become more active; although this may happen.
Rather. it is viewed as essential to maintainhg links with other people out there.
Interestingly, the CSN, in collaboration with other Québec unions, deviate fiom the labour nom in North Arnerica and celebrate Labour Day on May 1 by holding large workers' demonstrations. " We follow the rest of the world", States my CSN informant6.
During our interview, the CSN informant spoke very little in terms of 'class conflict' or 'working class versus capital'. However, the informant made it clear that there is a major battle underway between corporations/governments and workers at home and abroad. One can find references to 'class interests', the 'working class' and 'class- conscious unionism' within CSN literature. Its 1971 document, "There is no Future for
Québec in the Cwrent Economic Systemic", was a bold, officia1 anti-capitaiist declaration
(Guberman 1983: 272).
6As a member of a delegation fiom the Canadian Union of Postal Workers, I had the opportunity to participate in Montreal's May Day demonstration in 1996. As the CUPW was holding its Convention in Montreal, many of the delegates took advantage of this rare opportunity to celebrate International Workers' Day. It began in Lafontaine Park, in the early evening, with a series of speeches in both French and English. Unions representing Québec workers formed the majority of the 5,000 demonstrators. Also participating in the event were members of local community organizations. Afier this, an orderly mach began dong one of Montreai's main thoroughfares, with much boisterous chanting along the way. 69
On the issue of women in unions, the CSN had a women's committee fifieen years before the committee voted for its own dissolution in 1966 (CSN and CEQ 1987: 199). It was rejuvenated in 1974 (CSN and CEQ 1987: 199). The labour central has, for many years, fought against pay inequities (White 1993: 72,73). However, as of 1993, only 33 percent of the CSN executive was comprised of women, while half of the membership were women (White 1993: 100). In addition, the heafth and safety committee of the union has tended to be male dominated (White 1993: 1 12).
During the 1970s and %Os, la Confédération received considerable criticism for being sexist and discriminatory towards its femaie members, in spite of its radical politics
(Guberman 1983: 274-78). The exclusion of female activists fiom leadership positions was mainly atûibuted to the hierarchical structure of the organization and customary practices, such as lengthy negotiation procedures, which present challenges to participation that are particularly formidable for many women (David 1993: 285;
Guberman 1983: 278-84). At the same time, women attempting to acquire positions at the centre of the power structure of a CSN affiliated union [Social Affâirs Federation
(FAS)] created considerable anxiety amongst members who supported the hierarchical union structures (David 1983: 29 1).
The CSN also has cornmittees dealing with gay and lesbian issues, persons with disabilities, and an Immigration Cornmittee, which was established in 1986, in response to cornplaints of racism and discrimination (White 1993: 223-25). The union has occasionally been cited as a source of these problems (White 1993; 223). Although the CSN strongly embraces social unionism, it is still in the process of 'cleaning its own house' on the women's question and on the issues of 'race' and discrimination.
2.10.b Unions Without a Fund
(6) Canadian Union of Postal Workers
The CWW is a creation of rank-and-file ditancy. Discontent with decades of paltry wage increases, poor working conditions and no right to strike lead to a wildcat strike in 1965 (White 1990: 21-25). This insurrection toppled an inadequate, acquiescent leadership of the Canadian Postal Employees Association and the CUPW emerged as the new bargaining agent for inside postal workers (White 1990: 25-27). Of al1 of the individual unions in this study, it is the only one which ailudes to 'class conflict' and a strong opposition to business unionism in reference to its national policies:
...CUPW rejects al1 forms of trade unionism that fail to pose the basic division between the interests of workers and the interests of the employer. CUPW characterizes its orientation as a Union which, in an uncompromising fashion, pursues the class interests of its members, resisting al1 attempts by employers and govemments to weaken or destroy the workers' movement (CUPW National Constitution 1996b: i).
Of course, simply because a union oficially 'talks the taik' doesn't mean it actualIy 'wdks the walk'. However, this declaration has directed the overall actions of the CUPW, although not without dissent from more conservative factions within the union. A CUPW informant offers some cornrnents on business unionism:
Well, 1 think that. at some point in time, they'll see themselves in a position where they wish they had a lot more fiiends out there. ...they don't want to do international solidarity work and don't even want to do any social activities within their own country. They don? want to do anything outside of their workplace. So, they don't have any connections with women's organizations, organizations that represent the Black and Native cornmunities, or students, or the elderly. They only see themselves.
But ... eventually. they're crying out because they're king crushed and they're ail by themselves. They don't have any fiiends. 1 guess it's at that tirne that they scratch their heads and Say, "oh well, 1 guess we shoutd've buiit some bridges". A lot of people are really amazed at how diverse the work is of the CUPW and other unions.
Afier having participated in a Canadian Labour Congress Women's Conference.
another CUPW informant is convinced that unions need to engage in 'community
unionism' :
.. .organizing differently than the traditional model...... organizing upside-down. right-side up and every angle that you could possibly think of. It used to be that way years ago. You had welfare comrnittees because people didn't have pensions. Or. if the worker died. what happened to the spouse?
... we're going to have to get outside of our narrow little worlds and meet each other and talk. 1 guess our biggest problem to overcome is that we're not in the school system. There's no education [on trade unionism] in the school system, or very little.
We're trying to work in coalitions with others -- the Action Canada Network, the Canadian Federation of Students, the National Anti-Poverty Organization. the churches. the Alternative Federal Budget. and Rural Dignity. The earliest coalition work that 1 remember was the '83 coalition in BK.
We see that our issues cannot be isolated from the rest of the issues that are out there within the community because we're part of the community; so we have to work within the community. We're workers; we're not some kind of foreign force.
The Postal Workers is clearly practising social unionism. As with other unions. education. organizing and activism is considered central to building strength within the CUPW.
One of the CUPW informants offers the best method of mobilizing the membership:
T'he best tool is onesn-one. Talking to the person, if you possibly can. That's why it's really important to have a good shop stewards' body -- a grassroots body in the workpiace. They're the ones who are going to influence their CO-workersthe most.
The Postal Workers have always had a rocky relationship with the empIoyer,
Canada Post. A question was posed to some of my interviewees as to whether they considered it possible to work in partnership with the employer. One CUPW interviewee replies:
1 don't see how! [laughter] But, there are things in the Collective Agreement ...; you have joint meetings with the employer, joint Health and Safety Cornmittee meetings and a Workplace Service Expansion Cornmittee.
To work CO-operativelywith the employer? 1 don't see-.. Just because of the way the national structures are in both organizations. Everything in the Corporation [Canada Post] is fiom the top down. They [management] have al1 these policies and directives that they have to follow. 1 always think of the supervisors in the Attendance Management Program as, sort-of, wiping your hands - that image of Pontius Pilate washing his hands -- "1 don't really have anything to do with itl'.[laughter] Yet. they're the ones who are making the recommendations to their superiors. So. people are lulled by this sense that no one in the Corporation is responsible.
Our goals are so different! The employer's is for productivity. They create ail these impossible shifts. They want more flexibility in the workplace. They have systems in place that don't allow for the differences in people. They don? think about the repercussions that it has on the workers. Through persona1 experience with the employer, this interviewee has arrived at the conclusion that the employer sits on the opposite side of the fence fiom the employees and the union. Obviously, business union practices are not a viable option. Moreover, the employer's hierarchical, bureaucratie methods of management alienate the employees by treating them in an impersonal, heavy-handed manner.
A second CUPW interviewee responds to the same question:
No, absolutely not! [laughter] 1 mean, we have different class interests! When we start rnaking those lines grey, that's when we get in trouble. No, there can be no collaboration between the boss and the employees.
One informant agrees that the CUPW encourages politicai activism but also suggests, "1 think the employer (Canada Post) encourages people to become political activists because of their draconian...; they're oppressing the workers!" However, another
CUPW informant insists that it is not beneficial for a union to be aligned to one political party. Rather, unions should organize amongst themselves so that they may have influence on any political party in power. Although the informant admits that the NDP's objectives are more closely aligned with those of labour, the Bob Rae govemment is cited as one exarnple of "why you just can't rely on a governrnent to bail out workers".
A CUPW informant suggests that the major splits between Canadian unions are
"based probably on different orientations of leaders at the top" and doubts if that will ever go away. Furthemore, these divisions can be found in other countries.
1 don't think that prevents us fiom still trying to do positive international solidarity work, at the same time. You've just got to recognize that we are different but we can have some cornmon objectives. I'm sure there are unions that are quite different fiom the CUP W. in terms of orientation, but they're still doing very good international solidarity work in their own way.
But, 1 think that once we better connect with workers around the globe, it doesn't rnatter if we're split into two or three different types of orientation, we'll still be a lot better connected than we are now. We'll have a lot more power than we have at the present time.
The informant is refemng to the friction between the business union orientation and social unionism which erupted in Ontario during the anti-Tory Days of Action.
This very same conflict more recently materialized within the CUPW preceding the 1999 union convention. Indeed, much of the militant, incumbent National Executive
Cornmittee suffered an electoral defeat during the convention. The new leadership has espressed clear intentions of working more CO-operativelywith the employer on a number of issues. This has caused apprehension arnongst some mernbers who feel this represents an attempt to shifi the union's ideology, fiom a militant union to a more business-oriented union. However, this claim has been repudiated in a recent magazine article by a CUPW staff member (Bickerton 1999: 8). The commentator insists that the new leadership represents the progressive, left-wing of the union. This is disputed by a number of convention participants.
This apparent about-turn for the CUPW is a direction totally contrary to its traditions. Pressure to propel the union dong this course is both external and internal.
On the one hand, members claim there is a powehl collusion between Canada Post, some Canadian businesses, and the federal govenunent with its use of labour legislation to force the CUPW to accommodate to the employer's demands. On the other hand, the letter chers have been members of the CUPW for a stormy decade now, and they bring 75 with them a more conciliatory attitude toward the employer. Without a doubt, some inside postai clerks share this attitude. An informant fiom another union claims, "1 know a lot of your members who are not happy because ... you're so busy king militant, that you're not actually serving your members." Nevertheless, some postal workers now jokingly suggest that they will be obliged to refer to each other in the more forma1
'Mr./Ms./Mrs.' rather than the customary 'brother/sister'. if the CUPW is to act as a business union. The same internai faction that is steenng the union in this new direction has also been encouraging the CUPW, through an Internet Web site, to stop wasting its energy on women's issues, international solidarity, and other societal concerns. This is clearly a business union outlook. One of my infonnants acknowledges that, within the three regions of the CUPW involved in international solidarity work, women play an important role in supporting this initiative.
At the same time, the informant admits that it is a male-dominated union in the process of breaking down some of the remaining barriers to women's involvement. Too few women are presidents of the larger locals, and the union structure at the regional level poses geographical difficulties for women's promotion. In spite of the fact that the
National Women's Cornmittee was late in king founded [1990], their budget has ken increased. Another CUPW informant insists:
.. . there's a good network of feminists in our union across this CO untry... We're never going back there again. There's a movement afoot.
An effort to obtain salary increases of between $3,000 and $10,000 for Ml-time union officers was resoundingly rejected at the recent convention. In contrast to many larger more bureaucratie unions, a CUPW informant insists that it is the philosophy of the union to avoid a large discrepancy in salary between the leadership and the ordinary members. As of 1996, the salaries of the National Executive Cornmittee ranged fiorn
$46.000 to $48,000 compared to a full-time worker at about $38.000. The informant adds. "untii the delegates want to change that in the Constitution, it won't change". Andl it has not-
One of my interviewees expresses dismay that the majority of the rank-and-file were reluctant to stop work for a day in support of the lower-paid 'admail' workers, who were subsequently laid-off. An earlier attempt to organize cleaners in the plants was often met with the sanie response. The interviewee adds:
They weren't going to lose one day's pay for somebody making $7 an hour. Isn't that pitiful? There's a devaluation of the work that they do. Child care workers don't get paid for what they're worth either. Women's work is still undervalued. It's classism. really. It's the value of work.
Although postal workers carry the label of king militant. there is still reluctance by many of risking too much for certain issues, especially if it leads to a personal financial loss or retribution frorn the employer.
One rank-and-file CUPW activist and proponent of worker-to-worker global solidarity remarks:
1 think the government and the media are al1 working on a daily basis to make us think that we're not comected to each other around the world ... We have to work on developing that consciousness within the working class that has been completely destroyed. It's the principle of a trade union acting for the benefit of the working class that we have to get back to. I'd look at it this way. There's a war going on out there. It's a class war. Social change has to corne. We can't continue on this spiral toward the rich getting richer and the rest of us getting poor. Socialism is the oniy way to go because it's the only thing that supports a broad base. Capitalism is one focus; it's elite; it's a power trip.
Certainly, many of the rank-and-file would not share the perspective of this informant. But, judging by such comments, 1 would think that the business unionists within the CUPW will have their work cut out for them in trying to transfonn the union into a 'service-only' organization. That strategy is incongruent with the daily lived experiences of the workers on the shop floor.
(7) Public Service Alliance of Canada
During the postwar years, the Alliance was one of the public sector Canadian unions that emerged through a legalistic, conciliatory and bureaucratie process, rather than as a result of mobilization and class struggle (Palmer 1992: 354-55; Panitch and
Swartz 1988: 27). Not surprisingly, the union's structure and culture is a reflection of this process. For most of its existence, various cornponents of the union have been govemed under 1 1 different labour laws, requiring resources and skills in ail of these areas.
Further, up until a successful Federal court challenge in 1991, PSAC members were prohibited by law fiom participating in political activities relating to electoral politics.
This may have darnpened some of the burgeoning militancy within the union.
Due to government downsizing of the public service, PSAC began restmcturing after their 1997 convention. The seventeen union components had been set up dong departmental lines but the downsizing upheaval made this old structure redundant. A
PS AC informant explains:
We have a structure that has been unwieldy. Our Board of Directors used to consist of 17 component presidents and five national directors. That's pretty top-heavy. We will now have a regional structure. ... it's going to change the power structure. It certainly has an impact on that component power base at the Board of Directors. And, that's where the fear is.
The leadership expressed surprise... They were hearing that people wanted regionalization but nine component conventions adopted resolutions to postpone regionalization. So, when the debate came to the floor of the convention, there was a very, very emotional ..., and regionalization went through. Nobody thought that was going to happen.
I think there was a problem in tenns of what the leadership was thinking and what the members did; and that tells us something. ...we need a regional structure. We have a mode1 within our own union -- the Québec region. Maybe that's one of the things that will get us closer to the members.
Obviously, the previous union structure created a distance between the leadership and the membership. The fact that the membership was able to compel the leadership to move forward on structural changes indicates a certain degree of union democracy.
However, there is no doubt that the Alliance was, and probably still is, a highly bureaucratic entity. This may be an important ingredient related to its lack of grassroots global solidarity work, although PSAC is active within the large bureaucratic international organizations.
The two PSAC infamants suggest that there could be more women and people of colour in Ieadership positions, especidly since women form about half of the membership. Women are encouraged to get involved. The national vice president is female, and one third of the national executive are women. One informant States, "the women in this union are organized". Gender issues are a central union concern. The
Alliance has been battfing with the federal government for 16 years over pay equity for their female members.
My Alliance informants disagree with the principles of business unionism. and daim that their union does not operate that way. They also insist that social unionism is very important and add:
Coalition work is critical because of the strength of the opposition on the Right. We remain fiactured fiom the social movements out there. It doesn't serve any of our interests. We have to connect and we have comected in this union with social movements.
Our social justice partners, Iike the Action Canada Network? the National Action Cornmittee on the Status of Women (NAC), and others are losing their government fùnding. So, their voices are being taken away from them. It's important for the public sector because, even though our resources are falling, we do have the resources. We're in a position to keep those voices alive. And. our union takes that position. It's a bit of a balancing act because we have to work for the rnembership..., then we move into the other areas.
Support for NAC fiom the Alliance and other unions illustrates an on-going mutual relationship between two social movements, labour and feminism. Since the late
1970s. NAC, as an "umbrella group for progressive feminist organizations". has advocated support for union struggles involving the Alliance and other unions (Warskett
Clearly. the Alliance is not striving to become a business union, yet my informants discussed how the union is working with the govenunent in inflicting as little pain as possible on the thousands of the workers who will lose their jobs as a result of the recent cutbacks. The National Joint Adjustrnent Steering Cornmittee is a negotiated agreement with the employer and the Treasury Board for 15 unions within the Alliance.
According to union Iiterahue, this three-year program will facilitate the administration of the goverment's 45.000-person employment reduction program. The Alliance has finally resigned itself to accepting many job losses within its membership, rather than go kicking and screaming in defiance. One of my informants proudly explains:
This is historic in the public sector. What we're not doing is saving the jobs because the jobs are disappearing. What we are doing is saving people's employability. in the sense that. you can't afford to go but she cm; so there's a nice little top-up package. You get to continue working and the person who could go without too much suffering, goes. So that's something that's been very creative in the importing of an industrial adjustrnent mode1 fiom the private sector into the public sector for the first time.
The Alliance has accepted private sector rationalization. Certainly. the union was pushed hard by the employer. the Federai governrnent. And. it seems the union was trying to act in the best interests of the workers. Of the 17,642 members who lefi the civil service from April 1, 1995 to March 3 1. 1996. only 273 were laid off. However, the
'voluntary' reductions impacted uneventy across the various groups. One of the worst hit was the overwhelmingly female-dominated secretarial group, which was bit with a 15 to
19 percent job Ioss. The Alliance's conciliatory behaviour is really an act of capitulation, although there may have been no alternative- The leadership of the Alliance is not renowned for its militancy. In attempting to improve the union's situation, the PSAC informants suggest that they are attempting to help the public understand the importance of the public service, in addition to lobbying the govermnent. A Political Action Cornmittee has also been forrned to encourage member activism. Union members were active in the anti-Tory
Days of Action and other 'direct action' campaigns. The pervasive neo-liberal ideological climate is cited as one source of the union's problems:
It's another struggle to try to get the media to portray your side of the story to the public, because the right wing has really succeeded in convincing everybody that deficit reduction and remaining cornpetitive in a global market is the only way to go. And, you're considered almost stupid if you ask questions about that. You are considered to be naive in the extreme, or to have an agenda that is so off-track that nobody will listen to you. So that's ken a problem for social1y-progressive groups and unions.
Really, the right wing knows exactty where they're going; and, they have an interest in keeping us divided. There's been some talk that there will be two Ontario Federations of Labour, if we dont get out act together. You know, we've always been reaily good at fighting arnong ourselves.
Although the Alliance doesn't oficiaily back any poiitical party, my uifomants admit that, generdly, the union supports a political party that supports public services.
My informants favour the NDP over the others. A discourse of 'class conflict' is non- existent in PSAC literanire and in my interviews. However, the federal and provincial governments are viewed as unjust in their mutilation of public services and downsizing of the workforce.
International grassroots union solidarity is not where the Alliance is at right now.
It is a large bureaucratie organization that mostly represents civil servants at the federal ievel. There appears to be no tradition of grassroots militancy at the local Ievel or much of a work-related co~ectionto grassroots civil society that you might find with some of
CUPE's municipal workers. At this time, it is still in the process of unshackling itself from an ungainly administrative hierarchy that has lefi it remote from its rank-and-file.
(8) Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union
HERE is noted for its business union orientation. This is not to suggest that
HERE locals refrain fiom strike action or are devoid of feminist and other activists.
However. it is a hierarchical, male-dominated union at the international level.
Moreover. its image has been tamished by accusations of links to 'mafioso1-typeentities in both Canada and the U.S. An informant fiom HERE offers some observations about the union:
What they've gone through. fiom what I understand, is a long period of transition fiom king into business unionism and that sort of thing and. probably. also connections with the mob. But now that 'legitimate business' has taken over the garnbling industry, a number of things had to change because the AT&Ts and Sheraton nui it like a business.
So, it (HERE) developed a more sophisticated working class strategy than what it had in the past. A new generation of leadership has come in and started working with the rank-and-file more, getting them more involved, probably over the last ten years or so.
They've been confionted with a do or die situation. They've come up with some creative strategies and are prepared to put some money into it. They set up their own training school where they actually will take people and train them to be a room attendant or a semer. It's one way of getting people in the union as 83
The informant clairns that the union has digressed somewhat fkom its detrimental past practices -- corrupt activities that are most ofien associated with business unions which are democratically-flawed. HERE created quite a stir with its supposed illegai connections during the 1980s.
A HEM local holds the dubious distinction of king the only union to have ever been tossed out of the Québec Federation of Labour for ethical misconduct (Edwards
1989: AI ,A 10). Police reports, in 1989, accused at least three Canadian locals as king under Cotroni [Mafia boss] control in the early 1980s (Edwards 1989: A 1,AI O).
The repercussions that ensued are illustrated in this newspaper quote, "reformers have hit the union locals in Montreal and Vancouver hard, amid charges of vote-rigging, negotiating poor contracts. stealing fiom members and tight links to organized crime"
(Edwards 1989: A10). The same article includes harsh criticisms of HERE fiom a number of Canadian labour leaders, no doubt frantic to distance themselves fiom HERE's mafioso image.
HERE literature, fiom 1995, also relates that the U.S. Department of Justice has been investigating HERE for 22 years on allegations of organized crime influence. A
1983 report States that a retired HERE officiai, who was convicted of misuse of union hds, receives a union sdary of $85,000 (U.S.) a year. under a lifetime contract agreement for top oficers. Further, the union's magazine, "Catering lndustry Employee", has published a 24-page tribute to him without mentioning his cnrninal activities. It is srna11 wonder that the union is now compelled to amend its constitution and create an ethical practices code. Such traits are not only contrary to democratic unionism, but also to social unionism. Although it is now 'cleaning up its act', it seems reasonable to assume that participation in union grassroots international solidarity is very far removed from the culture of the Hotel Workers.
In trade unions. the highest governing body is generally considered to be the national or international convention. My HERE informant claims that because it is so espensive to go to HERE's conventions in the U.S., very few rank-and-file people can afford to go. In any event. this informant insists that the local has very little influence over the International. "There's very little contact". An insuficient input from the membership does not bode weIl for union democracy. Furthemore. the informant offers:
The union structure itself is fragmented. To a certain extent. that reflects the type of ownership [of the workplaces] that we have. It's bureaucratic. run from the top down -- just control over the finances and that sort of thing. In terms of the Constitution. the President of the International and the Executive have very wide- ranging powers. And, what I've been able to perceive is that there's been very little interference. as long as you pay your 'per cap'. When you stop sending the cheques. then they start getting a bit 'antsy' ...
We don't even have a national convention or conference where the Canadian members can get together. There's no overall national or international coordination of activities, let alone a common strategy. However. the union in the U.S. is concentrating much more on organizing because the percentage of the workforce that is unionized is down to around 12 or 1 5 percent.
In many ways, the Hotel Workers is a prime example of cormpt. bureaucratic. business unionism. The only interests that seem to have been advanced are that of the union's autocratie elite. Since HERE has concentrated iu energies on more legitimate union pursuits, it has become the fastest growing union in Nevada. What is curious about this situation is the fact that Nevada is one of the highest unionized States in the U.S.. but
is also a 'nght-to-work' state [workers may opt out of the union]. Then again. HERE has
been under a high level of governrnent influence for 20 years, and a comfortable
relationship seems to have developed between the two.
My HERE infonnant admonishes the upper-echelon of HERE's leadership for their extravagant salaries and for the private jet owned by the Union President -- benefits
which place them totally out of touch with the ordinary member. These accusations are
supported in an article in Labor Nom.which reveals HERE President Ed Hanley's pay packet at $302.339+ and certain HERE oficers as king awarded a "lifetime salq"
(GrueiIe 1996: 8.9). In addition. my informant maintains that "not al1 of the Executive or
National representatives are elected"; some are selected based on political reasons. Once more. a poverty of democratic unionism is evident7.
It ssems fair to suggest that tbis extreme form of business unionisrn is
incompatible with grassroots globd soiidarity. An opinion of 'bread and butter'
(business) unionism is offered by the HERE informant:
Either in the short term or in the long term. 'bread-and-butter' trade unionism has proven itself not to work in improving the lot of people. There has to be political education and organizing. whether it's challenging your employer. whether it's challenging the state. whether it's challenging your local municipality. or whatever. That being said. it is not an easy thing to do.
7As an aside, my HERE informant was aiso curious as to whether other infomants would speak in a similarly candid fashion about their own union. HERE locals are not al1 clones of the International union. My informant fiom
HERE suggests that, over the last few years, focusing on building a strong shop steward body has resulted in an increase in involvement and even militancy amongst the members, at the local level. Meetings allow stewards to exchange experiences and criticize union representatives. "The first thing is to address people's needs on a day-to- day basis". Working together on an issue has show to the members that it is worthwhile to have the union. Concernïng a successful negotiating carnpaign that used more aggressive tactics, the informant States:
So, that's the type of 'guerilla warfare' that you need. What's interesting is that, at the time, there were a significant number of people in the union who thought that we were king a bit extreme. .And, you know, a year or two later, they look back and their conclusion is that they should have been more involved.
Instead of concentrating on global issues, these are the methods of choice for mobilizing the HERE membership.
The informant agrees that HERE is a male-dominated union. Although women forrn approximately 58 percent of the membership, the composition of the local
Executive is mostly male. As of 1993, only 5 percent of Canadian HEM locals had a female president (White 1993: 196). Of the other unions with a comparable percentage of female members, the Alliance had 34 percent female local presidents and the Public
Employees were at 45 percent (White 1993: 106). Within one particular HERE local, there are just as many female as male shop stewards; and the informant suggests that "the most active shop stewards are female". Overall, HERE does very little coalition work with social justice organizations. This is probably in keeping with its craft, business
union heritage.
My HERE informant has personal views on a number of issues that don't reflect
the members' views and are certainly quite distinct fiom the union. The informant agrees
that there has to be some degree of cooperation between the employer and the union in
order to get the work done. and to make money to meet the payroll. By the sarne token:
...that's only in the short tem. In the long term, the contradiction between the workers and the employers is unresolvable. At some point, workers are going to have to take the plants, the hotels. the buses and everything else and operate it themselves. Not only to improve their working conditions but also to organize the economy on a more rational basis, on a wider scope.
In addition, the informant insists that the empioyers and the employees are working towards diffèrent goals. The workers are more concemed with providing quality service to the customers. while owners in the hotel industry are focused on making "the most money in the shortest period of tirne". while keeping labour costs down.
The informant also spoke for a few minutes on the benefits of supporting a political party. such as a Communist party, that represents ordinary people and adds:
1 don't support the NDP because 1 know that their day-to-day politics is not to encourage the raising of class consciousness. 1 don't think the NDP know how to Say 'working class'! They'll Say 'workers' or 'working people'. You only have to look at the history of social democracy since the first fiee trade debate when Ed Broadbent and those clever people in Ottawa that were advising them [the NDP] decided not to take on free trade as a major issue ...
It gets back to the whole notion of international solidarity and what it is. For a long period of time, international solidarity was treated as human rights. It was treated in a social liberal reform type of rnanner. 1 think it wasn't looking at issues fiom a class perspective. The working class... are the majority of the oppressed people in a country that doesn't have dernocratic rights. They're the ones most affected.
This Canadian HERE informant is cïearly situated at the opposite end of the political spectrum fiom the HERE International, as a right-wing union perpetuating many traditional American union customs. It is likely that this informant is in the minority.
Therefore. it is not very probable that HERE's autocratie culture will undergo major revisions towards a radical, working class unionism in the very near future. However, female activists fiom a Canadian HERE local have publicly proclaimed their feminist politicization and cdled for more activism to empower peopIe in their workplaces and their comm~nities.~
(9) United Food and Commercial Workers International Union
The UFCW is a bureaucratic, American-based union with a recent history of capitulating to employers by granting concessions during contract negotiations. It has suwived the turbulent merging of two very different bureaucraties in 1979, one a conciliatory craft union and the other a more militant industrial union. Studies of the
Food Workers have discovered that the locals are far more militant and less conciliatory toward the employer than is the International, especially during strikes (Morrissey and
Coventry 1996: 53-55,63.65). This has caused considerable fiction between the rank-
'This information first appeared in the FebruaryMarch 1996 issue of Canadian Dimension, but is drawn fiom an Intemet Web site http://www.canadiandimension.mb.ca/cd. and-file and the 'pork-choppers' at the International level, in the case of striking supermarket workers and meat processors (Momssey and Coventry 1996: 53.54,66,67).
The claim that the UFCW. in the US. has a problem with dernocracy is also in accord with my informant's discussion of the union in Canada (although the Canadian segment has a great deal of autonorny) (Momssey and Coventry 1996: 54,69).
I'm not totally happy with the way our union is going, either. ...the meat cutting end of the union ... merged with the clerks a few years ago. The clerks have had a different philosophy about trade unionism right from the very beginning. It's always been a very sore spot. One time we wouldn't even think of merging. 1 think the merger was a good idea but they're forgetting a lot of the fundamental trade union principles that were there.
There's a lot of things that aren't quite as democratic as they used to be. Like, for exampte, some people get promoted ... well, not promoted. but put into presidencies of the iocals. They weren't elected in a very democratic way. By high oficials or by sneaky deals, they put a person into a position. That's not the way we used to do it. It had to be done by the membership itself. if you didn't get elected. you didn't get the job.
There are very few people [in leadership] who came out of meat cutting and are still around. [meat cutters] ...used to have the same number of people around as the clerks. but now there are maybe about five on the chain of 50. ...they've, sort of, taken control. We used to have some pretty tangly, fights in years gone by.
One of the things I'm not too nuts about in our organization is that sornetimes when you organize somebody, even the locals are fighting about who should get them aftewards.
These comments highl ight a discrepanc y between rny informant's revelations and assertions in the UFCW information package that includes, "the UFCW is a strong. progressive union with an informed membership, a responsive leadership, and a dernocratic structure". A 1997 article fiom an Arnerican trade union publication. Labor 90
Notes, contains allegations that also question the democratic image that the UFC W
prefers to convey. The author, the president of a UFCW local in northern California,
daims that the top union leadership has obstructed their full participation in the union
since the elections of their new local executive, drawn fiom the rank-and-file (Carpenter
I 997: 6). After a strike had resulted in an unacceptable settlement, the new oficers of
Local I 179 ran on a "platform of reform, advocating internai union democracy,
leadership accountability, and rnembership involvement" (Carpenter 1997: 6). Virtually
everyone on the reform slate was elected (Carpenter 1997: 6).
The authoritarian tendencies of the union's 'generais' are not without a certain
rationale. According to one study of a UFCW supermarket strike, "remaining in a
favorable and cooperative position with management seems to have been a goal of union
leaders and consistent with the union's longstanding philosophy of avoiding strikes, work actions and other efforts that threatened union stability and growth" (Momssey and
Coventry 1996: 63). Many of the workers who were interviewed claimed they were "sold out" by what the International leadership deerned to be an "acceptable compromise"
(Momssey and Coventry 1996: 64,65). From the International's point of view, by intervening in local strikes, the union saves on strike pay and appeases the employers of workers whom they are in the process of organizing as new members (Morrissey and
Coventry 1996: 63). The workers have become marginal to the survival of the bureaucracy itself, except in their role as LTFCW territorial investments.
An anti-union legislative environment in bth Canada and the United States is a motivating factor behind the UFCW's business union practices (Momssey and Coventry 1996: 54). This stimulates a focus on service to the rnembers at the expense of effective contract negotiation, thus reinforcing its business union inclination. Cotlaborating with the employer enhances the "centralization of union authonty and hence the international's power" (Monissey and Coventry 1997: 55). My UFCW informant insists that it is possible to work cooperatively with some employers.
Overall. we coddn't, but in some cases... With some employers, we've got a wondefil working relationship. Like Robin Hood Floor. if you wanted an ideal example. I dealt with them for years. and 1 think over those years we had maybe one grievance, and every set of negotiations you sit down and you work out other... Like they're making millions of dollars and they're paying their workers pretty good wages. As far as I'm concerned. if an employer is treating his people fairly and giving lem, you know, a reasonable wage to live on and reasonable benefits ...
If we know they're definitely in trouble and our jobs could be jeopardized, we cooperate and help as much as we cm. We've had a lot of cases where our people have forgone their wage increases for a year or two because the Company was in financial difficulty.
Evidence of unequal power relations between the rank-and-file and the UFCW leadership is unveiled in another addition of Labor Notes. Exorbitant salaries
($287.000+) of high-level leadership. and nepotism to the extent of turning locals into family fiefdoms. receive deserved ridicule (Gmelle 1996: 8). The U.S. report cites. "at least 2 1 of Joe Talarico's relatives, including al1 three of his children, were on the local's payroll for a total take of over $1 million" (Gmelle 1996: 8). My UFCW informant reveals that when the big merger took place in 1979. "there were 52 vice-presidents for the clerks and about 23 vice-presidents for the meat cutters". At that time, there was not one international female vice-president. My informant admits that the Food Workers is a male-dominated union, despite
women forming 52 percent of the membership. There are now three female international
vice-presidents, but no women in positions above that level. As of 1993. only 1 percent
of local presidents were women (White 1993: 106). The informant daims that the
situation is changing with regard to leadership opportunities for women and people of
colour. This extreme marginalization of female members in the sphere of leadership is
another manifestation of business unionism and its 'male-breadwinner' ideology.
As with the Hotel Workers. the UFCW draws its members into the union through education programs. in conjunction with the employer. to upgrade workers' skills. On the
issue of coalition work with community organizations, the UFCW informant agrees that
unions should be trying to prevent cut-backs in heaith care or education but insists that.
..A is the responsibility of the government to take a little more from the people who can afford it. We want the NDP in. We think that thcy're the ones who will live up to our expectations. They may not do everything that the labour movement wants. but they can't.
...we don't get enough of our people out to vote for the party ... You've gotta give them [members] some political education. We don't do enough of it; that's for sure. Most of our people are afiaid to bring up a political question at a union meeting. 1 found ... it was taboo.
1 think we should have some Say in Our political life or Our working lives. We shouldn't have to do that through a revolution.
Most of the Food Workers' political activism is in the realm of electoral politics.
Typical of business unions, the UFCW does not encourage political activism other than supporting the union's party of choice. Evidence indicates that it is much less involved in coalition work than other unions in this study. However, the informant insists that there 93
are UFCW locals that do participate in some of these solidarity activities through their
Labour Councils; and the union is a strong benefactor of specific charitable causes.
The International bolsters its own power through the maintenance of an
authoritarian hierarchy, merging with other unions, organizing the unorganized and
concession bargaining . Grassroots international solidarity is motivated by a need to
foster worker activism and empowerment within the union and across geographical
distances. The findings of this study suggest that the business union culture fostered by
the International of the UFCW is in contradiction to this.
2.1 1 Analysis and Sumrnary
This chapter has examined the relationship between trade union international -grassroots solidarity and two models of trade unionism, business unionism and social
unionism. A critique of both trade union models was presented. Nine Canadian unions
were then classified on the basis of the presence or absence of a pssroots solidarity
Fund. The unions were analyzed for their business or social union qualities in relation to
their participation in grassroots global solidarity.
In the process, it was discovered that labour solidarity was weakened by conflict
between business and social unionismt craft and industrial unions, Québec unionism and
resistance fiom federalists, and international and nationaVloca1 unionism. Most
importantly, it was found that some unions claiming a social unionism orientation still maintain bureaucratic or business union qualities, while other more business-style unions are attempting a piecemeal departure fiom their old style. The following is a ranking of 94
the nine unions along a continuum fiom strong emphasis on 'business unionism'; unions
undergoing a modification of their practices; to unions with a strong 'social unionism'
ideology. This continuum is a general estimate, rather than a precise measurement.
FIGURE 1
RANK-ORDER OF UNIONS IN RELATION TO 'BUSINESS UNIONISM' AND 'SOCIAL tTNIONISM'
business rrnionism social unionisnr
Hotel Steel Communications Postal CSN * * * * * * * * ------Food Alliance Public Auto
This continuum shows a large gap in ideologicai orientation between the
Food/Hotel unions and the Auto/CSN/Postal unions. They are at opposite ends of the
spectrum on business and social unionism. According to the data on each of the unions
ofkred above. it is also the case that the Hotel Employees and the Food Workers do not
actively promote grassroots international union solidarity. while the Auto/CSN/Postal
unions do. This is also displayed on a continuum offered later in this thesis (Figure 2.
p. 1 12). which rank-orders the unions on their involvement in solidarity work. A
differential relationship between international grassroots solidarity and the two models of
unionism was expected. It was assumed that there would be a strong relationship
between grassroots international union solidarity and social unionism. However. the
results are moderated by the fact that the Postal Workers do not yet have a solidarity fund and it is claimed that the union is king pressured to adopt some business union 95
strategies. Further, it was found that the Auto Workers are not without patriarchal and
hierarchical qualities.
The Public Employees (CUPE) is situated at roughly the same spot on both
continuums -- a social union that is struggling to build an on-the-ground international
solidarity practice. The three unions positioned at the centre of the continuum confound
the analysis. The Alliance leans more towards social unionism than the Steelworkers or
the Communications Workers but is very weak on grassroots intemationai solidarity. The
more business-oriented Steelworkers and Communications Workers are strong on
erassroots solidarity. These three unions and Postai Workers appear to a state of C the be in
transition. This is indicated by how their positions have digressed from this continuum to
the one in Figure 2. In the final analysis, the data offers only weak support for the
assumption that grassroots solidarity is connected to social unionism.
2.1 l.a Unions With a Fund
The five unions with international solidarity Funds range in orientation fiom
radical social unionism to those still clinging to some business union practices but
gingerly experimenting with more progressive activities. La Confédération and the Auto
Workers define grassroots intemationai unionism as part of their militant union culture,
although it is apparently not always easy to convince the members of this. The Public
Workers (CUPE) is a social union that is not famous for its militancy but is not a stranger to it either. Their highiy decentraîized structure and a top-heavy administrative section makes for a cumbersome union body to mobilize into collective action, whether at home 96 or in unison with workers abroad. It seems likely that international grassroots solidarity is one of the few avenues that CUPE has to draw its members together and mobilize them for a common cause.
The Communications Worken and the Steelworkers are the two in this group that are more closely associated with business unionism. They have large bureaucracies.
However. the Communications Workers have adopted the title 'social union' as identifj4ng who they are. Some of my informants do not consider the CEP to be a social union. The Steelworkers is the only union amongst this group that is part of a large
American-based international union, although the Canadian faction retains a fair bit of autonomy. It was learned that the Steelworkers engages in concession bargaining, but has a very progressive global solidarity program. In addition, some of its Iocals are far more militant than the International. This feature may serve to pull the Canadian union away from extreme business unionism.
It was either directly stated or implied by the informants and their respective union literature that there is an urgent need to encourage the union membership to become more active. Al1 of the unions in this Funded group share that characteristic.
There are external and interna1 forces driving this initiative. The demand for greater union militancy sometimes arises fiom the membership, as with the Communications
Workers. Women and 'people of colour' or 'ethnic groups' now comprise a greater portion of union membership. The resulting change in union composition requires a change in the union's orientation. Working class feminism is changing unions. The unions in this 97
Fund group can no longer just cater to blue-collar men and the 'male breadwimer' ideology. Business unionism simply does not 'fit the bill' anymore.
2.1 1.b Unions Without a Fund
The four unions without a solidarity Fund are also a mixed lot. They range fkom social union militancy to cormpt, extreme business unionisrn. The Postai Workers is clearly a social union espousing a strong working class, militant philosophy. Yet, within its own ranks is a growing opposition to this radicalism. This 'new wave' of internal conservatism stems fiom members who are more conciliatory towards the employer and are exasperated with union militancy that they perceive has resulted in back-to-work- legislation and imposed wage settlements. Thus, this internal strife presents us with another possible explanation for why the postal workers do not have a Fund but still manage. at the regional Ievel, to engage in sporadic grassroots solidaril ventures. Of note, is the fact that the politics of the CUPW tends to be divided on a regional basis.
The Alliance (PSAC) is a bureaucratie creature. It is certaidy more of a social union than a business union but its structure has alienated the leadership fiom the members. Militancy is not part of its tradition. The union is now struggling to encourage activism amongst the membership. For a few years, it yielded too easily to govment pressure to keep contract demands Ireasonable' in the face of the overwhelming federal government deficit.
The two other unions are both components of large, Amencan-based international unions, with reputations for corruption and lack of union democracy. The Hotel 98
Employees and the Food Workers are bureaucratie, hierarchical unions which privilege their international executives over and above anyone else in the union. This is not to suggest that good service is not provided by some dedicated international representatives or the union locals. However, the healthy survival and expanding power of the union bureaucracy seems to overshadow more grassroots considerations, especially regarding concessionary bargaining. Few of their leadership positions are held by women or persons of colour, aithough my informants ctaim that their union is changing in this regard. These two business unions operate in a fashion that is the antithesis of the foundations of trade union intemationai grassroots solidarity.
The two Canadian unions without a Fund are currently plagued with interna1 conflicts, either concerning the structure of their union [the Alliance] or the philosophical orientation which guides the union's actions postal Workers]. They are also both under severe attack by the employer, the federal governrnent. The two International unions continue to embrace business unionism, although the Hotel Workers is now spending more time and money in working with the rank-and-file. It is plausible that these factors are related to the absence of a solidarity Fund within each of these four unions.
The table below displays the relationship between the presence of a union solidarity Fund and the strength of a union's practicing social unionism. TABLE 3
ASSOCIATION BETWEEN GLOBAL SOLIDARITY FUND AND SOCIAL UNIOMSM
Social Unionism
Stronger Weaker Total
Global Solidarity Pub1 ic Workers Communications Workers Fwid Yes (CUPE) Steelworkers Auto Workers la Confédération
Postal Workers Hotel Employees Alliance Food Workers
Total
This table indicates that the relationship between a union having a global solidarity Fund and being a strong practitioner of social unionism is slight. Of the five unions that are stronger on social unionism, only three have a solidarity Fund. On the other hand. of the four unions weaker on social unionism, two have a solidarity Fund.
This is an unanticipated and perplexing finding. Although it was not expected that this research would establish social unionism as a direct cause of the creation of the Funds, there was an assumption of it king a driving force behind the Funds. However, the data does not offer suff~cientsupport for the notion that the Funds are a sign that organized 1O0
labour in Canada is moving meraway fiom business unionism. Tt indicates a weak
association between social unionîsrn and the Funds. This necessitates investigating other
factors that might be related to the formation of the international solidarity îünds.
2.1 1.c Canadian Unions and a Discourse of 'Class Conflict'
The presence of a discourse of 'class', 'class struggle', or 'class conflict' does not
seem to be related to the existence of a solidarity Fund, or the demise of business
unionism. My HERE informant had more to Say about class and socialism than any of
my informants fiom the Funded unions. Another informant, fiom the Postal Workers
[without a Fund]. was also outspoken on 'class conflict'. In addition, there is no pattern
within union documents that denotes an association between social unions and a
discourse of 'class conflict'. Ambiguous phrases made by informants, such as "common
future" and "we are in a cornmon framework with others around the world" displace a
class analysis in defining the shared situation for workers on a global scale. Does this
imply that the union leadership assumes that 'class' has no rneaning for their members?
Have the members so thoroughiy bought into the consumenst society that a discoune of
'class conflict' would not motivate them to action?
Linda Briskin asserts that unions have not often assumed their role as contesting the essential nature of capitalist society -- "the fundamental inequities of power and wealth, the private ownership of property, the class structure or even management perogative" (Briskin 1983: 263). She blarnes this partly on the institutionalization of business unionism; the boundaries of which are now king challenged by women activists 101
(Briskin 1983: 264). Joanne Naiman's comments on the obfuscation of ding class power may also offer a clue as to why a discourse of 'class conflict' is still scarce within
Canadian unions:
... the process of concentration and centraiization of capital, combined with the process of globalization, has made the class with power more and more dificult to even identiQ, let alone oppose. This makes the class struggle much more invisible (Naiman 1995: 12).
Certainly, my informants' statements and the union literature indicate that trade unionists perceive that labour is in a power struggle with the state and employers.
However. this research uncovered a greater prevdence of a discourse of 'globalization' rather than a class discourse arnongst the nine unions. There is evidence that this is used as the language and argument of choice to inspire certain types of union activism amongst the membership.
The question remains as to what this new brand of international solidarity signifies. Obviously, the Funds do not signifi an irrevocable shift away fiom the last vestiges of Arnerican-style business unionism towards a more social unionism. There are indications that this is happening to a certain degree with the Steelworkers and the
Communications Workers. CUPE, with its cumbersome bureaucracy, is encouraging activism and participation in grassroots internationalism amongst it members. The Auto
Workers and la Confédération remain steadfast in promoting their style of social unionism through their Funds. Even the Hotel Employees and the Alliance are changing some of their practices. By the same token, it may be the case with the Steelworkers that their Fund is being subsumed within a business union culture; and business will continue as usual.
One noteworthy point is that the Steelworkers in the U.S. have no similar formation to the
Canadian Steetworkers Humanity Fund. Perhaps the Funds are also an expression of
Canadian unions as separate entities on the global scene fiom their Amencan business counteqarts. An interesting contrast is offered by the Postal Workers, which is a militant
Canadian union possibly turning to the right. As with al1 of the unions in this study. its leadership and membership are grappling with extemal and interna1 pressures to change.
2.1 l.d The Influence of Mawinalised Grouas
This chapter has explored some factors related to changes within trade unions and bureaucratic institutions in general. In the process, it was learned that disempowered factions previously alIocated to peripheral roles within organized labour are now pivotal to certain aspects of its transformation. Rosemary Warskett suggests that, by the 1950s, the leadership of Ontario's industrial unions "had become cold war warriors who propounded an aggressive business unionism" (Warskett 1992: 120). It is this business unionism that fostered a culture of solidarity that excluded women, immigrants, those in marginal forms of work, as well as others (Warskett 1992: 120-2 1).
Warskett's account coincides with some of my findings surrounding Canadian unions on a national level. As was pointed out in Warskett's study of the Ontario labour movement, fonnerly marginalised groups such as women, minority groups and anti- imperialist activists have been influentid in re-defining trade union international solidarity (Warskett 1992: 120-2 1). My research reveais that certain 'new' social movements have motivated various changes in trade unions but the struggle is far fiom over, especially in regards to the role of women and 'people of colour' in unions.
It is claimed that new social movements challenge bureaucratic arrangements through "their refüsal of intemal specialisation and hierarchy". and in their toleration of
"a wide variety of beliefs and attitudes among their members" (Leys and Mendel1 1992:
12,13). At the sarne time, they bring to the union movement neither a specific class character. nor "a collective project of general social change", which ultimateiy leaves
" untouc hed the prevailing structures of wedth and power" (Carroll and Ratner 1995: 2 18;
Lep and MendeIl 1992: 13).
Trade unions, on the other hand, have the potential of infùsing their international solidarity projects with an agenda of working class empowerment. However, membership apathy, due to hierarchical union structures and a social system which fosters a perception of the majority as being powerless, still prevails and stifles activism
(Briskin 1983 : 264). A representative of a union which is affiliated with the Canadian
Confederation of Unions (CCU) offers a caustic assessrnent of the leadership of organized labour in Canada:
How many times has Bob White stood on stage, beat the podium to splinters practically, and said, " We're goddarn-well not gonna stand for this anymore"? Then he goes home and everybody else goes home; nobody calls them up [union members] and gets them together again. You're not showing leadership; you're showing cuit!
The govemment does it anyway. What is that telling working people? You can't fight back; therels no point because Bob White, the most powerfùl person in trade unionism, couldn't move them. 1O4
This esample of the 'talking heads syndrome' is readily admitted by other informants to
be an affliction of organized labour.
Warskett reminds us that, "there is no simple relation between changes in the
economy and changes in union organisation, practices or identity'' (Warskett 1992: 1 1 1).
Actions are swayed by many factors, especidly limitations imposed by structures of
capital and the State (Warskea 1992: 1 1 1). The puzzling findings illustrated in this
chapter requires delving Merinto the Iink between the international solidarity fûnds
and variables such as globalization, bureaucratic organizations, American irnperialism
versus Canadian and Québec nationalism, and the influence of marginalised groups,
including women and supporters of liberation movements in the Third World. The next
chapter explores some of these issues in relation to the development and administration of the international solidarity funds. CHAPTER THREE
TWO TYPES OF TRADE UNION INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY: BUREAUCRATIC VERSUS GRASSROOTS
3.1 Whose International Solidarity 1s It?: Grassroots Union Activists Claim a Larger Space
The principle feature which differentiates bureaucratic fiom grassroots internationai union solidarity is the level within the organization where this activity is conducted. Fomal bureaucratic international solidarity is the preserve of national union leaders, in contrast to grassroots solidarity which, ideally, should emerge fiom the will and actions of the membership. Regarding the unions in this study, grassroots solidarity is certainly more inclusive than the bureaucratic form, as rank-and-file education and involvement is a crucial component. However, in this case, rank-and-file members work in collaboration with union leaders and specialized staff who offer considerable encouragement and guidance in channeling international solidarity dong a particular course.
According to John Porter, "bureaucracy is the concentration of administrative power within the machinery of hierarchical CO-ordination",which is "the product of two processes of social development: the increasing division of labour, and the increasing scale of the organization" (Porter 1965: 220). Given that unions represent the concerns of millions of workers worldwide, whose livelihood is directly affected by state bureaucracies and global institutions such as the World Trade Organization, some degree of macro-level bureaucratic activity in defence of workers' nghts is probably crucial. 1O6
An important feature of the ideal-type bureaucracy is impersonality, with interpersonal relations king "role-based, segmentai, and instrumental" (Rothschild-Whitt
1979: 5 14). Labour unions and other organizations do not necessarily adhere strictly to this precept. It is feIt that an impersonal, authoritarian organization with fixed roles does not promote the social cohesion or unified action among the members that is essential for a union to become a successfid bargaining agent (Craft 1991 : 396). Moreover, in her study of a number of collectivist organizations, Rothschild-Whitt discovered that social action was motivated by a merging of material and moral incentives (Rothschild-Whitt
1979: 5 15). This is precisely how some of the unions in this thesis attempt to rnobilize their members on both a global and local level.
The growth of counter-bureaucratic organizations based on a collectivist- democratic model represents a rejection of what Mau Weber referred to as
"instrumentally-rational social action" in favour of value-rational action -- "actions that put into practice people's convictions" (Rothschild-Whitt 1979: 509- 10). Collectivist organizations emphasize a sense of comniunity where relationships are "wholistic. affective, and of value in themselves" (Rothschild-Whitt 1979: 5 14).
Ground-level, trade union international solidarity shares some qualities with collectivist organizations that offer an alternative to the authontarian, centralized model based on noms of formal rationality. Although they are closely linked to union bureaucraties, the aims and activities of the union solidarity Funds signifies a digression and an expenment with new methods of energizing union members. There appears to be some sirnilarity to collectivist organizations in the merging of material and moral 1O7
incentives, and in the value that is placed on solidarity relationships between workers and communities across geographical boundaries.
As one informant reminded me, "a discourse of solidarity has, historically, always
been a part of union traditions". Certaînly the nom has been for trade unions to engage
in international solidarity activities through global, bureaucratie labour organizations involving the top union leadership, usually detached fiom the rd-and-file union membership. Such deliberations take place at the lofty level of the International Trade
Secretariats (ITS) and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).
These organizations are comprised of the leadership of large labour bodies such as the
Amencan Federation of Labour-Congress of Industrial Organizations (ML-CIO), the
British Trades Union Congress (TUC), the Canadian Labour Congress, the German Trade
Union Confederation (GDB), and Rengo of Japan.
The type of international soiidarity which flows fiom these leviathans is ofien labelled as 'labour diplomacy' or 'labour statesmanship'. "1 recognize the need for that". daims one trade unionist who is otherwise dedicated to the cause of grass-roots solidarity. While agreeing that worker-to-worker solidarity is important, a CLC informant argues that global solidarity will have a more sustainable effect if its members throw their strength into a larger organization, such as the International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions, "to change the World Trade Organization, to introduce a social clause that would affect al1 of our relations". Carrying this argument Mer:
...y ou can't send 2.3 million members to a village in Africa somewhere and Say "dig a well". That would be a kind of global solidarity but it wouldn't work too well. I mean, the notion of transporting us al1 there or bringing everybody here ... To change that relationship between Chinese workers and us, so we're not seen to compete in this race to the bottom for the cheapest worker, we've got to have the weight of the IL0 (International Labour Organization), the weight of the ICFTU.
By contrast, another informant accuses the International Codederation of Free
Trade Unions' operations as king politically-biased to the nght, arising from CIA infiltration of influentid Amencan unions.
And, so, there's always this resistance anytime you want to do any work with what they consider to be an enemy of the United States govement, whether it be Nicaragua or Cuba. So, the CLC, more or less, tries to toe the line and not get into this big controversy with their international bodies. 1 think now with the leadership like Bob White and J-C. Parrot there, they're a little more open to doing that kind of work.
In reference to the bureaucratie International Trade Secretariats. and accentuating one of their positive features, an interviewee fiom the Communications Workers comments:
...the relationships that we have with our funded partners are not the exclusive relationships we have with other unions. This union [CEP] is afXliated to the International Federation of Chemical, Energy & General Workers (KEF), the Postal, Telegraph, & Telephone International (PTTI), the International Metalworkers Federation (IMF), the International Federation of hurnalists (IFJ), and others. At some level, that's labour bureaucracy and labour diplomacy but it gives us an opportunity to have exchanges; to have solidarity actions. We have called on Gennan and French workers for solidarity in our struggle.
A Postal Worker representative offers a critique of one of the above ITSs, the
Postal, Telegraph and Telephone International (PTTI), for the excessive influence the large Amencan unions have on the organization: We've been fighting to try and b~gabout some changes within the organization; to make it more democratic and more open to some of the smaller countries. ...you have voting structures that are based on size of unions, nurnber of mernbers, and so on. ... a lot of participants are fiom Caribbean islands and smaller countries in Latin America. How cmthey ever have a leadership role? It's impossible,
The PTT1 is also criticized for being overly-influenced by conservative Japanese unions and their custorn of fonning social partnerships with the employer, and for the acceptance of 're-engineering' strategies arnongst some of the member unions, including the Communications Workers (CEP) (Moody 1997: 3,236). Because the ITSs are restrained by their aftiliated national labour bureaucracies, they are not capable of direct interaction with the rank-and-file, indicating that they are not the most appropriate vehicle by which worker-to-worker international solidarity may be facilitated (Moody
Given these and other barriers to democratic global labour connections. branching out to grassroots solidarity work would understandably be an appealing alternative for trade unionists who regard 'labour diplomacy' as too limited in its range of possible internationa1 relationships. Another informant suggests:
You could have a labour central with a huge budget and a brilliant staff with excellent politics but that still probably would not be the right location to do what we're discovering is useful to do in this new era -- ordinary workers connecting with ordinary workers. I'm not sure that's always understood well by the Congress (CLC) which, historically, was the international presence of the Canadian labour movement. It certainly hasn't relinquished that role easily.
Al1 of the unions included in this study participate to some degree in a 'labour diplomacy' form of solidarity. Even those in this midy that adhere principaily to this type 110 of arrangement, such as the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International
Union (HERE), the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union (WCW), and the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC), occasionally encourage solidarity activities in the form of international guests speaking at their formal meetings to enlighten rank-and-file delegates about union and political stniggles around the world.
Although beneficial, such interactions tend to be fleeting.
There are exarnples of ground-level global sotidarity actions supported by large labour organizations. One such project included Food Workers (UFCW), the AFL-CIO, the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW), and the International Federation of
Commercial, Clerical, Professional and Technical Employees (FIET). Members of the
Food Workers in the U.S.A. and Canada, in collaboration with other unionized workers in
Brazil and Argentin* held a series of protests on International Women's Day (March 8,
1997). The protests were in dissent of the world-wide expansion of Wal-Mart, the world's largest retailer, and its history of exploitation which includes, low wages, sexual harassment, and hostility towards unionization (UFCW Web Site). But, this too, was a transitory display of solidarity.
A dynarnic assortment of union activists in Canada and elsewhere, have 'pushed the envelope' somewhat fùrther by expanding beyond 'labour diplomacy' to encompass more direct, longer-term solidarity linkages. For example during the 1980s, unions representing the auto workers. postai workers, communication, and public sector trade unions among others donated their support to the radical SACTU, the South AfÎican
Council of Trade Unions. As John Sad reports, these unions linked with the Toronto- based SACTU Solidarity Committee in the anti-apartheid cause; although there were suspicions as to the sincerity of some of SACTU'S claims (Sad 1987: 8.9). Some of these unions have since advanced to provide a more concrete substructure for their
'ground-level' international work. This issue will be covered in more detail meron in this study. The following table displays union involvement in two different types of international solidarity work,
TABLE 4
UNION PARTICIPATION IN BUREAUCRATIC AND GRASSROOTS INTERNATIONAL SOLIDAWTY
Grassroots International Solidarity
Yes No Total
Bureaucratie Public Employees Alliance 1nternational (CUPE) Hotel Employees Solidarity Auto Workers Food Workers 9 Yes Communications Workers Steelworkers La Confédération Postal Workers
O
Total 6 3 9 -
This table shows that al1 of the unions in this study are involved in bureaucratie union work at the international leveI as part of the Trade Secretariats, the International 112
Confederation of Free Trade Unions or others. However, this feature does not preclude involvement in grassroots international work, as six of the nine unions also participate in this other type of solidarity. By the sanie token. king active at the level of bureaucratic
international unionism is not a sufficient condition for participation in grassroots international unionism. as is indicated by the three 'No' unions.
Using the information garnered fiom my interviews and union documents. it is possible to place each of the unions in this study on a rough continuum indicating the strength of involvement in international solidarity work ranging fiom primarily bureaucratic solidarity to those that have well-established national solidarity Funds with a strong worker-to-worker focus. For example, the Steelworkers Fund (USWA) features the greatest breadth and diversity of solidarity work. while the projects that the Public
Ernployees' (CUPE) Fund supports are very strong on grassroots solidarity but their overail program is not as extensive. The unions are displayed below in rank-order from weaker- to stronger in their international solidarity work:
FIGURE 2 RANK-ORDEROF UNIONS ON INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY WORK
rveaker stronger
Hotel Alliance Postal CSN Auto Steel * * * * * * * * * ------Food Public Communications
Since this rd-order is based on a limited amount of information, it should only 113 be considered as an approximate portrayd of where each union sits relative to the others.
1 have placed on the weaker end of this continuum the three unions that are involved in only bureaucratic international work, The Hotet Employees seemed to show even less evidence of this type of solidarity work than the Alliance and the Food Workers. which is why they are placed at the last. The remaining six unions at the sfronger end of the continuum are involved in both bureaucratic and grassroots international solidarity to varying degrees.
3.2 Evolution of the 'Made in Canada' International Solidarity Funds
3.2.a Creatine a Solid Structure
The Steelworkers union in Canada initiated their Humanity Fund in 1985 in response to the famine in sub-Sahara Afiica. The intent was to assist in alleviating the problem in Ethiopia by offering a systematic, comrnunity development approach supported by steady. autonomous tiinding and anchored to a labour style of collectivity and solidarity. A Steelworker informant insists that the desire to help alleviate the pro blem in A frica emanated fiom the membership. This labour-based, non-govemmental organization with charitable status quickly broadened its scope fiom providing humanitarian relief to also encompassing a Labour Development Program.
Trade unionists supporting these initiatives aspire to the creation of enduring. grassroots relationships by promoting dialogue between workers in the 'First' and 'Third
World'. They are quick to emphasize that it should not be considered charity work; although. in reality, some of the projects are based primarily on monetary contributions as part of humanitarian relief and other causes in the 'developing' world, as well as in
Canada. One union informant claims:
We redly need to do this for ourselves. ...not reducing it to a kind of protectionism of jobs in Canada but king able to grasp that what's at stake reaily is finding a way to shore up standards in both places.. .to strengthen unions in both places. ...as corporations go global, so unions also need to go global...
As specified in the previous chapter. there are at lest three other unions within the Congress that later emulated this mode1 adapting it to their own distinctive union culture. including: the Auto Workers in 199 1 (CAW), the Communications Workers in
1992 (CEP) and the Public Employees (CUPE) in 1993. The funds are supported in their co1lective agreements by a pemy-an-hour contributions from the membership or, in the case of the Auto workers, from the employer.
The trend toward this type of labour activity in Canada is by no means restricted to CLC unions. In Québec, since 1986, la Confédération des Syndicats
Nationaux/Confederation of National Trade Unions (CSNKNTU) has engaged in a comparable type of program to the 'Funds', which a union informant referred to as:
...a national collective ... an international solidarity comrnittee with a budget. The CSN is highiy organized, internally, on international solidarity.
La Confédération's grassroots international work is directed by a comrnittee created in 1984, Le Collective International- The collective is comprised of 16 Québec organizations and ten federations. The Conseil Central du Montréal Métropolitain is one of the federations. Some of their international solidarity projects are funded by pay contributions, as well as on an ad hoc basis, through fimd raising and direct collection from the members.
3.2.b The CLC Model
The design and operation of the îùnds is distinguished by a certain degree of originality apparently not replicated elsewhere, as of yet However, a loose mode1 can be found originating in early years of the Congress. My CLC informant offers this evaluation of the genesis of the first international union solidarity fund launched by the
Canadian Steelworkers:
The CLC, in a sense, has had a îünd since 1957 -- the CLC International Activities Fund. ... our fund was to support things that we couldn't get govemment money for. The idea of the hd,then in '57, was a voluntary contribution of one cent per member, per month. The innovation that the Steelworkers came up with in '85 was a twist on that basic notion that had been there since '57. It was to bargain the one cent per member, per hour, into a collective bargaining agreement. We [CLC] never had that.
As of the mid-1980s, the CLC had failed to generate much enthusiasm amongst its affiliates for the International Activities Fund, with the exception of the Steelworkers and the Public Employees (CUPE) who were the principle suppliers of the $80,000 annual contribution (Gandall 1986: 5).
3.2.c Having a Histow is Im~ortant
As an Auto Workers' representative suggests, the CAW and other unions have participated in international solidarity work for years. My informant puts the latest developments into proper perspective: International work, as we're descnbing it, was done by the CAW long before there was a Social Justice Fund, and that's true of any union. There's a long history of doing it without such largesse. It just augments that process. But if it benefits the work, then we do need it.
In addition, the Public Employees (CUPE) claims that, since 1963, some of its locals have hosted visitors from other nations and sent members on educational tours.
One of my informants reveaied that some of the Canadian members of the Steelworkers were doing international solidarity work at least 21 years ago. Having a history of such grassroots solidarity work and/or in rank-and-file activism is probably an important contributing factor in the formation of long-term global solidarity projects that have the more concrete form and dependable funding that we are beginning to see today.
3.2.d Simificance of International Networks and Coalitions
It also seems plausible that the expansion of rank-and-file intemationalism led by organizations such as the Transnationals Information Exchange (TIE) and other trans- national workers' networks, since the late 1970s, has inspired Canadian trade unionists, including those in Québec, in the development of their fûnds. The TIE, alluded to earlier. stresses a "global analysis and the activist approach to the workplace" (Moody 1997:
256). Of no smail consequence, is the dynarnic social-movement unionism9 of Brazilian trade-union activists who have contributed a vital ingredient to the TE'Spractices, as of
'Kidder and McGinn refer to social movement unionism as the creation of alliances between workerslunions and social organizations "to better understand and respond to cornmon concems such as comrnunity development, gender issues, health and the environment". Transnational Workers Networks "comect local groups across borders" in "long-term interdependent relationships", raise consciousness, and are organized in a non- hierarchical way (Kidder and McGinn 1995: 15). 117 the mid- 1980s (Moody 1997: 257,60,62,67). Notwithstanding the importance of networking with environmental, human rights, and womens' movements, for the TIE, the working class occupies an increasingly central position in the hctioning of a grassroots internationalism by providing tangible links rooted at ground level (Moody 1997:
264,268).
A spokesperson nom the Postal Workers also suggests that the Latin Arnerican
Working Group, which is very active in Ontario, has ken instrumental in broadening the international solidarity concerns of the Canadian Labour Congress through CLC conventions, and presenting resolutions at meetings of the Federation of Labour and the
Labour Councils. They have developed a network across the country of people who do solidarity work.
Current notions of unions, as working class organizations, acting in coalition with social justice organizations toward shared goals appear to correspond with part of the guiding philosophy of the soldarity hds. A Steelworker representative responds to a question concerning this type of relationship:
Do these various labour bdshave an impact on other NGOs? 1 think there's a reciprocal effect. We've learned a tremendous amount £rom other progressive NGOs. Groups like Oxfarn, Inter Pares, and others like that, who are very close in their orientation, generally, to the orientation that we take but with, perhaps, less of a labour signahue.
The Hotel Employees informant departs somewhat fiom this view. Although
CUSO. Oxfam, Tools For Peace, and similar NGOs merit respect for their good work, the informant daims that, during the late 1970s and early 1980s, these organizations saw unions as a large constituency for donations that they should be attracting because they have lots of money. The informant describes international solidarity as an add-on to the trade union movement, and also States:
Although Oxfam is unionized by CUPE, until they actually started having problems recently, CUPE could've ken in another country, as far as they were concerned. Very few of them 1 know of were involved in Labour CounciIs or any activities to do with labour. They were also marginal to the political life of the country. Now, the problem is that organized NGOs have ken hit so hard by governrnent cutbacks and so on.
Hence, we have a long-standing workers' movement collaborating with a newer social movement. in the form of 'development' organizations, for mutual suppon in an era of government fiscal restraint. This hm-of-events represents the "enduring effects of the political economy of advanced capitalism in shaping" the course of old and new social movements (Adam 1997: 39). It also throws into question new social movement theory which rejects social class and economics in favow of culîure and identity as central to social change, thereby denying the ways in which marginalised groups of people are absorbed in their ongoing smiggles with the state and capital (Adam 1997: 39). A
Canadian Labour Congress informant comments on the relationship between labour and development NGOs:
There is influence going back and forth. and 1 guess that's dl to the good. We learn fiom each other. But it hasn't been al1 positive. They don't understand how the labour movement is this big thing; you don't twn a limousine on a dime. There should be more appreciation for the difficulties and the necessity to get things passed through bureaucratie structures in order to make them stick. 119
Regarding comrnunity-oriented activities, Sam Gindin recounts how the Canadian
Auto Workers and its parent union, the United Auto Workers (UAW), have a history of practicing social unionism that is sensitive to more broad-minded issues than business unionism (Gindin: 1995: 266). This is exemplified in a CO-ophousing program that commenced in Windsor and is expanding across the country (Gindin: 1995: 266).
Indeed, it is claimed that social unionism has a long history dating back to at least the
1930s and became much stronger in Canada than in the United States (Robinson 1994:
669-72). Fwther, movement unionism is nothing new; unions such as the United Auto
Workers recognized since their early days that the union needed the community (Gindin
1995: 268).
3.2.e The CLC Conflicts witb its Amliates: The American Connection
Lessons leamed fkom the involvement of Canadian trade unionists in the South
African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) Solidarity Committee [1980] and in the anti-Free Trade Agreement, Pro-Canada Network during the mid- 1980s must surely also have fed into the subsequent innovation of the international solidarity hinds. As Marv
Gandall reports, the SACTU Solidarity Committee at that time, and the extensive labour ieadership and activists' support for the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua and the
Sandinista Workers' Confederation (CST) was a challenge to the conservative policies and practices of the International Affairs Department of the Canadian Labour Congress
(Gandall 1986: 8). The Congress stands accused of having been manipuiated by
Arnerican imperialist interests through its affiliation with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, whose representatives expressed trepidation at Canadian support for SACTU in South Afnca and the CST in Nicaragua, both affiliated to the nval
Communist, World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) (Gandall 1986: 4,6,8).
Some of my informants' revelations add a colourfùl, if troubling, dimension to this story. Two trade unionists offer comments about their personal experiences during that era of international inter-union relations:
[a CLC representative] ...carne to see me and said, first of dl, 1 had to cut my ties with SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions) Solidarity Cornmittee in Canada. And, secondly, introduced me as... a 'head-in-the-clouds' person ...somebody who didn't understand the cold, hard facts of the real world out there, in terms of the Communist World Body and the Free Trade Union World Body.
My second informant concurs with Gandall's above account :
It was very clearly, if you wanted to do work with an organization in another country, and that other trade union organization was not affiliated to the proper international body, namely the ICFTU, which had broken away fiom the World Federation of Trade Unions in '49, on Cold War lines. then it wasn't legitimate to do that work.
When it [the support for SACTU] began to spread into afiliates that, on al1 other grounds, foilowed the ICFTU lines hughthe Congress, then, they began to get very vicious. ...over 50 per cent of the membership of the CLC -- the filiates -- were on side on resolutions for SACTU. SACTU wasn't playing a Cold War game in South Afkica; it was working to rebuild an above-ground union. It made no grandiose claims.
The first informant adds:
You've got to understand how bad it was before. There was a time when the CLC decided that the afiliates weren't allowed to have an opinion! Period!
1 remember a CLC rep ... who was sent into labour councils, which are subordinate to the CLC and depend on the CLC entirely for fiinding, that they were not allowed to affiliate to SACN, and 1 thought "why?". The word came down, "you just don't understand; this is a really sophisticated, difficult issue of national security!' It became insane!
The second informant insists:
You've got to also appreciate that a lot of the CLC staff people didn't have their hem in it. They didn't!
One of my informants recounts a papa wïitten by Canadian vade unionists, dwing that time, in response to the CLC prohibiting Federations of Labour staff from visiting Nicaragua to participate in celebrations.
The bonom line here is we have an International Affairs Department of the CLC that reflects the Cold War policy of the ICFTU, which is a reflection of the Cold War policies of the AFL-CIO [the US. labour central], instead of the other way around.
.. .it was this setting up the International Affairs Department [of the Congress] as a stand-alone, secretive, extemal &airs, CIA-type of department. That's how they modelled themselves. So, the rest of the organization, who should have known better, were kind of in awe of it and intimidated by it. For us, it's so important to break down that kind of an image of international issues.
Commenting on this situation, Rosemary Warskett suggests that the definition and organizing of international solidarity was central to this 1980's conflict (Warskett 1992:
170). Trade unionists who felt their definition of international solidarïty was more representative of Canadian nationalist aspirations took an anti-American imperialist stand in support of liberation movements abroad, which were also seeking to unchain themselves fiom U.S. dominance (Warskett 1992: 120). The Canadian Labour Congress sought to marginalize and weaken their voice. 122
In reference to the current relationship between the Canadian Labour Congress and its affiliates, the same two informants offer their impressions:
There's just a world of difference, actually. When the Cold War ended, or when the Wail came down, it took a while for some players in the Congress to reaIize that. They probably hung ont0 the fond memones they had of the Cold War and the demarcation...[ laughter]
It's not that world anymore.
The last statement implies that the trade unionists concemed find themselves located in a new phase of laborlcapital relations. The Cold War paranoia that
Cornmunisrn threatened to drag the entire planet down into a bottomless pit dissipated beginning with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in the late 1980s.
The recollection by these informants of the influence of Cold War politics on
Canadian trade unionism is an example of how the "dynamics of the whole world economy limit and shape the action of its parts" (Seccombe 1993: 1). The geopolitical
Cold War battle between two models of organizing the economy --capitalism as opposed to communism -- was playing itself out at international, national and local levels within institutions of civil society, the trade unions. In this case, American-style business unionism with powerful Canadian sympathizers in the CLC, served to stifle the democratic rights of trade unionists and discourage a global trade union solidarity that had the appearance of threatening the capitalist order of things. However, this is not to suggest that Canadian, European and other unions are not afflicted with their own brand of 'business unionism'. My Canadian Labour Congress informant presents an alternative version of the conflict between the CLC and its affiliates during the 1980s conceming international solidarity efforts:
There was a conflict about which partners were the nght partners. That still goes on today. So, there was an issue around South Africa. For exarnple: should we support the exiled trade union called SACTU that had offices in Canada or should we support the trade unionists inside South Afica [Congress of South Mcan Trade Unions (COSATU)] who were stniggling inside the country?
It was unfortunate that it was a Canadian home-grown conflict because, really, there shouldn't have been a conflict. We should be able to do both. It's just, we tend, as Canadians, to like to fight with each other for whatever reasons. And we use Third World issues as Our 'sticks and stones' to throw at each other.
If there kvas enough money and enough activists, we could do al1 these good things. With limited resources, you've got to make choices. We're not always happy about the choices we make or they make. That's why we need this LIDC (Labour International Development Cornmittee), this forum, to corne together to lay out on the table our various arguments as to why this is a priority. because of limited resources.
But it isn't Iike there are fùndamentai disagreements. 1 mean, al1 of us agree ... we need to strengthen trade unions in other parts of the world to survive, ourselves. Mutual survival... 1s it best to support East Timor and Cuba or should we put al1 our eggs into Mexico and Nicaragua? You could make these choices because it's a big world out there and one million dollars a year doesn't go very far for international projects.
Clearly, there is some discrepancy between this interpretation of the events of the
1980s and the version offered by the other two infonnants along with Marv Gandall's written account. Their depiction of the situation does not jibe with the statement that "it was a Canadian home-grown conflict", nor with the notion that the conflict derived fiom "limited resources". One gets the impression that the explanation offered by the CLC
informant is a whitewashed one. The then highly political, international nature of the
clash concerning the direction of Canadian union solidarity projects is underplayed in the
extreme by the Congress informant. On the other hand, "limited resources" for the
Congress may not be an irrelevant factor, considenng this excerpt fiom Gandall's article:
An estimated forty to fifty million dollars annually is poured into the AFL-CIO's overseas prograrns by the State Department, reportedly accounting for about ninety per cent of the total cost of the programs.
The operations of the other ICFTU affiliates are dwarfed by comparison. The CLC, for example, spends a little more than a million dollars annually on its international programs, about three quarters of which is fiom the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). The great fear ... is that CIDA funding might be cut off some day (GandaIl 1986: 5).
In other words, it seerns that the American labour central (ML-CIO), as a propagandist for American foreign policy, had access to a lot of money's worth of influence on organized labour abroad. CIA financial support for individual U.S. unions, the AFL-CIO, and the programs of US.-based American Institute For Free Labor
Development (AIFLD) has drawn severe criticism fiom a number of sources for their corrupting influence and imperialistic designs, especially in relation to Third World unions and governments (Gandall 1986: 5; Howard 1995: 372; Laxer 1976: 5 1-53;
Lembcke 1988: 40,163; Moody 1988: 288-96; Moody 1997: 227,228,231; Scott 1978:
At the same time, the Canadian Labour Congress' dependence on CIDA money drew ridicule from some critics that it had become more an arm of the govenunent than 125 of labour (Gandall 1986: 5,6). This accusation was bolstered by the fiequent exchanges of personnel between the CLC and the Extemal Afiràirs Department of the Canadian government (Gandall 1986: 6). This chain of events lends support to the hypothesis that
"capital's ability to influence union leadership and organizationai forms through economic, ideological, and legal means is an integral factor in the overall Iogic that shapes union organizations" (Lembcke 1988: 23). I would add that resistance, or lack of, to this influence fiom various factions within trade unions is also a crucial ingredient that shapes union organizations. One of my idormants suggested that the problem with the
CLC is that it is the sum of its parts which still includes more politically right-wing unions than left-wing unions.
3.2.f The Heeemonv of a Sinele Voice is No Loneer Viable
Another trade unionkt expands on the explanation of the roIe the CLC played during that epoch:
Tliere was also a question of turf. The CLC, as the national labour center, saw itself as the spokesperson for Canadian labour overseas. I'm one of those who believe that it did not speak to the diversity of the Canadian labour movement.
My view of the Congress' position is simply that the Congress is now coping with a different reality. Not only are affiliates interested in international activities, they have the resources and the capacity to deliver on those international activities. The hegemony of a single voice is no longer viable.
Gandall predicted accurately when he asserted that the tide had tmed in favour of
Canadian unions acting directly in solidarity with unions and social movements abroad in their struggle for "social justice and national self-determination" (Gandall 1986: 10). He also forecasted that the most concrete work would be conducted below the Ievel of the
Congress by affiliates whose activists [CUPE, for exarnple] had envisioned this objective years earlier (Gandail 1986: 10). These were the previously marginalised trade unionists who had promoted an internationai solidarity opposed to one permeated by American imperialism. In effect, the insurgent ideas and actions of these labour activists were a reaction to the hegemony or domination of powerful societal institutions that perpetuate international social inequality (Morris 1992: 360,363).
Representing another trade union. this interviewee elaborates on the change in the relationship between the CLC and some of its affiliated unions:
The CLC, 1 think, since the early '50s .... felt it was their domain [international unionism]. 1 think they got 'snookered' a little bit, in a sense, for a Iittle while when the Funds came along. The Funds showed that the affiliates wanted to be part of the international role of labour and they weren't willing to just let the CLC do it. The Funds have been very forcehl in maintaining independence.
The international policy paper ...that the CLC Committee put forward in the last Convention (1996)... was resoundingly approved. There is a shifi there.
3.2.g The Growth of the CSN's International Solidarie Fund: Se~arateBut Similar
Although la Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux is a separate labour central ernbedded within the 'distinct' society of Québec, by 1984, its members shared with trade unionists everywhere increased challenges surrounding negative impacts of new technology, higher unemployment, government [Parti Quebeçois] rollbacks of union rights. and a new international division of labour, requiring creative strategies in order to combat (CSN and CEQ 1987: 257). Similar to trade unionists in Canada, Québec labour sees the ability to easily exploit workers in other countries, where labour laws are lax and wages are low, as a direct threat to the gains that workers have acquired in Canada.
My CSN informant suspects that businesses shifting operations off-shore to the maquiladoras in Mexico and Central Amenca creates a downward pressure on wages and benefits held by Canadian workers. The goal of empioyers is to create a more level or homogenous 'playing field', geographically, in which global business operations can prosper. The initial fiee trade debate, in the 1980s. resulted in considerable apprehension that cornpetition would increase between nations and between groups of workers (CSN and CEQ 1987: 257). This ensured that international labour solidarity would. henceforth. be viewed as an absolute necessity (CSN and CEQ 1987: 257). On this issue my informant fiom la Confédération comments:
Anything that we have which is better than other places [i.e., wages, working conditions and labour nghts elsewhere, such as in Mexico], they're [employerslstate] trying to level it out and downsize it.
International solidarity work for the union movement is not to help the poor eat another meal a week. It's mutual. The fact that they're able to downtrod people in other countries, hurts our conditions here. at this point in history. Maybe not 60 or 70 years ago. Sot we can't ignore it. There's no doubt, unions must support other unions and non-unionized people!
Aside fiom a resemblance in structure and goals to the other international solidarity fûnds, which will be discussed fiuther on, the birth of the CSN's fhd occurred in 1986, around the same time as the Steelworkers' fund. The fact that the establishment of al1 the major international solidarity fùnds had gained momentum by the early 1990s Iends credence to the argument that forces extemal to any particular Canadian or Québec union were pushing unions dong the same trajectory, especially with those unions receptive to the notion of international solidarity. However, there is no question that la
Confédération is also unlike the Canadian Labour Congress and many of its affiliates in a number of ways.
Craig Heron suggests that the CSN has aiways maintained a sense of culturai distinctiveness that distanced it fiom the Congress (Heron 1996: 87). More advanced, in comparison to the CLC, in 1968, a radicalized la Confédération already became engaged in a forrn of social unionism when it partook of the stmggles on a broader level than typical labour relations.
. . .on a Second Front outside collective bargaining (such as consumer protection in alliance with other institutions and movements [tenants, the unemployed, credit unions, and so on]) in local "politicai action comrnittees," most notably le Front d'action politique des salairés de Montréal (FRAP)(Heron 1996: 104).
In recent history, within the last 30 years, the CSN has promoted a grassroots activism that probably exceeds that of most of the CLC unions. Bryan Palmer offers this account of the CSN in the 1960s:
. ..Quebec became the syndicalist centre of direct action in North America... Rejecting the outright endorsement of the social democratic NDP, the CNTU (la Confédération) of the late 1960s sought mass mobilization on three fionts.. .
Far more democratic than international unions, CNTU Iocals retained more of their dues at the local level, possessed greater independence of action, and were less bureaucratic and centralized than their AFL-CIO counterparts (Palmer 1992: 3 12). 129
This account of a trarisformed CSN during the 1960s certainly differentiates it fiom how many critics have portrayed the Canadian Labour Congress, of then and now.
The Québec labour movement was distinguished from the rest of Canadian unionism by it being "the first major departure fiom Arnerican business unionism in
Canada", providing an alternative mode1 for other unions (Laxer 1976: 179). However, as
Robert Laxer points out, the business union rnentality of the Québec leadership during the
1970s still generated a substantial degree of opposition to a burgeoning nationalist, working-class unionism (Laxer 1976: 184). This was especially so within the Québec
Federation of Labour (QFL) (Laxer 1976: 184).
La Confédération and the Québec Federation of Labour, which is aligned to the
Canadian Labour Congress, have had a relationship quite often charactenzed as antagonistic. Perhaps this is why the CSN and the QFL have signed a formal solidarity pact, as my CSN informant discusses:
We officially have a solidarity treaty with the QFLFTQ. It's called a 'Protocal of Solidarity'. You know what the real problem is in the inter-union things? One word -- raiding.
In reference to the issue of 'raiding' -- a union attempting to organize already unionized workers -- the CSN representative continued on by suggesting that it is the democratic right of workers to switch unions if they like but it did not have the negative connotation in Québec as in Canada because Québec unions had a better understanding about when and how it would take place. Between some of the Congress affiliates, such as the Food Workers and the Auto Workers, 'raiding' has been a very contentious issue that seems to have been resolved of late. On matters of international solidarity, there is some convergence between la
Confédération and some CLC unions. My CSN informant offered that the CSN construction union also had links for years with a South ficantrade union, COSATU
(Congress of South Afncan Trade Unions), and even had an official sister union prograrn with them. The CSN has aiso worked with the Québec Federation of Labour dock workers on international solidarity with Cuba. In addition, my Auto Worker informants had this to say about interactions with la Codédération:
We bump into each other at events al1 the time, on projects. Also, we recently had a Canadian delegation go down to Belo Horizonte in Brazil, led by [an official] from the Canadian Labour Congress to the Popular Summit that was king held there. It was the Summit of the Americas. He led a Canadian delegation that inciuded the CSN. Shock to us, but ... [laughter] So, we run into each other al1 the time. There's a good level of cooperation, there. It's not like the old days.
3.3 The LIDC: Singing From the Same Song Book?
In 1995, the four CLC unions with solidarity hdsformed the Labour
International Development Committee (LIDC), in conjunction with the aforementioned
International Affairs Department of the Congress. Bob White, President of the CLC, serves as Chair. The Committee fûnctions as a fonim for sharing ideas and gaining access to Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)'' fimding. It also
I0Trade unions, universities, cooperatives and other non-govemment organizations that are involved in projects with overseas partners are eligible for CIDA fiinding providing certain prerequisites are met such as focus on basic hman needs and rights, dernocracy, good governance, women in development, gender equity, the environment, and the like. This is the domain of CIDA's Canadian Partnership Branch (CPB) whose projected program expenditures for 1998-99 was $27O,l9 1,000 (http://w3.acdi-cida.gc.ca). syrnbolizes a considerable level of cornmitment to an alternative form of global solidarity; and appears to embody a shift in the relationship between the Congress and the affiliates from that of the previous decade.
As my Congress informant explains, pressure to consolidate emanated from three diffèrent sources: the Congress wishing to join with the affiliates so "we'd be singing fiom the same Song book", the need for the Funds to participate in a joint forum to exchange ideas. and from CIDA preferring the unions to appeal for fbnding under one umbrelta. Possibly, this arrangement also hctioned to avert conflict betweem the unions in the competition for Iimited financiai resources. Commenting on the aspirations of the Congress in this arrangement:
The CLC, you know, like any good central labow body, as soon as there's a parade, you want to run out and try to pretend to be leading it. [laughter] You want to, somehow, not to control it but to bring some order to it.
One gets the sense that the Congress is playing a bit of catching up to more progressive elements within Canadian labour. And, as the CLC informant suggests, that
Congress personnel feel compelled to at least create the image that they are piaying a leading role in international unionism.
About the CIDA donations, the Congress representative States:
...under a three-year agreement which nuis out this fiscal year, we get a total of $5.7 million or roughly $2 million a year, which is divided up among ourselves. About $1 million a year goes to the CLC and its international program and another $1 million a year between the four fûnds and their international programs. The informant complained that businesses did not need to match the CIDA"
money they received but the LIDC must match it 1 to 1. Although CIDA offers financial
support to only a portion of the individual unions' global solidarity expenses, attainment
of this supplernentary fùnding was expedited by the establishment of a new
organizational form with the CLC, the Labour International Development Committee.
The unions seem to have been agreeable to this arrangement for quite valid reasons
mentioned above, but this does not eliminate the possibility that CIDA may also be trying
to bnng an order to it that is non-threatening to the state and its overseas policies.
And, what of antagonisrns between the Congress and some of its affiliates? In
spite of al1 the political differences and other areas of contention that characteriz
Canadian labour, a Steelworker representative reflects on a peculiar aspect of the Labour
International Development Cornmittee:
1 think, in an interesting way, our work internationally is one of the points where we've actually got excellent working relations. The kinds of craziness that characterizes our respective organizations on other fronts does not permeate the international work. 1 am happy to be able to report.
1 think more of that played itself out when it first negotiated with CIDA. Not around the program questions, as such, but at the
"In a paper prepared by the four union funds in May 1994 and presented to 'The Sprcial Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons Reviewing Canada's Foreign Policy', the authors expressed their disappointment that labour sector development received only about $4 million per year in cornparison to $72 million provided to Canadian business through CIDA's Industrial Cooperation Division (CAW, CUPE, CEP, Steel 1994: 8). Moreover, this represented only a smail portion of development assistance bdsto business (8). point of bringing the five groups together and having them set up the LIDC with CIDA.
...if people who know the Iabour movement well, imagined some of the tensions playing themselves out in, let's say CAW-Steel relations, they would be wrong. But in terms of the affiliates in the Congress, that's often a tension- filled relationshi p; and it certain1y was around.
This is an key point. At the very least, the LIDC provides a terrain that allows unions to set aside some of their political differences to work together on a cornmon cause. This is a challenge to the pervasive ideology of competitiveness.
As mentioned previously, la Confëdération des Syndicats Nationaux is a separate labour body from the Congress. This would seem to be the ovemding factor as to why it is not part of the Labour International Development Cornmittee. One can deduce from this that in spite a greater spirit of solidarity between the CSN and CLC unions, there are still impediments to closer interraction on international solidarity programs.
Other than the fact that membership is limited to CLC unions, this is not an exclusive club. A number of my informants were enthused by the idea of more unions joining the Cornmittee. One union that was mentioned was the Canadian Union of Postal
Workers (CUPW) which has been cultivating its own brand of grass-roots international solidarity supported by regional union fûnds through sporadic donations. CUPW activists foresee the creation of national fund through the collective bargaining process.
There are also other CLC unions considering joining the LIDC, including the teachers' union in Ontario. 134
3.4 International Solidarity Funds: Administration and Projects
Technicaily, al1 of the Funds are registered charities under the Canada Income Tax
Act and are administered as per the requirements of that law. Because the Funds are labour-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs), they qualify for matching funding from the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and other governrnent agencies. Obviously, king so classified is a pragmatic move to financially bolster solidarity projects that otherwise garner their îûnding fiom union members anhrthe employer. But are there strings attached? Generally, my infonnants suggested that they did not feel that their projects were king constrained by CXDA regulations.
Al1 of the Funds are managed by a Board of Directors ador a National
Cornmittee forrned for that purpose, with some variations depending on the structure of the host union and the current direction of the Fund. Boards of Directors are comprised of elected officiais of the union as well as rank-and-file members, and ofien representatives fiom Canadian social justice organizations. Accountability to the membership is provided through reports to National Policy Conferences or to National
Conventions.
A nurnber of my inforrnants ernphasized that the work that their fund supports should not be considered as an adjunct to the union but an essential component of their union's fùnction. However, one of my Auto Worker inforrnants offered this comment on the Steelworkers Humanity Fund:
The work we do is a reflection of the union. One of the things that fascinates me with Steel is 1 don't think the work they do in Steel is a reflection of the union. 1 think they do far more progressive work on their international side.
I think it's far more leading edge and challenging than a lot of their other directions within the union. And it has the îÜil enthusiastic support of the same leadership. It does both sides. So, 1 think that's an interesting situation. 1 mean, we used a lot of the Steel model, at the beginning. They were leading edge.
A Steelworker informant responds to a question as to whether the Fund is having an impact on the union:
We're hoping that the experience of the use of resources through the Fund, in creative ways, in ways that foster solidarity and understanding, will have an impact on the overall direction of the union as an institution, enhancing their [the membership] understanding of globalization.
One might suggest that, regardless of whatever the traditional policies and philosophical orientation of a particular union rnight be, political and econornic circumstances have propelled the Steelworkers, in this case, to embark on the international solidarity course that they have taken. For Steel, and possibly the other unions, it seems to be a utilitarian enterprise to strengthen union solidarïty in tough times, notwithstanding al1 of the other valid reasons for the program.
There are a wide variety of solidarity relationships generated through the Funds.
1 have included additional detail about the hdsdrawn fiom available data.
(1) Canadian U~ionof Public Employees - CUPE Union Aid (1993)
The Public Employees has the smallest Fund amongst the CLC affiliates. It is the most recently constituted Fund (1993) and my CUPE informants readily admit that it has been no small task to convince members of the union's 2,500 locals to voluntarily donate the one-cent-an-hour to the Fund. Indeed, to kick-start their Fund, CUPE tossed
$100,000 into a 'pot' in order to secure CIDA money. One of my informants surmises that less than one per cent of CUPE members contribute. Moreover, the Fund had no permanent staff as of Sp~g1996, aithough a temporary national coordinator and research personnel performed Union Aid fimctions. 1 have not had access to Union Aid financial statements. However, in 1996, $70,000 was spent on overseas projects --
$30,000 of this fiom CIDA. About 20 per cent of the overail fùnding is channeled into
Canadian proj ects. By far, the stress is on Labour Development/Partnership Projects. A week-long education course deals with the subject of intemationai solidarity. CUPE's
National Cornmittee on International Solidarity subrnits a report to the national convention. Committee members are appointed by divisions every two years.
Union Aid is highly focused on worker-to-worker or reciprocai exchanges, possibly more so than in the other Funds. The rank-and-file are encouraged to become directly involved in projects at ail levels, including proposing partner projects in the
Third World and as representatives on the National Cornmittee. In spite of financial obstacles, international solidarity work involves partnerships with workers in Chile,
Cuba, Haiti, Mexico, Philippines, Romania, Rwanda, and South Africa.
CUPE is similar to the other unions, in that the success of projects is not easily evaluated, since one of the ovemding long-tenn goals is enhancing the international perspectives of the members. "Union Aid is having very little impact on the ordinary members of CUPE because most workers are obsessed with the problems they are facing", claims one union representative. However, another CUPE interviewee offered an exarnple of an interaction between trade unionists, North and South, that had successfùl results :
The thing that's most illustrative of what we'd Iike it to be was something that we did with NEHAWU [South Afnca's National Education, Health and Allied Workers' Union] about a year ago. ...we brought the president of NEHAWU, as an expert, here to advise our members in Ontario on how to fight Mike Harris in the Street. They brought domapartheid! We want to make this solidarity stuff as tangible as possible. And, people [CUPEmembers] started seeing some connections.
The goal of what we're doing is mostly an educational one with our own members to have a more international perspective, and to leam fiom the practices of other people, to help them deal with t their probiems.
Since the president of NEHAWU is not a rank-and-file union member, this would not fit the exact definition of grassroots, worker-to-worker solidarity but it
O bviousl y hl filled the Fund's educational goal, according to the above interviewee.
One CUPE project, for which a quantitative evaluation done would not suffice, is being carried out in Mexico. In the Free School for Women Workers, fi@ women are learning about NAFTA, getting work retraining and assertiveness training to build confidence in a male-dominated union movement. Cornmentins on such projects, a
CUPE informant asserts that the Fund is "not playing official labour; we are 100 per cent for grassroots union solidarity".
Q) Auto Workers - Social Justice Fund (1991)
Negotiated, employer-paid contributions to the SJF totalled $1,073,000 in 1995.
CIDA contributed $223,825 in 1995, down from $259,473 in 1994. There are 138 approximately 65 companies contributing on behalf of 65,000 CAW members. Overseas partners are located in Brazil. Burundi. El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala Mexico,
Mozambique. Rwanda, the West Bank (Middle East), and Zimbabwe. Reciprocal exchanges between Auto Workers and trade unionists fiom the South do occur. but there is no indication of the precise number of participants.
The financial statement of the CAW Social Justice Fund for 1995 offers exact expendihues for a number of Social Development Projects, but not for al1 of the Labour
Development Projects and also does not include membership education prograrns. which are considered crucial to the overall aim of the Fund. Education and International Affairs are part of the same department in the CAW. Because of missing data. the nurnbers below do not tally.
TABLE 5
CAW SOCIAL JUSTICE FUND PROJECT EXPENDITURES
Tvxs of Proiects Exmnditures
1. Social Development [includes Canadian Charities]
2. Labour Development [as part of Labour International Development Cornmittee]
Subtotal $ 9 18.726
3. Administrative 287.1 71
Total $ 1.205.897 Canadian charitable donations run at about 15 per cent of expenditures.
Significantly, the data that was made available to me reveaied no systematic evaluation of projects. Given that a central goal of this solidarity work is to broaden the workers' perspectives, this may be easier said than done. However, one would expect that a finite amount of financial resources would necessitate providing justification to the contributing mernbers for certain types of projects. Probabl y, as with any organizationts programs. the outcome of individual projects are appraised by hded partners overseas an&'or the
Fund's Board of Directors.
My Auto Worker infamants did offer an example of a success story involving
Chilean environmental and community groups working with some assistance from the people at the Social Justice Fund (SN) in preventing NOVA, a Canadian corporation, from building a pipetine through a very pristine area of Chile. In such cases, a clear cause and effect relationship between the goals of the SJF and the final results may be difficult to ascertain, as a nurnber of other groups were also involved. Another example is presented in the SJF video, "They Are Us", in which two Auto Workers are filmed visiting villages devastated by the civil war in El Salvador, where the SJF works with a focal prograrn coordinator in helping villagers rebuild their comrnunities and achieve a stable food supply. This includes the construction of a child care centre by the residents so that women can participate hlly in the economic development of the community.
Measuring the effectiveness of these types of projects is accomplished in stages as it is in the long-term. These are examples of Social Development Projects. 140
(3) Communications, Energy a~dPaperworkers Union - CEP Humanity Fund (1992)
Most of the funding originates fiom two sources, as part of the collective agreement: for some union locals, the employer contributes; with others, the union members contribute one cent per hour or $0.40 per week which is also a tax credit. Total membership contributions for the 1995 calender year were $234,640. Solidarity work is being conducted in Bolivia, Burma, Chile, Cuba, Dominican Republic, El Salvador,
Haiti, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, Pen, South Afnca, and Thailand. A rank-and-file committee reviews projects and makes recornmendations to the Board of Directors; and reciprocal exchanges take place between the rank-and-file (mostly) and workers/cornmunity activists fiom the South. Much emphasis is placed on the Fund's intmductory course, "International Solidarity: Why Should We Care?".
In the abridged 1995 Annual Report provided to me, al1 project expenditures are labelled as "Donations". Projects and activities can be categorized similarly to that of the other unions. This is displayed on the next page. TABLE 6
CEP HUMGNlTY FUND PROJECT EXPENDITURES
1. Overseas Labour-oriented [also financed by CIDA and LIDC] - MISSING -
2. Social Development or Overseas, Non-Labour - MISSING -
3. Canadian - MISSING -
4. Development education of CEP members Subtotal $206.861
S. Administration 4,137
6. Other: Membership and Training fees, Translation, etc. 8.508 TOTAL % 2 19.506
Fifieen per cent of expenditures go to Canadian projects. 1 did not discover any systematic evaiuation of projects; although, my CEP informant offered that one of the funding criteria is "how the project will improve the situation of women and children who will be afCected by the project." In a personal correspondence from the informant, dated
July 1999, this update is offered:
We believe we are having good results from our project work in support of workers employed in the Free [Export Processing] Zones. While we do evaluate the results produced by individuai projects against the intended results (usually by means of partner reports and project visits), we are more interested in the programme's consequences. As an example, we see our partners taking a leading role in building alliances between the women's community and labour organizations in the border region of Mexico. We believe this is strengthening the capacity of these organizations to better meet the needs of Free Zone workers. It will, however, take many years to judge success.
The informant also admitted that it is difficult to measwe exactly how many CEP members have participated in the union's International Solidarity courses, as the subject has now been integrated into other more conventional union courses, such as the basic
Stewards course. This, in fact, may be an indication that international solidarity is not a peripheral issue for the CEP but is considered to be linked to shop-floor concems. In addition, the informant disclosed that direct member involvement in project work was severely restricted by a number of long strikes over the past 12 months, which resulted in a cancellation of linkage trips.
(4) Sfeelworkers Humanity Fund (1 985)
About 65,000 Steelworkers in 500 workplaces contributed to the Humanity Fund through negotiated penny-an-hour deductions fiom their pay checks, for a total of
S998,380 in 1995. This voluntary contribution is considered fundamental by some of my inforrnants in order to enhance the union member's perception that they have a direct hand in the projects. CIDA contributions in 1995 totalled 461,135, a decrease from the
$507.690 of 1994. Solidarity work is conducted in at least 13 countries: Bangladesh,
Bolivia, Brazil, Burkino Faso, Chile, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Mexico,
Mozambique, Nicaragua, Pem, and South Africa. TABLE 7
STEELWORKERS HUMANITY FUND PROJECT CATEGORIZATION
1. Labour Development - Training, workshops, "action" research, networking and social programs to strengthen the labour movement in the South.
2. Social Development - To promote social development through support to health, popular research and education projects enabling communities to develop their own resources. Working in conjunction with 3 1 NGOs in partner countries and 42 organizations in Canada.
3. Membership Awareness -
a)Education: Week-long international solidarity course (220 participants as of 1996); three-day course on the global economy.
b)Reciprocal Exchanges - Worker-to-worker exchanges with trade unions in the South, encouraging an analysis of the international context of labour organizations. Forty-five Steelworkers have participated, as well as an undeclared number of trade unionists fiom overseas. Women activists fiom Districts 3 and 6 have developed a Humanity Fund gender policy, consulting with women in the South.
4. Canadian Charities - Supporting 30 local food banks and other organizations.
5. Research and Policy Action - Lobbying CIDA and international institutions such as the World Bank. influencing Canadian foreign policy.
The Steelworkers Humanities Fund, Condensed Financial Report for 1996 does not offer an itemized list of the exact amount of money spent on each project during the
1995 calender year. Until the mid-1990s, trade unions or workers formed about one quarter of Humanity Fund partners. It was anticipated that new fùnding since then was would raise that portion to approximately half of dlfunded partnen. Therefore, one could assume that more money had been dlocated to Social Developrnent as opposed to
Labour Development, at this early stage. Expenditures are listed under four categories that do not correspond to the types of projects listed above.
TABLE 8
STEELWORKERS HUMANITY FUND PROJECT EXPENDITURES
Expenditures for year ended December 3 1. 1995 1. Contributions to Canadian charities $ 88,200 2. Direct project expenditures 1,003,945 3. Project and program support and 240,09 1 development
3. Administrative costs 157?129
TOTAL
About 15 per cent of the fund is contributed to Canadian charities.
Once again, there appears to be no systematic evaluation of the success of the projects. Probably, this is partly due to the myriad of project partners supported (26) overseas, the relatively early phase and long-term nature of some projects, and methods used to delineate 'success' other than in financial terms and numbers of participants. One of my informants admitted that some projects are in "very tentative beginning steps".
According to the Steelworkers' literatwe, "the very broad goals of the SHF (Humanities 145
Fund) makes it difficult to measure effectiveness in some areas". For instance, impact on
union members as a result of involvement in education courses and direct participation in
international solidarity exchanges overseas are activities that are no always easilty
evaluated quantitatively. The overall effect on the union probably necessitates a
longitudinal analysis of a shifi in participants1perceptions and behaviour.
The Hurnanity Fund Web site offers considerable discussion surrounding the issue of policies and project selection and evaluation (http://www.uswa.ca). General project goals and problems to be tackled are offered, but no example of a thorough project evaluation is provided. Popular mobiIization is the focus of most projects. in that, collective approaches and active involvement of local cornrnunities abroad is central to the projects. Strengthening a cornmunityls capacity and reducing its vulnerability around matters of poverty, food self-suficiency, health, gender equity and education are also offered as broad goals. The capacity of projects to build effective North/South relationships is an important component requiring effective measurement.
Twice yearly narrative and financial reports are provided to the Fund by project partners. External evaluators occasionally measure projects in conjunction with the Fund and CIDA. In addition, the Board of the Fund, staff and consuhnts regularly deliberate on the efficacy of the programs. Plans are in the works to enhance the monitoring and evaluation of projects.
Project partners may share intemal evaluations with the SHF, and there are concrete examples of successfd labour development projects. One example involves the collaboration between the Steelworkers and representatives from the Chilean 146
Confederation of Mining that resulted in what the Chileans consider to be the best
contract negotiated in recent history by the Quebrada Blanca local.
(5) La Confédémtion des Syndicatb Nationaux - Alliances Syndicats Tiers Monde (ASTM)(1986)
Le Collectif International coordinates the international activities of the CSN. The
ASTM is the international solidarity fund of la Confëdération and was formed in 1986 at the fi@-third Convention of the CSN. As with the CLC union hds, its activists are involved in Labour Development and Social Development projects, often in collaboration with non-governmental organizations based in Québec or overseas.
Financing derives fiom general union dues and voluntary worker contributions of one cent per hour worked, negotiated into collective agreements with the employer.
CIDA also provides fimding. Project expenditures for 1996 were smaller than for the other Funds at $30,239 and were expected to be the same for 1997. Since 1990, the
ASTM has financed 15 projects in 14 countries, including Haiti, Mexico, and in Asia.
Some reciprocal worker exchanges take place.
3.5 Overview of the Funds' Similarities
The data just presented illustrates a number of shared charactenstics amongst the funds including the Fund of the non-CLC organization, la Confédération:
a) Reciprocal exchanges between workers North and South.
b) Financed principally by negotiated collective agreements, usually fiom member's pay
deductions, except for the Auto Workers and some Communications Workers' locals.
Although fùnding and project expenditures might fluctuate somewhat from year- to-year, one might regard the total from the above calculatioa as representing an average amount of spending for the mid-1990s. More than one of my informants suggested their
Fund's expenditures are a very small amount in cornparison to the weaith of many multinational corporations which are viewed as global tyrants in the reaim of labour relations. Some of my informants offer a viewpoint on the matter of hancial expenditures towards international solidarity fùnctions:
The work that the CEP and its partners overseas do does make a difference, in some ways. Because of some of the actions, there has been some social change. But, with their limited resources, it is not going to change the world. The union can generate and use a small arnount of resources to help popular movements resist negative changes now.
An informant fiom the Postal Workers, which does some informa1 grassroots solidarity work, is critical of CIDA support:
I'm really leery sometimes of governrnent money. 1 think we have this illusion that we need a lot of money to do international solidarity work. When the CUPW brought union sisters here from Cuba, they stayed in people's houses. We don't need to make this a big ceremony. We need to exchange worker-to-worker. Invite someone into your home.
A Steelworker informant comments on their expenditures towards global solidarity in relation to the rest of the union and the greater comrnunity:
In the overall context of the union, it's a very small initiative. I think that, socially, it's quite large. And that is the point. If the resources are used to create points of co~ectionand bridges which help develop the perspective of our mernbers about what is happening globaliy, and what is happening in solidarity terms.. ., then it affects the voice that they want to use through the union itself. While the Fund is smdl, the union is not. The union is an important voice in civil society around a lot of questions, including this question of North-South relations and aid ... And, energized groups of members can do a lot with larger institutions. One of the larger institutions that they have is their own union. Hopefûlly, that will be the result. That's our objective. That's really the way you could measure and fairly judge the effect of the Fund, in those tems. 1 would plead that it ought not to be judged tomorrow; this is a long work.
In a sense, the solidarity Funds operate more informdiy than the main bureaucratic body of the unions. Certainly they are organized, but their purpose is not to gain imrnediate monetary remuneration or a better contract for the Canadian participants.
This may be the case for the workers and cornmunities overseas who are encompassed within the Funds' work. And, it may eventually impact on Canadian workers in that way.
But, as was spelled out by some informants, it is more of an educational and mobilization process. It is hoped that this method of energizing the workers will have a positive effect on the union itself
In his andysis of the ideal-type of bureaucracy, Max Weber suggests that any deviation from the formai structure is detrimental to administrative efficiency" (Blau and
Meyer 197 1 : 36). However, others insist that, "there is considerable evidence that suggests the opposite conclusion; informal relations and unofficial practices ofien contribute to efficient operations" (Blau and Meyer 1971: 36). This may ultimately prove to be the case with the international grassroots solidarity that the Funds contribute to. CHAPTER FOUR
UNRAVELLING THE UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDGRITY FUNDS AMONGST CANADIAN UNIONS
The development of the Funds has, thus far, been presented as a lengthy and rather serendipitous process, related to a nurnber of factors. This chapter delves Mer into overlapping economic, political and cultural elements for their composite influence on the revised union intgrnational sofidarity that is conveyed through Canadian labour's solidarity funds. Agency, on the part of a minority of inspired trade unionists, is a crucial factor. There appears to be a new urgency to devise ways of enhancing the political consciousness of the membership as an oppositional consciousness to the current neo- liberal, 'hegemonic' consciousness which is perpetuated by the dominant institutions in society, such as the govement, the media and the business community (Moms 1992:
363). The work of the Funds serves as an educationai forum to stimiluate an oppositional consciousness.
The present elitist globalization process is king resisted by oppressed groups.
AIthough this process is driven by a right-wing ideology and is denounced for enhancing social inequality on a global scaie, its advocates purport that it serves a broad range of people. The pnvileged cliques of individuals who acquire wealth and pwer through authoritative institutions have a vested interest in CO-optingand subordinating trade unions in order to sustain their systems of domination (Morris 1992: 363). As a marginalised group, some of the trade unionists in this study oppose the prevailing ideology which celebrates individual competitiveness, the triumphs of laissez-faire
150 151 capitalism. the irrelevance of nation States and the continental or global homogenisation of economies and cultures. The spread of this ideology and a 'globalization from above' is perceived to be a direct threat to the strength of trade unionism. It is said that union grassroots international solidarity is part of an oppositional movement supporting a
'globalization fiom below'.
This chapter continues with the investigation of how extemai and interna1 pressures are connected to this new phase of union solidarity. The macro-level variables of globalization and neo-liberalism, as well as micro-level variables, such as an individual union's financial constraints and job sectors of union members, are examined for ties to the presence or absence of solidarity fimds in nine unions. The chapter ends with a discussion and illustrations in tabular form of associations between the variables. Unions that represent anomalies are also analyzed.
4.1 Relevant Political and Economic Conditions
4.l.a f
The aims of the new forms of international solidarity are very much directed at addressing the conditions confionting organized labour in general. Workers and trade unions in Canada have been pummelled by structural changes in the economy and a concomitant and consistent shifi to the right in government policy. The policy reorientation is fbeled partly by an underlying business-oriented agenda of disciplining, disempowering, and controlling labour in order to make it amenable to more intensive exploitation by capital. 152
Having abandoned much of the Keynesian method of the macro-economic management of national economies, governments and business have reverted to a cornpetitive capitalism based on a deregulated labour market and unrestricted international trade (Drache and Gertler 1991: 3-5). This current state of &airs is driven by conditions which arose in the late 1960s characterized by a decrease in corporate productivity, declining rates of profit and real wages, and an increased debt for various levels of society (Harvey 1990: 14 1; Seccombe 1993: 2-4). In a buyer's market where there is insufficient dernand for a surplus of capital and consumer goods, global cornpetition between firms has escalated (Seccombe 1993: 4). As well as increased unemployment. there has ensued a serious erosion of the role of organized labcur and collective bargaining as a wage-setting rnechanism that had yielded a higher standard of living for both unionized and non-unionized workers (Carrot1 1990: 404; Drache and
Gertler 199 1: 6; Jenson 1989: 85,88,89; Mooers and Sears 1992: 62).
In Canada, beginning in the 1970s, with government wage and price controls and escalating back-to-work-legislation of striking workers, the tempo of these changes seems only to have accelerated with a reinforced Iiberalization of international trade in the form of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA-1989), the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA-1993), and now the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment
(MAI). At the same time, there has occurred a series of global recessionsizand a neo-
"Pupo and White state that the 1990 recession was more severe and permanent in its impact on Canadian labour than some earlier recessions, such as the one in 1983. Citing Statistics Canada (1 992) findings, they claim that plant closings accounted for more than two-thirds of the 384,000 jobs lost during a three-year period. While service industry 153
liberal Canadian govermnent obsessed with reducing the country's deficit by chopping-
away at social prograrns, downsizing the public sector and cutting back on the wages and
benefits of the skeleton staff remaining. This scenario seems to function as an attempt to
ratchet downwards the standard of living of Canadians to the 'lowest cornmon
denominator' -- minimum wage workers with few benefits and flexible [for the employer]
working conditions.
On the international front, many Third World and 'newly-developing' nations are
also feeling the pinch. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have
garnered reputations of notonety for their infamous Structurai Adjustrnent Prograrns
(SAT) which transform Third World economies with potential to thrive into virtual
indentured servants. producing cash crops to finance a never-ending debt. Multinational
corporations travel the globe to find the cheapest and most docile non-unionized labour,
prefemnç to set up in countries or export processing zones where labour and environmental laws are weak. Multinationals have also ken known to shiA the production process from one region to another within 'developed' nations to take advantage of tax breaks and a low-wage locale.
Offering his views on this predicament, Kim Moody writes that workers in the more industrialized countries of the South, such as Brazil and Mexico, are also
jobs remained relatively stable, at that time, manufacturing jobs suffered the most losses (Pupo and White 1994: 825). From 1976 to 1986, union membership in manufacniring and mining had already declined from 83.2 percent to 66.4 percent in Canada (Warskett 1992: 1 13). 154 experiencing downward mobility similar to workers in the North (Moody 1997: 202). He also adds:
The pressures of globalization, lean production, and neoliberalism have produced not only a reawakening in much of the industrialized world. but an explosive rebellion within the more industriaiized nations of the South. The new labor movements in the South are, in fact, indispensable allies in the struggle with global capital (Moody 1997: 201).
Moody defends his premise that workers in the South are essential partners by offering that some of the greatest increases in union density [membership], in the late
1980s. have occurred in countries such as South Korea (100 percent), the Philippines (38 percent), Bangladesh (27 percent), South Africa, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, arnongst others
(Moody 1997: 202). On al1 the preceding accounts. international collaboration between unions seems to make sense.
In this section, Canadian trade unionists discuss how their union and organized labour in general has fared under the present economic and political conditions in an increasingly cornpetition-driven world. Although my informants discuss problems that are unique to their own unions, there is a clear pattern of shared concems amongst the nine unions in this study. a) Job security is a prionty. b) The restmcturing of the workplace through deregulation, downsizing, cutbacks,
technological change, pnvatization, out-sourcing, and the transformation of the work
process through what is known as 'lem production' techniques or 'Total Quality
Management' (TQM) programs were offered as immediate problems. The subsequent 155
Ioss of union membership and dues has forced many of the unions in this study to
intensiQ their campaigns of organizing unorganized workers and merging with other
unions. c) Concomitant with this situation, al1 of my informants stressed that membership
education and a iack of rank-and-file activism are critical concerns. d) Globalization and global cornpetition emerged as serious issues, although the
interviewees Vary on their perceptions as to how these factors have impacted on
their particular union. e) Labour legislation also came across as being a powerfùl impediment to the
advancement of workers.
The majority of my infionnants drew strong connections between changing macro- economic/political circurnstances and a loss of well-paid union jobs along with a deterioration of the union's capacity to influence the organization of their members' work.
Impingements on the collective bargaining process, especially for public sector unions, has fortified what appears to be a many-pronged attack on trade union power by private corporations and govements. One informant's comment susup the overall view of the situation: "as a labour movement, we are under siege". 4.1 .b Globalization. Global Com~etitivenessand Neo-liberali~rn'~
Globalization is about how national economies are king integrated into a global economy but without any rnatching democratic institutions at the global level and no global citizenry so constituted as to be able to insist on accountability. The result is to create an enormous democratic deficit. The alternative to globalization is democracy, and we have to think through what that means in concrete situations (Watkins 1995: 3).
If Me1 Watkins' critique of globalization as a threat to state sovereignty and as
antithetical to democracy is valid, then globalization should be of concern to organized
labour because of the role of trade unions as potential democratizing institutions within
civil society. From another analytical perspective, David Harvey examines the concept of
postrnodemism in relation to global changes in economy and culture. (Harvey 1990).
Although Harvey does not use the expression 'globalization', his observations of the
impact of the new regime of flexible accumulation within capitalism is linked to the
notion of 'globalization' as it pertains to this study (Harvey 1990: 147).
The term 'giobaIizationl refers to the global synthesis of capitaiist productive activity and cornmercialization of culture. This condition is driven by new technologies and global cornpetition for profit. According to Harvey, a key feature of this process is
"Often identified as an ideology, Kim Moody defines neo-liberalism as a "policy of dismantling much of the national regulation of economic life throughout the already existing capitalistic world in favour of market govemance", which started to gain favour in the Iate 1970s. Also referred to as market reform or trade liberalization, neo-liberalism encompasses processes such as the privatization of public industries and the signing of various multilateral trade agreements in the 1990s, including the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Moody 1997: 43). 157 flexibility -- flexibility in the production process as well as in labour markets, state policy, and the international flow of money, dong with geographic mobility of transnational corporations (Harvey 1990: 147-60). Some pro blematic results include: pockets of deindustrialization, an extensive restnicturing of the work process, and increased unemployment in the First World dong with exploitation of cheap labour in the
Third World, especially with regards to femaie workers and child labour.
It should be noted, however, that a nurnber of researchers view the current g iobalization process as king somewhat exaggerated. Ellen Meiksins Wood reminds us that an expansionary drive "is a historicaily specific characteristic of capitalism, which has been a part of the system since its begiming" (Meiksins Wood 1997: 6). She and other researchers also suggest that there is less rnobility on the part of manufaçturing industries than the language of 'globalization' implies; although, she does agree that the capitalist system has become more widespread and entrenched in human practices
(Meiksins Wood 1997: 5,6; Mooers and Sem 1992: 62).
Meiksins Wood insists that 'globalization' is the sum-total of a number of political decisions made by the state on behalf of capital "which can be challenged in theory and practice" through class struggle unionism and class politics (Meiksins Wood 1997: 6,7).
Capital in collusion with nation-states propagate globalization as rn inevitable world- wide process in order to weaken the resolve of labour to challenge the system (Meiksins
Wood 1997: 12,13,16). Underlying this strategy is the negation of Karl Marx's notion of historical agency of the working class, as a conscious movement capable of transforrning capitalist society into a sociaiist society (Gindin 1997: 140). In this way, globalization 158
distortion serves as a form of ideological coloniaiism. It's an extemal force too powerful
to fight. so we rnight as well accept it. However. capitalism as a mode of production. is
ri fe with contradictions. Thus, Meiksins Wood argues that globalization has actually
made it more cmcial and more feasible for class politics to challenge class power at the
state level (Meiksins Wood 1997: 8).
Kim Moody's evaluation of 'globalization' offers some paraltels to that of
Meiksins Wood. On the one hand. he admits that there is a tendency for the increased relative mobility of capital. by transnational corporations for example. to "reshape national economies through their international decisions" (Moody 1997: 7). However, he ako suggests that the magnitude of this mobility has been overstated and refers to it as mostly "globaloney" (Moody 1997: 7). Nevertheless. Moody insists that the olobalization process does have "disciplining effects on govements. companies. and b workers" (Moody 1997: 7).
According to my interviews and union literature. some unions emphasize the global-local connection of their cunent dilemma more than other unions. For example. a
Steelworker informant portrays the Union's links with workers elsewhere as being
organized partly through a discourse of 'globalization' and global competitiveness. In fact, the concepts of globalization and global cornpetition form part of an overall discourse prompted by the setting numerous trade unionists perceive they are iocated in.
Globalization is spoken and written of as if there is no doubt of its existence. The globalization process is accused of negatively impacting on the workplace and on social programs. The five unions with nationally-hded global solidarity propms express this viewpoint most strongly. In contrat, the four unions without a nationai solidarity fÙnd
vary a great deal. even among themselves. Testimony of the various positions on this
subject is offered below.
4.l.c The Unions With Funds
(1) Canadian Union of Public Employees
The Canadian Union of Public Employees is a public sector union which clearly
voices strong links behveen globalization and threats of job ~OSSto govenunent
employees in conjunction with a weakening of collective bargaining rights. As is
indicated by union literature and CUPE informants, the union is weathering a storm of
a koovernment cutbacks which are inflicting financial burden on the Union. One
esasperated CUPE informant offers:
... the fact that they [CUPE members] have had no good news for so long that everything is just sort of depressing to them. Al! this regionalization [merging] that's going on with municipalities. school boards, and the hospitals has hit just about every CUPE member in the province.
Another CUPE informant supplements these statements with an insight which is a
familiar problern for trade unions:
They [CUPE members] have to have somebody to blame and normally that blame will go on the union versus where the blame should be going. And that's a very difficult thing to overcome.
A second CUPE informant suggests that job secwity is probably the biggest single issue facing CUPE members, most of whom fail to perceive its connection to international issues. When asked how the union is trying to change the workers'
perceptions through the Fund, the informant replies:
We bting Brazilians to talk about globalization. We bring Mexicans here to talk about how they've ken f---d around since NAFTA and that they're facing privatization ... 1 mean, their problems are far worse than anything we face. NAFTA isn't Mexicans winning at the expense of Canadians; the boss is winning at the expense of the rest of us.
Alluding to the contradictory nature of capitalism, the same informant suggests
that resistance to globalization may serve as a uniQing force by encouraging
transnational solidarity amongst workers and also adds:
1 really don't believe that we cmre-establish the kind of barriers, tariffs, and stuff that give nation-states more power to control their economy. Globalization, in that sense, is irreversible, or at this point. 'The way to give ordinary people a better deal is to make class alliances of various kinds.
This passage illustrates the informant's conviction that nations must resign themselves to their inescapable globalized fate, at least for now. Although class alliances are favoured. it isn't clear how ordinary people can better their lot without having more control over their national economy. Still, the notion of working class agency has not been totally abandoned.
The Public Employees are experiencing difficulties that are sirnilar to those facing the Alliance, as is discussed below. Yet, the two public sector unions diverge on whether they link their current problems to globai factors and in their active response to their dilemma. A determined group of CUPE activists pushes onward with their ambitions of worker-to-worker solidarity through the Union Aïd Fund. This is not to downplay the
obstacles to this fom of activity, as a CUPE representative discloses:
... those of us who are interested would like to see it become more prominent. The major barrier to that prominence is partly the lack of bdsor committment fiom some of our large active locals. 1 would Say that less than one percent of CUPE's members put any money into the Fund.
htellectually, if you ask Judy Darcy or those guys [CUPE National Executive Board] they would say it's important but ... The focus of the elected leaders is very seldom on the international stuff because the fight calls for resources at a more local base. It's frustrating but it's part of the reality that we face.
As with any organization, scarce resources requires establishing a priority of concems. In this case. international solidarity is secondary to local issues.
(2) Auto Workers
An Auto Workers' publication offers a succinct, dthough narrowly circumscribed, definition of globalization as, "the internationalization of econornic production and finance" which "increases corporations' ability to move production" (CAW 1994: 1.6).
My CAW informants and union documents depict the globalization process as king unequivocalfy linked to working conditions at ground level. Echoing some of David
Harvey's thoughts on the current global financial systern (Harvey 1990: 160-68), a discussion on the CAW's Web site (http://www.caw.ca) of the impact of government deficit reduction proclaims "the real problem is rooted in unstable global financial flows" wliich must be brought under control in order to bring interest rates down. The CAW
Web site aiso offers the union's objections to the competitiveness rationale centrai to the new flexible work processes such as 'lean production', 'tearn concept', 'just-in-the', and
Total Quality Management.
The Auto Workers have not been immune from workplace restructuring due to the economic crisis. Over the 1st 10 years, the Auto Workers have succeeded in organizing
50.000 new workers and acquiring another 36,000 mernbers through mergers. On the down side. they have also lost 40,000 members to closed workpiaces and another 10.000 to dowsizing. This poses a reduction in their bargaining capacity with the employer.
As one CAW representative points out, the global-local comection is emphasized in some CAW education courses offered by their integrated Education Development and
International Affairs Department:
The trick is getting people here to understand Free Trade, for example. in relation to auto parts. What that means for job security and speed-up and al1 of those things. Not only for themselves, but what it means for people who work in similar industries with the same level of technological sophistication that's now in Mexico. The priority is getting the linkage made in people's minds.
Illustrating that 'globalization' is an issue of concern for the CAW, another CAW intewiewee adds:
It's huuiy because we talk about this 'you can't do anything approach' because it's [globalization] too big for us. We have our strugples domestically, stniggle by stniggle; and we'll continue to do that. But, internationally, we have the sarne thing. Globdization is huge. What do you do about it? It's enormous. It's out of our control. Our approach, rather than macro-economic, has been to find a bargaining cornmittee in Falconbridge in the Dorninican Republic that wants to take on the same corporation we want to take on here; and you build a relationship between the cornittees -- relationship by relationship. 163
Clearly this interviewee views globalization as an immense obstacle to overcome.
Yet, the notion of agency endures, both locally and between organized workers in
different countries. Obviously, no grand scheme is proposed for a working class
revolution, but modest efforts are king made to alter the relationship between workers of
diverse nation-states by subverting the divisive competitiveness ideology that nins
rampant throughout this gfobal capitalist economy.
(3) Communications Workers
Most of my conversation with the CEP informant did not concem the relationship
of the union to economic or political conditions. However, my interviewee did offer that
there were major problems with the privatization of some of their public sector
employees. Various union documents that 1 collected contained articles that focused on
difficulties faced by the membership fiom either the employer or the governrnents
[federal or provincial], which placed the blame on a neo-liberal ideology and employers
attempting to cut costs to become more cornpetitive.
One article concerns an ongoing battle between the CEP and Bell Canada for a
promised $20 million in pay equity compensation to their female employees, within its current context as a corporation bent on decentralizing (CEP 1997: 4)." More recently
[January 19991, media reports indicated that Bell Canada intended on contracting-out the
'"Manyof the issues discussed in this section are drawn fiom the same CEP national newspaper: CEP Journal - Communications, Energy and Paperworken Union of Canada. Winter 1997, Vol. 5, No. 1. jobs of these employees to American-owned cal1 centres where curent wages were anticipated to drop fiorn $19 [Cdn.] to about $10 an hou.
There are also other reports of CEP bargaining units having difficulty in obtaining employer-paid heaith insuance. The need for the insurance is partially blamed on govemment cuts to health-care fùnding because many services are no longer insured by provincial plans. On another front, CEP members who work for Canadian telephone companies that are Crown corporations, such as SaskTel, express a great deal of apprehension about their already downsized workplaces due to intense competition fkom
Arnerican-owned Sprint and AT&T.
The struggle to save the CBC and the concentration of media ownership are also issues of concem expressed in CEP communications, especially in relation to fieedom of speech. AIso discussed in union communiques is the notion that global cornpetition, technological change and decentralization ail hction as means of extracting money fiom the workers in order to make corporate managers rich. No doubt, due to the challenges the union currently faces, a stated goal of the CEP Humanity Fund is to teach the membership about how international labour and economic trends affect Canadian workers. In the CEP'S international solidarity course, a number of issues connected to the gIobdization process are discussed. NAFTA and fiee market reforms are treated with considerable criticism for their negative impact on the people of Canada and Latin
America. (4) Steelworkers
The Steelworkers. which is an International, Arnerican-based union, features prominently an indisputable correlation between the global trend of corporate owners to shifi investment overseas in search of higher profits and the direct impact on its members in Canada. Steel appears to have been hammered particularly hard by this and a series of recessions. A member of the Canadian Steelworkers explains:
The Steelworkers is arnong the private sector unions that has probably been decimated more than any of the others. There are 35.000 Steelworkers lefi in basic steel; there used to be well over 50.000. In Toronto, there were 20,000 steelworkers in town; there are now 8,000. For the first time, union staff were laid off in the '80s. So, the Steelworkers have been faced wi th... restructuring its own organization. We're talking survival here. Restructuring of the workplace and the economy on a global level has changed the way unions have had to do things.
The severity and duration of the Steelworkers dilemma may be a factor that differentiates it as a supporter of grassroots solidarity from unions such as the UFCW and
HERE. Another Steelworker informant offers:
We have done quite a lot of work on some of these international connections in mining partly in response to some very dramatic shifis in rnining where. particularly in British Columbia, the number of Canadian mining companies leaving British Columbia and relocating in Chile and Peru was just so dramatic.
A third Steelworker informant raises a key point swrounding the union's international solidarity work and formation of a national fbnd to support and direct it:
1 mean, the nature of the union and the nature of the constituency of the union has had, 1 think, some effect on the funds, especially in the area of labour partners. Labour partners tend to be those partners with whom we have special anities. For exarnple, we do a lot of work with mining unions in South Afnca or Chile. It's a sector which is inherently international; therefore, it lends itself to that type of thing. We have a lot of members in mining in Canada.
Hence. the job sectors in which a significant numkr of a union's members are employed
may be one of the deciding factors in its participation in a grassroots global solidarity
Steel's education program linked to their Humanity Fwid highlights the
recognition that globalization is taken seriously:
It's really a course about globalization and looks at trends in terms of international capital and the way that production is king organized globally in a very different manner now than it was in times pas.
Further confirmation of a positive association between globalization and
grassroots solidarity is offered in the Humanity Fund section of the Steelworkers Internet
Web site (http://www.uswa.ca). One statement in particular makes the point:
The Fund's 'labour development' programming is a response to the interests of its members and the challenges created for labour and popular movements North and South by the globalization of the world's economy.
(5) La Confédération
My CSN informant was adamant that on the global level, fiee made is the major
concem of the union. and suggests that a lot of interest in doing international solidarity
with Mexican workers has been generated within the union over the last couple of years due to the 'maquiladoras question'. A couple of anecdotes are offered to illustrate the reason why.
There's a jeans producer fiom the Beauce. which is a region in Québec, who during the last referendurn, said, "if the 'yes' wins t'm moving to Mexico". So, he didn't do it because the 'no' won. Then, a few weeks later, there was one of his factones that got unionized in Montreal; and he closed it and he moved it to Mexico. So, it wasn't just for the referendum; it was for any good reason to move his SMsouth.
We had Kenworth here, which closed down during a strike and the union accused them of wanting to move their factories to the States. And Kenworth came back around and said,"well no, we're not gohg to the States; we're going to Mexico. We have a great shop in Mexico and we're going to open a second one, that's all."
We managed to turn that back around because of a lot of lobbying and a lot of pressure that was put on by us. Finally, they rnanaged to get a lot of government money and even a lot of labour investment fund money into their pockets. They used the Mexico thing to force a collective agreement on people who didn't want this thing.
It is obvious from this passage that the mobility of capital or, at least, the myth of the unrestricted mobility of capital, is used as an intimidation tactic by companies to extract benefits from the government and whittle away at workers' rights. Further, researcliers suggest that by having actively supported the Free Trade Agreement,
Québec's business élite has placed the province's nationalist, cultural and linguistic policies on the back burner, in favour of profiting from trade liberalization (Drache and
Gertler 199 1 : 14- 1 7).
When asked how serious the continental free trade situation is for the CSN, my informant replies:
It's a constant threat. The corporations here do their dirty work ... literally. Their environmentally unfnendly stuff is al1 done in the maquiladoras. And then they al1 come back up here and Say that they are al1 members of the Environmental Research Center of Québec. So, that's a major issue for us. We're very involved in that kind of work, you know, the world trade thing, globalization, right? This interviewee discusses further how globalization and global competition bas a direct impact on local conditions for the union:
It's an issue that cornes back to local negotiations al1 the tirne. Can we become more efficient? This whole efficiency thing, right? This whole Total Quality thing cornes down to - can we beat the Japanese who are producing in Juarez in the north of Mexico? And if we beat them out, how many people are we going to have to lay off! And how much lower wages are you going to accept?
Now, we're fighting on the level of unemployrnent insurance. Why have they [Canadian govemmentj changed the Unemployment Insurance Act so much? It's to level us down to the American level. That's really what it is. What's going on in the health care sector? They'll never admit that one of the reasons they want to invest less in health care is because they want us to look more like the Arnericans. "We don't have enough money". 1 mean. come on!!
On the issue of globalization and creating competition between workers. my informant recollects a 16-month strike involving some CSN members against an
American-owned flour mil1 [ADM of Decatur. Illinois] in Québec:
Afier a year and a month, we decided we'd go to Decatur and meet the boss. He sat us down and he said, "Iisten, this isn't anything about money. We want to have a flour mil1 in every important state or country in the world. We've got 1 16 flour mills in the States and they're al1 unionized. We want your people to have the same collective agreement."
We had a colIective agreement which had a certain number of ideas about seniority and sub-contracting clauses. That's what they wanted to get rid of. They wanted a production line where on the lefi side you'll have unionized workers and on the right side you'll have sub-contractors. So, they create their own interna1 competition.
They're really out to globalize labour relations! ïhey want everything to be under their control. But, we managed to win that one. There are obvious connections to the Free Trade Agreement. 169
We may &an fiom this informant's statements that the process that is called
'dobalization'- is acknowledged indisputably as a problem for la Confédération. This appears to be so not only for its members working in the manufacturing industry but also for those employed in the public sector.
4.1.d Unions Without Funds
(6) Postal Workers
The Canadian Union of Postal Workers is a public sector union having lost over
10,000 members in 1997 as a resdt of federal govemment legislation, widely suspected to have been provoked by private enterprise ambitions. My CUPW informants and union liierature reveaIs a strong acknowledgement that globalization and global cornpetition is an inseparable process fiom curent shop-floor issues. Direct links are drawn between the globalization of the economy and the manipulation of government legislation to "cestrict unions fiom organizing and from negotiating rights and benefits for workers -- driving wages down and widening the gap between the rich and the poor al1 around the world".
The CUPW National Constitution contains policies supporting international workers' solidarity and denouncing the "increasingly global nature of corporate power" in its
"suppression of people's democratic rights" and globalization as "a dangerous world-wide trend" (CUPW 1W6b: l9,2 1).
The Postal Workers does not yet have a nationaily-structured solidarity Md.
However, because long-term global solidarity relationships are already king developed, this process may be seen as a prelude to a much anticipated nationally-funded program. 1 70
This transitionat situation distinguishes the CUPW fiom the other unions included in this study classified as having no international solidarity fùnd at dl. Certain regions of the union. such as the Atlantic Region, draw upon sporadic contributions fiom the nlembership and elsewhere within the organization to support international solidarity initiatives at the grassroots level.
(7) The Alliance
In the case of the Public Service Alliance of Canada which is weak on grassroots global solidarity work. 'downsizing' is offered as their biggest problem. One informant C esplains of the Alliance's current plight:
It's a survival mode we're in. right now. We're trying to figure out creative ways to get through doing what we need to do with far iess resources.
It \vas evident throughout the interview with the two informants that the union is under an incredible amount of stress. having lost thousands of members. For years. the
Alliance has been subjected to wage freezes and roll-backs. More recently, their employer, the federal government. announced afier the Febmary 1995 budget a proposal to iayoff up to 45,000 empioyees out of 160,000.
When questioned if the Alliance has been affected by the NAFTA. there was a long pause while both informants glanced at each other with puzzled looks on their faces.
1 had the distinct feeling that they felt it to be an absurd question. Finally, both informants suggested that they were not sure and offered:
'A': I dont think it's been an issue for the federal public sector the way it has been for the private sector unions' manufacnuing jobs that have gone. It's different for us.
'B' responds: It might be an issue, if there were contracting-out of-.. Remember there was some problem with Electronic Data Interchange. some outfit in the United States? Because of NAFTA. the tender had to be wide-open?
'A' replies: Oh. definitely! If you look at it that way!
'Br: But. in terms of in a direct way ...
A: Yeah, in terms of job loss, it's been government policy, jumping ont0 the public sector renewal bandwagon that has ...which does tie into globalization and free trade, and the comrnercialization of the public sector.
Upon posing the question as to whether the Alliance should be concemed about
multinational corporations searching the globe for cheap labour. 1 was met with stoney stares and a deafening silence [in an otherwise amicable interview]. Then:
'B': 1 think we can be more directly affected than we really think sometimes because there's really a global typing pool out there. 1 mean. they could go wherever they want to get data enw done. American companies are getting their data entered in the Caribbean free trade zones.
These passages indude sorne of the very few references to global factors or globalization in the interview and in PSAC literature. When asked about the Alliance's C involvement in international solidarity work. one of the informants maintained that the union was doing some interesting work with the Trade Union Secretariat, Public Services
International (PSI), and with the International Labour Organization (ILO). In reference to grassroots solidarity :
'A': 1 believe there was a resolution that went to this convention on that subject and 1 unfortunatety dont know the status of it. It's definitely something that we're thinking about, starting to promote. 'Br: 1 think we have a ways to go yet.
A: We're looking at a deficit, as an organization, if we don't do something. We're restructuring intemaily. So, 1 personally feel that there isn't a lot of room to be creative at the moment. And at a time when ... there's more need at the international level. It's a survival mode we're in right now.
(8) Hotel Employees
The Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union is an
American-based union. as is the UFCW and. with a Canadian component possessing relative autonomy fiom the US. faction. My HERE informant emphasized at the begiming of the interview that the Local is not necessarily the same 'creature' in some regards as the International.
Overall. HERE does not appear to be afflicted with the same seventy of cutbacks and downsizing as other unions. In fact, the Nevada Local is one of the fastest growing in the U.S.. as its members work in the hospitality and service industry. and in gambling establishments in particular. Nevertheless. job security, leasing-out work the intensification of the work process, intimidation of union supporters and a trend towards multinational ownership of establishments are al1 expressed concerns. One bizarre turn of events is the current transformation of entire hotel floors into recuperative units for short-term hospital patients which my informant fears has the potential to pose impossible demands on HERE room attendants.
There was no suggestion ofglobalization or of global factors negatively impacting on the HERE membership anywhere in the interview and it occurred only once in the HERE literature that 1 collected. My informant assured me that neither the Local nor the International Union is involved in grassroots international solidarity work.
No, 1 thînk, probably the International... the only connection they had to international work was probably through the CIA ... [laughter] 1 think the solidarity work is necessary ... 1 think it's extremely important because history proves when workers in different countries support one another it works! But, it can be sort of an abstract issue, particularly for people in the hotel industry who face poverty and unemployment and whose average wage is probably below $18,000.
At least three potential impediments to HERE's participation in working class global solidarity are presented: very little acknowledgement that global-local connections are a matter of concern for the union; suspected links of the International union to an anti- activist, questionable U.S. governrnent organization -- the CIA; and a low-wage membership.
(9) Food Workers
In contrast to the Hotel Employees' union, the other private sector international union without a global solidarity huid, the the Canadian WCW is experiencing adverse effects fiom continental fiee trade agreements. A Food Worker representative insists:
...that Free Trade thing has caused us nothing but grief. ...because of everything that is happening in cornpetition and fiee trade in the country, to get ow workers down to a minimum standard or a minimum pay so they can compete better. If you don?, they've always got al1 these threats of plant closwes and moving the work across the border.
Al1 our workers (Mott'sKadbury) in Ontario have been displaced because they built a plant down in the United States to make exactly the sarne product and pay the workers $7 [Cdn] or $8 an hour. Their wages were decent; they were unionized and making a 1 74
fair wage, in fact - % 17/18 an hou.
Macro-level changes in business practices guided by an ideology of cornpetition are clearly assessed as having a direct negative impact on Food Worker members.
However, nowhere in the interview or in the UFCW literature is 'globalization' mentioned. Further, none of the union's publications that I have gathered contain any rekrences to a restructured global economy having a direct impact on the workplace-
When asked what tactics the UFCW uses to improve its position, given the situation the
Union finds itself in, the informant offers:
We seem to be able to keep just about one step ahead of the closures. You organize 800 and a plant shuts down with 600. We were one of the strongest unions petitioning against it WAFTA] and tqing to do things, like lobbying against it. But we had a lot of Our companies that we deal with saying that we should get the hell out of it; it's gonna be an opportunity to thrive.
In reference to the Food Workers and international solidarity work, the informant suggested that there is a lot of this going on at conventions, and through UFCW involvement in Labour Councils and Provincial Federations of Labour. When pressed further on the issue, the informant became obviousiy uncornfortable and began shuming papers while chatting about child labour and the predicament of textile workers. Perhaps, this is an indication that this person's expertise is in other areas or that, as a possible strategy of union empowerment. international solidarity is not viewed as a high priority for the United Food and Commercial Workers Union. However, there is no doubt that
Free Trade is having a negative impact on the members, many of whom are employed in the food-processing and service sector. 175
4.2 Globalization Discourse and Grassroots Global Solidarity
Below. is a covariation of 'grassroots global solidarity' as the dependent variable and 'globalization discourse' as the independent variable, for the nine unions in this study.
TABLE 9
GLOBALIZATION DISCOURSE IN RELATION TO GRASSROOTS GLOBAL SOLIDARITY
Grassroots Global Solidarity
stronger weaker
Giobalization stronger 6 Discourse weaker 3
There is a c lear relationship between 'globalization' featuring prorninently in trade unionists' focus of concems and the level of 'grassroots global solidarity' work of their particular union. Included in the six unions that exhibit a discourse of globalization are the five unions that support international solidarity fiinds (Auto, CUPE, CEP, Steel.
CSN), as well as the Postal workers' union. which is atternpting to fonnulate a fùnd. ïhe three unions that are weaker on globalization discourse (Hotel, Alliance, Food) also have neither a solidarity fund nor offer evidence of involvement in grass-roots global solidarity endeavours. It must be emphasized, however. that a strong correlation between these two variables does not necessarily indicate a causal relationship. Certainly. it is not 1 76
beyond the realm of possibility that a union strong on globalization discourse -- dialogue expressing concerns for the negative impact of the globaiization process on workers or
society in general -- might be one factor influencing a union's creation of new grassroots solidarity ventures. By the sarne token, it is also possible that the current grassroots global soldarity bdspreceded a discowse of globalization. Unforhmately. it is beyond the scope of this study to verw either assumption- Therefore, the results of this covariation must remain as a conjecture. Further, the presence or absence of a globalization discourse is just one of a number of factors that can be linked to the type of solidarity in question. And. indeed, it may not be the most significant.
4.3 Union Financial Constraints and Global Solidarity
Aithough al1 of the trade unionists in this study acknowledged that their union was under attack in some way from the employer. fewer declared that financial constraints posed direct hurdles to establishing an international solidarity Fund. My informants from the Alliance and the Public Employees expressed dismay for the current financial crisis their respective unions are experiencing . This was attributed to governrnent downsizing, restnicturing and wage rollbacks along with an unwieldy union structure.
A Public Employees' informant also suggested above that not many of their larger locals have been amenable to agreeing to support their fund. As for the Hotel Employees, low wages was offered as one reason why the membership might not support a fhd. The annual wage of members of HERE is stated as probably below S 18,000, compared to 177 rnembers of the Auto Workers whose hourly average is $1 7.70, or $36,8 16 annually.
Postal Workers representatives complained of limited financial resources for such projects. which will be discussed in more detail later. This data is presented in tablular form below.
TABLE 10
FINANCIAL CONSTRAINTS IN RELATION TO GLOBAL SOLIDARITY FUNû
Global Solidarity Fund
Yes Total
Financial Constraints Public Employees (CUPE) Postal Workers Yes Alliance Hotel Employees
Auto Workers Food Workers Communications Workers Steelworkers La Confédération
Of the five unions with a global solidarity fhd. only the Public Employees offers evidence of a financial crisis. It is. apparently, still a struggle to acquire suffiicient funding to cultivate the type of solidarity work that those concerned feel is essential. The
Food Workers (UFCW) is the only union with no hind and that also does not proclaim 178 any great financial problems. However. it is weak on 'globalization discourse' and does not generally have a reputation for grassroots activism or lefi-wing politics.
4.4 The Postal Workers as au Anomaly
The case of the Postal Workers in Table 10 is an interesting one. If they are as strong on 'globalization discourse' as the unions with bds, why have they not already fonned a national fund? The Steelworkers created their Humanity Fund in 1985, La
Confédération started one in 1986, the Auto Workers in 199 1, the Communications
Workers in 1992, and the Public Employees in 1993. As has been mentioned before, the
CUPW is in the process of trying to negotiate a fùnd with the employer, but this places them behind the other five unions that have had hdsfor a few years. Since the Postal
Workers has a reputation for king a militant, progressive union, this is somewhat puzzling. What relevant attributes would differentiate the CUPW fiom the other unions in this regard?
My CUPW informants admitted that funding for international solidarity projects is limited, being supported mostly locally and regionally by volunteers and sporadic huid raising campaigns. Perhaps financial resources in relation to the number of union mernbers is a contributing factor. Certainly a larger membership has the potential to lend greater financial support to such a program. Refemng back to Table 2 @g. 22), we see that the Postal Workers has one of the lowest number of members at 46,000. Only the
Hoiel Workers have fewer members at 30,000 and they are weak on globalization discourse. Al1 of the unions with a Fund range from 150,000 to 460,000 members. Two 1 79
unions without a Fund, the Alliance and the Food Workers, have over 100,000 members
each but they are weak on globalization discourse. nierefore, membership size -- a large
number of union members - may be a necessary factor but not ~~cient.
One of my informants suggested that certain structures evolve in al1 unions that
are doing progressive work. Human Rights Committees, Women's Committees and
Workers of Colour Cornmittees were mentioned. Compared to some of the other unions
in this study, the Postal Workers have actually ken slower to create structures such as
national Women's or Human Rights Cornmittees. Underlying the evolution of these new
formations is the notion that traditional union structures are inadequate to ded with certain power imbalances within organized labour or social inequalities in general.
A study of Canadian women in unions lis& the establishment of Women's
Committees in la Confédération (l974), the 'Alliance' (1976), CUPE (198 1), CAW
( 198 1). the Hotel Employees (1 985), Steel (1 986/88), and the Communications Workers
( 198611990) which al1 formed national and/or regional cornmittees before the Postal
Workers did in 1990 (White 1993: 125). However, women's comrnittees in some CUPW
Iocals emerged around 1976 and, for years afterward, Convention debate focused on the creation of women's comrnittees and caucuses at Conventions (White 1990: 170-75).
Similady, the Postal Workers National Human Rights Comrnittee only emerged afier the
National Convention in 1996, a few years behind most of the other unions in this study
(White 1993: 223-32).
In her study of female postal workers, one of a number of explanations that Julie
White offers for the delay in forming a CUPW National Women's Comrnittee is the 180
intensified battle with the employer over issues such as pnvatization and job security
which has detracted the union's attention away fiom other less urgent issues (White 1990:
1 73). This may also be the case for the slow formation of a CUPW international
solidarity committee/fimd. as conflict with Canada Post Corporation has ken unremitting
over the Iast 25 years.
White also writes that regional divisions, lack of teadership support, fear that
separate structures for women would divide the union, and lack of education stalled
creation of a CUP W national women's committee (White 1990: 17 1,172,199). Some of
my union informants suggested without sufficient support from their union's leadership, it
n-ould be extremely difficult for international solidarity programs to succeed.
-4ccording to my CUPW informants and the Minutes of the 1996 CUPW
Convention (CUPW 1996a: 329-37), support for an international solidarity fkd is
growing amongst some rank-and-file members and the leadership, but opposition still
exists, especially in regards to engaging in solidarity work with Cuba. One of my CWW
informants admits that the membership often fails to see the global-local comection and a
nurnber of the members have told me that union money and attention would be better
spent on local or nationaI issues. This lingering resistance may be one of the reasons why
the CUPW opted to first attempt to negotiate an employer-paid solidarity Fund, similar to the Auto Worken, rather than convince the entire membership to pay out of their own pockets. 4.5 Relationsbip Between Job Sector and Global Solidarity Funds
Another factor that may be relevant to why certain unions were quicker to implement funds may be the job sectors in which a large number of their members are employed. As one of my Steelworker informants stated above. their union also represents mine workers, a sector that is inherently international. Currently, 65.000 members are in steel and mining. In this era of intensified corporate cornpetition, there seems to have been more of a tendency for manufacturing and resmrce-based companies to shift their investments to the most profitable [Le. cheap labour] global locations than for the service sector to do so. However. this trend may be increasing in the communications industry and other services.
As was outlined in the "Introduction" to this study. four of the unions with fûnds -
- the Steelworkers. the Auto Workers. la Confédération. and the Communication Workers al1 have a significant proportion of their members working in resource extraction or manufacturing. Thus. formalizing links with workers in similar sectors abroad would seem to be a pragmatic move. The Alliance and the Postal Workers are comprised of mostly public sector employees. and the Hotel Workers are employed in the service sector. The Food Workers are mostly service sector workers with an important food processing segment. The atypical case here is the Public Employees (CUPE) which is a public service union with an intemationa! soldarity fund.
It must be stated that in a recent communique on the Auto Workers' Web Site
(w+w.caw.ca; March 8, 1999), Buu Hargrove. President of the CAW. maintains that globalization has had little impact. thus far, on his auto industry members through 182
shifiing of the production process to offshore locations. Hargrove insists that production
is still regional, but rnergers have allowed the ownership of the auto industry to become
global. The unrestrained global circulation of financial investment is the rdproblem of
globalization, according to Hargrove. However, other CAW reports and my informants'
views clearly irnplicate NAFTA and globalization as potential threats to auto workers, especially in regards to the neo-liberal ideology associated with trade liberalization. The table that follows illustrates these relationships. TABLE 11
JOB SECTOR OF UNION MEMBERS IN RELATION TO GLOBAL SOLIDARITY FUND
Global Solidarity Fund
Yes No Total
Public Service Public Employees (CUPE) Postal Workers Alliance
Service Sector Hotel Employees (Private) Food Workers
Resource Auto Workers Extraction/ Communications Workers Manufacturing Steelworkers La Confédération
How does one expiain the inclusion of a public service union in the same category
as four unions with resource extraction/ manufacturing components? Once again, a
'globalization discourse' is a crucial attribute that the Public Employees shares with the
four other unions having a Fund and which differentiates it fiom three of the other service
sector unions. Further, throughout the last four decades, making connections with workers abroad has been more typical of the Public Employees' (CUPE) culture than of 184 the Alliance, the Hotel Employees, or the Food Workers. In comparison to the 46,000
Postal Workers. the 460,000 members of the Public Ernployees has a much larger mernbership base, with the potential to offer strong financial support to an international solidarity fùnd. By the same token, a larger union may be more bogged-down in its own hierarchical bureaucracy and distanced fiom its membership. And, indeed, this may be another motivation that boosts the development of pssroots international solidarity.
1.6 Considering Alternative Functions of the Funds
The Public Employees and the other unions with a Fund rnay also be utilizing international soIidarity as a central issue around which they might engender greater national solidarity and activism amongst their membership by dlying around a comrnon cause -- globalized capital as the enemy of ordinary workers. Lack of worker activism
\vas a cornmon complaint by my informants.
Using international solidarity as a rallying point could especially be the case for the largsr unions, as they are trying to stave off bureaucratic stagnation and detachment from and amongst their far-flung and diverse membership. With particular reference to the Food Workers (UFCW), Kim Moody cIaims that union mergers often enhance bureaucratic unionism, reducing membership influence over the union (Moody 1988:
20 1). In comparison, one of my CUPW interviewees suggests that because the Postal
Workers have a more homogenous membership. with one employer, this possibly makes it easier to unite and mobilize the rank-and-file. 185
In addition, as quoted earlier, one of my Public Ernployee informants suggested that the members tend to blarne their union for their curent plight. Therefore, it may be that globalized capitdneo-liberalism as the comrnon foe serves to lifi some of the blame from union leadership for circurnstances supposedly beyond their control. A global solidarity Fund also creates the impression that one's union is striving to address the probiem in some way, lending more credibility to a particular union. In an era where image counts for a lot, participation in international solidarity portrays a union with interests that extend beyond the shop floor into the greater comrnunity. As many unions are now on an 'organiung-the-unorganized-binge',this may aiso appeai to prospective new members.
4.7 Summary of the Findings
According to my data, many Canadian trade unionists see that they are besieged by an anti-union agenda on the part of employers, the state and the media. The Canadian political economy has been comandeered by neo-liberalism, which is the ideological
'cornpanion' of a hierarchical globalization process. However, not al1 of the unions in this study offer evidence that globalization is a major concern of their union.
The data indicates that there is a strong relationship between a 'discourse of globalization' and 'grassroots international solidarity' andlor the 'existence of the Funds'.
Another variable which is strongly related to the 'Funds', is 'financial constraints'. The unions in this study with fewer financial constraints have created international solidarity
Funds. Linked to this variable is union size. Unions with a larger membership have the 186 capacity to support international solidarity funds. In addition, unions with members in the 'manufacturing or resource extraction sectors' tend to support a Fund. CUPE is an anomaly in that it does suffer fiom a degree of financial conmaints and has very few members in the manufacturing or resource extraction sectors. 1 interpret this result as lending more support for the link between a 'discourse of globalization' and the 'existence of an international solidarity Fund', CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION
This research reveals that there are a number of factors related to the presence of
an international solidarity fund within the unions encompassed in this study. It is multi-
dimensional, in that, various extemal and interna1 elements are linked to the formation of
a Fund and the practice of grassroots international solidarity. Principle among these
variables are globalization, financial constraints and the influence of marginalised groups.
This study also illustrates how political economy, culture and structure are intertwined on
a macro and micro level. These elements coaiesce to create a set of social relations in
which systems of dominance motivate an oppositional reaction by exploited and
marginalised groups (Morris 1992). The trade unions in this thesis Vary by how these
forces impact on them and in how they react to them.
This qualitative, comparative study of nine Canadian labour organizations
provides for a better understanding of the factors comected to the formation of trade
union international solidarity fùnds than a case study of one particular union might show.
Comparing and contrasting nine different unions has yielded a number of small stories within a bigger story. Each union's 'story' has assisted in uncovering patterns of shared
attributes related to the creation of the Funds. It also broadens our comprehension of how disparate marginaiised groups have worked in coalition to advance their cause. Further, it highlights the relationship between the changing culture of organizations and the role of its marginalised members. 188
5.1 Summary of the Major Findings
On a macro level, the data shows how structural changes in the global economy
and the expansion of a neo-liberal ideology, within the Canadian state apparatus, are
related to changing conditions for organized labour and in the unionsf responses. These
changes began during the 1970s and intensified during the following two decades. A
falling rate of profit during the second half of the twentieth century was a catalyst for
employers to cut back on labour costs through 'flexibie' work processes andor transfer of
their operations to low wage locations, often in Third World countries. Multinational
corporations create a 'whipsaw' effect between workers of different nations by
abandoning production in high-wage econornies for cheaper labour in the Third World,
thus putting a downward pressure on wages and benefits of Canadian workers. The threat
of this is often sufficient to manipulate workers and unions into cornpliance.
In Canada, private sector unions suffered first, followed by public sector unions.
It seems likely that this is one of the reasons why the Steelworkers, a private sector union,
broadened the agenda of their solidarity fhd. By the mid-1980s, starvation in sub-
Saharan Africa was a catalyst for the creation of the first Fund, begun by the
Steelworkers, which was directed towards disaster relief. The struggle for a Canadian
home-grown international solidarity somehow melded with the idea of forming a Fund -- a trade union non-govemmental organization. La Confédération. with its blend of private and public sector workers fonned a Fund at about the same time. Two other
private sector unions followed suit - the Auto Workers and the Communications
Workers. During the 1990s, the Canadian government, claiming that it was imperative to 189 lower the debt, embarked on a program of fiscal restraint which devastated many sociai programs and the public service. By 1993, the Canadian Union of Public Employees eagerly established an international soiidarity Fund.
The iate 1980s saw the demise of the Cold War, which opened more space for the glo ba lization process and neo-liberdism. For a few years before and during this juncture, there emerged new grassroots global solidarity campaigns arnongst Canadian trade unionists and labour movements elsewhere. The work of these activists helped to usher in the Funds.
My data indicates a strong relationship between 'unions engaging in grassroots global solidarity' and 'unions with a discourse of globalization'. A 'discourse of globalization' is more prevalent than a 'discourse of class codict' among the nine unions.
The data shows that globalization is definitely perceived as a problem for Canadian workers.
There is also a strong relationship between a union experiencing 'financial constraints' and not having the capacity to support a Fund. In addition, it was found that unions with a significant proportion of their members working in the resource extraction or manufacturing sectors also had a solidarity iünd. One union, CUPE, is discussed as diverging from this pattern. The Public Workers was found to be an anomaly in these two correlations. The Postal Workers were also examined, as being exceptions to the rule.
During the last years of the Cold War era, anti-irnperialist trade unionists, who promoted a grassroots, democmtic global union solidarity, found themselves marginalised 190
by powertitl institutions, such as the Canadian Labour Congress. My research shows that
their opposition to an elitist, anti-communist, bureaucratic international solidarity was treated as a threat to the status quo. The [Amencan] AFL-CIO, which is the prototype of bureaucratic, business unionism was found to be promoting an imperialistic international solidarity used to undermine governments and unions in developing nations. The spread of this mode1 of unionism presented impediments to the creation of a strong nationalist
Canadian unionism. and for the Canadian labour movement to development its own style of international solidarity. La Confédération, in Québec, proved to have the strongest resistance to American business unionism.
One of the most significant findings in this study is that influences fiom society's marginalised coincided with the creation of the Funds and the type of projects focused on.
Previous to this. unions had formed coalitions on various campaigns with international development organizations, feminist groups, human rights activists and other forces of civiI society. Concomitantly, unions have also been undergoing changes in membership.
More women, and immigrants fiom 'southern' nations now forrn a notable part of trade union membership. Without a doubt, these marginalised groups are influencing the culture and philosophical direction of some Canadian unions, including its international solidarity projects.
Linked to this finding is another key point -- bureaucratic organizations do have an important role to play at the global level of union solidarity, but they are not sufficient for mobilizing the rank-and-file on a global or a local level. They are too far removed fiom the shop-floor. Bureaucratie formations serve usefd purposes but also have 191
disadvantages. Fragmentation occurs within the organization and between organizations.
This is particularly detrimentai to unions, which are organizations dependent on
membership solidarity for their collective strength.
It was found that business unionism, as the ideology of right-wing bureaucratic
unions, excludes wornen, 'people of colour', and other groups from positions of power.
Social unionism is more inclusive but is not without its bureaucratic problems. In fact,
unions in this study exhibit qualities of both models of unionism. A major surprise in this study was discovering that the link between solidarity fùnds and social unionism is weak.
Certain unions that exhibit a history of business union behaviour, such as concessionary bargaining, now have an international solidarity fùnd. This finding is contradictory to one of my initiai assumptions.
For over one hundred years, the working class has attempted to empower itself through its own organizations, its trade unions. International trade union solidarity is a concept and practice that has endured for almost as long as unions have existed. Due to external and interna1 pressures on trade unions, the international solidarity that is practiced today exhibits qualities that are particular to social processes within late hventieth century society. However, a centrai god is stiii to create an oppositionai force to systems of exploitation and domination.
Finally, this study uncovered obstacles to union solidarity on a local, national and international level previously delineated by John Porter three decades ago (Porter 1965).
Porter outlines interwoven structurai weaknesses of Canadian organized labour, which include social unionism versus business unionism; the contradictory concepts of 192 international unionism and national unionisrn; French-Canadian nationalism in conflict with English federalism; and the fiction between the philosophicai orientations of crafi and industrial unionism (Porter 1965: 3 14-36). This legacy of conflicts within Canadian labour is related to the uneven development of trade union grassroots solidarity on an international level, at the end of the twentieth century. In addition, this problem contributes to a weakness in the capacity of organized labour in Canada to mobilize the rnembership on a unified national level.
5.2 Limitations of this Study
Due to time constraints and project size, it was not possible to include other informants and organizations which rnight add to our understanding of the formation and impact of the international solidarity funds. One of the ways in which this study is limited is the lack of input fiom ordinary union members who have participated in international soIidarity projects. Amongst rny informants, very few are actually rank- and-file members who work on the 'shop floor'. Other infamants fiom community -groups. non-govemment organizations and the Canadian International Development
Agency (CIDA) could also help clarify the links between the different organizations on project work and campaigns.
In addition, there is an entire segment of unions within Canada that are not part of this study. Construction and other trades unions are mostly U.S.-based international unions which maintain a strong adherence to business unionism. Perhaps, more could 193 have been learned about business unionism in Canada, and whether there is a shift towards social unionism within these very maledomïnated, crafl unions.
5.3 Implications for Future Research
Several issues that emerged fiom this research warrant Merexploration. With the globdization process and a neo-liberal ideology in 'full swing', future studies focusing on the resistance andlor adaptation strategies of Canadian unions would add to our knowledge of how opposition is organized against dominant institutions. Of course, the progress of the Funds and whether other unions adopt this tactic of union empowerment would provide for an idormative study. Another intriguing avenue of research might be to offer the perspectives of Third World trade unionists who are 'solidarity partners' with the Funded unions here in Canada.
The question of whether 'business' or 'social' unionism will prevail is also another issue for future research. One might aiso pursue research concerning the international solidarity work between European unions and Third World trade unionists. Trade unions in Europe maintain a diflerent relationship with the employer and the state than unions in
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