2015
KANATAVolume 8: Winter 2015
The Undergraduate Journal of the Indigenous Studies Community of McGill University
McGill University Montreal, Quebec, Canada
KANATA acknowledges that McGill University is situated on traditional Haudenosaunee territory.
i KANATA Acknowledgements
Faculty, Administrative & Scholarly: Support and Advisors Orenda Boucher, Kakwiranoron Cook, André Costopoulos, Allan Downey, Gwenn Duval, Stefan Fong, Suzanne Fortier, Adriana Goreta, Minette Haddon, Kahente Horn-Miller, Paige Isaac, Amy Johnson, Michael Loft, Karen Elizabeth McAllister, Neale McDevitt, Suzanne Morton, Maria Naso, Charmaine Nelson, Ronald Niezen, Colin Scott, Ellen Sharpe, Will Straw, Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert, Allan Vicaire
Organizational Support Aboriginal Sustainability Project (ASP), Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS), Jay Rajpal, Le Cagibi, Le Délit, Indigenous Access McGill (IAM), First Peoples’ House (FPH), McGill Aboriginal Outreach, The McGill Daily, McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC), The McGill Tribune, MUGS, Native Friendship Centre of Montreal (NFCM), Quebec Public Interest Research Group – McGill (QPIRG-McGill), Social Work Student Association (SWSA), Society for Equity and Diversity in Education (SEDE), Student Society of McGill University (SSMU), Yale Native American Cultural Center
Primary Advisors Pamela Fillion, Jaya Bordeleau-Cass, Nicolas Magnien
ii 2015 Editorial Team
KANATA: Volume 8 | Winter 2015
Executive Coordinators Chris Gismondi and Caleb Holden
Editors-in-Chief Caleb Holden and Marta Kolbuszewska
Executive Board, 2014-2015 Ariane Carter – Finance Coordinator & Editor Mélanie Wittes – Internal Coordinator & Editor Ashley Bach – Fundraising Coordinator & Editor Marta Kolbuszewska – Communications Coordinator & Editor Jasmin Winter – Outreach Coordinator & Editor Iain Childerhose – Outreach Coordinator & Editor Rosie Hatton – Exec Board & Editor Catherine Penney – Exec Board & Editor Jed Nabwangu – Exec Board & Editor
Editors Alexander Furneaux, Avelaine Freeman, Caroline Copeman, Casarina Hocevar, Emily Weatherbed, Evelyne To, Haya Rizvi, Jackie Cooper, Jacob Schweda, Jaky Kueper, Jennifer Yoon, Kate Harris, Kariane St-Denis, Mackenna Caughron, Michael Wrobel, Monica Allaby, Nicole Cerpnjak, Nina Patti, Varun Chandra, Vita Azaro
Design, Layout Jay Rajpal
© 2015 KANATA. All rights reserved. The authors and artists retain full rights to their own work and have granted KANATA the right to publish their work. Graphics, Layout and Integration by AhnGroup (www.ahngroup.ca). Printing by Solutions Rubiks inc. (www.rubiks.ca). Printed in Canada. Cover pages printed on FSC certified paper. Interior pages printed on FSC certified, 100% post- consumer recycled paper.
iii KANATA A Word From This Year’s Coordinators As this year’s Executive the territory we now know as Coordinators of KANATA: Canada. Through encouraging McGill’s Indigenous Studies collaboration between students Community, we are proud to from such disciplines as present the eighth edition of our History, Anthropology, Political interdisciplinary, student-run Science, English Literature, journal as our contribution to the and International Development growing discourse surrounding Studies, among others, new Indigenous issues at McGill opportunities emerge to unsettle University. Since KANATA’s first our understanding of the history publication in 2009 - under the of this land and engage in fruitful direction of founder and adviser, academic relationships as we Pamela Fillion – the organization move forward. has been a strong voice promoting Indigenous content, both on At the root of this program were campus and in the broader three new courses: an Introduction community of Montreal. As we to Indigenous Studies taught by look toward the future, we are Professor Allan Downey; the humbled by the efforts of so many History and Development of other students, faculty members, Aboriginal Law taught by lawyer administrators, and activists and professor-of-practice, Kathryn who have worked tirelessly to Tucker; and Decolonizing North ensure that our voice now joins American Indigenous History, a chorus of others advocating for co-taught by Professor Downey Indigenous issues at McGill. and visiting Yale professor and McGill alumnus, Ned Blackhawk. The year in Indigenous Studies As Professor Downey’s guest at McGill has been one for the editorial illustrates, these new history books. In September, courses often presented alternative we witnessed the launch of the pedagogical approaches to much-anticipated Indigenous complicate students’ notions of the Studies minor program, housed traditional academic discourse. by the McGill Institute for That so many of the ideas the Study of Canada (MISC). emerging from these classes have The program presents an found their way into this volume interdisciplinary approach to is emblematic of their immediate the study of the First Peoples of impact on student scholarship. iv 2015 the latter half of the twentieth While these developments are century. We greatly appreciated to be celebrated in their own the opportunity to contribute right, they mark the beginning of to this discussion on the best what must be a continued effort to practices for moving forward with Indigenize the academy at McGill. this campaign. As such, KANATA has led an initiative this year to discuss the Finally, we wish to extend our origins and development of the sincere thanks to all of those whose McGill “Redmen,” the mascot time and energy made KANATA’s of the men’s athletic program. Volume Eight our largest and After consultation with First most successful release to date. Peoples’ House, McGill’s Social We are particularly indebted to Equity and Diversity Education the kind words and wise counsel Office, Professor Downey, and of QPIRG McGill, KANATA’s Professor Blackhawk, Chris founder, Pamela Fillion, last presented a public forum on year’s Executive Coordinators, the history of athletic naming Jaya Bordeleau-Cass and Nicolas at McGill and advocated for a Magnien, and our Editorial team, name change. KANATA endorses without whom this surely would the appropriate representation not have been possible. of all Indigenous peoples at McGill. Contrary to alternative narratives, the “Redmen” name Chris Gismondi has been historically associated Caleb Holden with Indigenous peoples through Executive Coordinators, 2014- the subsequent creation of junior 2015 varsity teams, student-submitted logos, and colloquial usage in
v KANATA Editors’ Note We are proud to present the As Editors-in-Chief, we’ve had eighth annual edition of the the pleasure of working with a KANATA Indigenous Studies talented team of authors, artists, Journal. Reflecting on the content and editorial volunteers to set of this year’s volume, we see it as about exploring the answers to a unique celebration of McGill’s these and other questions over the new minor program in Indigenous course of subsequent pages. We Studies. Our first essay, which are fortunate to have been able focuses on the development of the to curate such a diverse body of University of Manitoba’s Native work in which each contribution Studies program in the 1970s, challenges the viewer and informs considers many of the questions our understanding in new and that remain in the early days interesting ways. On behalf of of McGill’s program some five KANATA’s editorial board, we decades later: invite you to explore the result and reflect on these questions for How can Indigenous yourself. epistemologies be integrated into the Eurocentric academy? Caleb Holden What effect will new pedagogies Marta Kolbuszewska have on the style and substance Editors-in-Chief 2014-2015 of students’ experiences in this institutional setting?
How will they influence Indigenous and non-Indigenous students alike?
vi 2015 Guest Editorial: Indigenizing McGill By Dr. Allan Downey
The 2014-2015 academic year created in these educational spaces has been a historic one for McGill– and it has gotten into our eyes so located on the traditional territory we cannot see clearly, into our of the Kanien’kehá:ka– as the ears so we cannot hear clearly, university marked the launch into our hearts so we cannot feel of the new Indigenous Studies “clearly,” and into our minds so program at the McGill Institute we cannot think clearly. We have for the Study of Canada (MISC). been taught and socialized to see The undergraduate minor is the the ways of Indigenous peoples result of the determined efforts as folklore and this dust continues of both Indigenous and non- to be produced and kicked up.2 Indigenous students who, with the Kanesatake community member help of the First Peoples’ House, and elder John Cree may have KANATA, MISC, SEDE, and captured it best when he visited others, challenged the university my class in the fall of 2014 in to increase its Indigenous content. which he stated, “You know what’s This marks one positive step funny, I know everything about towards decolonizing the university you, your governments, your and pushing the institution into laws, your history and culture, new areas of study that are long and yet, you know nothing about overdue. me.” So how do we begin to bring There is little question that the clarity and balance and recognize relationship between academia and the importance of Indigenous Indigenous peoples hasn’t always knowledge? been a positive one and repairing The new Indigenous Studies that relationship is ongoing. program is a start. Indigenous Within the educational system Studies has quickly become one there has been, drawing from the of the fastest growing fields of words of Cayuga Faithkeeper study in Canadian universities, Delmor Jacobs, the creation of a and arguably, one of the most colonial dust that has supported innovative in recent times. There the disempowerment of Indigenous seems to be a momentum in Canada, knowledge.1 This dust has been catalyzed by Indigenous activism, 1 Marie Battiste, “Enabling the Autumn Seed: Toward a Decolonized Approach to Aboriginal 2 José Barreiro, ed., Thinking in Indian: A John Knowledge, Language, and Education,” Cana- Mohawk Reader (Golden, CO: Falcrum Publish- dian Journal of Native Education iss. 22, no. 1 ing, 2010), 203. (1998), 16-17. vii KANATA to re-evaluate and improve the to Indigenous knowledge before relationship between Indigenous they graduate.3 Likewise, the and non-Indigenous peoples. University of Winnipeg’s Students’ Specifically, universities are taking Association is calling for a similar steps to recognize the validity initiative at their university.4 and importance of Indigenous By Indigenizing the spaces knowledge and the critical need around us, by recognizing that to incorporate it into the Canadian Indigenous knowledge offers educational system. Institutions legitimate ways of understanding that don’t have Indigenous Studies the world and that we live, travel, programs are establishing them, and work on Indigenous territories others are expanding minors into every day, we have an opportunity majors, schools that offer graduate to accept that Western ways of programs continue to expand their knowing are not a fundamental offerings, and most importantly, truth. Indigenous peoples are many are acknowledging that the youngest and fastest growing decolonizing post-secondary population in Canada and are re- education cannot simply occur empowering themselves, their through the introduction of communities, and their nations all Indigenous Studies alone but must around us. They are not simply take place in every discipline. healing historical injustices, they Across the country universities are building upon successive are incorporating Indigenous generations of strength and helping partnerships, knowledge, and land to remove the dust from the eyes, recognitions into their strategic ears, hearts, and minds of both plans and initiatives. Others are Indigenous and non-Indigenous going further by establishing peoples. They are becoming, as Indigenous/ Aboriginal initiatives Dale Turner labelled it, “word offices, increasing their support warriors” in which they are using programming, hiring Indigenous the forms of knowledge rooted scholars, and making a concerted in Indigenous communities and effort to be more welcoming to empowering that knowledge in
Indigenous students, staff, and 3 “Lakehead University in Thunder Bay, Ont. faculty. For example, beginning in to mandate indigenous learning” 20 February, 2015. CBC News http://www.cbc.ca/news/can- 2016 Lakehead University will be ada/thunder-bay/lakehead-university-in-thun- incorporating Indigenous education der-bay-ont-to-mandate-indigenous-learn- into each faculty on campus which ing-1.2963546?cmp=abf 4 “UWinnipeg student’s union calls for will see that every student that mandatory indigenous course” 16 Febru- graduates from the university ary, 2015. CBC News http://www.cbc. ca/news/canada/manitoba/uwinnipeg-stu- will have at least some exposure dents-union-calls-for-mandatory-indige- nous-course-1.2958811 viii 2015 the legal, political, and academic re-empowerment of Indigenous discourses and beyond.5 knowledge within the academy As both Indigenous and and the new Indigenous Studies non-Indigenous peoples work program is a step in the right together to expose the colonial direction if only a small one. residue that continues to stain our McGill is considered an elite public, political, and educational institution and it prides itself on institutions, McGill’s students and educating national and global alumni, as well as the public more leaders for change but is the generally, are going to turn to the institution ready to recognize university to ask what it is doing that it is in need of a positive to be a leader in this process. As transformation? There is an it stands, the university isn’t going opportunity for McGill to end the to have an answer and there is a disempowerment of Indigenous lot of work that needs to be done. knowledge and transform into a For example, Indigenous students national and global leader that continue to be disproportionately encourages the Indigenization scarce, there are no Indigenous of the academy that supports faculty members in tenure-track Indigenous student success, hiring positions (in comparison the and retaining Indigenous faculty, University of British Columbia has and empowering community-based over twenty6 and the University of relationships that will have positive Manitoba more than fifteen7), and implications for all students, staff, the Indigenization of the university and faculty at the university. is almost nonexistent. However, there are a number of organizations Allan Downey (Dakelh, Nak’azdli at the university that have been First Nation) is an Academic setting a positive example such Associate in Indigenous Studies at as the First Peoples’ House, the McGill Institute for the Study SEDE, and KANATA, who are all of Canada. A graduate of Wilfrid working towards building positive Laurier University (PhD, History), relationships and spaces, and are he joined McGill in the fall of 2014 supporting the Indigenization of as part of the new Indigenous the university. It is my hope that Studies Program after teaching in McGill can become an ally to the both the Department of History and 5 Dale Turner, This is Not a Peace Pipe: North American Studies Program Towards a Critical Indigenous Philosophy (To- ronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 7. at Laurier. 6 See “UBC Aboriginal Faculty Members” http://aboriginal.ubc.ca/faculty/ 7 See “University of Manitoba Indigenous Faculty Members” http://umanitoba.ca/admin/ indigenous_connect/faculty.html ix KANATA
All images taken from the public domain or reproduced with the artists’ consent.
x 2015 Table of Contents
A Word From This Year’s Coordinators ...... iv Editors’ Note ...... vi Guest Editorial: Dr. Allan Downey Indigenizing McGill ...... vii Articles 1. Indigenous pedagogies and resistance tactics: An overview of the development of the Native Studies Department at the University of Manitoba By Marta Kolbuszewska ...... 1 2. Tribal Gaming and Indian Sovereignty By Stephanie Willsey ...... 11 3. The Deconstruction of Place Meanings and the Forging of a New Civic Identity in Vancouver By Joanna Jordan ...... 22 4. Anthropomorphism in Inuit Sculpture: The Dancing Bears of Pauta Saila By Jennifer Mueller ...... 34 5. Sound of The Flowing Water (Poem) By Robbie Madsen ...... 44 6. Re-Capturing the Indigenous Imagination: Contemporary Indigenous Photography and the Subversion of the Colonial Gaze By Jasmin Winter ...... 45 7. Ancestral Lineage Transcending the Temporal: 7 Generations and Spatially Bound Identity By Sarah Swiderski ...... 55 8. Decolonizing Sexuality: Ramblings of a Queer Settler on Writing a History of Indigenous Sexuality By Chris Gismondi ...... 60 9. Reconciliation, Truth, and Commitment to Growth By Michael Klassen ...... 72
xi KANATA
10. Artwork By Sophie Beauregard, Aaron Blair, Clare Heggie, Cedar Eve-Peters and Joe Jaw Ashoona ...... 78
11. Liquid Courage (Poem) By Robbie Madsen ...... 88 12. The Fiction of Immigration and the Limitations of Political Recognition in the Settler Colonial State By Ava Liu ...... 89 13. The Promise of Accommodation: The Choctaw Nation from 1798 to 1814 By David Searle ...... 95 14. Casting the Rails: The Creation of the ‘Imaginary Indian’ through Canadian Pacific Railway Tourism By Mélanie Wittes ...... 111 15. Allyship in Environmental Movements: Lessons from Clayoquot Sound and Athlii Gwaii By Clare Heggie ...... 126 16. So The Mirror Told Me (Poem) By Robbie Madsen ...... 130 17. Understanding Indigenous Well-Being In Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside: Tracing The History Of Colonialism And Intergenerational Trauma In Mental Health By Jannika Nyberg ...... 131 18. Autochtones et Policiers : Rapports Identitaires et Rapports de Pouvoirs (Note de Recherche)* By Émile Duchesne ...... 142 19. Dietary Structure and Relative Health in Inuit Communities By Shariss Oster ...... 157 20. I Am From (Poem) By Robbie Madsen ...... 171 Partners ...... 172
*French Article xii 2015
a 1 b Indigenous pedagogies and resistance tactics: An overview of the development of the Native Studies Department at the University of Manitoba Marta Kolbuszewska | McGill University
Abstract A growing recognition of Indigenous rights movements and the increased visibility of alternate ways of knowing has led to a shift in the study of Indigeneity within academic disciplines. This paper deals with the development of the Native Studies Department at the University of Manitoba in the early 1970s by considering the actions Indigenous students undertook to gain recognition in anon- Indigenous environment. The Department, established in 1974, sprung to existence largely thanks to lobbying on the part of the university’s student community. These actions ensured that the program was not structured by Western intellectual streams of thought but by Indigenous epistemological and ontological structures. Indigenous and European pedagogies are examined in a comparative context to illustrate the different approaches taken to learning and to demonstrate how the new Native Studies Program constituted a response to historic oppressions.
1 KANATA Marta Kolbuszewska is a U2 Honours History student at McGill University. Originally from unceded and unsurrendered Algonquin territory in Ottawa, she moved to Anishinaabe Winnipeg before attending McGill. She has lived on Kanien’kehá:ka territory in Montreal for the last three years and will be returning for her last year in the fall.
Introduction constituted “real” or “legitimate” In 1974 the University of Manitoba knowledge and dismantled stereotypes established the Native Studies surrounding Indigenous pedagogies. Department,1 becoming one of the The Native Studies Department was a first Canadian universities to develop response to historic oppressions.3 a program specific to the study of Indigenous issues. The university The Development of the Native instated the program after students, Studies Department at the University led by IMESA (the Indian, Metis, of Manitoba Eskimo Student Association), lobbied The University of Manitoba, founded for its creation.2 Changing discourses in 1877, is a public university located surrounding Indigeneity in the 1960s in Winnipeg, Manitoba. The city of and 1970s had seen a push for civil Winnipeg sits on Treaty One territory, rights, the development of a pan-Indian which was negotiated between the identity, and the call for recognition of Queen and the Anishinaabeg and Indigenous knowledge production at the the Nehiyawak in 1871.4 Treaty One university level. Indigenous students, territories are also the homeland of scholars, and communities within the Red River Métis and the displaced and without academic institutions Nakota (Assiniboine/Stoney), and shaped “Indigenous Studies” to fit are currently home to members of the their cultures and identities. The new Dene, Dakota, and Inuit.5 Despite being Indigenous studies programs were located on traditionally Indigenous not products of the Western academy, territories, the University of Manitoba organised around the paternalistic did not offer services for Indigenous and appropriative theories that had students or programmes that taught previously structured studies of non- Indigenous issues or perspectives white peoples, but sites of resistance until recently. The University erased and redefinition. These programs Indigeneity from the academy; fought ideas held by the Western elite Indigenous students constituted that only particular intellectual streams an invisible population. While the 6 1 I use the terms ‘Indigenous Studies’ when 1971 census reported 1.45% * of referring to the general discipline and ‘Native 3 Ibid., 23. Studies’ when discussing a particular program. 4 Canada, Treaty One, 1871. The University of Manitoba offers a program in 5 For Occupiers to Decolonize, “Decolonize and ‘Native Studies’. When I use the terms ‘Indian’ (Re)Occupy Winnipeg Statement on Indigenous and ‘Eskimo’ I refer to specific legislation or Struggles,” December 7, 2011. http://foroccu- association names. pierstodecolonize.blogspot.ca/2011/12/decolo- 2 Kathi Kinew, “Native Students Roles in nize-and-reoccupy-winnipeg.html Establishing the Department of Native Studies” 6 K.G. Basavarajappa and Bali Ram “Estimat- in Pushing the Margins Native and Northern ed population of Canada, 1867 to 1977” and Studies, (Manitoba: Native Studies Press: 2001), “Origins of the population, census dates, 1871 p 19. to 1971,” Statistics Canada. http://www.statcan. 2 2015 Canada’s population to be Indigenous, academic disciplines’ inability to Indigenous students made up less than represent marginalised histories.10 0.004% of the student population at At the University of Manitoba, the University of Manitoba.7 Facing this rhetoric manifested as student discrimination within and without the activism and the creation of the open institution, systemic exclusion from ‘Native Views’ course. A full page structures of power, and economic, spread in The Manitoban expressed political, and social disadvantage, the emerging dissatisfaction with the Indigenous students faced difficulties traditional University by detailing how entering the university. Nevertheless, the open university concept addressed Indigenous students played a key role topics that were often silenced by in establishing the Native Studies the academy: “Similarly there is a Department, drawing on support from course called NATIVE VIEWS which local Indigenous organisations and the will provide a forum for the study of rest of the student body to put pressure Indian and Metis history and problems, on the University administration. a field that the regular university In 1970 a group of First Nations, pointedly ignores.”11 The course Metis, and Inuit students created IMESA aimed to dismantle stereotypes, look to foster a safe space where they could at contemporary issues and action, participate in a social community and and read Indigeneity back into the discuss issues pertaining to Indigenous academy. It served as a precursor to the experiences at the University.8 The Native Studies Department established group lobbied for the development of three years later. the Native Studies Department and led Early student mobilisation did not several initiatives to expand programs always revolve around establishing an covering Indigenous issues. One year Indigenous Studies Department, nor after establishing IMESA, Indigenous resisting the white education system. students collaborated with FREE YOU, Indigenous students also revived a free university program, to offer an and maintained their traditions and Indigenous studies course as part of interacted with the greater university student efforts to create accessible, community; IMESA organised a socially aware education.9 Criticism of Powwow on campus and pushed the the traditional university had emerged university administration to create a in the 60s and 70s and, combined with Native Students’ Lounge. Indigenous criticism of the government’s treatment students also protested and mobilised of Indigenous peoples, produced a on an individual basis. For example, rhetoric that argued for traditional Ovide Mercredi published a series of gc.ca/pub/11-516-x/pdf/5500092-eng.pdf comics in The Manitoban detailing his *Based on census data from following years, experiences with racism.12 it is possible to extrapolate that the figures are Nevertheless, the major tenet of even higher organisation remained lobbying for when considering the Indigenous population in Manitoba, or Winnipeg proper. However, the an Indigenous Studies department. available 10 Clara Sue Kidwell and Alan R. Velie, Native statistics only document the Indigenous popula- American Studies, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Uni- tion in Canada. versity Press, 2005), 28. 7 Kinew, 22. 11 “Free UM,” The Manitoban, September 21, 8 Kinew, 18. 1971. 9 “Free UM,” The Manitoban, Sept 21, 1971. 12 The Manitoban, October 2, 1970 3 KANATA While IMESA forged links between Eskimo Student Association, and Indigenous and non-Indigenous the university. They should set th students by publishing articles and [sic] policy, and advise and guide comics in The Manitoban, its members the department.”17 also participated in university politics The statements made in the student directly; IMESA members held roles newspaper echoed the proposal for on a senate appointed committee that increased Indigenous control of pushed IMESA’s mandate.13 Despite Indigenous education present in the this increased visibility, the university Indian Control of Indian Education administration repeatedly denied Act: IMESA’s proposals for an Indigenous “We want education to provide Studies Department.14 This experience the setting in which our children was not unique to Indigenous students can develop the fundamental at the University of Manitoba. attitudes and values which have an Where Indigenous programs gained honored place in Indian tradition a foothold in the halls of 1970s and culture. The values which we academia, they remained marginalised want to pass on to our children, administratively or relegated to the values which make our people a role of ‘token’ departments with little great race, are not written in any academic credibility.15 Establishing book. They are found in our history, a place in the shifting rhetoric on in our legends and in the culture. minority representation was only We believe that if an Indian child is the first step towards gaining serious fully aware of the important Indian recognition. At the University of values he will have reason to be Manitoba it took further proposals, proud of our race and of himself as a number of conferences, and vocal an Indian.”18 support from Indigenous organisations These demands stemmed from for the idea to proceed at all.16 historic oppressions Indigenous In 1972 the Native Peoples’ Studies students faced in the Canadian Conference opened a forum to discuss education system. The targeted Indigenous issues and promote an destruction of Indigenous cultures Indigenous Studies Program at the included aggressive interference with university. Proposals for education Indigenous educational structures and reform and possible courses of study methods; residential schools enacted appeared in The Manitoban: a systematic elimination campaign “The Native Studies Department aimed at Indigenous peoples, should be unique, not like any articulated through isolation, extreme other university department. It violence, and cultural deprivation. A should have a governing board strong resistance movement emerged composed of representatives from in response to this destruction, both the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood across the continent and within the [Now the Assembly of Manitoba University of Manitoba. In the early Chiefs], the Manitoba Metis 70s The Manitoban published a Federation, The Indian, Metis and number of articles and comics that 13 Kinew, 23. 14 Ibid. 17 The Manitoban, February 1, 1972 15 Kidwell, 27. 18 Canada, Indian Control of Indian Education 16 Kinew, 25. Act, 2 4 2015 articulated Indigenous students’ Provincial Indigenous organisations dissatisfaction with the university’s drafted response papers that took in structure: “The white system has been account Indigenous perspectives. In successful in destroying the Indian way Alberta the AIA prepared Citizens Plus of life […] The white education system (the ‘Red Paper’) and in Manitoba the caused the native religion to disappear. Manitoba Indian Brotherhood wrote The curriculum used is an imposed Wahbung: Our Tomorrows. Both curriculum, imposed by the dominant these papers mentioned Indigenous society.”19 Criticism in The Manitoban knowledges in the context of broader targeted more than the university; the social, political, and economic issues. newspaper also offered critiques of Consequently, emerging Indigenous broader education projects targeting Studies programs used Indigenous Indigenous peoples: knowledges to structure their “Before the Europeans [illegible] educational agenda. Where the -ion, the Indians had a well- epistemological and ontological established system of educating foundations for teaching, learning, and their children in which all the researching emerged from Indigenous members of the tribe participated foundations, issues like colonisation […] They [the European colonisers and oppression were not depoliticised, and then the Canadian government] nor was the course of study tailored had a tragic effect on the Indian towards non-Indigenous students. culture.”20 The Native Studies Department, which finally opened in 1974, pursued Indigenous students applied these concrete, constructive outcomes that ideas to institutions of higher learning, served the Indigenous community.21 arguing that universities needed to foster a positive learning environment Indigenous Pedagogies in Western for Indigenous students and build a Academia comprehensive education program that In considering the actions integrated Indigenous knowledges. Indigenous students took to introduce Similar sentiments also reverberated Indigenous studies into the academy, it throughout Indigenous organisations, is important to examine the intellectual in large part as a response to the traditions that excluded Indigenous government’s 1969 policy paper. The knowledges in the first place. The 1969 Statement of the Government of Enlightenment and the Industrial Canada on Indian Policy (the ‘White Revolution, through the modes of Paper’) proposed to dismantle the thinking and practices they propagated, relationship between the government influenced Western educational models and Indigenous peoples by eliminating and academic structures.22 Western ‘Indian’ as a legal category. Although 21 Willie Ermine, Raven Sinclair, Bonnie government officials claimed the Jefferey “The Ethics of Research Involving statement articulated a plan to achieve Indigenous Peoples.” Report of the Indige- nous Peoples’ Health Research Centre to the greater equality among Canadian Interagency Advisory Panel on Research Ethics citizens, many perceived it as an (Saskatoon, 2004), 16. abrogation of Indigenous rights. 22 Lambe, Jeff. “Some Considerations When Incorporating Indigenous Pedagogy into Native 19 Ibid. Studies,” The American Indian Quarterly, 27 20 Ibid. (2003), 311. 5 KANATA disciplines, and particularly the argumentative discourse of debate.27 social sciences, colonised, estranged, These assumptions posit Indigenous and dehumanised Indigenous knowledges and worldviews as inferior communities and individuals. and unacademic. Indigenous Studies Academics imagined Indigenous often seeks to read a different historical, peoples as observable relics of the ontological, and epistemological disappearing past or a sensationalised narrative into dominant stories, and spiritual culture.23 Academia also perceives history, truth, and reality in constructed an allochronistic depiction vastly different ways.28 Indigenous of Indigeneity, perpetuating a process traditions put more emphasis on whereby Indigenous people and compromise and balance than the Indigenous issues were excluded from inherently argumentative Western higher education. Non-Indigenous tradition. Additionally, Indigenous scholars perceived Indigenous people education links learning to language, who entered the academy as local land, and spirituality, accessing a informants, windows onto the Other cultural state and act of knowing that rather than fellow academics.24 Western frameworks cannot envision.29 Students that read Indigeneity By focusing on marginalised voices, into Western intellectual disciplines critiquing stereotypes, and working encountered road blocks, both from outside traditionally academic media, the administration and from the Indigenous studies looks not only to academic disciplines themselves. The incorporate Indigenous approaches Eurocentric hegemony of knowledge in academic disciplines, but also to production and the premise of a subvert the Western academic tradition. hierarchical structure of inquiry Accommodating different makes certain assumptions about the perspectives requires recognising nature of knowledge and knowledge that European epistemologies cannot production. Humanities and social always express Indigenous knowledge sciences value critical argumentative appropriately. By challenging the rhetoric, systemic logic, secularism, Eurocentric hegemony over theoretical and rationalism.25 Dialectical and intellectual production, Indigenous argumentative discourse provides pedagogies engage in conversations a space for knowledge production that the dominant system often shies only insofar as developments can away from. Beyond teaching about be supported through ‘objective’ power dynamics in the institution, they criteria.26 Such an epistemology subvert them. assumes that knowledge is essentially “A native studies program should objective and produced in separate be established at the university for public spheres. Academic disciplines all students... Indian or white. This privilege a teleological notion of would include Indian history prior linear temporality, a duality between to 1492 and after 1492, the Indian nature and culture, and a dialectical in North America Society (a general 23 Michelle Gareau, “Colonization within study of culture, modern problems, the University System,” The American Indian Indian organizations, attempted Quarterly 27 (2003), 196, 197. 24 Ibid., 197. 27 Ibid. 25 Lambe, 316. 28 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 29 Ibid., pp. 308 6 2015 solution etc.), predominate peoples.33 Routing Indigenous peoples’ language courses in native discourses into Western social doctrines languages and special courses for pulls them out of their inclusive context teachers during the summer. The and into a marginalising, oppressive present cross-culture education framework.34 Indeed, this trauma courses are open to all teachers extends beyond historical work to the but not all the teachers going into whitewashing of Native Studies, the Indian-Metis schools take them.”30 ongoing colonisation of Indigenous Students’ demands exemplify lands and bodies, and the widespread the various orientations Indigenous cultural appropriation that occurs on studies can take. These orientations and off campus. manifest as four distinct approaches: Given the authority with which the first helps non-Indigenous students Western traditions assign authenticity understand Indigenous world views, to certain attitudes, cultural values, the second Indigenises the university and ways of knowing, maintaining and academic knowledge, the third ‘subversive’ beliefs presents a threat fosters an environment where to the dominant society.35 Indigenous Indigenous people can understand Studies Programs are inherently their heritage and contextualise issues subversive because they deconstruct facing their communities, and the hegemonic social science paradigms by fourth helps Indigenous students adjust reclaiming knowledges, histories, and to academia.31 experiences that have been occluded Inherent to debates over the nature of from academia.36 Resistance against Western knowledge is its juxtaposition colonisation manifests everywhere: with other ways of knowing. There Indigenous students exercise agency by is profound harm in appropriating propagating Indigenous teachings and Indigenous knowledge through a pedagogies, maintaining Indigenous process of translation into a dominant traditions, or asserting a Pan-Indian academic tradition.32 The harm emerges identity.37 Thus, the question of what not only in doing the translation work, constitutes valid knowledge is brought but in the associated implications; it is into the political realm of ‘Indian problematic to translate information nationalism.’ Dave Courchene’s into a medium it was not intended speech, published in The Manitoban, for, and for an audience who was not expresses this political movement for intended to witness it. It is, in itself, cultural restoration and struggle against an act of colonial disruption and assimilation. dispossession. Western knowledge has “You are part of a revolution, historically intruded into Indigenous a social, political, and economic communities without consideration for Indigenous worldviews and self- 33 Ermine, Sinclair, Jefferey “The Ethics of determination, and misinterpreted or Research Involving Indigenous Peoples,” 9, 12. 34 Ibid., 22. paternalistically spoken for Indigenous 35 George J Sefa Dei, Budd L Hall, Dorothy Goldin Rosenberg, Indigenous knowledges in 30 The Manitoban, February 1, 1972 global 31 John A. Price, Native studies: American and contexts: multiple readings of our world, (To- Canadian Indians (New York: McGraw-Hill ronto: University of Toronto Press. 2000), 4. Ryerson, 1978), 350. 36 Ibid., 3. 32 Ibid., 349 37 Ibid. 7 KANATA upheaval […] The nature of our These spaces connected intellectual [illegible], our struggle, is Indian traditions, political activism, and nationalism. The so-called ‘Indian traditional epistemologies. Problem’ is the result [....] The past Bridging two juxtaposed hundred years have almost brought pedagogies requires constructing us to cultural genocide […] bring a space that recognises distinction about a cultural revolution to create and enables possibility. This space, a renewed respect for our heritage, “relative to cultures, is created our ancestors, our brothers, and by the recognition of the separate ourselves.”38 realities of histories, knowledge Indigenous students who established traditions, values, interests, and social, the Native Studies Department at the economic and political imperatives.”42 University of Manitoba asserted their Contrasting systems always exist position in a wider political and cultural in tension with one another, and movement, and from there articlulated maintaining this tension is one of their desire for a cultural revitalisation. the challenges emerging Indigenous “We wanted to sensitize and take studies programs face. When academic back our research; we wanted research institutions assume one system is on us, by us, from our perspective”39 more legitimate than another they risk “We wish to study our history and our folding “alternative” perspectives into culture”40 Beyond its role in cultural a dominant tradition. revitalisation, creating a forum for The insidious belief that European Indigenous studies granted Indigenous systems are universal, of the highest students recognition and visibility. standard, and more valid than other Having an Indigenous studies program means of constructing knowledge also meant the university could not deny fractures support for using Indigenous Indigenous students’ existence, values to shape curricula.43 Western and thus had to acknowledge the academic models view legitimacy ongoing colonisation of Indigenous and validity as inherent to European communities. Creating the Native intellectual traditions.44 Western Studies Department was a political institutions dismiss Indigenous statement, a denial of erasure and values, motivations, and teachers assimilation, and part of a larger fight as un-academic and value academic for survival. Kidwell, discussing the credentials above experience. basis for dialogue between Indigenous This belief combines with social communities and the academy, suggests oppression and racism to privilege that by creating a forum for critical white scholarship on Indigenous reflections and interpretations on issues over Indigenous teachings socio-political, cultural, and historical and arguments. IMESA and its allies realities, Indigenous Studies programs formulated a proposal for the Native created new spaces of exchange where Studies Department that combatted students could explore issues deemed this inequality from the get-go. The important by Indigenous communities.41 42 Ermine, Sinclair, Jefferey “The Ethics of 38 The Manitoban, February 1, 1972 Research Involving Indigenous Peoples,” 20. 39 Kinew, 5 43 Lambe, 319. 40 Ibid., 6 44 Ermine, Sinclair, Jefferey “The Ethics of 41 Kidwell, 11. Research Involving Indigenous Peoples,” 16. 8 2015 department they had in mind, “would existing institutional paradigms and also include full professors who have engage in critical examinations of issues not had the required formal education. A affecting Indigenous communities. degree would not guarantee knowledge With the continued growth and in the Indian culture [...] There are reinvigoration of Indigenous studies at many persons in the community with the university, it will be interesting to extensive experience and knowledge in see how the University of Manitoba - the Indian culture who could teach the and other universities in Canada - will native studies.”45 The Native Studies continue to approach the field. Department disputed the Eurocentric claims that privileged Western Bibliography knowledges as objective and absolute. Primary Sources
Conclusion Basavarajappa, K.G., and Ram, Bali. “Estimated Indigenous ways of ‘knowing’ and population of Canada, 1867 to 1977.” Statistics ‘seeing’ must be recognised as valid Canada. (http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11- by Western academia. By relegating 516-x/pdf/5500092-eng.pdf) Indigenous knowledge to the realm ----. “Origins of the population, census dates, of un-academic, illegitimate belief, 1871 to 1971,” Statistics Canada. (http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-516-x/ the Western intellectual tradition pdf/5500092-eng.pdf) denies Indigenous peoples’ claims to modernity, autonomy, and civilisation. Canada. Parliament. Chrétien, Jean. Ministry of “The first level of violence unleashed Indian Affairs and Northern Development. on local systems of knowledge is not Statement of the Government of Canada on 46 Indian policy (The White Paper, 1969). to see them as knowledge.” Ordering [Ottawa, ON]. Queen’s Printer, 1969. knowledges inscribes violence by negating and denying beliefs that Canada. Treaty One. 1871. fall outside normative or dominant Manitoba Indian Brotherhood. Wahbung: Our ideologies. Tomorrows. Oct, 1971. The creation of the Native Studies department expressed resistance to the National Indian Brotherhood. Indian Control of appropriative nature of academia and Indian Education Policy Paper. 1972. reclaimed Indigenous histories, raised The Manitoban. Winnipeg, Manitoba. awareness about Indigenous issues, ----. “The White Problem.” October 2, 1970 and validated Indigenous knowledges ----. “Native People’s Studies Conference.” February 1, 1972 and narratives. By breaking down ----. “The Manitoba Free University.” September stereotypes and calling for recognition 21, 1971 in these ways, the project embroiled itself in the political activism Secondary surrounding civil and minority rights, Asikinack, William. “Why Native American and increased awareness about studies? A Canadian first nations perspective,” in the experiences of oppressed and American Indian studies : an interdisciplinary marginalised groups. Forty years later, approach to contemporary issues, ed. Dane Anthony Morrison. New York: P. Lang, the program continues to challenge 1997.
45 The Manitoban, February 1, 1972 Dei, George J Sefa, Hall, Budd L, Rosenberg, 46 Vandana Shiva, Monocultures of the Mind Dorothy Goldin. Indigenous knowledges in (New York: Zed Books LTD, 1993), 10. 9 KANATA global contexts: multiple readings of our world. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 2000.
Ermine, Willie, Sinclain, Raven, Jefferey, Bonnie. “The Ethics of Research Involving Indigenous Peoples.” Report of the Indigenous Peoples’ Health Research Centre to the Interagency Advisory Panel on Research Ethics. Saskatoon, 2004.
For Occupiers to Decolonize, “Decolonize and (Re)Occupy Winnipeg Statement on Indigenous Struggles,” December 7, 2011. http://foroccupierstodecolonize.blogspot. ca/2011/12/decolonize-and-reoccupy-winnipeg. html
Gareau, Michelle. “Colonization within the University System.” The American Indian Quarterly 27, 2003
Kidwell, Clara Sue, and Velie, Alan R. Native American studies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005.
Kinew, Kathi, “Native Students Roles in Establishing the Department of Native Studies.” in Pushing the Margins Native and Northern Studies. Manitoba: Native Studies Press: 2001.
Lambe, Jeff. “Some Considerations When Incorporating Indigenous Pedagogy into Native Studies,” The American Indian Quarterly, 27.1&2 (2003), p. 308-324.
Price, John A. Native studies: American and Canadian Indians. New York: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1978.
Shiva, Vandana. Monocultures of the Mind. New York: Zed Books LTD, 1993.
10 2015
a 2 b Tribal Gaming and Indian Sovereignty
Stephanie Willsey | McGill University
Abstract This paper explores the implications of tribal gaming on Indian sovereignty. Considering the legal jurisdiction distribution and a case study on Casino Rama, on Rama First Nation in Ontario, I conclude that tribal gaming has the potential for positive economic enhancement, which in turn can contribute to progression for self-government and sovereignty. However, ultimately it is not the answer, as relatively few First Nations communities have access to this opportunity, and reforms need to be made in order to meet the intended outcome of tribal gaming.
11 KANATA Stephanie is of Ojibwe descent and a proud member of the Chippewas of Rama First Nation in southern Ontario. She will be graduating from McGill University this spring with concentrations in Sociology, Political Science, and Philosophy, and will be attending Allard Hall at the University of British Columbia in the fall for Law School.
1. Introduction communities for generations, and its Throughout this paper I will consider roots can be traced to rudimentary the question: does tribal gaming bone or stick games (BCAFN 2011). In contribute to Indian sovereignty? And the modern era, tribal gaming includes if gaming does contribute, in what casinos, bingo halls, and other gambling manner does it do so? Considering the activities and operations housed on aforementioned questions, I will begin Indian reserves in Canada. Tribal by explaining what tribal gaming is. I gaming arrived relatively recently on will then provide an overview of the the Canadian gaming landscape and it federal, provincial, and First Nations is a rapidly expanding segment within jurisdictional framework governing the industry. Its revenues are starting tribal gaming. Because of the to help First Nations communities complexity of overlapping jurisdiction move towards diversified economic and differing provincial policies, I will bases, and have vastly improved social focus on tribal gaming exclusively in and community services on reserves Ontario. Ultimately, I will argue that (Kelley 2002). the revenue derived from tribal gaming contributes to Indian economic and 3. Legal Jurisdiction political sovereignty. I will present a The federal, provincial, and First case study focusing on Casino Rama— Nations jurisdiction of tribal gaming in which has been considered Canada’s Canada is complex. Prior to 1985, the most successful First Nations casino federal government had jurisdiction and most economically developed over gambling practices under the reserve land—in order to illustrate my Criminal Code of Canada (BCAFN argument. Additionally, I will discuss 2011). It held jurisdiction via s. some counter arguments: namely, the 91(27) of the Constitution Act of 1867 negative consequences associated with (BCAFN 2011). Under Part VII of the Indian gaming, its failure to improve Criminal Code of Canada, all forms employment opportunities, the of gaming were deemed illegal, with unsatisfied First Nations’ perspective, the exception set out in s. 207 that the fact that the effects are largely permitted provincial management and limited to the local level, and lastly, that conduct of “lottery schemes” (BCAFN the limited research available disables 2011). Lottery schemes include bingo, conclusive claims on the matter. In table, card, and wheel games, which closing, I will discuss some potential are generally played at casinos. reforms. In 1985 control was transferred completely to the provincial 2. What is Tribal Gaming? governments, causing significant Gaming has been a traditional and changes regarding the management cultural practice within First Nations and conduct of gaming. (BCAFN
12 2015 2011). Under the agreement, the sports, races, athletic contests and other federal government of Canada agreed amusements. However, they are subject to “refrain from re-entering the field of to ministerial disallowance under s. gaming and betting… and to ensure that 82(2) of the Indian Act. Moreover, First the rights of the provinces in that field Nations have jurisdiction over gaming are not reduced or restricted” (BCAFN on First Nations lands in virtue of the 2011). The federal government also right of self-government, which is agreed to amend the Criminal Code of constitutionally protected by s. 35(1) of Canada to divest itself of any capacity the Constitution Act of 1982 (BCAFN to conduct lottery schemes (BCAFN 2011). 2011). In consideration of these Considering the aforementioned undertakings, Canadian provinces polices, there is considerable ambiguity agreed to pay $100 million dollars in determining to what extent laws to the federal government (BCAFN apply to First Nations. Overall, there 2011). are no nation-wide sectoral governance To date, the Supreme Court of initiatives between the government Canada has explicitly rejected First of Canada and First Nations gaming Nations’ claims to an inherent right (BCAFN 2011). However, there to conduct gaming activities (BCAFN are a number of sectoral gaming 2011). Moreover, the Supreme Court arrangements between the provinces of Canada, in R. v. Pamajewon (1996), and First Nations. held that the regulation of gaming was not an integral part of the cultures of 4. Tribal Gaming in Ontario two Ontario First Nations at the time The initial plan for First Nations of European contact (BCAFN 2011). casinos in Ontario was established in It ruled that the First Nations bringing the early 1990s (Manitowabi 2011). the case had not established an The Chiefs of Ontario strategically adequate factual basis to meet the test determined that, rather than having for an ‘Aboriginal right.’ First Nations multiple competing reserve-based interests were not considered in the casinos, one property should be 1985 agreement, notwithstanding that established on an Ontario First Nation the federal government has jurisdiction reserve; the employment and revenue over “Indians, and Lands reserved for generated by this one property would, in the Indians” under s. 91(24) of the turn, benefit all Indigenous communities Constitution Act of 1867 (BCAFN in the province (Casino Rama Revenue 2011). Agreement 2000). However, the New However, the Indian Act safeguards Democratic provincial government the right for First Nations peoples to had concurrently been considering regulate gaming activities within the developing new casinos in Ontario confines of their reserves (BCAFN when informed of the Chiefs of 2011). Section 81(1)(m) of the Indian Ontario’s intentions. Consequently, Act stipulates that the council of a band the two branches of jurisdiction—the may make by-laws consistent with this provincial government of Ontario Act or with any regulation made by the and the Chiefs of Ontario—forged a Governor-in-Council or the ministers new joint agreement to establish only for purposes such as (m) the control one casino so that new provincial and prohibition of public games, and First Nations casinos would
13 KANATA not compete with one another. The more of First Nations communities Chiefs of Ontario invited all First in Ontario have not opened casinos. Nations to submit proposals to host This is partially explicable by the the casino (Manitowabi 2011); onerous and complex process required fourteen submitted proposals, and the to obtain provincial approval. First community of Rama (also referred to Nations communities are required to as the Mnjikaning First Nation, located apply and enter into a highly regulated approximately 100 kilometers north and monitored long-term gaming of Toronto), was selected based on its agreement with the government location, experience with tourism, and of Ontario in order to establish widespread community support for the First Nation Licensing Authorities project (Manitowabi 2011). (BCAFN 2011). The procedure to However, since that time the apply for a gaming operating facility agreements and restrictions have is administered through the Ontario changed yet again allowing other First Alcohol and Gaming Commission in Nations communities to apply for Ontario (also known as the AGCO) permission through the Ontario Lottery and it is a lengthy multi-step process and Gaming Commission (AGCO that spans a pre-qualification stage, a 2014). In Ontario, there are 134 qualification period, and an approval First Nations communities, yet only phase (AGCO 2014). To date, in all the three First Nations communities host cases where First Nations communities casinos: Casino Rama located outside have applied, on the belief their of Orillia, Golden Eagle Charity communities meet the standard for Casino situated in Kenora, and Great qualification, they have found their Blue Heron Charity Casino located in applications have failed to receive Port Perry (BCAFN 2011). From its approval. inception in 1996, Casino Rama has been one of the most successful casinos 5. Economic & Political Sovereignty in Canada. It is a joint venture with the There is considerable evidence government of Ontario and Ontario to support the claim that tribal First Nations, with the goal to establish gaming has heightened Indigenous a for-profit casino for Ontario’s sovereignty because revenues have Indigenous peoples. Profits are shared reduced community dependence on equally among all First Nations in the funding from federal and provincial province in accordance with a Gaming governments (Kelley 2002). Integral Revenue Sharing and Financial to my argument is the premise that Agreement signed by the provincial political sovereignty for Aboriginal government and the Chiefs of Ontario communities is a product of in 2008 (BCAFN 2011). An additional establishing economic sovereignty. agreement was drafted and signed Without economic sovereignty by the Ontario Lottery and Gaming Indigenous communities will remain Corporation and the Chippewas of dependent on governmental support at Mnjikaning First Nation to ensure the the provincial and federal levels, and continued operation of the casino on in necessity, would be pressured to First Nation lands (BCAFN 2011). relinquish their self-control. Prior to Based on the success of Casino the establishment of tribal gambling, Rama, it may seem surprising that many First Nations communities
14 2015 experienced tragic conditions (Kelley First Nations peoples would be less 2002); poverty, unemployment, equipped to exercise their economic substance abuse, and health problems and political sovereignty, as they existed at a much higher rate than in would be dependent on the federal and neighboring communities. The growth provincial governments for financial of the Indian gaming industry has support (Kelley 2002). stimulated, at the very least, a primary level of economic development on 6. Case Study: Casino Rama the reservations and has allowed Casino Rama is one of the most for improvements in the standard of successful casinos in Canada, and is by living and social welfare among band far the most successful First Nations members. Revenues support vital casino in the country (Seaman et al tribal government services, financing 2011). It opened on the Chippewas of tribal courts, community-based law Rama First Nation territory in 1996. enforcement, upgraded fire protection It has enjoyed Ontario provincial services, as well as water treatment and government authorization to operate waste disposal programs (Kelley 2002). and thereby has not had to contend with There has been an accompanying various types of government conflicts development to local infrastructure as among many other First Nations including roads and environmental casinos throughout the country. programs, as well as enhanced Much of Casino Rama’s success financial support for social welfare, may be attributed to its geographic health care and educational initiatives location. Located 100 kilometers (Basham and White 2002). With these north of the Greater Toronto Area improvements, Indigenous peoples are (GTA), its proximity has proven able to more effectively self-govern, itself ideal, particularly in light of form their own political organizations the sustained growth of communities around their self-determined priorities, such as Vaughan and Markham to the and free themselves from federal and immediate north of Toronto (Seaman provincial assistance and control. et al 2011). The GTA’s population Moreover, on-reserve casinos offer of over five million has afforded a the community substantive high- substantial customer base that has been income career opportunities in a variety crucial to the casino’s commercial of trades and management (Kelley success. Proximal to the Muskoka 2002). Employment opportunities on tourist region, Casino Rama provides reserve lands have historically been a convenient entertainment outlet bleak, forcing band members either to for cottagers and travelers boating seek employment off the reserve or seek on the well-established Trent-Severn assistance through welfare and other Waterway. Since opening 19 years ago programs. With the introduction of the Casino Rama property has boasted employment opportunities, Indigenous gross revenues over $5.2 billion peoples are able to build skills and dollars (Bruser 2010), with the annual enhance their career aspirations while operating revenues at approximately remaining on the reserve, all of which $500 million (Seaman et al 2011). further contributes to their economic Upon opening, one-third of the net sovereignty. Overall, without the profit had been given to the hosting economic support from tribal gaming, Chippewas of Rama while the
15 KANATA remaining two-thirds were distributed social programs (Bruser 2010). equally among the other 133 of the Casino Rama has certainly province’s First Nations communities contributed to the development of (Bruser 2010). In 2001 controversy infrastructure on the reserve. In addition arose between the Chippewas of Rama to the casino, a 300-room luxury hotel, and the provincial government on this spa, health club, restaurants, bars, and matter (Bruser 2010). The Chippewas a 5,000 seat state-of-the-art theatre has claimed that the original deal they had been built on the property (Seaman et signed guaranteed them 35% of net al 2011). Moreover, Casino Rama is revenues in perpetuity in exchange for the largest employer of First Nations hosting the casino on its land, while the peoples in Canada (Seaman et al 2011). provincial government claimed that the In 2002, it was reported that the total Rama was entitled to the 35% only for workforce was 3,500 of which 750 the first five years of operation after were Aboriginal (Manitowabi 2011). which the profit would be distributed Unfortunately, upon more in-depth evenly amongst all 134 of the research, Manitowabi (2011) found that province’s First Nations communities the majority of Aboriginal employment (including Rama). In 2010, after 14 positions were contractually limited, years in operation, an agreement was entry-level positions with a high finally struck between the Chippewas turnover rate. Thereby, the employment and the province that guaranteed figures do not present evidence of an the Rama First Nation a share of the overwhelming Native employment operating revenues equal to their fellow success story. Although it is still a First Nations communities in Ontario. large boost to Native employment This ruling of course has had both prospects in Ontario, and there have positive and negative consequences. been a number of Aboriginals who There remains considerable unease have developed the skills to succeed amongst the First Nations over the and develop career paths that did not revenue sharing agreement, which exist before, Casino Rama does not has caused resentment amongst the promote and develop Aboriginals as people of Rama. Moreover, many enthusiastically as it could. reserves’ infrastructures are seemingly In addition to contributing to the 20 years behind their neighboring economic and political sovereignty of municipalities; due to this lack of the reserve, Casino Rama has made a infrastructure, surrounding First concerted effort to promote and market Nations communities feel they deserve Chippewa culture. There are many a bigger share than Rama (Bruser First Nations cultural events hosted 2010). On the other hand, the current on the property, an art shop featuring revenue sharing agreement provides for the work of many Indigenous artists, some assistance to reserves, providing and the facility has been decorated them with the funding to acquire basic with numerous large-scale murals necessities. However, a much larger made by local Aboriginal artists. The share would be necessary to make architecture celebrates the Ojibway substantive upgrades in infrastructure culture and a focal atrium in the and services on reserves, including building features an automated multi- more affordable housing, improved media show highlighting the local education programs, sanitation, and history of the Ojibway people.
16 2015 Since the Casino opened in 1996 tribal gaming may not be a desirable there have been a number of state-of- option for First Nations communities the-art facilities built servicing the that would rather avoid these local community. These include a new prospective negative consequences of fire station, a new police detachment having a casino on their territory. headquarters, a seniors’ housing complex, an elementary school, a pre- 7.2 Lack of Employment Improvement school childcare facility, a hockey arena There are also some indications and recreational complex, a library and that the initial exuberance to develop cultural offices, a community health First Nations casinos as an engine for care clinic, and the Mnjikaning First economic development and Native Nations government offices (Williams employment has stalled. According to 2014). In addition, several hundred an executive at Casino Rama (Willsey homes have been constructed on 2014), the establishment eliminated the reserve. Municipal services in its First Nations Affairs Department Mnjikaning stand in stark contrast in 2013—which assured significant to the vast majority of conditions on First Nations employment with reserves in other areas of Ontario. affirmative action-like policies—and Clearly, the revenues generated Aboriginal employment has dropped through Casino Rama have contributed from 750 to approximately 300 since greatly to the economic sovereignty of the casino’s opening (Wassegijig the local Chippewas community. 2002). Additionally, Manitowabi (2011) found that the majority of 7. Counterarguments Aboriginal employment positions were contractually limited, entry- 7.1 Negative Consequences of Tribal level positions with a high turnover Gaming rate; thereby, the employment There is considerable debate that figures do not present evidence of an First Nations peoples should not be overwhelming Native employment given jurisdiction over gambling for success story. The Mnjikaning Reserve the reason that it would facilitate and continues to actively solicit industrial provoke greater issues among the development but to date has not community (Kelley 2002). Eleven been successful in luring business studies have found that the Aboriginal to its municipal industrial park nor population is 2 to 16 times more likely has it experienced any significant to develop gambling addictions than the commercial development. While non-Aboriginal population (Wardman there are numerous exceptional public 2001). In a survey conducted among services on the reserve, it is difficult several hundreds of reserve residents identify instances in which the casino’s in Alberta, the results showed that development has provided a catalyst individuals reported spending $2,000 for Indigenous entrepreneurship per year on gambling, which is four throughout the community. Thus, times the national average, and 47% the opportunity for employment and of respondents were considered to be economic development for members “high-risk” gamblers (Stevens 2006). of First Nations communities may be Thereby, despite the prospect for overstated. economic and political advancement,
17 KANATA 7.3 The Unsatisfied First Nations the decision. Perspective Moreover, a band council member Overall, First Nations’ peoples are from Rama First Nation, Ted Williams dissatisfied with the current gaming (2014) explains that self-government agreements and their effects. Many is an elusive concept and has various First Nations leaders resist and oppose meanings among First Nations the requirement to seek provincial communities. However, he claims approval to conduct gambling on that it is generally agreed across First reserve lands (Skea 1997). They Nations communities that casinos claim that as a distinct and sovereign are a means to develop cash flow and nation—whose lands are not under support self-sufficiency, so whether provincial jurisdiction—they ought to or not the definition is the same the have the right to conduct on-reserve opportunity remains appealing to all gambling activities without requesting First Nations communities. Many permission or adhering to provincial First Nations communities would like gaming regulations. As briefly a casino and have applied to open one aforementioned earlier in this paper, this but have been under review of the issue was brought before the Supreme provincial government and are finding Court of Canada in R. v. Pamajewon that approval has been a long process (1996), in which the Shawanaga and with no prospect of results in the near Eagle Lake First Nations both passed future (Williams 2014). Provincial bylaws to allow for-profit gambling gaming corporations see the market as activities, without seeking provincial saturated and do not perceive other First approval (Kelley 2002). The reserves Nations communities as achieving the were charged with keeping a common same success as Rama. Members of the gaming house contrary to s. 201(1) of Rama band council, as well as workers the Criminal Code of Canada. Both at Casino Rama, recommend that other First Nations communities argued First Nations communities interested in the provincial laws were invalid, as pursuing gaming developments should this section of the act did not pertain partner with a business experienced in to them due to its violation of the the gaming industry in order to gain right of Aboriginal self-government approval (Willsey 2014). For example, protected within s. 35 of the Canadian Casino Rama’s operations are overseen Constitution. Despite their arguments, by Penn National, a company with the Supreme Court ruled in favor of substantial gaming experience. the province and found that while small stakes gambling may have been 7.4 Local Level Limitation a defining feature of Aboriginal culture The impact of tribal gaming on prior to contact with Europeans, high economic and political sovereignty stakes, for-profit gambling activities is most noticeable at the local level; certainly were not (Morse 1997). operating agreements and land lease Thus, this ruling granted, or essentially revenues have the most impact on reaffirmed, provincial authority as the host reserve. In recent years, the sole legislative power regulating province-initiated gaming facilities gambling activities in Canada. Many have become convenient sources of First Nations communities remain public funding and the gaming market unsatisfied and in disagreement with has become increasingly saturated as
18 2015 more provincial gambling venues are off industries within First Nations opened. While on the surface tribal communities developed in response gaming may seem to provide the key to the establishment of casinos on to enhanced Indigenous autonomy, reserve territories. Moreover, social the unfortunate reality is that it is an costs and benefits are extremely hard to opportunity that relatively few First quantify but have critical implications Nations communities have access to. in evaluating the negative effects that While state-of-the-art municipal tribal gaming has had on First Nations facilities have erupted on the communities (Stevens et al 2004). The Mnjikaning Reserve over the past 20 social and economic costs of problem years, conditions remain desperate gamblers and related issues of family in the majority of other Aboriginal financial stress, substance abuse, and communities, particularly in the remote the erosion of community networks northern regions (Willsey 2014). It and activities all must be researched is suggested that tribal gaming is and incorporated in the equation. primarily a local effect, and has limited The impacts may also vary depending potential to enhance First Nations on the nature of the gaming venue. For sovereignty in many Indigenous example, depending on whether the communities due to their isolation. casino is more of a tourist or resort Casino Rama and Great Blue Heron destination in a remote area, or if it benefit from their proximity to key is in a city, will make a difference on gaming markets, while the majority of how it affects people (Stevens, et al. First Nations reserves are located far 2004). Destination or resort casinos from major markets. tend to be strongest at job creation and mitigating negative effects. This is why 7.5 Research Limitations Casino Rama has been so successful The research presented suggests tha in comparison to other First Nations First Nations casinos can contribute casinos. While urban casinos are to Indigenous economic and political monopolies within their local market sovereignty, and while this appears and therefore produce high profits, they to be the case, it is important to note are more likely to create a monetary that there has been very limited loss in the local economy, create less research to date. Gaming operations jobs and establish less economic are characteristically guarded in the benefits than destination casinos release of revenues and the actual costs (Stevens, et al. 2004). The precise type and margins are further obscured by of gambling offered will influence the the intense level of complementary local economy differently. To provide services employed by the industry at another example, electronic gambling sustaining player wagering. Cash back, techniques such as slot machines create complementary hotels, shows, as well relatively few new jobs and economic as food and beverage services allow gains. Thereby, it may not be possible the gaming industry to transfer costs to extrapolate the impacts that tribal and associated profitability between gaming contributes to Indigenous operating divisions with profound economic and political sovereignty; implications. Moreover, there is contrarily, in many cases more detailed a noticeable absence of economic research is required to make the claim studies targeting the potential spin- that tribal gaming enhances Indigenous
19 KANATA economic and political sovereignty. Nations communities who are in a position to successfully engage in 8. Concluding Remarks & Potential tribal gaming opportunities. I think an Future Reforms effective and positive first step would Overall, I have presented what tribal be to reform the provincial application gaming is, the legal jurisdiction, and process, including shortening the time how it has subsidized First Nations frame and setting a target number of economic and political sovereignty in new First Nations casino properties to Canada through its revenues. Due to the be opened. Provinces need to actively variability of provincial policies, I have participate and assist the applicants in focused exclusively on tribal gaming the evaluation of potential markets and facilities and policies in Ontario. The their feasibility. effects of tribal gaming are generally How the benefits can be distributed positive; in the case of Casino Rama, more effectively among the typically there is strong evidence that gaming remote communities that will never revenues can dramatically enhance the be able to participate directly in tribal level of municipal services and critical gaming. I propose the remote First infrastructure on the reserve, providing Nations communities that would be enormous benefits in the forms of unable to open a casino should receive political organization, schools, medical a larger share of First Nations casino care, police and social services. Yet profits to make up for their lack of there are still areas in which the ability to form and sustain the industry. economic benefits of the gaming How gaming revenues can be used operation have not been maximized. to diversify First Nations economic Rama remains highly dependent prospects to create prosperity in on the success of the casino, with other areas that will, in turn, enhance very few new on-reserve businesses political sovereignty. The provinces opening since its establishment. To should actively assist the First Nations date, the only true commercial success properties in the development of stories in Mnjikaning are a handful of economic diversification and eliminate tobacco retailers and a high volume dependency on strictly casino profits, gas station and convenience store. to facilitate long-term stability for the Native employment within the facility local economy. The provinces should has steadily declined since opening, encourage First Nations communities providing fewer and fewer opportunities to foster development in other particularly at the management level industries, such as: shopping centers, and indications that the facility is no entertainment centers, theme parks, longer committed to this initiative. In and so on. essence, much more work is needed to In conclusion, tribal gaming is maximize the contribution that tribal generally a positive first step towards gaming can make in furthering the enhanced Indigenous economic and economic and political sovereignty of political sovereignty. However, it is the First Nations. not the complete answer and reforms I propose that future reforms target need to be made in order to meet the three main areas: intended outcomes of First Nations How the provincial and federal casinos. governments can assist those First
20 2015
9. References Seaman, Paul, Brenda Pritchard and David Potter. “Betting on reconciliation: law, self- Alcohol and Gaming Commission of Ontario. governance, and first nations economic What we do. 12 November 2014. development in Canada.” Gaming law review
a 3 b The Deconstruction of Place Meanings and the Forging of a New Civic Identity in Vancouver
Joanna Jordan | McGill University
Abstract The Burrard Inlet and Fraser River region of what is now Greater Vancouver have long been a place of gathering, travel and settlement for Musqueam, Squamish, Tsawassan, Semiahmoo and members of the Stó:lō Nation among others. Using the 1928 Plan for the City of Vancouver and other primary sources, this paper explains how modern-day Vancouver was created as a new immigrant city, seemingly devoid of the Indigenous presence that had long existed upon the territory. In order to replace and overwrite thousands of years of history and meaningful connection between Indigenous peoples and their land, a new set of meanings had to be imposed on the physical environment - comprised of names and geographical reference points from a Eurocentric epistemological framework. The City Plan played a significant role in this process of historical re-writing and erasure, and in perpetuating deep misconceptions that continue to lie at the core of Vancouver’s historical and cultural identity to this day. 22 2015 Joanna is a recent graduate of McGill University in the department of history with an interest in human geography and comparative historiography. She grew up in Vancouver, British Columbia and has lived in Montreal for the past several years. Vancouver, as it is known today, evidence that ran counter to this myth originated in 1886 as a port city at the posed a threat to the colonial expansion western terminus of the Trans-Canada in what is now British Columbia and Railway. In 1928, when the Plan for to the new world that officials and the City of Vancouver was drafted by settlers were attempting to create. As Harland Bartholomew + Associates, such, these elements and voices were the exploitation of the city’s potential systematically erased, undermined for industrial development and and devalued. Cole Harris refers to trade possibilities was already well this process as the “decentralization of underway. The authors stated, Coyote’s world in the land of Coyote.” “It is suggested that, scanning 2 the world over, it would be hard Every culture derives meaning to find a city which, in addition from the landscapes they reside in. to being practically the sole port Thomas Thornton defines place as of half a continent, inhabited a “framed space that is meaningful by a progressive and increasing to a person or group over time.”3 population, has on its outskirts a Cultural understanding of landscape river valley with great agricultural encompasses sense of time, space, possibilities, with a hinterland history and the network of relationships rich in minerals, lumber and raw between people, non-human entities materials for manufacture, and and the physical environment. In the adjoining at the moderate distance development of personal and cultural of five hundred miles the greatest identity, connection to place and the granary of the world. Can any city significance and meaning of the place claim an equal situation?” 1 is integral. Over time, places “gather” At the time that this document was ideas, memories, expectations and ways written, the well-situated city was in of knowing the physical world among the process of becoming the Vancouver people.4 The Burrard Inlet and Fraser of today - internationally renowned River region of what is now Greater for its livability, natural beauty, Vancouver have long been a place of multiculturalism and progressive gathering, travel and settlement for ideals regarding social values and the Musqueam, Squamish, Tsawassan, environment. The city and the province Semiahmoo and members of the of British Columbia, however, were Stó:lō Nation among others. In order built upon a strongly enforced myth to replace and overwrite thousands that the landscape had been an empty, of years of history and meaningful blank slate for the taking and devoid connection between these peoples of any pre-existing cultural meanings, and their land, a new set of meanings names, peoples, or territorial claims. had to be imposed on the physical Any Indigenous presence or historical environment - comprised of names and
23 KANATA reference points from the Eurocentric Dominion Canada, indicates both the epistemological framework that most ignorance and the deliberate rhetoric settlers operated within. This paper that pervaded the sense of history and seeks to illustrate how Vancouver place among settlers in the territory.7 was created as a new immigrant city, The suggestion is that nothing existed seemingly devoid of an Indigenous on the land before white settlement presence that had long existed upon or, if it did, it was not worthy of the territory. How was it possible mention. By not acknowledging to swiftly and thoroughly remove Indigenous presence or the history of these populations from their land and British Columbia before 1858, the city impose an entirely new and foreign plan undermined alternate claims to epistemology and set of meanings on territorial legitimacy, and furthered the the landscape? This required a large- forging of a “new” history and culture scale, calculated and determined on the land. upheaval of pre-existing Indigenous “We, the Musqueam people, have relationships to what is now Vancouver lived in our traditional territory - and the Lower Mainland and the the lands and waters now known deliberate creation of meaningful as the Lower Mainland of BC connections between settlers and their and encompassing the greater new physical environment. Vancouver region - for several “The history of the townsite ... thousands of years ... Our oral commences with the constitutional history tells of a connection to history of the mainland of British these lands and waters since time Columbia. The Gold rush to the immemorial.” 8 Cariboo in 1858 had attracted Although they were ignored in the attention of the Imperial the City Plan and have often gone authorities, and the mainland of unheard, voices like the ones above British Columbia was organized as continue to assert the long, even a separate colony and placed under timeless, history of Indigenous peoples the control of Sir James Douglas, in what is now Vancouver and British who was already Governor of Columbia. This conviction and claim Vancouver Island.” 5 to the land since time immemorial is According to the City Plan, history in extremely threatening to the founding Vancouver and British Columbia only mythologies of Vancouver, and the began with the mass arrival of white sense of unchallenged and hegemonic settlers in the late nineteenth century legitimacy upon the territory. A and the formal imposition of their landscape filled with stories and legal and constitutional control over meaning is much more difficult to lay the landscape. The authors claim that, claim to than one that has been de- preceding Douglas’ appointment, “there historicized and de-contextualized of were only indiscriminate squattings of its significance. adventurous settlers in a wild country.” “Few cities possess such a 6 In addition, referring to the “birth” combination of nearby natural of the “infant city” of Vancouver in resources, a splendid harbour, a 1886 when it was incorporated into terrain ideally suited for urban use,
24 2015 an equable climate and a setting of depopulation in BC, illustrated by great natural beauty. Vancouver is the deserted villages he encountered the most important Pacific port of in Burrard Inlet (today’s Vancouver), a great country. Here, if anywhere, Howe Sound, Jervis Inlet, Puget Sound would develop a great city.”9 and the Strait of Georgia.11 Bob Joe of In Vancouver, where Euro-Canadian the Stó:lō, stated that the Chilliwack settlers lacked any historical or cultural area, like many others around the Lower roots, the natural beauty and physical Mainland and British Columbia, was environment played a central role in formerly populated a “thousand to one, developing a sense of place, community comparing [to] the population today.”12 and identity. Newcomers with diverse While the enormity of this event religions, goals and motivations for played a central role in the shaping immigrating could collectively create a of colonial British Columbia, the place-based identity, from their shared devastation of the region’s Indigenous experience of the surrounding nature. peoples by European diseases has been Cole Harris discusses how, even now, largely ignored. The idea of a disease- British Columbia is still an immigrant induced depopulation of Indigenous society, in which people are somewhat peoples from the land ran counter to “perched” in a place that was unknown the conception of Europeans bringing to outsiders as recently as 200 years only enlightenment and civilization ago.10 The creation of a sense of place to these “savage” peoples.13 This, and and legitimacy upon the land was other elements of BC’s history that built upon romanticized images and are incompatible with the province’s mythologies of British Columbia as a founding mythology are therefore vast, beautiful, bountiful landscape, not included in the dominant, non- empty of humans. Misinformation, Indigenous narrative. In the 1928 religiously-infused conceptions of City Plan, Indigenous history and the land and colonial arrogance have incriminating episodes of injustice pervaded the consciousness of white from the settler society are not settler society and have helped to justify addressed. This merely illustrates an the removal and erasure of Indigenous example of the “white-streaming” peoples since BC’s beginnings. of history, in which relevant, but Though the northwest coast of controversial material is excluded from North America was as densely the dominant narrative.14 Disregarding populated as other zones in the the history of Indigenous peoples and western hemisphere, the devastating settler colonialism in British Columbia effect of European diseases on local aided in the devaluing of Indigenous Indigenous populations fueled the epistemologies and relationship to the myth of an unpopulated and “empty land as well. land.” Historians have estimated that An investigation of the system smallpox reached the Strait of Georgia of place-naming among Indigenous by 1782, before Galiano or Vancouver populations is important in further had even arrived in the region. In recognizing these differences his journals, George Vancouver and understanding how and why documented the extensive and recent Indigenous place names have long been
25 KANATA devalued and ignored. These names are connections between the sacred, moral fascinating “boxes of daylight ... that and historical aspects of a people.19 can shed immeasurable light on the land, Thornton states that the “English name culture, and identity” of Indigenous set is topographically impoverished peoples in British Columbia.15 When in comparison” to the rich network translated or ignored, the meanings of knowledge that Indigenous place and the knowledge embedded in these names suggest and uphold.20 The names are lost both to Indigenous Musqueam Indian Band explains how peoples and to settlers alike. Thomas in their language, hən̓ q̓ əmin̓ əm̓ , “there Thornton’s work with the Tlingit in exists words and phrases that cannot Southeastern Alaska found that oral be translated into English, many of cultures that operate without written which communicate thoughts and records, pass down place names and ideas too complex ... One word may knowledge through spatial memory. have a variety of related meanings, As opposed to European conceptions each with a basis in oral tradition and of mapping and naming, oral cultures Musqueam history.”21 Franz Boas, have what Thornton calls a “mental writing in the early 20th century, also economy” in which only “salient recognized that “the translation of the cultural sites” such as productive Kwakiutl names are not always easy hunting, fishing, gathering places and and a fair number are untranslatable” navigational and historical landmarks because of their dense linguistic nature are worth remembering and naming.16 and rich meanings.22 The naming of This means that there are large areas places within oral cultures is a way or landscape features without names. of writing history onto the land. As Another difference is that, at times, a such, a confluence between historical notable feature such as a mountain will understanding and physical landscape not have a name, though portions of become inextricably connected, the mountain, or specific rocks upon it with places acting as repositories will have names.17 In literate societies, of knowledge and teachings passed unnamed space is considered unused, down through generations.23 From her and in colonial territories “blank spaces work among the Gitskan, Leslie Main on the map seem to [have stimulated] Johnson found that names operated the naming impulse” among explorers as “mnemonic pegs on which to hang and colonial officials.18 ... information about places and the In contrast to the European system nature of the land” and signal the of naming, which is mostly based upon historical presence of peoples within biographical or nostalgic references to their territory.24 Misunderstood or other places, Indigenous place names seen as epistemologically invalid or in what is now British Columbia inferior, Indigenous place names were often convey clear information often ignored and replaced by Euro- about the specific site or landscape Canadian colonists and settlers in feature. Names can carry knowledge British Columbia. regarding subsistence, travel and The 1928 City Plan made use of all the spatial relationship between new place names and geographical different locations, while making reference points on the map of
26 2015 Vancouver. Names were (and are around the city to “terminate vistas, today) mostly linked to European occupy commanding positions, have locations and people, or officials of dominance over their surroundings, the recently established province of be permitted to tell their story British Columbia. Names such as without disturbance, make positive Seymour, Trutch, Trimble, Douglas, contributions to the adornment of the Fraser, Blenheim, Dunbar, Granville, city.”26 The authors of the City Plan Hastings and countless others were sought to physically and symbolically deliberately grafted onto Vancouver’s impose cultural meaning on to the map in order to import references from landscape in Vancouver, while creating previous European cultures and spaces, a new history of the place. and to create a new cultural connection Kitsilano Reserve and Stanley to figures in British Columbia’s history. Park are central sites in which these This mode of naming was a way to processes occurred. Stanley Park was imprint European epistemologies seen as the prize of Vancouver, for on the land, and is indicative of the the authors of the City Plan. In their creation of a semblance of legitimacy opinion, “Vancouver would be much and localized history that occurred less desirable as a home if Stanley Park across colonial territories. did not exist.”27 In order to dispossess The disregard of pre-existing place the land from Indigenous inhabitants, names illustrates just one of the ways in and then re-conceptualize it for the which Vancouver was de-historicized purposes of generating a “civic pride” and de-contextualized by colonialism among the newcomers in Vancouver, and the mass influx of settlers with today’s Stanley Park was infused with entirely new epistemologies and colonial ideology and Eurocentric cultural reference points. The overhaul epistemological values. of Indigenous presence on the land and The Musqueam settlement of Whoi the physical and symbolic replacement Whoi on what is now Brockton Point with meaningful elements of a new and in Stanley Park became a point of growing Euro-Canadian culture were contention in the late 19th century. all part of the process of creating the According to Jean Barman, the press semblance of legitimacy on recently “encouraged Vancouverites to see dispossessed land. The City Plan stated themselves as distinct from, and that the Vancouver must become a superior to, this Indigenous presence “remembered city, a beloved city, not in their midst.”28 Municipal officials by its ability to manufacture or to sell, of Vancouver pressured the federal but by its ability to create and hold government to remove the Indigenous bits of sheer beauty and loveliness.”25 inhabitants from Whoi Whoi and, in As with any place and the peoples that 1886, the first unsettling occurred.29 reside in it, a sense of territoriality Despite legal testimonies from and pride comes from connection, Musqueam residents regarding their comprehension and identity localized in long occupancy of that location, federal space. In addition to the new names on authorities sanctioned the steady the land in and around Vancouver, the removal of all Indigenous settlement City Plan aimed to install monuments there. “Aunt Sally” was the last living
27 KANATA resident of Whoi Whoi in Stanley that were dominated by or living among Park and, with her death in 1923, the nature. These Eurocentric conceptions Indigenous physical presence there of “legitimate” land use originated was erased. 30 in 19th century interpretations of “If the plan is efficiently followed Genesis, in which people were to have by those having charge of the dominion over the land.33 Colonial executive government of the city, arrogance and ignorance of the Other we may hope to see a Vancouver allowed Euro-Canadian settlers to view in which every acre of ground is Indigenous occupants of their lands as devoted to its most appropriate lazy, wasteful and undeserving of the purpose... In addition to industries bountiful resources available in British located on False Creek, there are a Columbia.34 In Vancouver, as in all of number of sites on the Fraser River BC, imposing these new meanings and and on the shores of Burrard Inlet Eurocentric value systems on to the where industries could flourish, and physical environment was a powerful where we would hope and expect way to delegitimize the claim of to see these appropriate spaces Indigenous peoples to their own land. develop to their fullest extent.” 31 The Royal Proclamation of 1763 In this excerpt, the discussion of clarified that land could only be “appropriate” purposes and spaces purchased by the British Crown illustrates the Eurocentric values of through voluntarily signed treaties landscapes, resources, productivity with Indigenous peoples. By the time and aesthetics to be planned and the colony of British Columbia was implemented in Vancouver. As established in 1858, however, the idea Indigenous peoples and their land use of treaty signing was already “out of within the city limits did not conform fashion.” Virtually no treaties were to these values, they were deemed signed in BC, except in the northeast of inappropriate and unworthy of the the Rocky Mountains, and on parts of valuable space they occupied. This Vancouver Island. The lack of treaties concept of what is the proper use of made land dispossession in BC occur land was a holdover from pre-existing much more smoothly for colonial and ideas from the beginning of colonialism provincial officials.35 in North America and a prized method The Kitsilano and Musqueam Indian of delegitimizing Indigenous claims to Reserves were created in the 1860s, land. This was based in the Lockean on land that would soon be seen as too concept of “unassisted nature” being valuable for Vancouver to be wasted on land that is not dominated and extracted Reserves.36 Many other Indian Reserves for its resources.32 While “civilized” were established and then dispossessed peoples were those that exploited their in other parts of the Province, up the natural resources and manipulated Fraser River around Chilliwack and in environments to serve their purposes, all areas affected by the Gold Rush. by cutting forests, planting crops, As the city of Vancouver grew mining the earth and constructing from its modest beginnings of trading factories and cities and even designated posts and settlements at Fort Langley natural spaces, “savages” were those and New Westminster, Indigenous
28 2015 territories in the Lower Mainland scientific arrangement to foster positive became increasingly valuable and growth and urban cohesion in the city seen as contentious and intolerable of Vancouver.39 Beyond the city’s antitheses of the desired direction for potential for economic and industrial the city. In 1875, an agreement was development, the Plan also aimed to forged with the federal government, “take full advantage of the bountiful that “any land taken off a Reserve shall provision of Nature” and capitalize revert to the Province” - meaning that on the dramatic natural beauty of any unsettled reserves would become Vancouver and the Lower Mainland by the property of BC.37 This provided creating parks and designated nature a clear motivation for the removal areas.40 of Indigenous peoples from valuable The plan remarks that, “parks and lands, as they could be swiftly and playgrounds and other facilities for “legally” appropriated and taken over public recreation are today considered by more legitimate and appropriate indispensable in the make-up of inhabitants and purposes. In 1903, a great city ... A bathing beach, a BC’s Premier, Richard McBride playground, a lovely park, each when pressured the federal government to in full use is in a sense a factory. Its allow the unsettling of principal urban products are smiles, light hearts, ruddy Reserves in Victoria and Vancouver cheeks, sound bodies, wholesome that were not being used “properly” human interests.”41 In order to create a and hindered the urban development “healthy and vigorous community” and and cohesion desired. By 1911, Prime meet the “recreation needs of Greater Minister Wilfred Laurier stated in Vancouver,” the City Plan emphasized parliament that “where a Reserve is in the need for appropriate and effective the vicinity of a growing town, as is land use and the establishment of a the case in several places, it becomes a system of parks and natural spaces for source of nuisance and an impediment the population.42 Indian Reserves within to progress.” Within a month of this the city were targeted as improperly statement, the Indian Act was amended, used and ideal spaces for the creation and residents of Indian Reserves of parks. While the Musqueam Indian situated within an incorporated town Reserve was pointedly referred to as an with a population of at least 8000 could “important and well-located site,” the be legally removed without consent if Plan states its explicit goal to “acquire it was “in the interest of the public and Kitsilano Reserve:” of the Indians of the band for whose “It is quite certain that [for] use the reserve is held.” 38 the recreation needs of Greater In the city of Vancouver, the Vancouver, ... all, or practically concern regarding “legitimate” and all, of the Kitsilano area will be “appropriate” uses of land played required as a park.” 43 a major role in the dispossessing Not only was Kitsilano Reserve of Indian Reserves. With the 1928 situated on valuable real estate, it was City Plan, Harland Bartholomew also framed and viewed as a wasteful (and Associates) sought to create use of space, and an intolerable eyesore an aesthetically appealing, orderly, on the landscape.
29 KANATA peoples there never consented, threats “The area was [first] set aside from the provincial government for the use and benefit of Indians ultimately caused the inhabitants to resident in British Columbia. … leave the Reserve and accept their The purpose was laudable whilst $11,250 compensation on April 18, the Indians used the land. ... but 1913. Vancouver’s principal newspaper now they have gone and the parcel of the era had the headlines: “Natives is virtually a waste space. All Grinned When They Became Owners around it, however, is a growing of Fat Bank Accounts.”47 No new population, … of those who are reserve was made for these peoples creating the Greater Vancouver, - they were merely expected to be who are making the present day absorbed into the pre-existing reserves province. The Planning Commission in the Squamish Valley. Peter Cole must take the lead in pointing out recalls this time in “vancouver where the great possibilities and potential [his] grandfather lived on kitsilano usefulness of the Reserve Lands.” 44 reserve number 6 before it was taken away by the governments of canada Here, as with Stanley Park, the british columbia and vancouver ... in historical events surrounding Kitsilano 1913 the people of kitsilano reserve Reserve are warped and ignored in were removed shipped on a barge a order to justify and further the goal of scow to north vancouver bye bye claiming the land. Kitsilano Reserve now.” 48 The homes were immediately was established in the 1860s, and burned down, and the Reserve was “typical of British Columbia reserves quickly over-run with buildings, at that time,” it maintained a population developments and symbols of the new of approximately 45-60 inhabitants society being developed in Vancouver, related by kinship or marriage.45 As such as the Burrard Bridge and the Vancouver rapidly grew, English Bay Armouries.49 As hoped in the City Plan, became the most exclusive place to Kitsilano Reserve was finally sold in live, and the nearby Kitsilano Reserve 1946 in 6 parcels to private and public became seen as a critical and high-value purchasers, of which the Department space as well. As noted previously, of National Defense was the largest. around the turn of the century, the Half of the Reserve was developed existence of urban reserves such as into private commercial and residential Kitsilano became highly contentious spaces, and the other half became and public issues. According to a local the present-day Vanier Park with the Vancouver newspaper in the early Vancouver museum, planetarium and 20th century, there were “only eleven maritime museum.50 Here, not only Indians on the Reserve, and only about was the Indigenous presence erased, an acre and a half under cultivation.” 46 but also very deliberately replaced with With legislation that permitted it, the images of dominance of the new settler provincial and municipal government population and Euro-Canadian culture undertook the mission of removing and epistemological values. Kitsilano Reserve and its inhabitants A fascinating and tragically ironic from the city. Though the Indigenous element of the new cultural identity
30 2015 that was to be forged in Vancouver erasing, and forgetting this part of can be seen in the controlled and our own history as colonizers while essentialized re-introduction of pathologizing the colonized.” 54 symbols of Indigeneity by Euro- The Musqueam Indian Band’s Canadians. After the BC Supreme book, “A Living Culture,” echoes this Court decision to remove families sentiment: from Brockton Point in Stanley Park “We, the Musqueam people, have in 1923, the Vancouver Parks Board lived in our traditional territory - erected four Kwakwa̱ ka̱ ’wakw totem the lands and waters now known poles.51 Jean Barman describes this as as the lower mainland of BC the replacement of local Indigenous and encompassing the greater material culture with the “sanitized Vancouver region - for several Indigeneity got from elsewhere.” As thousands of years ... [but] still we opposed to the concrete, physical find many people both within our presence of local Indigenous peoples territory and around the world are or even the maintenance of their names poorly informed about our culture and meanings upon the land, it was at best, and at worst unaware of our less threatening for the Euro-Canadian existence altogether.” 55 settlers to utilize Indigenous imagery In Vancouver, there is a network of and essentialized cultural elements names and deliberately planned parks that originated from peoples at a “safe and monuments that were implanted on distance” from Vancouver.52 Similarly, the physical space to stimulate a feeling a proposal was made in 1940 to convert of legitimacy, civic pride and a sense of the dispossessed Kitsilano Reserve into place. All people derive meaning and an “Indian Park” with “Indian relics significance from their space and create and Indian art work,” and turn it into identities out of their relationship to a “centre of Indian cultural life and land. In Vancouver, the calculated interest.”53 These examples mark a crafting of a place-based identity, long legacy of trying to create a cultural built upon a foundation of colonial identity for the very young city of arrogance, dispossession, obscured Vancouver. Incorporating Indigenous information and a pervasive ignorance imagery (albeit from cultures that were of the physical landscape and history hundreds of kilometers away), was yet results in a shallow cultural identity. another mode of colonial arrogance For this reason, it becomes more and imposing meanings upon the necessary for people to emphasize the landscape. connections they do hold to the land, In Paulette Regan’s book, “Unsettling and consolidate the othering of peoples the Settler Within,” she asks, and epistemologies that do not fit within “How is it that we know nothing the dominant model. According to about this history? What does the Bernhard Giesen,“if a community has persistence of such invisibility ... to recognize that its members, instead tell us about our relationship with of being heroes, have been perpetrators Indigenous peoples? What does our who violated the cultural premises historical amnesia reveal about our of their own identity, the reference continuing complicity in denying, to the past is indeed traumatic.
31 KANATA The community can cope with the 1. Harland Bartholomew and Associates. fundamental contradiction between “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Columbia.” edited by Vancouver Town Planning identity claims and recognition only by Commission. Vancouver, BC, 1928. 25. a collective schizophrenia, by denial, 2. Cole Harris. Resettlement of British by decoupling or withdrawal.”56 In this Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and way, a lack of knowledge regarding Geographical Change. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press, 1996, xvii. previous systems of meaning and 3. Thomas F Thornton. Being and Place among conceiving of the landscape, as well the Tlingit. Seattle: University of Washington, as the presence of other, dispossessed 2008, 4. peoples is required in order to 4. William J. Turkell. The Archive of Place: Unearthing the Pasts of the Chilcotin Plateau. perpetuate the new Vancouver cultural Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007, 139. identity proposed in the City Plan. 5. Turkell. The Archive of Place: Unearthing Only through institutionalized and the Pasts of the Chilcotin Plateau, 19. systematic denial of information can a 6. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Columbia,” 19. culture be satisfied living upon a land 7. Ibid, 22. that has been so de-contextualized and 8. Musqueam Indian Band. Musqueam: de-historicized. A Living Culture. Victoria: CopperMoon Indigenous perspectives offer an Communications, 2006, 7-9. 9. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British alternative to the dominant Eurocentric Columbia,” 10. lens through which history and place 10. Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia, are viewed in British Columbia. Oral xii. histories illuminate the land with 11. Harris, Resettlement of British Columbia, 22. knowledge, teachings and cultural 12. Ibid, 22. reference points which are embedded in 13. Ibid, 29. the place - whether settler populations 14. Sandy Grande in Paulette Regan. Unsettling are aware or not. With the systematic the Settler Within : Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation in Canada. and pervasive erasure of Indigenous Vancouver, BC: UBC Press, 2010, 65. languages and cultures in the province, 15. Thomas F. Thornton. Haa Léelk’w Hás however, much of the richness and Aaní Saaxu’ú: Our Grandparents’ Names on the meaning found in the landscape can be Land. edited by Thomas F. Thornton Seattle: Sealaska Heritage Institute, 2012, xxii. lost or weakened. The dispossession of 16. Ibid, xv. lands and the knowledge within them 17. Leslie Main Johnson. Trail of Story, in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland Traveller’s Path: Reflections on Ethnoecology is not only an injustice to Indigenous and Landscape. Edmonton, AB: Athabaska University Press, 2010, 151. peoples themselves, but also to non- 18. Thornton. Haa Léelk’w Hás Aaní Saaxu’ú: Indigenous settlers on the land. It is Our Grandparents’ Names on the Land, xv. of value to know about the history 19. Johnson, 32. of place upon the land one occupies. 20. Thornton. Haa Léelk’w Hás Aaní Saaxu’ú: Our Grandparents’ Names on the Land, xvi. Living in ignorance and denial was 21. Musqueam Indian Band, 17, 39. encouraged by the 1928 City Plan 22. Franz Boas. Geographical Names of for “Vancouverites” and continues the Kwakiutl Indians. New York: Columbia to pervade the consciousness and University Press, 1934, 14. 23. Johnson, 62. conception of place and self among 24. Ibid, 153. inhabitants of the city to this day. 25. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Columbia,” 237.
32 2015
26. Ibid, 247. Nituskeenan, Our Land: Cree and English 27. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Naming and Claiming around the Dirty Sea.” In Columbia,” 169. New Histories for Old : Changing Perspectives 28. Jean Barman. “Erasing Indigenous on Canada’s Native Pasts, edited by Susan Neylan Ted Binnema. Vancouver: UBC Press, Indigeneity in Vancouver.” BC Studies 155 2007. (2007), 24. Carlson, Keith Thor. You Are Asked to 29. Ibid, 25. Witness: The Stó:Lō in Canada’s Pacific 30. Ibid, 23. Coast History. edited by Keith Thor Carlson 31. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Chilliwack, BC: Stó:lō Heritage Trust, 1997. Columbia,” 25. Cole, Peter. Coyote and Raven Go Canoeing: 32. Cole Harris. “How Did Colonialism Coming Home to the Village. McGill-Queen’s Dispossess? Comments from an Edge of an University Press, 2006. Harland Bartholomew and Associates. Empire.” Annals of the Association of the “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British American Geographers 94, no. 1 (2004): 170. Columbia.” edited by Vancouver Town Planning 33. Carlson. You Are Asked to Witness: The Commission. Vancouver, BC, 1928. Stó:Lō in Canada’s Pacific Coast History, 68. Harris, Cole. “How Did Colonialism 34. Harris. “How Did Colonialism Dispossess? Dispossess? Comments from an Edge of an Comments from an Edge of an Empire,” 170. Empire.” Annals of the Association of the 35. Carlson. You Are Asked to Witness: The American Geographers 94, no. 1 (2004): 165-82. Stó:Lō in Canada’s Pacific Coast History, 66. Harris, Cole. Resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and 36. Barman, 4. Geographical Change. Vancouver, BC: UBC 37. Ibid, 5. Press, 1996. 38. Barman, 5. Johnson, Leslie Main. Trail of Story, 39. Jordan Stanger-Ross. “Municipal Traveller’s Path: Reflections on Ethnoecology Colonialism in Vancouer : City Planning and and Landscape. Edmonton, AB: Athabaska the Conflict over Indian Reserves, 1928-1950s.” University Press, 2010. The Canadian Historical Review 89, no. 4 Musqueam Indian Band. Musqueam: A Living Culture. Victoria: CopperMoon (2008), 552. Communications, 2006. 40. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Regan, Paulette. Unsettling the Settler Within Columbia,” 26. : Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and 41. Ibid, 169. Reconciliation in Canada. Vancouver, BC: UBC 42. “A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Press, 2010. Columbia,” 22, 202. Robinson, Harry. Write It on Your Heart: The 43. Ibid, 202. Epic World of an Okanagan Storyteller. edited by 44. Ibid, 202. Wendy Wickwire Vancouver, BC: Talon Books, 1989. 45. Barman, 10. Snyders, Tom. Namely Vancouver : The 46. Barman, 14. Hidden History of Vancouver Place Names. 47. Ibid, 17. Vancouver, BC: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2001. 48. Cole. Coyote and Raven Go Canoeing: Stanger-Ross, Jordan. “Municipal Coming Home to the Village, 15. Colonialism in Vancouver : City Planning and the 49. Barman, 19. Conflict over Indian Reserves, 1928-1950s.” The 50. Barman, 20. Canadian Historical Review 89, no. 4 (2008). 51. Ibid, 26. Thornton, Thomas F. Haa Léelk’w Hás Aaní Saaxu’ú: Our Grandparents’ Names on the Land. 52. Ibid, 4. edited by Thomas F. Thornton Seattle: Sealaska 53. Stanger-Ross, 566. Heritage Institute, 2012. 54. Regan, 6. Thornton, Thomas F. Being and Place among 55. Musqueam Indian Band, 7. the Tlingit. Seattle: University of Washington, 56. Regan, 34. 2008. Turkell, William J. The Archive of Place: Bibliography Unearthing the Pasts of the Chilcotin Plateau. Barman, Jean. “Erasing Indigenous Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007. Indigeneity in Vancouver.” BC Studies 155 Victor, Wenona. Clearing Space and Place for (2007). Indigenous Epistemologies. National Centre for Boas, Franz. Geographical Names of the First Nations Governance. West Vancouver, BC, Kwakiutl Indians. New York: Columbia CAN2007. University Press, 1934. Brown, Jennifer S.H. “Rupert’s Land,
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a 4 b Anthropomorphism in Inuit Sculpture: The Dancing Bears of Pauta Saila
Jennifer Mueller | McGill University
Pauta Saila, Walking Bear, c. 1998, green serpentine, 30.5 x 48x18cm. Private collection, photo © Jennifer Mueller, 2015
Abstract Pauta Saila (1917–2005) was a distinguished Inuit artist who lived in Cape Dorset, Baffin Island. He was a sculptor and graphic artist, and was among the first to experiment with printmaking in Cape Dorset. While he is celebrated for his prints, Saila is best known for his series of ‘dancing bears’ he produced throughout his career. In the following paper I argue that these sculptures reflect Saila’s deep respect for the polar bear and communicate the animal’s momentous importance in traditional Inuit culture. The dancing bears simultaneously display an elegance, spiritual strength, and playfulness, which combine to make the artworks as endearing as they are powerful. By creating objects that resonate with all viewers, his sculptures have helped bring northern Canadian art to the international stage.
34 2015 Jennifer is an undergraduate studying Art History and International Development at McGill. Her primary research interests are in eighteenth-century British and French art, particularly portraiture, but she is also passionate about Canadian Inuit sculpture and the decorative arts. Lately, Jennifer has focused on sociolog- ical aspects of museum practice, including the restitution of plundered cultural objects.
The figure of the polar bear has Canadian national identity after World become an iconic representation of War II that led to the promotion of Inuit Inuit identity within the broader context art in Canada; he further contends that of Canadian culture. The bear has long the success of Indigenous art can be been an integral means of subsistence attributed to the current international for arctic peoples, and is both a central interest in Indigenous peoples.2 As figure in many legends and a spiritually Inuit art’s popularity grows, viewers powerful metaphor.1 Pauta Saila and critics become increasingly (1917–2009) was a graphic artist and interested in the social and cultural sculptor, best known for his portrayal context in which it is created. While of ‘dancing bears’. He was the son of a this is true, more needs to be said prominent Inuit leader and was raised about current interest in Indigenous in Kilaparutua on Baffin Island, in cultures. It is both the simplicity close proximity to polar bear habitats. of design and their status as works He spent the greater part of his working depicting an exotic cultural other that career in Cape Dorset, an artistic hub makes Indigenous artworks so popular, for Inuit art. Although many artists have although ethnological fascination is not explored the subject of the bear, it was necessarily a positive phenomenon and Saila’s deep respect for the spiritual and may continue to perpetuate colonialist physical power of the animal that set hierarchies and demarcations between him apart. Saila’s ascription of human so-called ‘civilized’ and ‘native’ work. traits to the polar bear allowed him to Nevertheless, Inuit sculpture is widely convey the complex relationship that respected for aesthetic qualities in its exists between the Inuit and the bear. own right.3 Pauta Saila’s signature His sculptures concisely represent the style of carving consists of simplified, balance between the bear’s playfulness somewhat abstracted forms. His and strength. Saila considers the materials of choice were soapstone, animal’s role in the Inuit context, its serpentine, and, to a limited extent, nature as a spiritual being, and his own ivory. Saila always carefully chose personal relationship with the creature stone for its veining, and polished it in his anthropomorphized dancing bear to a high finish, leaving little reaming sculptures. evidence of any chisel marks. His Canadian society has relatively reduction of forms to outlines, his recently taken a great interest choice of an animal that only inhabits in Indigenous art and cultures, the Arctic, and his humanization of particularly in the past thirty years or the bear combine to produce a type so. Anthropologist Nelson Graburn of work with a simple aesthetic, argues that it was the search for a 2 Nelson H.H. Graburn, “Inuit Art and 1 Martha Dowsley, “The Value of a Polar Bear: Canadian Nationalism: Why Eskimos? Why Evaluating the Role of a Multiple-Use Resource Canada?” Inuit Art Quarterly 1, no.3 (Fall 1986): in the Nunavut Mixed Economy” Arctic 5. Anthropology 47, no. 1 (2010): 40. 3 Ibid., 5-7. 35 KANATA yet representing complex social finds a balance between the natural and connections and dependencies that the spirit world in his anthropomorphic exist between animals and the land. bears, expressing their physical and The balance between naturalism and spiritual importance for himself as an decorative stylization has played an Inuk man and for other Inuit people. important role in Saila’s popularity. His The spiritual nature of the polar bear dynamic and playful sculptures, which is intrinsically related to traditional capture the liveliness of creatures little shamanic traditions and beliefs. seen outside of their native Arctic Angakkuit (Inuktitut for shamans) habitat, have an international appeal. mediate between human and spiritual By appreciating the artist’s motivations, realms, commanding great respect in a viewer can begin to delve beyond Inuit communities because of their the surface of object into the cultural roles as intercessors and their ability to context behind Saila’s creations. influence good and evil spirits.8 Their In the 1960s Saila developed position between the Earth (human) his characteristic style of carving and the sky (spiritual) is reflected in the voluminous figures with suggestive way in which Saila depicts his bears, outlines, thus capturing their dynamic as metamorphosing figures captured motion. From the strict naturalism of in stone at the moment of their early Inuit art, Saila evolved to reach transformation between human and a decorative stylization of natural bear. An angakoq is said to “fly through figures and motifs.4 His early work the air to faraway places, assume consisted of both graphic prints and animal forms… and make animals sculptures in whalebone, stone and plentiful when people were hungry.”9 ivory, but with a vastly different style These shamans, usually male elders, than that of his more popular dancing would reconcile what could not be bears. Originally working with wildlife explained, such as the reasons behind themes, his depictions of uumajut sickness or the scarcity of animals to (which is Inuktitut for “animals”) hunt. As medicine men, they draw harkened back to pre-modern Inuit their power from ancestors or through art.5 The solid, static shapes of his an initiation process, and with the early sculptures depict animals without help of incantations and amulets they much energy or life.6 As Saila’s style can unravel the unknown.10 Because began to mature, he moved away few non-Arctic individuals have seen from traditional wildlife and hunting polar bears, let alone playful ones, the scenes towards shamanic-themed anthropomorphic bear as a spiritual spirit figures. Besides his sculptures power in turn acts as an ‘unknown’ to and his best-known subject of bears, the settler Canadian or international Saila worked as a printmaker to draw viewer. The significant role the polar a variety of arctic creatures, capturing bear plays in Inuit spirituality makes the graceful lines of birds in the air and it a special creature, closer to humans their awkwardness on the ground.7 He than birds and able to act as a helping 4 Maria von Finckenstein,, “A Curated Selection no.4 (Winter 1996): 7. of Pauta Saila’s Work,” Inuit Art Quarterly 11, 8 Dorothy H. Eber, “Recording the Spirit World,” no.4 (Winter 1996): 6. Natural History 111, no. 7 (2002): 54. 5 Anna Kovler, “Inuit Modern,” Border Crossings 9 Ibid., 55. 30, no. 4 (2011): 94. 10 Patricia D. Sutherland, “Shamanism and 6 Ibid. the Iconography of Paleo-Eskimo Art,” in The 7 Maria von Finckenstein, “A Curated Selection Archaeology of Shamanism, ed. Neil S. Price, of Pauta Saila’s Work,” Inuit Art Quarterly 11, (London: Routledge, 2001), 137. 36 2015 spirit.11 The spiritual importance of open mouth, showing sharp, pointed the polar bear and pre-Contact Inuit teeth made of ivory; however he is far dependence on the animal for survival from a menacing threat and appears evoke Saila’s deep respect for the instead to be laughing. Rather than bear as a transformative figure. The acknowledging the viewer’s presence, shamanic polar bear unravels the link the bear’s head is turned away as he between Inuit spiritual beliefs, the continues to dance, unmindful of the bear and the viewer. The verticality onlooker. Further, instead of portraying of dancing bears, the earthiness of the the bear on four legs (moving around stony material, and the animal subject in a decidedly bear-like fashion), Saila are literal and metaphoric references chooses to anthropomorphize the figure to the bear’s connection between the by having him dance on two legs, in earthly and spiritual realms, as if he the manner of a human. The bear has were an angakoq (shaman), as well as a distinct humanized expression, with between the earth and sky.12 the hint of a smile and a rounded, Saila’s dancing bears are often human chin, with outstretched arms delicately balanced on one paw, such and dynamically positioned feet. as in the sculpture Dancing Bear Saila successfully captures both (1984) (Fig. 1). As one of Saila’s most the elegance and energy of the bear celebrated works, a photograph of within the stone. The medium in the particular object marks the front which any artist chooses to work with cover of Ingo Hessel’s book, Inuit directly reflect the ways in which Art.13 The stylized eyes are barely they conceive their subjects. This is noticeable from aside view, and the even more significant in the case of viewer is encouraged to experience the sculpture, as the materials used, such sculpture from various angles, looking as soapstone, serpentine, whalebone at it through the outline of stone and ivory, determine the size, delicacy rather than through the intricacies of and, to some extent, the subject of the bear’s features. Saila’s sculptures the artwork.15 The materials of early of bears usually have elements of Inuit sculpture were much the same as humour or cheek, and each of his they are today, except that they were bears has a unique and discernable generally locally sourced. Today, the personality.14 Dancing Bear has an medium of sculpture and the materials used to polish it, such as whale and 11 The figure of the raven was, however, essential seal blubber (although beeswax and to creation stories, and the loon occasionally plays a role in assisting humans in traditional artificial polishes have proliferated) Inuit legends. For more information see Shelagh still reflect the physical aspect of the D. Grant, “Imagination and Spirituality: Written Inuit’s continued spiritual connection Narratives and the Oral Tradition,” in Echoing to the land.16 The heaviness of Silence: Essays on Arctic Narrative, edited by Dancing Bear, made as it is of stone, Gerald Lynch (Ottawa: University of Ottawa and its precariously balanced position Press, 1997), 191-210; and Jean Blodgett, The combine to create tension within the Coming and Going of the Shaman (Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1979). (Winter 2009): 42-43. 12 Harold Seidelman and James E. Turner, The 8 Jean Blodgett, “Cape Dorset Sculpture,” Cape Inuit Imagination: Arctic Myth and Sculpture. Dorset (Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1980): (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1993): 206. 39-47. 13 Ingo Hessel, Inuit Art, (Vancouver: Douglas 16 Emily E. Auger, The Way of Inuit Art: & McIntyre, 1998). Aesthetics in and Beyond the Arctic. (North 14 Patricia Feheley, “In Memoriam: Pauta Saila Carolina: McFarland & Company Publishers, (1916-2009)” Inuit Art Quarterly 24, no. 4 2005), 105. 37 KANATA object. The bear’s slightly inclined knee protruding tongue serve as a reminder gives the impression that the sculpture that the bear, while humanized, is is shifting its weight from side to side still a bear – although the claws of and is captured mid-step. The vein of both sculptures are marked by less colour running down the length of the aggressive etchings on the stone. The bear emphasizes the twisted position of ferocity of the dancing bear, evoked the bear. The combination of the open by the sculpture’s mouth and teeth, is mouth and the energetic pose give the counterbalanced by the affectionate sculpture a unique, joyful expression. quality its pose. The dancing motions The dancing bear, as a means of of the bears almost recall the clumsy connection between the artist and the image of the impressionist artist viewer, extends beyond his figure Edgar Degas’ young, adolescent as a shaman. Dancing Bear evinces ballet dancers. The second way Saila Saila’s strong conviction of the bear’s reinforces the power and vigour of power that exists beyond the sculpture polar bears is with their bulky, sturdy pedestal or resting table. Saila’s bears bodies. Pauta Saila’s Polar Bear are not constrained, static sculptures, (Fig. 2) is made of a smooth white but vigorously stretch out into the space stone, and, unusually for the artist, is around them. The dynamic nature of unpolished. The impact of the stark the bear sculptures goes beyond the white body combined with the pointed regular animal motions of the bear teeth and tongue present a formidable and into a human-like dance. Saila figure, yet the voluptuous body of the allows the bears to break free from bear and the position of the paws next the inherent limitations of interspecies to the head give the piece a decidedly communication. By adopting the cheeky, mischievous look. mannerisms of a human, the bear The high degree to which Saila’s reveals much about the way an Inuk figures engage with the viewer rests views the polar bear. The polar bear on the basis of his humanization of the has great significance to the Inuit as a bears and the frequent contradictions means of food and of income gained between animalistic and familiar from the sale of furs.17 Given that polar human characteristics. The distinct bear provides such a significant source eyes and general human-like outline, of subsistence to the Inuit, it is natural coupled with the face, hands, body that its strong spirit being should be so and feet of the bear, show that the revered. The shamanic Dancing Bear is bear is in the process of transforming therefore a meaningful and appropriate from a human shaman into a spirit figure to convey the resource- figure.18 The delicate right foot of the dependence and spiritual reverence for bear makes the figure appear as if it is the animal in Arctic Inuit society. walking or dancing towards the viewer. The polar bear is a powerful, playful Saila explains that a shamanic bear can animal that is both loved and respected. be definitively recognized by its short It is this complex relationship between thick neck, which is the remaining the Inuit and the polar bear that Saila sign of its identity as a human.19 The conveys so well in his sculptures. The majority of Saila’s bear sculptures open mouths of Dancing Bear (Fig. 1) are shamanic, even those in which he and Polar Bear (Fig. 2) reveal sharp portrays the animals only standing or teeth and an aggressively pointed tongue of a bear. The teeth and 18 Auger, The Way of Inuit Art, 46. 19 Seidelman and Turner, The Inuit Imagination, 17 Dowsley, “The Value of a Polar Bear,” 40. 206. 38 2015 walking (see title page figure: Walking graceful but dignified figure, as the Bear). The significance of the bear in polar bear appears in the physical transformation is that it expresses the Arctic landscape and in the spiritual Inuit epistemological belief that there world. The vertical stance of the exists a deep connection between figure, as observed before in Dancing all beings, uumajut (animals), jiqqat Bear (Fig. 1), conveys that the polar (invisible beings) and the inutuinnait bear is intimately connected with the (the Inuit people) included.20 environment around him, including the In interviews with visitors to the earthly realm below and the spiritual Museum of Inuit Art in Toronto, realm above the figure. The position of Ontario, an overwhelming number the bear on its two legs and the sleek of visitors responded they liked dark polish of the stone, in addition Saila’s Dancing Bear (Fig. 3)21 for its to the bear’s relatively small feet and simplicity, fluidity and joyfulness.22 charmingly diminutive ears, reinforce The upward pointing nose and raised the combination of grace and majesty arms give the bear a sense of curiosity. the bear possesses. Rather than dancing, he appears to The overarching theme of strength be looking to the sky or smelling reflects yet another aspect of Inuit the air. The upturned muzzle of the spirituality, in which a bear functions bear endearingly resembles a child as a master over other helping spirits; looking up to a parent for approval. for this reason, it is a significant In this case, the polar bear can be achievement for a person to bring home interpreted as looking to the spiritual the skin of a bear, which is considered realm for approbation or advice.23 a trophy item.24 Saila’s depiction of a The exceptionally graceful outline of curious, proud and elegant bear can be the bear produces a linear experience associated with its status as a masterful for the viewer as the viewer’s eye helping spirit. The polar bear is a is drawn from feet to nose, and then playful and elegant animal, to be feared back down the shapely body. Overall, and loved, and always respected. Saila the simple form, with small details deeply admired and respected them, such as the ears and eyes, allows the saying, “they’re fond of one another, artist to communicate a fluidity and they always seem to be happy with unrestrained elegance of the polar bear each other” and even that some are not seen in the two previous sculptures. “more clever than Inuit.”25 Saila has Dancing Bear (Fig. 3) is drawn up to stated that while hunting, he had often its full height and shows itself as a seen bears playing and balancing on ice flows. His sculptures present a balance 20 “Identification: The Encyclopaedia of Canada’s Peoples/ Aboriginals: Inuit.” between bears’ playful side and the Accessed November 8, 2012. http://www. reality of being dangerous animals multiculturalcanada.ca/Encyclopedia/A-Z/a5/1 worthy of great respect.26 Saila’s 21 Not the same Dancing Bear as Figure 1, it is a personal relationship with the polar much larger object. bear, as a hunter, an artist and an Inuk, 22 “Pauta Saila: Playing Favourites at the Museum of Inuit Art” The Museum of Inuit 24 Auger, The Way of Inuit Art, 46. Art Blog, http://www.museumofinuitartblog. 25 Dorothy H. Eber “Talking With the Artists” wordpress.com/tag/pauta-saila/. In In the Shadow of the Sun: Perspectives on 23 This observation is based on Gerhard Contemporary Inuit Art. (Gatineau: Canadian Hoffmann in “The Aesthetics of Inuit Art,” Museum of Civilization, 1993), 433-36 in In the Shadow of the Sun: Perspectives on 26 William Storey Twogood, “The Art of the Contemporary Inuit Art (Hull, QC: Canadian Dancing Bears” Arts Manitoba 3, no. 1 (January- Museum of Civilization, 1993), 383-423. Feburary 1978): 66-67. 39 KANATA is one founded on respect. Inuit epistemological values to the Saila’s sculptures were a way for viewer. The humanized bears also him to explore the significance of the express his close relationship with the dancing bear for himself, as an Inuk bear fuelled his decades-long series man. Before Saila moved to Cape of sculptures exploring the subject. Dorset to commit himself wholly to Saila was a key artist in the early years art as a means of support, Saila lived of contemporary Inuit art, and in the primarily off of the land on the south 1960s, he was one of the first to make coast of Baffin Island.27 Shortly after his livelihood wholly through his art.30 moving to Cape Dorset, Saila quit his Beyond the creation of art for art’s job in order to commit himself to the sake, Saila expressed his identity as production of his art. It is during this a hunter and a spiritual man through period that he began to artistically his work. His dancing bear sculptures express the emotions he felt for the are full of personality and playfulness, bears by which he had once gained his and are as powerful as they are gleeful. livelihood.28 Through the figures of the The energy captured in his sculptures dancing bears, viewers can experience is immediately recognizable, as the the joy Saila felt when seeing playful balanced poise of his dancing bears families of polar bears, the strength and reflects their spiritual transcendence. power they hold as rival predators to Pauta Saila is one of the most humans in the Arctic, and their spiritual memorable and admired Inuit artists of significance to and relationship with the mid-twentieth century; the respect Inuit shamans.29 By connecting polar deserved by the artist is rivalled only bears to humans anthropomorphically, by his respect for the bears he sculpted. Saila is keeping alive both Inuit epistemology and the recognition of the importance of the polar bear. On a more personal note, Saila used anthropomorphism as a visual dialogue to emphasize the connection he felt between himself and the animal. Pauta Saila’s anthropomorphized sculptures present polar bears as vital animals within on the Arctic landscape and northern Inuit culture. Used for subsistence and income, Saila shows great respect for his livelihood dependence on the polar bear. The humanization of the bear reflects a broader cultural and spiritual relationship that exists between the Inuit and polar bears, and reinforces this objects’ ability to communicate 27 Feheley, “In Memoriam,” 42. See also “Pauta Saila” entry in The Canadian Encyclopaedia(first published March 21st, 2012; last edited March 4th, 2015), http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/ en/article/pauta-saila/. 28 Ibid. 29 Dowsley, “The Value of a Polar Bear,” 41-56. 30 Ibid., 42. 40 2015
Figure 1. Paula Saila, Dancing Bear, c. 1970, mottled dark grey stone and ivory, 51.2 x 38.8 x 22.8cm. Art Gallery of Ontario (gift of Samuel and Esther Sarick), photo © Dieter Hessel, 1998.
Figure 2. Paula Saila, Polar Bear, c.1980, white stone, 31.1 x 20.3 x 14cm. Waddingtons Inuit Art Auction, photo © Waddingtons, 2012.
41 KANATA
Figure 3. Paula Saila, Dancing Bear, c. 1970, polished dark green stone. Private collection, on Loan to the Museum of Inuit Art, Toronto, photo © Jennifer Mueller, 2015.
42 2015
Bibliography Price, 123-34. London: Routledge, 2001.
Auger, Emily E. The Way of Inuit Art: Kovler, Anna. “Inuit Modern.” Border Aesthetics in and Beyond the Arctic. North Crossings 30, no. 4 (2011): 94-95. Carolina: McFarland & Company Publishers, 2005. Museum of Inuit Art Blog. “Pauta Saila: Playing Favourites at the Museum of Inuit Blodgett, Jean. Cape Dorset. Winnipeg: Art.” Accessed November 8, 2012. http://www. Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1980. museumofinuitartblog.wordpress.com/tag/pauta- saila/. ———. The Coming and Going of the Shaman. Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1979. Multicultural Canada “Identification: The Encyclopaedia of Canada’s Peoples/ Aboriginals: Dowsley, Martha. “The Value of a Polar Bear: Inuit.” Accessed November 8, 2012. http://www. Evaluating the Role of a Multiple-Use Resource multiculturalcanada.ca/Encyclopedia/A-Z/a5/1. in the Nunavut Mixed Economy” Arctic Anthropology 47, no. 1 (2010): 39-56. Seidelman, Harold and Turner, James E. The Inuit Imagination: Arctic Myth and Sculpture. Driscoll, Bernadette. Uumajut: Animal Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1993. Imagery in Inuit Art. Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1985. Sutherland, Patricia D. “Shamanism and the Iconography of Paleo-Eskimo Art.” In The Eber, Dorothy H. “Recording the Spirit Archaeology of Shamanism, edited by Neil S. World.” Natural History 111, no. 7 (2002): 54- Price, 135-145. London: Routledge, 2001. 61. Trott, Christopher G. “The Gender of the ———. “Talking With the Artists.” In Bear.” Études/Inuit/Studies 30, no. 1 (2006): 89- In the Shadow of the Sun: Perspectives on 109. Contemporary Inuit Art. Hull, QC: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1993. Twogood, William Storey. “The Art of the Dancing Bears.” Arts Manitoba 3, no.1 (January- Feheley, Patricia. “In Memoriam: Pauta Saila February 1978): 66-67. (1916-2009).” Inuit Art Quarterly 24, no. 4 (Winter 2009): 42-3.
Finckenstein, Maria von. “A Curated Selection of Pauta Saila’s Work.” Inuit Art Quarterly 11, no.4 (Winter 1996): 6-9.
Graburn, Nelson H. H. “Inuit Art and Canadian Nationalism: Why Eskimos? Why Canada?” Inuit Art Quarterly 1, no. 3 (Fall 1986): 5-7.
Grant, Shelagh D. “Imagination and Spirituality: Written Narratives and the Oral Tradition.” In Echoing Silence: Essays on Arctic Narrative, edited by Gerald Lynch, 191-210. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1997.
Hessel, Ingo. Inuit Art. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1998.
Hoffmann, Gerhard. “The Aesthetics of Inuit Art.” In In the Shadow of the Sun: Perspectives on Contemporary Inuit Art, 383-423. Hull, QC: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1993.
Hollimon, Sandra E. “The Gendered Peopling of North America: Addressing the Antiquity of Systems of Multiple Genders.” In The Archaeology of Shamanism, edited by Neil S.
43 KANATA a 5 b Sound Of The Flowing Water (2014)
Robbie Madsen | Toronto, ON
There is a scene playing on in my head It takes me back to a time we were blessed When grace and elegance were always first choice And I find myself running from these streets and their noise
And I reach for the sound of the flowing water For it is my health and elemental power I reach for the sound of the flowing water It is my health and elemental power
I turned away from the mean things that they said I placed my sights on my own Elders instead But to reach them I had to walk away and go home One trip that I gladly did make on my own
And I pray to the sound of the flowing water For it is my health and elemental power I pray to the sound of the flowing water It is my health and elemental power
Exposed are the lies that they told about me I am released to my true identity You are beautiful said the Medicine Man And that’s why you’re still here - take it into your hands
Now I sing to the sound of the flowing water For it is my health and elemental power I sing to the sound of the flowing water It is my health and elemental power
44 2015
a 6 b Re-Capturing the Indigenous Imagination: Contemporary Indigenous Photography and the Subversion of the Colonial Gaze Jasmin Winter | McGill University
Abstract The photography of Indigenous peoples has been instrumental in the construction of the “Imaginary Indian”, historically allowing for the maintenance of asymmetrical power relations and resulting in pervasive consequences for Indigenous identity. However, in engaging with narratives of resistance and providing a platform for the work of contemporary Indigenous photographers, this paper showcases how Indigenous artists are revisiting the colonial gaze and successfully re- capturing this imagination. Through themes such as the “Trickster Paradigm” and future imagery, Indigenous artists like Nadya Kwandibens, Dana Claxton, Rosalie Favell, KC Adams and Virgil Ortiz are breaking down the traditional relationship between photographer, subject and audience to figuratively and literally frame their own identities on their own terms.
45 KANATA Jasmin Winter is a West coast raised, soon-to-be McGill graduate who will be meeting in the middle this fall to pursue the University of Winnipeg’s Masters in Development program. Her passions include deconstructing Canadian nationalism and playing Quidditch.
The tale of Indigenous peoples’ Dana Claxton, Rosalie Favell and first interaction with the technology Virgil Ortiz show how contemporary of the camera is a familiar narrative artists are revisiting colonial images to the Western consciousness. While on their own terms to conceptualize an the notion that Indigenous peoples Indigenous space both today and in the feared the camera’s ability to “steal future, facilitating the return of control souls” became largely romanticized, over the “Imaginary Indian” back to retrospectively it is interesting to the Indigenous imagination. consider what it was that 19th century In Thomas King’s “You’re Not photographers like Edward S Curtis the Indian I Had in Mind” he recalls were “capturing” with their portraits. how he had the idea in 1994 to travel When it comes down to it, these around North America and take black portraits are more reflective of the and white portraits of Indigenous photographer’s imagination and artists as a project to usher in the new assumptions than anything. To this millennium3. Little did he know at day, collections like Jimmy Nelson’s the time that photographer Edward S. “Before They Pass Away”1 are created Curtis had done the same a century to be sold to the gaze of the “tainted beforehand. At this point North citizens of modernity”; those who wish America was “on the brink of a new to romanticize the beautiful simplicity adventure, and the ‘Indian’ was poised and purity of exotic Indigenous on the brink of extinction”, if not peoples2. The parallels between these physically, then certainly culturally. two artists would suggest that not As both an artist and ethnographer, much has changed since the early Curtis was inspired by a movement colonial era. However, in saying in photography known as “Photo- that we would also be complicit in Secession”, a style that promoted the engaging the wrong artists in our view that photographers should use discourse. Contemporary Indigenous additional techniques to make fine photographers have and continue to art pictures, not just photographs, use photography, and portrait work giving them the qualities and mood of more specifically, to re-capture and paintings4. The desired mood staged present much more complex ideas by Curtis was clear: the ways of of identity through concepts such as Indigenous peoples were disappearing, “The Trickster” and future imagery. A and through his lens he thought himself focus on artists Nadya Kwandibens, able to salvage their memories. In the words of Crosby, this “salvage 1 Nelson, Jimmy. “Before They Pass Away.” paradigm” dictates that those doing the Web. 01 Dec. 2014. 2 Martin, Kathleen. “Native Footprints: Photog- 3 King, Thomas. “You’re Not the Indian I Had raphers and Stories Written on the Land.” Decol- in Mind”. Racism, Colonialism and Indigeneity onization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 2.2 in Canada. 36. (2013): 13. 4 Vizenor, Gerald. “Edward Curits: Pictorialist and Ethnographic Adventurist”. October 2000. 46 2015 saving also choose what fragments of own comparative work, where his a culture they will salvage5. To Curtis, more candid, spontaneous photos act he chose to erase any sign of modernity to highlight the constructed nature of from his portraits. Traditional dress Curtis’. Side by side, photos like Four was mandatory - whether or not it Indian Guys from Winnipeg juxtapose came from your Nation or the one over. the conception of Indigenous men in Alarm clocks were airbrushed off of Curtis’ Three Pigeon Men: Spotted bedside tables, and expressionless faces Eagle, Heavy Gun, Robert Calf Robe and stoic poses brought the “Noble (Figure 1). Stoic faces contrast huge Savage” to life (See Figure 1). He and smiles and laughter, showcasing his audience were looking desperately how the depictions on the left better for the authentic “Dying Indian” resemble the figurine in the hands of in these photos, and so Indigenous the “guys” on the right than the guys peoples of the time basically had the themselves. privilege of watching their own demise Further supporting Thomas’ caught on film. proposal, Arizona State Museum Martin continues, in her essay recently hosted an art show titled “Native footprints: Photographs and “Regarding Curtis: Contemporary stories written on the land”, by asserting Indian Artists Respond to the Curtis the following about Curtis’ work: “This Imagery”. While this paper focuses is the irony of the photographs since primarily on the Canadian context, it is they combine memory and loss. If important to recognize that movements not for colonialism, the theft of land, in art often transcend imposed national extermination of culture and language, boundaries. Accompanying this and the genocide of a people, the need exhibit, and of special note, was the or use for Curtis’ photographs may “Photo ID: Portraits by Native Youth” not have the same importance”6. This project by Tohono O’odham students. irony is not at all lost on contemporary Working in teams, students took on Indigenous artists. Jeff Thomas, a the roles of photographer, director, self-proclaimed Urban-Iroquois, has and lighting technician to create three a series aptly named “A Conversation portraits: the first being a representation with Edward S. Curtis” (Figure 1). He, of Curtis’ work, the second a picture however, offers Curtis a lot of credit, of the students holding one of Curtis’ contending that: “I feel that Curtis did photographs that they researched, not see his work as a definitive study and finally a third that shows how the of Indian-ness… I believe that Curtis students choose to present themselves8. thought that there was potential for This project is both inspiring and The North American Indian project to important as it demonstrates how engage in a future dialogue with their new Indigenous generations are being descendants”7. This is clear in his taught and internalizing a complicated and traumatic past, all with strong 5 Crosby, Maria. “Making Indian Art Modern”. Vancouver Art in the Sixties. Ruins in Process. smiles on their faces (Figure 2). 11. S. Curtis.” A Study of Indian-ness. Web. 27 Nov. 6 Martin, Kathleen. “Native Footprints: Photog- 2014. raphers and Stories Written on the Land”. Decol- 8 ICTMN Staff. “These 10 Kids Won’t Be Ste- onization:Indigeneity, Education and Society 2.2 reotyped by Edward S. Curtis Photos.” Indian (2013): 13. Country Today Media Network.com. Web. 01 7 Thomas, Jeff. “A Conversation with Edward Dec. 2014. 47 KANATA The smiles and laughter that Mustang Suite series helps unpackage illuminate the work of these artists this statement with featured pieces suggest a lot of humour, and humour is Daddy’s Got a New Ride (Figure 3) and in fact one of the most prominent ways Baby Boyz Gotta Indian Pony (Figure that contemporary artists are engaging 4). This exploration of Indigenous in discourse with colonial imagery. stereotypes set against plain backdrops This humour plays on the multiple evokes the staged colonial image, yet layers of identity present in Indigeneity, the Indigenous subjects take on a new distracting the colonial gaze with what and much stronger presence. In the is called the “Trickster Paradigm”: “a first photo an Indigenous man in a suit movement of politically conscious, sports braids and face paint, and stands socially active, and professionally in front of a Mustang muscle car. In the trained Indigenous artists using humour second a younger man rides a mustang in their art in order to relay important horse with nothing but red track pants cultural messages”9. The Trickster is on. There are overt and less overt a central figure in many Indigenous markings of Indigeneity present in these epistemologies, known for making pieces, and in this way Claxton creates humorous mistakes that are used to a statement about hybridity in the 21st educate and entertain 10. While humour century. The double-entendre between is noted in Indigenous communities the car and the horse simultaneously before contact as a means to tell stories, plays with ideas of freedom and teach lessons and to “keep the social mobility as well as the balancing act standards in balance”11, in many ways of the traditional and modern. This it is used today as a way for Indigenous hybridity is almost like a hidden joke, communities to begin to tackle a long something a non-Indigenous viewer and painful history of oppression. might not understand, and in a way Dana Claxton’s work is exemplary this is part of its beauty. The primitive of a more subtle form of humour. relationship between the photographer, Again referring to Kathleen Martin, the subject and the audience is “Photographs are a longing. Once dismantled in favour of a more intimate taken, they capture a moment, but it relationship between the photographer is always unclear what of the moment and the subject, creating a much we as viewers see”12. Claxton’s more collaborative force that does not preoccupy itself with the needs or 9 Sugrue, Meeagan. “Humour in Contemporary desires of the audience. In Claxton’s Indigenous Photography: Re-focusing the Colo- portraits the subjects are complicit in nial Gaze”. University of Vicotira 4.7 (2011): 72. 10 Sugrue, Meeagan. “Humour in Contemporary the message that is being relayed to Indigenous Photography: Re-focusing the Colo- the viewer instead of the photographer nial Gaze”. University of Vicotira 4.7 (2011): 73. roducing a commodity. If the viewer is 11 Hill, Richard W., L’Hirondelle, Cheryl and non-Indigenous, they may very well be Joseph Nayhowtow. “You Are Never Just one forced into an uncomfortable lack of Thing in One Place: Tricksters and Contrary Spirits”. The World Upside Down. Eds. Hill, understanding. Richard W., Sylvie Gilbert and Doris Cowan. Claxton’s work showcases two Banff: Walter Phillips Gallery, 2008. 46-53. major ideas: how “The Trickster” 12 Martin, Kathleen. “Native Footprints: Photog- device can be employed in subtle and raphers and Stories Written on the Land”. Decol- purposeful ways, and also that it is onization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 2.2 (2013): 13. 48 2015 no longer necessary to go and “find” is made up of black and white portraits Indigenous peoples in remote Canada of Indigenous peoples posing or in to take their photographs. The vast movement on the street and other majority of contemporary Indigenous public spaces. In one particular photo photographers, in fact, are focusing a woman dressed in traditional regalia on the Urban-Indigenous experience. stands at the center of a subway station To an extent it can be argued that as passersby blur around her (Figure there is support for McMaster’s 5). She is indeed in a stoic, static pose, concept of “post-reservationism”, but she is absolutely the one taking which associates “long-denied rights up the space. She personifies the and freedoms” with the ability to internal balancing act of holding onto both control (and therefore leave) the tradition and navigating the pace of reserve13. In this way, artist Nadya the dominant lifestyle, and to her right, Kwandibens (Anishinaabe) comes full her zebra printed suitcase indicates circle in her Concrete Indians series, that she is travelling with a sense of where she has spent years travelling freedom. This idea is complex; in a and photographing Indigenous portraits way, perhaps, she is no longer confined across Canada. In her artist’s statement to the borders established by Settlers. she speaks to wishing to challenge the At the same time, the viewer knows fact that “Indigenous people are often that wherever she goes her nationality portrayed in history books as Nations will be questioned, her documents once great; in museums as Nations requested and an external sense of frozen stoic; in the media as Nations control reinforced. This poses questions forever troubled”14. The title Concrete to McMaster’s post-reservationism by Indian is both a humorous nod to the unearthing some of the complexities stoic, frozen colonial image as well as of decolonization and a post-colonial, a nod to Indigenous peoples navigating or a post-anything mentality that seeks the urban space, and this, along with to suggest that any of these processes the portraits themselves, manages have ended cleanly. to capture the complexities and flux With all this in mind, we can of “the reserve” and “the urban” in explore how Indigenous photographers a perhaps more nuanced way than are not only pushing for space in McMaster’s written word alone. In the contemporary context, but also the words of Cheryl L’Hirondelle, the shifting paradigms even further within Trickster and the contrary spirit remind the realm of future imagery. It can us that “many social parameters are absolutely be argued that Edward just man-made, are not of the natural S. Curtis’ influence has contributed order”15. Much of Kwandibens’ work to the lack of representation of 13 McMaster, Gerald. “Post-Reservations Indigenous peoples in science fiction Perspectives”. Essays on Native Modernism: and future imagery. Echoing historic Complexity and Contradiction in American discourse and practices that projected Indian Art. Washington, D.C.: National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, the disappearance of Indigenous 2006. 43-38 peoples, this has come to suggest that 14 Kwandibens, Nadya. “Concrete Indians.” Red there is essentially no future in being Works Photography. Web. 01 Dec. 2014. Spirits”. The World Upside Down. Eds. Hill, 15 Hill, Richard W., L’Hirondelle, Cheryl and Richard W., Sylvie Gilbert and Doris Cowan. Joseph Nayhowtow. “You Are Never Just one Banff: Walter Phillips Gallery, 2008. 46-53. Thing in One Place: Tricksters and Contrary 49 KANATA Indigenous. If anything, science fiction photographic process, the recognition has often perpetuated a settler-colonial of photography as a construction is narrative structure with themes that use important as it negates the power of a tired view of conquering seemingly unexplored land and peoples (or photographs to lead viewers to believe “aliens”)16. Indigenous photographers that their representations of people are now launching into the possibilities are necessarily truth: “Images have and promise of science fiction imagery. the power to convey, construct and Instead of airbrushing over the clocks manipulate not only a sense of time but that appeared in the background of also feelings, sentiment and attitudes, Curtis’ portraits, these photographers and to frame responses in a somewhat fully embrace the idea of Indigenous static form with some amount of peoples interacting with technology permanence. In fact, through the and locating themselves in a future that static medium of visual images and society was led to believe they would photography, cultural attitudes and perceptions are formed, supported not have. 17 Rosalie Favell’s I Dreamed of and fixed” . Later pieces in Favell’s Being a Warrior (1999) shows her series such as I Searched Many Worlds photoshopped face on the body of (1999) as well as Voyageur (2002) also Xena: Warrior Princess (Figure 6). The suggest the complete subversion of the original character is based in the context “conquest” of Indigenous peoples and of an alternative, fantasy Ancient instead imagines a reversal wherein Greece, so this piece in particular plays Indigenous peoples are free to explore more on the idea of re-writing history and discover other lands (Figures 7 and to shake up modern conceptions of 8). Once again posing questions about the future. While simultaneously decolonization, it is interesting to refer challenging the stereotypical idea of this idea to Devon Mihesuah’s chapter the male warrior, the poor quality of “Feminist, Tribalist, or Activist?” the photoshop job also evokes many where she speaks to more radical things. There is a sense of trying to ideologies regarding “the complete “fit in” to something that is largely return of traditions, which also means commandeered by a dominant group; that whites will disappear, bison will it is slightly uncomfortable and return, dead Natives will arise, and the odd, almost playing with the idea of tribes will no longer use any material “inauthenticity”. This word seems to goods or political, religious, social or economic ideas brought to the lose all meaning when we recognize 18 that Settlers were and continue to be New World by foreigners” . While able to impose imagined authenticities there is a clear note of humour in on Indigenous peoples. Favell’s method Mihesuah’s description, it is refreshing is also successful in the way that she to see how science fiction and future makes clear in her portraits that they are 17 Martin, Kathleen. “Native Footprints: Photog- constructed. Referring again to author raphers and Stories Written on the Land”. Decol- Kathleen Martin and her views on the onization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 2.2 (2013): 13. 16 Marez, Curtis. “Aliens and Indians: Science 18 Mihesuah, Devon. “Feminist, Tribalist or Fiction, Prophetic Photography and Near-Future Activist?”. Indigenous American Women: Visions”. Journal of Visual Culture 3.1 (2004): Decolonization, 336-352. Print. Empowerment, Activism. University of Nebras- ka Press. 50 2015 imagery actually allow the Indigenous we will criticize it once again. Do photographer and artist to actively play something. Anything.20 around with these aspirations, these Ortiz’ work Translator Triptych deep fantastical desires, no matter how depicts a humanoid figure in striking “unrealistic” they may be. black and white body paint. The first is Part of the promise of science fiction particularly intense as the subject truly is being able to envision societies “regards” Curtis and the contemporary stripped away of the power structures viewer with an almost menacing, but that are so fixed today. However, more perhaps more “Trickster” gaze (Figure often than not science fiction, written 11). The gendered features of the predominately by white males, has subject are slightly more stripped away instead perpetuated stereotypes and and ambiguous, and the use of the black power dynamics under poorly veiled and white and positive and negative caricatures19. KC Adams addresses space suggests more of a duality and these issues head-on in her “Cyborg hybridity than we see in Adams’ work. Hybrids” series. The collection features Ortiz writes in his artists’ statement that artists with simultaneous Indigenous the character “TRANSLATOR” is the and non-Native identities photographed Head Commander of the Spirit World with crisp white shirts scripted with Army21. He takes the historic event of slogans such as “GANG MEMBER” the 1680 Pueblo Revolt and places it and “IROQUOIS SCOUT” (Figures 9 in a future setting, and the repetitive and 10). While Adams also plays with cloning of the character in the last stoic poses, the artists in her portraits portrait reflects this idea of a more don traditional looking chokers and circular conception of time (Figure 12). glamorous boas to question many of The language of photography is the themes explored in this paper. not accidental. The photographer Perhaps the most interesting aspect “captures”, “steals”, and “takes” their of future imagery is how it contributes shot. Looking back on Edward S. to transcending boundaries and how Curtis’ work it is clear to see that this it is common to the larger human language formed around a view of the consciousness. A final and brief note relationship between the photographer on photographer Virgil Ortiz (Cohiti and subject that prioritized what the Pueblo) also acts to highlight some photographer and intended audience aspects not as thoroughly explored in wanted to see. In his quest to capture Favell and Adams’ work. His portraits the “Indian” Curtis captured more were featured in the “Regarding Curtis” about the misguided nature of the exhibit at the University of Arizona, era’s mindset than anything else. and accompanying his piece is a short While perhaps not his intended poem that reads: purpose, this has ended up acting as Re: Curtis a tool for contemporary Indigenous If he did not do it, we would not photographers. With a connection see them. If we do not do it, someone to the tradition of oral history and else will shape our identities and 20 Allen, Lee. “Smudging the Colonizer’s Lens: 19 Marez, Curtis. “Aliens and Indians: Science Artists Challenge Old Imagery With ‘Regarding Fiction, Prophetic Photography and Near-Future Curtis’” Indian Country Today Media Network. Visions”. Journal of Visual Culture 3.1 (2004): 29 Nov. 14. Web. 1 Dec. 2014. 336-352. Print. 21 Allen, Lee. 136.
51 KANATA passing down ancient knowledge, it is peoples. Through humour and future possible for colonial images to work imagery, Indigenous artists have and as mnemonics rather than accurate are able to reclaim agency and re- portrayals to ultimately add to the assess how they are depicted through their very own lenses. collective memory and healing process of the next generation of Indigenous
Appendix Fig 1:
Left: Curtis, S. Edward. Three Pigeon Men: Spotted Eagle, Heavy Gun, Robert Calf Robe. 1910. Film photography. Library of Congress. Accessed Nov. 27, 2014 from
By Blessing G., student at Ha:san Preparatory. Photo shown: Curtis, Edward S. Qahatika maiden. 1907. Film photography. Accessed Dec. 1, 2014 from
Fig 4: Fig 3:
Claxton, Dana. Daddy’s Got a New Ride. 2008. Claxton, Dana. Baby Boyz Got an Indian Dye coupler print. Accessed Nov. 20 from
52 2015 Fig 5:
Kwandibens, Nadya. Concrete Indians. 2010. Digital photography. Accessed Dec. 1, 2014 from
Fig 6 & 7:
Favell, Rosalie. I dreamed of being a warrior. 1999. Digitally manipulated photo. Accessed Nov. 25, 2014 from < http://www.aboriginalcuratorialcollective.org/acc_gallery/favell.html>. Favell, Rosalie. Voyageur. 2002. Digitally manipulated photo. Accessed Nov. 25, 2014 from < http:// www.aboriginalcuratorialcollective.org/acc_gallery/favell.html>.
Fig 8:
Favell, Rosalie. I Searched Many Worlds. 1999. Digitally manipulated photo. Accessed Nov. 25, 2014 from < http://www.aboriginalcuratorialcollective.org/acc_ gallery/favell.html>.
53 KANATA Fig 9: Fig 10:
Adams, KC. Gang Member. 2006. Adams, KC. Iroquois Scout. 2006. Digital photography. Gallery One Digital photography. Gallery One One One, Winnipeg. Accessed One One, Winnipeg. Accessed Nov. 30, 2014 from
Fig 11: Fig 12:
Ortiz, Virgil. Translator Triptych. 2014. Digitally manipulated photography. Arizona State Museum. Accessed Nov. 30, 2014 from
54 2015
SEVEN GENERATIONS: A PLAINS CREE SAGA follows one Plains Cree family from the early19th century to the present day. For Edwin, the story of his ancestors from both the distant and recent past must guide him through an uncertain present, to the dawn of a new future. Originally henderson a b published as a four-part graphic novel series, 7 Generations explores the • 7 life of Stone, a young Cree warrior, the smallpox epidemic of 1870, the residential school system of the 20th century and its familial legacy. Ancestral Lineage Transcending the Temporal: 7 Generations and Spatially Bound Identity
robertson robertson GENERATIONS Sarah SwiderskiA PLAINS | McGill CREE University SAGA Praise for 7 Generations: “…David weaves an engrossing and unforgettable story with the precision of a historian and the color of a true Indigenous storyteller.” – Rosanna Deerchild, author, This Is a Small Northern Town
*** “…a masterpiece of traditional knowledge; a powerful gift to share!” – Betty Ross, Elder, Cross Lake First Nation
*** “…Healing lies in knowing our past, not just of our lives, but also the distant past of our ancestors. The interweaving movements from present to past and past to present are like waves of cleansing waters washing in to the present, and back out to that distant past. It’s mesmerizing.” Abstract – Beatrice Mosionier, author, In Search of April Raintree 7 Generations: A Plains Cree Saga is a graphic novel by Scott
7 GENERATIONS: A Plains Cree Saga A Plains Cree 7 GENERATIONS: B. Henderson and David Alexander Robertson which outlines the *** ancestral struggles of the Blackbird family across past generations. The “…a powerful message through image and word [that] will engage readers in an protagonist, Edwin, works to heal himself from the initial plot point of historical and insightful story ….” his suicide attempt through listening to his mother’s stories of strength – David Booth, author and educator and endurance in their bloodline. The Blackbird family is rife with cases *** of perseverance: war with neighbouring peoples, colonization, the ravages of smallpox and the residential school system bring Edwin’s “…Reconciliation is about respect… and self-respect is where it starts. A good ancestors into contact with pain and death. However, 7 Generations story is worth telling, and when told well, is worth reading. Especially this one.” affords a message of hope and ongoing transcendence beyond the – Justice Murray Sinclair, Chair, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada ravages of such hardships through the power of collective support transmitted through the oral storytelling tradition. These past pains are passed on and brought together in discourse by Edwin’s ongoing battle with his depression and are materialized by the object of the stone necklace which each Blackbird family member has held throughout the course of their saga. david alexander robertson scott b. henderson 55
7 Gen-cover.indd 1 12-08-24 11:07 AM KANATA Sarah Swiderski is a student at McGill University studying a double major in History and English Cultural Studies with a double minor in Art History and East Asian Languages and Literature. In her spare time she enjoys blogging, working with art and engaging with the many wonderful aspects of her local community.
Edwin is lost, alone, and alienated of its visualization of the Cree saga. from the world when he attempts Throughout the work, the characters to commit suicide at the outset of interact with space as much as they are 7 Generations, David Alexander represented by it. They often journey Robertson and Scott B. Henderson’s to visit natural landmarks in order to Aboriginal graphic novel. This crisis access ancestral memory, such as the point is brought about as a result of the river bank, where space transcends time protagonist’s feeling of separation from and the dead can speak to the living. both his familial and cultural identity. They pass along the stone necklace as Healing is visually and narratively an object of power which accumulates described as a journey of reconnection the individual strength of its possessors to these personal roots through shared throughout their times of hardship and human experience; it is an accessing affords them the collective strength of of the accumulated wisdoms of one’s all of its owners, both past and present. ancestry. Throughout the novel, every David Alexander Robertson and Scott component of the medium works to B. Henderson’s 7 Generations utilizes weave a vivid experience which overlays the theme of cyclical ancestry through past and present, negating a temporal an interweaving of oral narrative, visual conception of ancestral lineage in favor similitude, and indexical bonds to of a spatially based paradigm. In his convey a powerful message of healing “Coming Home Through Stories,” Neal and connectivity. McLeod states that “to tell a story is One of the most common narrative to link, in the moments of telling, the structures in the broader tradition of past to the present, and the present to literature follows the development of the past” (17). This atemporal quality the story through a setting up of plot, of storytelling, which he suggests of rise of events to a point of climax, the aboriginal oral narrative tradition, and general denouement towards affords it an agency which one can only the eventual conclusion of the tale. truly access through spatial elements However, 7 Generations diverts from such as land and object. McLeod speaks this model in a manner that enhances of spatial and ideological dissonance the Aboriginal mode of storytelling. as the two main factors that caused As such, the narrative commences at cultural loss and personal struggle. a point of climactic drama as Edwin’s Edwin’s plight is symptomatic in both mother races to save him from of these categories of alienation. The himself. As a result a convergence medium of the graphic novel allows for point of past and present initiates the the category of the spatial to interplay narrative; all that proceeds the story’s with that of the narrative by means commencement, and all that follows
56 2015 it, converges upon itself through the through recollection of a time when the interpolation of past and present Cree were, themselves, the colonizers throughout the narrative. The remedial of the Blackfoot. 7 Generations reclaims power of this method is evident when a sense of Aboriginal agency by means considering it as, “an ideological home of the self-authoring of narrative. As [which] is a layering of generations McLeod words this sentiment: “stories of stories, and the culmination of and languages led some of the people storyteller after storyteller, in a long back to their identities; it is only chain of transmission. To be home, in through our own stories that we can an ideological sense, means to dwell in find true dignity and integrity in the the landscape of the familiar, collective world” (30). memories, as opposed to being in exile” Much like the similitudes found in (“Coming Home Through Stories,” the narrative of 7 Generations, there is a 18). Lauren, Edwin’s mother, uses the wealth of visual mirroring which brings power of story to give her son strength the characters together across time to on his path to recovery; she brings him share in the strength of their cultural home through the familiarity of pain in and familial identity. The auditor of ancestral stories of the Blackbird family this work need look no further, but in which those members with whom certainly should not stop at, the cover they share blood were able to triumph of the book in order to find validity over adversity and dissonances of their in this assessment. As Edwin looks own. Stone’s battle to avenge his brother’s into the river, distraught, his father’s death at the hands of the Blackfoot, and image reflects back at him; their shared White Cloud’s survival of the smallpox emotion of pain bonds them, the stone epidemic are meant to give Edwin a they hold transcends the temporal sense of ancestral triumph and create a distance of their struggles and staves personal connection with this tradition off the dissonances which create their of endurance. The protagonist of any pains. The generations of the Blackbird story is meant to serve as a point of family are literally folded upon identification to its auditor. This is true themselves through visual similitude as in the case of Edwin’s identification much as they are interwoven through with his ancestors as much as it is in narrative interpolation. James’ pain is the case of the auditor’s resonance with passed on to Edwin very clearly in the Edwin when reading 7 Generations. visual resemblance of the scene of his In this manner, the projection of one’s younger brother Thomas being beaten own identity onto the object of the at residential school and that of his own graphic novel, and its narrative, can inclination to hit his son with a belt serve as a healing tool for its auditor as later in his life (7 Generations, 91-92, well. This is especially true for those of 96). McLeod speaks of the experience Cree ancestry; the work creates a space of residential schools as one which for Aboriginal characters in graphic “exemplifies the process of ideological novels, which maintains cultural diaspora. Alienation from the land, accuracy rather than subjugation. political pressure and the use of force Stone’s story calls the colonizer/ were all parts of a larger effort to destroy colonized dichotomy into question [Creeness]” (“Coming Home Through
57 KANATA Stories,” 29). The emotional scars which one with depression and the other with James’ loss of his younger brother at smallpox; through this visual affinity the the school cause are visually likened graphic novel medium is able to more to Edwin’s near-death experience as powerfully emphasize the overlapping the two young boys lie one over the of their experiences as members of the other, facing the auditor with similar Blackbird ancestry. These are but some body posture, and the gutters of the of the many examples of the use of page blur into one another just like the visual similitude in 7 Generations which implications of their experiences are create a spatially bound, atemporal, meant to (7 Generations, 121). collective consciousness which story Another example of this visual telling keeps alive, a tradition the novel overlapping of stories can be found itself is participating in. in the interpolation of Edwin’s image Finally, objects which the characters running through the forest with that of 7 Generations grasp to in their of White Cloud’s running through times of hardship act as indexical the forest; both are in states of bonds which transcend time through emotional discord (56). Regardless spatially bound memory and wisdom. of the generation of Blackbird, which Photographs are one example of they belong to the land that holds the this. James recounts how he kept wisdom necessary to transcend time photographs of his family around his and affords the answers of the ancestors. workspace as a message of hope during McLeod might explain this paneling the years he spent healing, away from choice as one which demonstrates how them. The calendar behind him in the “narratives are thus essentially maps previous panel looks colorless and which emerge out of a relationship to a unimportant in comparison to the specific area, whereas wisdom emerges strength which these indexical bonds to from voice and memory within that past moments of joy shared with Edwin landscape” (“Coming Home Through and Lauren seem to afford him while Stories,”18). Bear appears to Stone engaging in the daily grind of working by the riverside and speaks to him life (119). Likewise, Edwin looks to beyond the confines of life and death a cracked photograph of his father via exactly this power of the landscape when he is feeling abandonment and (7 Generations, 22). Space is visually isolation from his ancestry at the time important in instances such as when of his suicidal decision (3). However, Lauren comforts Edwin in the hospital. the strongest of the indexical bonds The page beside it directly mirrors the in 7 Generations is most certainly that panel shape and arrangement, as well of the stone necklace passed on from as the bodily posturing, of Stone as he family member to family member as an lies over his brother Bear’s slain body object of strength to help them through (18-19). Likewise, when telling stories their greatest times of hardship (12, in the kitchen, Lauren’s reflection in 16, 31, 39, 45, 73, 126-127). McLeod’s her coffee mug sequentially precedes assessment of spatially bound identity that of White Cloud’s reflection in a and collective memory beautifully bowl of water (43). Both confront the outlines the power of the indexical task of caring for a sick family member, bond to heal when he speaks of how
58 2015 “the ancestors were speaking to you Saskatchewan: Purich Publishing, 2007. Print. directly, the knowledge the stones Robertson, David Alexander, writer. 7 contain. Bring this knowledge to bear Generations: A Plains Cree Saga. Art by Scott B. on your disturbing situation” (“Coming Henderson. Winnipeg, Manitoba: Highwater Home Through Stories,”18). The stone Press, 2012. Print. is literally land; the foundation of ancestral identity. This is perhaps the strongest symbolic bond visually and indexically which connects all those members of the Blackbird family whose tales contribute to the larger narrative of this Plains Cree saga as a whole. By use of narrative affinity, visual similitude and indexical bonds engaging in discourse through the medium of the graphic novel, David Alexander Robertson and Scott B. Henderson’s 7 Generations is an act of cultural reclamation, and therefore of healing through the strength of ancestral cyclicality. Just as the power of lineage courses through Stone while on his vision quest, Edwin is able to connect by the riverside to all the strength of his identity, which he felt alienated from at the outset of the series of stories (7 Generations, 11 and 128). It is through this hybridity of image and text by which the subjugated culture realizes that they are not victims, “but rather celebrates their ability to recreate themselves in the face of new circumstances” (“Coming Home Through Stories,” 22). It is through recreation that similitude takes on new edges, new wisdom, and the collective consciousness is altered while maintaining the core values and ideologies which affords the Cree people their ancestral strength.
Works Cited
McLeod, Neal. “Coming Home Through Stories.” Cree Narrative Memory: From Treaties to Contemporary Times. Saskatoon,
59 KANATA
a 8 b Decolonizing Sexuality: Ramblings of a Queer Settler on Writing a History of Indigenous Sexuality
Chris Gismondi | McGill University
Abstract “Tradition” can function as a tool of gender-sex, and sexuality oppression for Indigenous people. But what if that history was always inclusive? This loose thesis of “decolonizing sexuality” best encompasses the place of Two-Spirit in Indigenous histories, as well as problematizing the “otherness” of Indigenous queers. This paper will analyzing methodology, the field of Two- Spirit scholarship, and contemporary experiences to break down Indigenous heteronormativity. Detrimental gender-sex binaries and heterosexuality, and will be positioned as a learned, colonially imposed behaviour to contest the “otherness” of “queer” sexualities. 60 2015 Chris J. Gismondi is a queer white Settler and Joint Honours Art History, History, and Indigenous Studies Minor student who grew up on Anishinaagek Mississauga, Ojibwa and Huron territory before attending school at McGill on Kanien’kehá:ka territroy.
In 2014, Robbie Watt an openly a tool for sexual and gender oppression. gay man from Kuujjuq met resistance Highlighting alternative genders, is after establishing an online support one way of challenging internalized group for LGBT people in Nunavut colonization and heteronormativity as a platform to discuss homophobia propagated in contemporary and sexual orientation in Inuit Indigenous life. I will outline the many communities.1 My personal response methodological problems, explore the was appalled at how the “traditional field of Two-Spirit scholarship, and Inuk way” was being used to actively ask readers to challenge their own oppress community members. Diverse prejudices of sexuality regardless of desires from heterosexuality are not a how they identify, either as a settler or modern or Western invention, but have Indigenous to Turtle Island. always existed. In the West, where sexuality and gender have been policed Terminology: and regulated extensively, is it too easy A few notes on the terminology to try to imagine Indigenous history as used. “Queer” is a distinctly Western being more accepting? To attempt to conception of non-normative “decolonize sexuality” means trying sexualities, genders and biologies. to deconstruct the way colonialism This includes, but is not limited to conceives of Indigenous people and homosexuality, gender-queer, and their sexuality, while recognizing that trans* identities. The term Two- Indigenous people have to confront Spirit is a contemporary self-defined, internalized colonial thinking. This Indigenous identity that refers to loose thesis best encompasses the place worldviews where both sexes/spirits of Two-Spirit in Indigenous histories, operate within the body.2 The term as well as contesting the naturalness of Two-Spirit, historically refers to a the Western reproductive heterosexual diverse range of gender practices relationship. To elaborate, this essay specific to Indigenous cultures, as sets out to problematize the notion well as biological sex variations that that Indigenous people—like everyone in Western terminology could be else—are naturally heterosexual. I see broadly understood as “intersex”. this scholarship having to create links Wherever possible, I aim to employ from the historic to the contemporary the specific cultural-linguistic names as colonization imposed frameworks for these alternative genders. For for “appropriate” human relations example, the four Navajo genders drawn along lines of gender, sex, are female, male, Dilbaa (“women” and sexuality intersectionally. I am functioning as “men”), and Nádleehi attempting to place Two-Spirit people (“men” functioning as “women”). back into a pan-Indigenous history and 3 The outdated term of “berdache/ challenge how “tradition” functions as bardadj” is derogatory coming from 61 KANATA bastardized Arabic, referring to male from historic European sources laced prostitution and sodomy.4 Historically, with homophobia, transphobia, and Two-Spirit would have specific gender a perspective of a gender-sex binary conceptions and would operate in what is an obvious detriment. An infamous would be trans-gendered performance painting by ethno-anthropologist in Western terminology. The cross- George Catlin, the “Dance of the gender performance is not common Berdache” among the Fox Nation of for all contemporary Two-Spirited the Great Lakes for example, should people, who in Western terms, could be be recontextualized from his bias. The identified as cis-sexual, cis-gendered central figure should be reconsidered with a queer sexual orientation. In as an elevated individual and their underscoring the terminology used dancers by a process of association.7 throughout this paper, I have to In the Haudenosaunee context, the recognize that the sexual labels are matriarchal societies were shoved into Western in their creation and recognize patriarchal—and I would add gender- the problems of applying labels like binary—historic accounts, which “homosexual” or “heterosexual” in created hierarchies out of gender, and the Indigenous context. This language, disempowered women who found and the sexualities they represent are themselves navigating the porous roles foreign and imposed, which contests of power.8 Early explorers, traders, and the “normativity” of Indigenous other colonists had to equate what they heterosexuality as a result. observed to European experiences and conceptions of the body. 9 Methodology: While we have historical accounts I also have to identify some of the of Two-Spirit people, as well as some methodological problems for this surviving scattered oral histories, the research. Rifkin’s provocative new traditional scope of scholarly research work When Did Indians Become here has to be stretched. Straight?: Kinship, the History of Indigenous studies itself is Sexuality, and Native Sovereignty broadening the definitions of research comes from a cultural studies to include unorthodox methods like background. I wish to acknowledge creation stories, land based education, that “decolonizing” sexuality from and oral history. Importantly, we should an orthodox historical methodology not quarantine Indigenous scholarship is near impossible given its colonial to the ethno-anthropological realms taboo and erasure. Settler-colonists of academia but position it as “an sought to eliminate “deviances from intellectual project that can shape Judeo-Christian interpretations of sex scholarly discourses as a whole.”10 and sexuality.”5 Furthermore, processes Subsequently, all scholarship needs of manifest destiny and westward to be “decolonized/ indigenized”, expansion brought transportation including sexuality studies. Indigenous networks that “allowed the arbiters studies should “escape its position of ‘normal’ sexuality” i.e. Settlers, to of ethnographic entrapment within propagate Western heterosexuality the academy.”11 I would further this and a gender-sex binary.6 Working momentum out of the academy by
62 2015 saying we should allow Indigenous source of information. To highlight scholarship to let us reconsider how we the importance of Two-Spirit scholars, relate to and conceive of our own, and Settler scholar Scott Lauria Morgensen others’ bodies. considers Two-Spirit as having a Bodies in Indigenous epistemology prominent place in “decolonizing” by are mutable, shapeshifting genders, rejecting colonial conditions where sexes and species. I draw attention Settler scholars can write at a distance to worldviews and creation stories of Native “queers”.14 The Two-Spirit to problematize the naturalness identity allows “Native queers” to be of heterosexuality and gender-sex unassimilated by conventional queer binaries. I have encountered a version critics that “(naturalize) non-Natives in of the Inuit creation story where the a settler society.”15 sea goddess Sedna/Uinigumasuittuq Two-Spirit and their place (she who did not marry) was featured in oral history, is another place living on the ocean floor with a of methodological contention. female partner.12 Another Inuit Anthropologist Julie Cruikshank notes story I have encountered features that oral traditions cannot be treated as the original inhabitants, two male “evidence to be used for facts,” but that hunters Aakulujjuusi and Uumarnituq, they are “told from the perspectives of who become lonely, make love and the people who views inevitably differ Uumarnituq becomes pregnant and depending on the context” and that the changes sexes in order to birth the history cannot be taken as homogenous child.13 This story I found on a Settler’s to the community.16` I highlight that the queer pagan podcast, Discovering the internalized colonization of Indigenous Male Mysteries. We should wonder storytellers might explain why why these stories are not being told sexuality and Two-Spirit are not more by Indigenous voices, why queer prominent in the stories available. Settlers—like myself—are interested Lastly, to address methodology is to in them, with questions about who has outline how intersecting gender, sex and access to these stories, and why they sexuality are within the scope of this are, or are not being disseminated. work. The three cultural constructions Another methodological issue operate intimately in tandem with is about accessibility. Much of the one another. Historically, sources had accessible scholarship on Two- to label gender roles according to Spirit comes from Settler scholars, European familiarity. Scholar Brian despite recognizing that prominent Joseph Gilley, who self-identifies as a self-identified Two-Spirit scholars “straight Cherokee-Chickasaw” man do exist. I also recognize that some cautions considering Two-Spirit as knowledge is not mine to know within a sexual orientation, but recognizes the scope of Indigenous spirituality that the alienation Two-Spirit face is and sexuality. I have tried to include comparable to “homophobia” rooted in Indigenous voices into this work their sexuality.17 Will Roscoe considers wherever possible to make sure they that gender as opposed to sexuality is are heard in this dialogue. However, I “a more appropriate rubric for social regret that they are not the prominent status” in the Indigenous context.18
63 KANATA However, I wish to challenge sexuality “from Alaska to Chile”.21 In contrast, directly given its near universal most scholars recognize alternative permeation into culture. My specificity genders as distinct cultural practices aims to critique heterosexuality’s commonly cited among the Navajo, natural, assumed, and normalized Lakota, and Dakota.22 Brown notes compulsory status. I recognize that I that Indigenous gender is “spiritually will have to collaborate with, and be directed” and that “sexual play” was in dialogue with avenues of gender embraced along side pro-creation.23 in order to do this. As notions of sex He sees historic Two-Spirit as an and biology come into discussion “institutionalized homosexuality” as “naturalized” under Foucauldian participating in cultural rites like discourse analysis as an “artificial marriages and occupying respected, unity” or “casual principle.”19 This elevated statuses in society from problematic pairing links marital their spiritual/ gender power.24 In heteronormativity to bourgeois his view, Christianization from homemaking, private property, missionaries tried to eradicate these inheritance, legal determination, sexualities and practices. By the and gendered labour as socially 1800’s Haudenosaunee and Iroquoian foundational for the Settler state.20 groups were “traumatized” away from alternative genders, which gave way to Scholarship: Settler ideologies of heterosexual pro- One effect of colonialism was the creation.25 near complete overlay of Western Settler scholar Andrea Smith, ideology over top of multiple, diverse sees Native people “entrapped in a Indigenous knowledge frameworks logic of genocidal appropriation” through processes of assimilation. I in terms of Settler colonialism’s wish to mention that Two-Spirit—like heteronormativity.26 I would first all Indigenous people—are resisting challenge Smith’s thesis and consider these ongoing processes. It is suspected that we trust Indigenous people to by some scholars that alternative gender best navigate the systems of colonial practices, and subsequent sexualities processes and second, recognize that were prolific throughout the Americas. culture is never static or “authentic”, to Some scholars believe nations are be measured, or used as a tool of measure. actively suppressing their Two-Spirit John Tanner, a historic explorer of the histories inspired from internalized Minnesota area encountered Two- colonial imposition. Where can we Spirit along his journey. He recorded: even begin to draw the line on what “There are several of this sort among conceptions of the self are Indigenous most, if not all the Indian tribes.”27 I or Settler? reluctantly want to believe the work From the field of social work, of a scholar like Brown, and his pan- Settler Lester B. Brown is the most Indigenous theory. However, I, as a liberal scholar on the subject I settler on this land, have to recognize have encountered. His view is pan- that perpetuating this narrative is a Indigenous, in that he posits alternative heavy romanticization of a history that genders as a a prolific phenomenon is not my own. I wish to defend that
64 2015 alternative sexualities/genders are not between 1799 and 1814 had accounts an “appropriation” of Western queer of Two-Spirit Ozaawindib at the sexualities, but pre-exist queer theory, modern site of the Ojibwe Leech Lake the Stonewall riots, and gay liberation Reservation.30 Around 1674, Jesuit indefinitely. At the same time, Iam Jacques Marquette, while voyaging opposed to “tradition” functioning as through the Illinois country mentions oppressive. I am trying to make space accounts of men who “assume the within ideas of “tradition” that are open garb of women” and suspects a similar and inclusive. custom among the Sioux.31 His account is clouded with patriarchy from the Two-Spirit Histories: transgendered pursuits of the Two- What would pre-contact, Indigenous Spirit, exemplary is how he considers sexuality look like? Regardless, we them “demeaning themselves to do should not hold notions of “authenticity” everything the women do.”32 In the and “tradition” over Indigenous people geographic space termed the “Upper as markers of their “Indian-ness”. How Missouri”, explorer Edwin Thompson do we even begin to recover histories, Denig recounts a Two-Spirit individual and people who were targeted and along his journeys through Sioux, erased from historical memory? As Arickaras, Assiniboine, Cree and explained in the methodology section, Crow territory in the 17th century.33 historic accounts of Two-Spirit come However, his negligence made me at the expense of European authors unable to pinpoint among which nation and how they perceived the world. this observation was made. I hope to demonstrate the broad In the North, an anthropological study geographic ranges of these accounts examined non-conforming gender as crucial to imaging a pan-Indigenous Shamans among the Inuit of Igluik near “decolonized” sexuality. the Melville Peninsula of Baffin Island. Coming from the discourse of 34 At a festival referred to as Tivajuut anthropology, a study of alternative around 1922 or 1923, the son of two genders in the Northwest Coast shamans Ujaraq, remembers being Salish Stó:lō Nation, recognizes the dressed like a girl to participate. This permeable difference between gender process, termed an “anthroponymic and sexuality. Those who identified identity”, came from Ujaraq receiving as a traditional alternative gender and the names of female ancestors at his contemporary gay, lesbian identities birth.35 Among the Kodiak and Kaska both accept the term Two-Spirit.28 The of Alaska is an account of gender self- “fixed permanency” and “malleable determination. A family in the Chukchi performativity” of gender and sexuality Nation was lead by “a husband who are complicated in this Indigenous was a biological female and a wife who contemporary and traditional context. was a biological male.”36 Even within Common Two-Spirit histories are the scope of alternative gender and from the Dakota and Navajo, and sexuality practices, there is the ability sometimes Ojibwe.29 In the geographic for reproduction. space of Minnesota, North West In southern spaces, Spanish Company fur trader Alexander Henry conquistadors in Florida mentions
65 KANATA a “male-berdache” doing what is writing American Indian Stories first arguably a sacred and specialized published in 1921, erases the Winkte task of preparing the dead for gender category, same-sex eroticism, burial, highlighting their spiritual and cultural recognition in marriage significance.37 Further south in by catering to Settler readers.41 modern Mexico, Chicimeca circa However, “(Indigenous people) 1530, colonizers encountered what rebuke colonialism and the political- they perceived as a woman on the economic situation cause by European battlefield. Conquistador Nuno de intervention in the same breath (they)… Guzman accounts “everyone was apply Western value judgments on their amazed to see such heart and force in a sexuality.”42 This paradox of internal- woman.”38 After being taken prisoner, colonization and oppressive “tradition” and undressing her, they learned she are fundamentally at odds. was not “biologically female” and As previously mentioned, I am executed her.39 contesting the normative status of These historic accounts of Two-Spirit heterosexuality as not natural, but individuals throughout the Americas learned. Rifkin considers educational score the geographic range of non- policies like Boarding School (or the binary genders and their subsequent Canadian equivalent of the Residential sexualities. Although coloured with School system) as the main avenues European bias they are useful for for institutionalizing colonial social scholars in that they memorialize relations like the gendered labour these individuals as to not erase their division of the husband and wife as the identities and significances in history. “paradigmatic model for appropriate social order…and the construction of Problematizing the Norm: (the) bourgeois home.”43 He furthers this Here I hope to further challenge critique by outlining the impact of the tradition as a tool for sexual oppression reproductive heterosexual relationship and consider heteronormativity as a as “splintering tribal territory into learned colonial behaviour. Navajo single family households…(and) the scholar Jenifer Nez Denetedale, abandonment of Indigenous kinship has commented on the way Navajo networks.”44 In a chapter provocatively leaders—primarily men—“reproduce titled “Killing the Indian, Saving the Navajo ideology in ways that re- Heterosexual Homesteader”, he links inscribe gender roles based on Western these theories to the implementation concepts even as they claim to operate of two 1870 education programs at under traditional Navajo philosophy.”40 the Hampton Institute and Carlisle This internalization of learned colonial Institution under Colonel Richard behaviours is operating under the guise Henry Pratt. This education based of “tradition”. Rifkin considers how on an “outing system”, which placed Sioux writer, Zitkala-Ša redefines students with white-Settler families to Dakota masculinity in his writings to “receive an adequate idea of civilized play into white/Settler assumptions home-life.”45 This learned “civilized” of sex and gender. An analysis of the life is patriarchial, gender-binary, and “regulation of homoeroticism” in the heterosexual.
66 2015 A recorded oral history by Cree governance comes to appear as self orator Louis Bird, details the traditional evident. 50 marriage practice of the Omushkego Cree of the Lower James Bay. He This analysis is inviting for anti- explains that his story is about pre- colonial/decolonizing politics, and its Christian, nomadic Cree lifestyle.46 His disempowerment of the Settler state’s discussion of pre-contact marriages is uninterrupted process of creating automatically heterosexual; marriages legitimacy. Similarly, sovereignty are arranged, usually held according is another dimension of colonial to the seasons and sanctified by a imposition. Rifkin defines sovereignty Shaman or dignitary.47 He speaks little as “the settler states exertion of meta of the details of the Shaman figures and political authority” with reference to focuses his story along a “fairy tale” the state’s ability to define land tenure, type narrative resulting in children. He political identity, and meaningful does not define his genders, or who is consent which is prominent in contested allowed to be conceived of as a “man” resource extraction negotiations.51 or “woman”, but premises marriage Sovereignty’s intersection to sexuality exclusively around the heterosexual. is positioned where Indigenous people Prominent post-structuralist gender are “legitimized” by demonstrating scholar Judith Butler problematizes their “self-evident superiority of the heterosexual reproduction of bourgeois homemaking…through Western “kinship.” She sees kinship investments in Native straightness.” as institutional, creating fundamental (emphasis his)52 Sovereignty functions forms of human dependancy and as a way for the Settler state to links it to modern political struggles empower itself by “recognizing” or for marriage equality and attempts to “disavowing” Indigenous title and redefine marriage beyond pro-creation. notions of peoplehood.53 48 Kinship, as a process, not a thing, allows room for active agency through Contemporary Two-Spirit: creation, and “reorients it away from In linking this work to the experience reproductive notions of transmitted of contemporary Two-Spirit, I hope biological substance or privatized to exemplify how Indigenous people homemaking.”49 Similarly, Rifkin have subsequently naturalized posits heterosexual kinship as forming heteronormativity. The way Two-Spirit a self-perpetuating dynamic: today are ostracized in Indian Country Heteronormativity legitimizes means that previous acceptances the liberal settler state by have been replaced with—I would presenting the political economy argue, Western, colonial—negligence of privatization as simply an and intolerance. In the documentary expression of the natural conditions film Two-Spirit by Lydia Nibley, she for human intimacy, reproduction, follows the life of Navajo Nádleeh and resource distribution; thus the Fred Martinez, where with life critique of heternormativity offers tragically culminating in a hate crime a potent means for challenging the by a Settler.54 For Two-Spirit their ideological process by which settler existence is challenged by intolerance,
67 KANATA threats, and violence, not just from Spirit scholarship that seems to follow within the community, but outside as in the trend of “queering” (verb) certain well. Straight Cherokee-Chickasaw discourses. Gabriel Estrada identifies scholar Brian Joseph Gilley, works as a “queer feminist of Chiricahua extensively with contemporary Two- Apache, Rarámuri, Caxcan Nahua, and Spirit and queer Indigenous peoples Chicana matrilineages who participates about how AIDS and sexuality in two-spirit social networks.”60 affect their community life. Through Inspired from Apache scholar Edison conducting interviews he found that Cassadorre who provided a “critical the Two-Spirit men he works with Western Apache two-spirit” critique uphold that “family values” and that rethinking Laura Mulvey’s patriarchal their sexuality are in opposition to their and heterosexual gaze in cinema, he perceived “traditional Indian values.”55 arrives at an analysis of the Nádleeh Some of their fears stems from Western gaze in cinema.61 The motive for work stereotypes and associations. “Most of this nature is a “resistance to imperial people don’t want to think of Indian whiteness in film.”62 In this line of men as queens or stereotyped about scholarship, “whiteness” is reasoned unhealthy gay people and most people as heterosexual, and something that do not want to recognize a historical should be resisted. place for Two-Spirit men based on In an interview with Two-Spirit Bo their sexual orientation.”56 For his Young, and his Shoshone mentor Clyde subjects, it seems that their sexuality Hall, Young confides how from a queer is at odds with their Indigeneity. Settler perspective it is “distressing” Despite their self-importance for their how most Two-Spirit spiritualists traditions, they felt as if they were “would deny gay brothers and sisters “conflicted participating in ceremonies access to a history, to a tradition that or powwows.”57 Whereas the sacred would empower us all.”63 However, and traditional roles of Two-Spirit I need to mention that Young’s beading, singing, jingle dancing, ambiguous background means he were revered. It should be telling that might fall into this “non-Indigenous” modern Two-Spirit feel their sexuality category despite being incorporated is in opposition to their “Indianness” into Two-Spirit communities, having and to what extent they feel they can participated in Sweat Lodge, Vision participate in their communities.58 Quests, and Feasts of the Dead.64 We However, advocates within should obviously be critical of Young’s Indigenous communities recognize potential appropriation of Indigenous this homophobic, oppressive thinking spirituality and ceremonies. This idea and are combating it by disseminating of a shared non-normative history toolkits such as “TRIBAL Resolutions for both Indigenous Two-Spirit and and Codes To Support Two Spirit & Settler queers raises issues previously LBGT Justice in Indian Country” which recognized about what knowledge is addresses they ways Two-Spirit are meant to remain sacred, and Settler’s disadvantaged and disenfranchised.59 romanticization of Indigenous “queer” Contemporary scholars have even taken histories. to engaging with Indigenous Two- In an attempt to “decolonize”
68 2015 sexuality, I have tried to broadly off the pages of academia. explore the intersections of gender, sex, and sexuality, and how they function in 1. Sarah Roger. “New Online Group Offers Hope, Support to Gay Inuit in the Arctic” tandem for Two-Spirit and Indigenous NunatsiaqOnline. March 7 2014. “queer” people. I have tried to challenge 2. Sam McKegney. Masculindians: “tradition” as a tool for oppression and Conversations About Indigenous Manhood. Winipeg: University of Manitoba Press. 2014. perpetuating heteronormativity by Print. 27. demonstrating that Two-Spirit histories 3. Two Spirits, directed by Lydia Nibley. New and mutable conceptions of the body York: Cinema Guild, 2009. 4. Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest: are common across pan-Indigenous Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the worldviews. I think this is important European Conquest of the Americas. Ithaca: for addressing how colonial teachings Cornell University Press, 1995. 40, 67. 5. Stewart Van Cleve. Land of 10,000 Loves of the gender-binary and heterosexual a History of Queer Minnesota. Minnesota: bourgeois relationships are learned, University of Minnesota Press. 2012. 14. not natural. However, by trying to 6. Van Cleave. Land of 10,000 Loves. 14. 7. Van Cleave. Land of 10,000 Loves. 15. conceive of a place for Two-Spirit in 8. Sandra Slater and Fay A. Yarbrough. Gender a pan-Indigenous history, this work and sexuality in indigenous North America, hopes to create a space for tolerance 1400-1850. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press. 2011 within contemporary Indigenous 9. Will Roscoe. 1998. Changing Ones: Third and societies where hostility is perceived. Fourth Genders in Native North America. New The thread between the historic and the York: St. Martin’s Press. 120. 10. Andrea Smith. “Queer Theory and Native contemporary experiences are crucial Studies: The Heteronormativity of Settler not just for considering Indigenous Colonialism”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and sexuality and gender, but Indigenous Gay Studies, vol 16, no 1-2, 2010, 43. 11. Smith. 44. issues broadly. After experiences of 12. Bernard Saladin d’Anglure and Jane colonialism, I am contesting what Philibert. The Shaman’s Share, or Inuit Sexual becomes naturalized (heterosexuality) Communism in the Canadian Central Arctic, Anthropologica, Vol. 35, No. 1 (1993), pp. 59- and what becomes “other” (queer, Two- 103. Spirit). I also hope I have thoughtfully 13. Mel Myster “Episode 8: It’s Magic”, recognized that trying to “make space” Discovering the Male Mysteries. 5 June. 2013 http://melmystery.podbean.com in Indigenous sexuality to be inclusive, 14. Scott Lauria Morgensen, Spaces Between is a romanticization and disruption of Us: Queer Settler Colonialism and Indigenous a history and experience that are not Decolonization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008. 85. my own. As a result of this Settler’s 15. Morgensen. 86. intervention into sexuality, I think 16. Jean C. Young. Alternative genders in works of this nature are important the Coast Salish World: Paradox and Pattern. Vancouver: University of British Columbia. in order to consider how Indigenous 1997. 7. studies can influence whole scholarly 17. Brian Joseph Gilley. “Native Sexual discourses by “Indigenizing the Inequalities: American Indian Cultural Conservative Homophobia and the Problem of academy” and leaving the ethnographic Tradition.” Sexualities, February, vol 13, 2010. niche of theory. After all, Indigenous 54.18. Roscoe. 120. experiences are not simply racialized 19. Mark Rifkin. When Did Indians Become Straight?: Kinship, the History of Sexuality, colonial experiences, but rather are and Native Sovereignty. New York: Oxford also lived sexual experiences that University Press. 2011. 14. henceforth need to be “decolonized” 20. Rifkin. 14.
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21. Lester B. Brown, Two Spirit People: 56. Gilley. 60. American Indian Lesbian Women and Gay Men. 57. Gilley, 50. New York: Hawthorne Press, 1997. 10. 58. Gilley. 56. 22. Brown. 10. 59. Tribal Equity Toolkit 2.0: TRIBAL 23. Brown. 5-7, 22. Resolutions and Codes To Support Two Spirt & 24. Brown. 8-14. LBGT Justice in Indian Country.https://graduate. 25. Brown. 4-22. lclark.edu/programs/indigenous_ways_of_ 26. Smith. 52. knowing/tribal_equity_toolkit/ 27. Van Cleve, Land of 10,000 Loves. 18. 60. Gabriel S. Estrada. “Two Spirits, Nádleeh, and 28. Young. Alternative genders in the Coast the LGBTQ1 Navajo Gaze” Native Out. http:// Salish World. 10 nativeout.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/ 29. Van Cleve, Land of 10,000 Loves. 15. Two-Spirits-Nadleeh-and-Navajo-LGBTQ2- 30. Van Cleve, Land of 10,000 Loves. 17. Gaze.pdf 31. Jacques Marquette on his experiences 61. Estrada. with the Illinois, 1674, Allan Greer, The 62. Estrada. Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in 63. John Dooley, “Two-Spirit Rising” The Seventeenth-Century North America. Boston & Portland Mercury, June 14, 2001. http://web. New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000, 201. archive.org/web/20020105084120/http://www. 32. Marquette. 201. portlandmercury.com/2001-06-14/ex.html (last 33. Edwin Thompson Denig, Five Indian accessed 15 October 2014) Tribes of the Upper Missouri: Sioux, Arickaras, 64. Dooley. Assiniboines, Crees, Crows. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975. 196. Bibliography: 34. Bernard Saladin d’Anglure, and Jane Philibert. The Shaman’s Share, or Inuit Sexual d’Anglure, Bernard Saladin and Jane Communism in the Canadian Central Arctic, Philibert. The Shaman’s Share, or Inuit Sexual Anthropologica, Vol. 35, No. 1 (1993), 64-71. Communism in the Canadian Central Arctic, 35. d’Anglure. 61. Anthropologica, Vol. 35, No. 1 (1993), pp. 59- 36. Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest: 103. Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the Bird, Louis. Our Voices- Traditional Marriage European Conquest of the Americas. Ithaca: Practices, http://www.ourvoices.ca/index/ Cornell University Press, 1995. 86. 37. Trexler. 67. ourvoices-story-action/id.0005, 1993, Mp3. (last 38. Trexler. 68. accessed 15 October 2014). 39. Trexler. 68. Brown, Lester B. Two Spirit People: American 40. Rifkin. 21. Indian Lesbian Women and Gay Men. New York: 41. Rifkin. 174-175. Hawthorne Press, 1997. 42. Rifkin. 22. Butler, Judith. Undoing Gender. New York: 43. Rifkin. 146. Routledge, 2004. 44. Rifkin. 147. Cruikshank, Julie. “Oral Tradition and Oral 45. Rifkin. 147. History: Reviewing Some Issues.” Canadian 46. Louis Bird, Our Voices- traditional Marriage Historical Review Iss. 75, no. 3 (1994): 403-418. Practices, http://www.ourvoices.ca/index/ Online ourvoices-story-action/id.0005, 1993, Mp3. (last http://web.uvic.ca/~jlutz/courses/hist526/ accessed 15 October 2014) Cruikshank%20Oral%20History%20Issues.pdf 47. Bird, Our Voices- traditional Marriage Denig, Edwin Thompson. Five Indian Tribes Practices. of the Upper Missouri: Sioux, Arickaras, 48. Judith Butler, Undoing Gender. New York: Routledge, 2004. 102-105. Assiniboines, Crees, Crows. Norman: University 49. Rifkin. 9. of Oklahoma Press, 1975. 50. Rifkin. 25. Deloria, Jr. Vine, Custer Died for Your Sins: 51. Rifkin. 17. An Indian Manifesto. Norman: University of 52. Rifkin. 17. Oklahoma Press, 1988. 53. Rifkin. 17. Dooley, John. “Two-Spirit Rising” The 54. Two Spirits, directed by Lydia Nibley. New Portland Mercury, June 14, 2001. http://web. York: Cinema Guild, 2009. archive.org/web/20020105084120/http://www. 55. Brian Joseph Gilley. Becoming Two-Spirit portlandmercury.com/2001-06-14/ex.html (last Gay Identity and Social Acceptance in Indian accessed 15 October 2014). Country. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Downey, Allan. ”Engendering Nationality: 2006. 60. Haudenosaunee Tradition, Sports, and the Lines 70 2015 of Gender,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Rifkin, Mark. When Did Indians Become Association 23, no. 1 (2012): 319-354. Straight?: Kinship, the History of Sexuality, Estrada, Gabriel S. “Two Spirits, Nádleeh, and and Native Sovereignty. New York: Oxford the LGBTQ1 Navajo Gaze” Native Out. http:// University Press. 2011. nativeout.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/ Rogers, Sarah. “New Online Group Offers Two-Spirits-Nadleeh-and-Navajo-LGBTQ2- Hope, Support to Gay Inuit in the Arctic” Gaze.pdf NunatsiaqOnline. March 7 2014. http://www. Gilley, Brian Joseph. Becoming Two-Spirit nunatsiaqonline.ca/stories/article/65674new_ Gay Identity and Social Acceptance in Indian online_group_offers_hope_support_to_gay_ Country. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. inuit_in_the_arctic/ 2006. Roscoe, Will. Changing Ones: Third and Gilley, Brian Joseph. “Native Sexual Fourth Genders in Native North America. New Inequalities: American Indian Cultural York: St. Martin’s Press. 1998. Conservative Homophobia and the Problem of Slater, Sandra, and Fay A. Yarbrough. Gender Tradition.” Sexualities, February, vol 13, 2010. and Sexuality in Indigenous North America, 47-68. 1400-1850. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, Wesley Thomas, and Carolina Press. 2011. Sabine Lang. Two-Spirit People: Native Smith, Andrea. “Queer Theory and Native American Gender Identity, Sexuality, and Studies: The Heteronormativity of Settler Spirituality. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Colonialism”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and 1997. Gay Studies, vol 16, no 1-2, 2010. Kelm, Mary-Ellen. “A ‘Scandalous Trexler, Richard C. Sex and Conquest: Procession’: Residential Schooling and the Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the Reformation of Aboriginal Bodies,” in Mary- European Conquest of the Americas. Ithaca: Ellen Kelm, Colonizing Bodies: Aboriginal Cornell University Press, 1995. Health and Healing in British Columbia. Van Cleve, Stewart. Land of 10,000 Loves Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998. Chapter 4.http:// a History of Queer Minnesota. Minnesota: iportal.usask.ca/docs/Native_studies_review/ University of Minnesota Press. 2012. v11/issue2/pp51-88.pdf Young, Jean C. Alternative Genders in the King, Thomas. The Truth About Stories: A Coast Salish World: Paradox and Pattern. Native Narrative. Toronto: House of Anansi Vancouver: University of British Columbia. Press, 2003. 1997. Marquette, Jacques on his experiences with the Two Spirits, directed by Lydia Nibley. New Illinois, 1674, Allan Greer, The Jesuit Relations: York: Cinema Guild, 2009. Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth- Tribal Equity Toolkit 2.0: TRIBAL Resolutions Century North America. Boston & New York: and Codes To Support Two Spirt & LBGT Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000. 194-204. Justice in Indian Country. COLLABORATION McKegney, Sam. Masculindians: OF THE NATIVE AMERICAN PROGRAM Conversations About Indigenous Manhood. OF LEGAL AID SERVICES OF OREGON, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press. 2014. THE INDIGENOUS WAYS OF KNOWING Morgensen, Scott Lauria. Spaces Between PROGRAM AT LEWIS & CLARK COLLEGE, Us: Queer Settler Colonialism and Indigenous BASIC RIGHTS OREGON, AND THE Decolonization. Minneapolis: University of WESTERN STATES CENTER Minnesota Press, 2008. https://graduate.lclark.edu/programs/ Mosby, Ian. “Administering Colonial Science: indigenous_ways_of_knowing/tribal_equity_ Nutrition Research and Human Biomedical toolkit/ Experimentation in Aboriginal Communities and Residential Schools,” Histoire Sociale/ Social History Iss. 46, no. 91 (May 2013): 146-72. Myster, Mel. “Episode 8: It’s Magic”, Discovering the Male Mysteries. 5 June. 2013 http://melmystery.podbean.com Regan, Paulette. Unsettling the Settler Within: Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011.
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a 9 b Reconciliation, Truth, and Commitment to Growth
Michael Klassen | University of Manitoba
Abstract The Anishinaabe world view is said to be a great family of relations that encompass all parts of the universe, a concept in Anishinaabemowin called nindinawemaganidog. Nindinawemaganidog is the world view that the universe is made up of a family with many different, but interconnected parts with many responsibilities shared between one another – both physical and metaphysical. This paper examines the philosophical principles of enawendiwin - the spiritual and material connections Anishinaabeg share with creation. And how these connections interact with waawyeyaag - the law of circularity that gives shape and meaning to the Anishinaabeg universe. Using these two elements this paper will explore their relation to the Anishinaabe story, “The Man, the Snake, and the Fox.” Together, these elements and concepts will illustrate the importance of relationship building in both its political, historical, and cultural contexts, and in relation to personal stories. 72 2015 First and foremost, Michael is a dad and husband living in Winnipeg, Manitoba. He entered university as a mature student to further his understanding of the human condition, in all its complexities. Michael has worked as an educational assistant for the Winnipeg School Division for many years and will enter into the Faculty ofEducation with a Major in Native Studies and Minor in Psychology at the University of Manitoba in 2016.
Anishinaabe stories demonstrate an cunning intervention. While the fox ongoing sense of nindinawemaganidog, explains that a reward is unnecessary, which is the Anishinaabe world view he asks the man to feed him should that all is connected through a family of he become hungry in the future. relations that encircles every part of the Years later, the hunter shoots the fox, universe. Nindinawemaganidog is the but before he dies, the fox asks him, totality of the connection between the “Don’t you remember?” (C.A.S, p.8). ideological and physical Anishinaabe The story illustrates the requirement principles of enawendiwin, the spiritual of respect, by including acts like trust and material connections Anishinaabeg and generosity as building blocks share with entities throughout Creation, for successful relationship building. and waawyeyaag, the law of circularity Additionally, the story presents a that gives shape, meaning, and purpose cautionary tale of betrayal and the to the universe. Together, enawendiwin duality of the natural condition of all and waawyeyaag are the concepts that beings, both human and animal. For constitute an Anishinaabeg universe. example, the relationship between the This paper will explore these elements man and the snake at first appears as in relation to, “The Man, the Snake, a cautionary tale. This plea mirrors and the Fox,” an Anishinaabe story the relationship between Anishinaabe described by Basil Johnston in “Tribal and European settlers. Like the snake, Literature” in order to illustrate the European settlers were tangled in a importance of relationship building, situation that required continuous and other Anishinaabe principles. I will help from the Anishinaabe upon elaborate on this concept of relationship their arrival. In order to survive, the building, both in its political, historical, Europeans entered into relationships or and cultural contexts, and in relation to treaties with Anishinaabe. Frideres and personal narratives. Gadacz (2012) explain, “the federal According to Basil Johnston, the government decided to negotiate with story “The Man, the Snake, and the the Aboriginal peoples largely because Fox,” demonstrates that human nature its own agents foresaw violence against is inherently well intentioned, , but can European settlers if treaties were not also be forgetful. The story follows signed” (p.205). The Europeans, in the tale of a hunter, who, while out in desperation for safety and survival, search of food, is drawn to the screams were quick to make promises to of a serpent that has become entangled appease the Anishinaabe to ensure their in a net. The serpent begs for help, only personal security, to attack the man once it is freed.. A fox After the Anishinaabe assisted them, that is watching saves the man through Europeans endeavoured to manipulate
73 KANATA and systematically implement tactics potlatch, and Sun Dance ceremonies. of cultural domination. The historical These Anishinaabe practices served relationship between Europeans and as an antidote to the poisonous venom Anishinaabe is marred by betrayal. being inflicted upon the Anishinaabe Anishinaabe had offered Europeans a by assimilation policies that attempted gift by inviting them into a reciprocal to impose cultural genocide. relationship, and in that tradition, when When the fox first aids the man, his you are offered a gift, you give back actions contain a deeper meaning. By to the giver. This relationship parallels saving the hunter, the fox has made a our universal connection to others, both selfless decision. The fox could have human and animal. In the Anishinaabe allowed the hunter to die , but chose world view, every gift comes with a to assist him and fulfill an obligation responsibility that is directly related to to human beings that is as old as time. the creator, Giche Manitou’s, original In the beginning, in a time before time, invitation for all of creation to enter into Giche Manitou asked the animal beings a relationship. As Johnston explains in to help out human beings, because “at Ojibway Heritage, Giche Manitou saw birth man was helpless” (Johnston, all of creation in a vision and from that Ojibway Heritage, p.49). And as a vision “…breathed the breath of life” result of Giche Manitou’s request to into all things; earth, plants, and both animals, “…almost every animal being animal and human beings (p.12). He offered himself in sacrifice” so that gifted animal and human beings life human beings could survive (Johnston, and invited all things into a relationship Ojibway Heritage, p.50). The fox’s that necessitated reciprocity to maintain kindness is the embodiment of universal balance. responsibility that causes one to reflect Europeans failed to reciprocate the on the principles of the Anishinaabe gifts they received from Anishinaabeg world view. The fox’s first act is an and ultimately betrayed them when example of how enawendiwin, or the they chose to implement barriers like spiritual connection between animal the Indian Act that included such and human, and waawyeyaag, or the policies as residential schools and the fox’s obligations throughout time marginalization of the Anishinaabe. immemorial, interact in forming a These barriers are paralleled by the sense of totality within Anishinaabe snake’s betrayal when attempting to universality or nindinawemaganidog. entangle the hunter in the story. The But even after fox saved man, man European policies are the struggle soon became forgetful again. In the between snake and hunter that were colonial analogy of the story, this intended to destroy Anishinaabe could be representative of the lasting culture, and resulted in the widespread impact that cultural suppression and poverty of a people forced to live an religious discrimination had on the imprisoned life. In the story, the fox people. In response to the White Paper saves the hunter from the struggle of 1969, Harold Cardinal explains that before the hunter is entangled and the Indian Act deliberately suppressed killed by the snake. The fox in this the spirituality of Indigenous peoples, illustration could be representative and forbade ceremonies that had of traditional cultural and spiritual spiritual significance, under threat practices like language initiatives, of prosecution and confinement.
74 2015 Canada’s historical policies viewed of political resistance to the status quo. the continued practice of ceremonies Cardinal’s book was the first, while as a delay to the assimilation process the actions of Manitoba MLA, Elijah (Unjust Society, p.114). The result of Harper, and his refusal to sign the this betrayal and the ongoing struggle constitutional reform package known between Anishinaabe and state policies as the Meech Lake Accord is another. created a form of coerced forgetfulness Both actions can be viewed as enacting in traditional ways. The fallout from memory. As a result of his connection the struggle enshrouded Anishinaabe. to traditional ways, Harper gifted Even reaching so far as to marginalize a symbolic gesture that served as a Anishinaabemowin, attempting to reminder to a way of life that had been replace it with English and French. forgotten. According to Harper: The Anishinaabe were forced to endure The Accord totally ignored the these hardships that systematically led integrity of aboriginal peoples as to their neglect and the decline of their distinct societies. In referring to the ‘two traditional values that had once been founding nations,’ the architects of the the source of health, well-being, and accord neglected to acknowledge the cultural pride. equally legitimate place of aboriginal Anishinaabe had been forced to the people within the Canadian federation. brink of cultural extinction. Regarding (Comeau, 1993. p.1) the Anishinaabeg principle of This was a watershed moment; the responsibility, reminders or a gesture Canadian concept of two “founding were needed to undo this forgetfulness, nations” that ignored the First Nations, to remind them of their relationship exemplifies the forgetfulness of the with the Creator. In the story, when Canadian government. But it served the hunter has shot and is about to as the catalyst that forced Harper to kill the fox, the fox asks, “Don’t take responsibility and make a stand. you remember?” (Johnston. Tribal The proposals put forth in Meech Literature, p.9) The fox is not only Lake violated the original intent of asking the man to remember the act of the treaties. His actions were the help that the fox provided, but all of embodiment of his thoughts and the the obligations that came with that act gesture collectively served as a way to and gesture of selflessness. Beyond the inspire change. He reciprocated that immediate assistance, it asks human first breath that Giche Manitou gifted beings to examine our relationship him and offered a gift of his own; to with animal beings. What are our breathe life into an action of social obligations to making this a successful change and awareness. Anishinaabeg relationship if it is to continue? The were no longer going to sit idly by fox asking, “Don’t your remember?” while their identity as a distinct society is clear reminder to acknowledge was ignored in favour of Quebec’s. and reestablish our relationship with Harper embodied the responsibility animal beings or relationships we have of that first gift when he rejected the neglected in our own lives. It serves as Meech Lake Accord. His gesture a wake up call, its message is universal: was for everyone, but it specifically nindinawemaganidog. invited the Anishinaabe to reconnect Another example of such a gesture with their identity. His act of dissent came to the Anishinaabe in the form was to “…hundreds of years of being
75 KANATA ignored and to centuries of patiently among ourselves and with each waiting to be treated fairly by people other is therefore an act of love; it is welcomed to this country by the what maintains us, (re-) creates us, original inhabitants” (Comeau, 1993, and ultimately, what defines us as p. .216). His act of resistance serves Anishinaabeg” (p.83). as a reminder of the relationship that In reflecting on my personal needed mending between Anishinaabe connection to this topic, this story crept and their traditional ways, and to help into my dreams. Understanding the repel the poisonous policies of the importance of dreams in Anishinaabe past. In essence, his gesture could cosmology, I figured that this story, my be interpreted as a question both to story, was the one to explore within the the Canadian government and to context of the “The Man, the Snake, and Anishinaabe people: “Don’t you the Fox”. In my dream, the snake in the remember? Why are you forgetting tree was represented by my wife, who your responsibilities?” years ago, was reminding me of our Successful relationship building is commitment to have children. I recall reliant on reciprocity of good will. at the time, and during my dream, that What obligates both fox and the hunter I was overcome with anxiety. Anxiety to reciprocate their relationship is caused by the selfish need to maintain respect, trust and generosity, which is my own status quo of partying, highlighted by the question, “Don’t socializing etc. I was content and this you remember?” The hunter has to sudden change to our family dynamic be questioned and reminded of his would throw everything out of balance. obligations and responsibilities. For My wife was entangled by her desire to their relationship to be successful, both have children and expand our family, fox and man need to acknowledge this. while I was entangled by selfishness It is a responsibility like love. For their and egoism. What I perceived as relationship to work they will both entanglement during the pregnancy have to work at it. There will be times was restored 7 months later. The lack when they forget and need reminding, of balance I had felt leading up to the but that is love. It is something that is birth of our first child was countered not perfect; it takes time, work, and is by my first glimpse of him entering ongoing. This parallels the relationship the world. I recall sitting with him in made between Anishinaabe and the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit at the Canada that began at first contact, hospital and realized the insignificance but was formalized in treaties. These of my selfish desires. He was my fox. relationships are complicated and at He brought perspective into my life. times seem broken and un-fixable, I silently promised him that I would but the need for reconciliation is return to university, to not only help paramount. Like love, the treaties are provide a better future for our family, a process and require all the work and but to better understand my place in time that go along with it to make the universe. We had entered into one it beneficial for both sides, not one. of the most important relationships That is a successful, truly reciprocal of all. I saw the relationship between relationship. Niigaanwewidam Sinclair mother and child and my place within summarizes this nicely, “The act of it. It taught me about true balance, story - and relationship - making and if that relationship was to get out
76 2015 of balance, the health of my baby, his Johnston, Harper famously held a mother and myself would be affected. single eagle feather when he stood At first, I was happy and committed against the Meech Lake Accord. It was to my education plan, but after a few a symbolic gesture to the Anishinaabe, years of part-time school, I became “that we are made up of thousands convinced that it was too much of of tiny (and virtually unexplainable) an inconvenience, too demanding. filaments that constitute unique parts I had forgotten my commitment to of a system that together make up our familial relationship. But with a crucial, interconnected process the imminent arrival of our second of making our universe fly” (p.89). child, I was forced to remember Nindinawemaganidog. that commitment. It was my, “Don’t Through the teachings of you remember?” moment. Her birth Anishinaabe, I have, as a non- served as a catalyst, a reminder to the Anishinaabe person, been able to find obligations of our relationship. So for supporting concepts for my worldview. the next four years I worked steadily Concepts that not only support it, to balance family, part-time education, but challenge my former cognitive and work until I was able to enter disposition to colonial entitlement. university, for the first time, as a full- It challenged my former worldview, time student. Through revisiting my in which the stratification of people own history in the context of the story was accepted, so much so, as to be and some of the conclusions I reached normalized and unnoticed. I have not , I realized I too had to work at our only seen the way in which enawendiwin relationship. It carried responsibilities and waawyeyaag work together to and those were love. It is complicated, demonstrate nindinawemaganidog in and takes both time and work, and stories, but in my own life as well. is always ongoing. The story gave me a sense of perspective both in the References: complex historical framework of the Cardinal, Harold. (1999). The Unjust Society. Anishinaabe, but also the complicated Vancouver: Douglas & MacIntyre. Comeau, Pauline. (1993). Elijah, No framework of everyday life and trying Ordinary Hero. Vancouver/Toronto: Douglas & to live it well. McIntyre. I was further reminded of how Frideres, James S. Gadacz, Rene R. (2012). Aboriginal People in Canada 9th pervasive the powers of enawendiwin Edition. Toronto: Pearson and waawyeyaag can be when I was Johnston, Basil. (2013). Is That All There Is? Tribal Literature. Jill Doerfler, reflecting on my paper. For example, Niigaanwewidam James choosing Elijah Harper from all Sinclair, Heidi Kiiwetinespinesiik Stark (ED) Centering Anishinaabeg Studies possible examples of Anishinaabe Understanding the World Through Stories. East cultural resurgence had me perplexed. Lansing/Winnipeg: Michigan State But as I re-read Sinclair’s “Storying University Press, University of Manitoba Press. Johnston, Basil. (2008). Ojibway Ourselves into Life” I understood why Heritage. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart I chose Harper. Sinclair’s examination Sinclair, Niigaanwewidam J. (2013). K’zaugin Storying Ourselves into Life. Jill Doerfler, and explanation of Basil Johnston’s Niigaanwewidam James Sinclair, Heidi use of a single eagle feather at a Kiiwetinespinesiik Stark (ED) Centering Anishinaabeg Studies Understanding the World conference was a great example of Through Stories. East L a n s i n g / nindinawemaganidog and likely Winnipeg: Michigan State U n i v e r s i t y prompted my use of Harper. Like Press, University of Manitoba Press.
77 KANATA
a 10 b
Artwork
Sophie Beauregard | Aaron Blair | Clare Heggie | Cedar Eve-Peters | Joe Jaw Ashoona
78 2015
Laloba Sophie Beauregard
It’s hard for me to know if I paint because I’m stormy inside or if I’m stormy inside because I need to paint… The pieces in this journal came from a deep, beautiful, and wild place within me. These creatures came in a moment when I needed them. They helped me find the way, they kept me company and because of them, everything finally made sense.
About Sophie Beauregard I’m a Bachelor of Nursing, Integrated student, graduating in the fall of 2016. I believe that our main priority as a society should be autonomy. I think that the way to it is through extensive gardening, seeds saving, creative expression and the building of strong community. I deeply hope to bring this ideal into my nursing career. Good food, hard work, nature and art, that’s the health cornucopia.
79 KANATA Sophie Beauregard
The One That Never Sleeps
The Owl 80 2015
Left: Emotions After Listening To A Song By A Childhood Friend Who Had Passed Away Two Years Before Right: Illustration Of The Story Where Vincent Van Gogh Consumed Yellow Paint In Desperation For Happiness
Aaron Blair
My name is Aaron Blair. I am an 18-year-old Métis aspiring illustrator living in Montreal, Quebec. My illustrations are inspired by former experiences and emotions being felt at the time, almost like a visual diary.
81 Aaron Blair KANATA
Acceptance Of The Body, Quitting Smoking
Alter Egos Intertwined
82 2015
Old Masset Tanker Free
Clare Heggie
These photos were taken on Haida Gwaii, an archipelago on the North Coast of BC and the traditional territory of the Haida people. Enbridge’s proposal to run a bitumen and solvent pipeline from Alberta to Kitimat is a critical threat to Haida Gwaii’s food supply, subsistence, lifestyle and economy, as well as a threat to more than 800 streams and rivers in Northern BC including sensitive salmon- spawning watersheds and numerous marine and coastal species habitats. To learn more visit pull-together.ca or haidagwaiicoast.ca
83 Clare Heggie KANATA
Haida Gwaii Coastline
Haida Gwaii vs. Enbridge
84 2015
Various Seed Bead Bracelets (Leather) Various beaded Earrings (Seed beads, Cedar Eve Peters Bugle Beeds, Sterling Silver) I was born and raised in Toronto. I am from the Ojibwa nation, currently living in Montreal, where I attended Concordia University until 2012 when I graduated with a BFA. While studying in Montreal, I majored in Studio Arts with a focus on drawing, painting and fibre-based work. I decided to stay in Montreal to pursue my art career. This past year, I have been making jewellery as my main source of income and have discovered a passion for beading. All of my work is intuitive. I like to use bright colours, as colour is a healing tool. I am inspired by the traditional earrings my mother and grandmother wore and find this influences some of the patterns I decide to use. I am self-taught, using art as a means of therapy to help me keep a healthy mind, body and spirit. My beadwork is not specific to one culture, but rather pertains to a myriad of indigenous cultural beliefs and motifs. I am inspired by their stories, mythologies and the spirit world. My beadwork is brightly coloured and are often inspired by my dreams. I find inspiration in the Wampum Belts of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) and by the regalia worn by African Tribes. I am interested in identities of indigenous peoples in the 21st century. It is important to keep tradition alive. The colours I use are contemporary, but are rooted in the ancestors’ knowledge. Beading with odd colour combinations and having patterns that are random are what make my jewellery unique. They are one-of-a-kind pieces. My chokers and bracelets can serve as mnemonic devices, as a means for me to communicate with my ancestors while reclaiming and acknowledging my own identity. My work is meant to encourage the viewer to question what they know about First Peoples culture. It is about questioning history and reclaiming culture. I create because the impulse is embedded within me. I could not imagine living this life without art. It is important for me to communicate ideas not only verbally, but visually as well.
85 Cedar Eve Peters KANATA
Cream, Copper and Red Seed Bead Choker (Leather)
Cotton Pastel - Beaded Earrings and Choker (Choker: Seed Beads; Earrings: Seed Beads, Bugle Beads, Sterling Silver Ear Wires)
86 2015
Tip of Iceberg
"I Often Carve Nanuit (Polar Bears) Because I See Them In My Dreams"
Joe Jaw Ashoona
Joe Jaw Ashoona is a fourth generation Inuit artist from Baffin Island, Cape Dorset, Nunavut.
87 KANATA a 11 b Liquid Courage (2014)
Robbie Madsen | Toronto, ON
There’s no way I can talk with you You won’t remember tomorrow anyway I’ll be lucky if you don’t hit me The way you did the other day And I know it’s possible You just don’t know how deep you are Allow me now to walk away from you While you run for the nearest bar You can’t get up Oh no, you’ve been so damaged All you have left now Is your liquid courage Is this the person you hoped to be? With all that sweetness running through your veins When the rush is over and you go dry You’re back to remembering your name What is it inside that bottle? That makes you feel as though you are safe Well, swimming and drowning are two different things And you’re drowning right now, I’m afraid You can’t get up Oh no, you’ve been so damaged All you have left now Is your liquid courage
What is it inside that bottle? That makes you feel as though you are safe Well, swimming and drowning are two different things And you’re drowning right now I’m afraid You can’t get up Oh no, you’ve been so damaged All you have left now Is your liquid courage
88 2015
a 12 b The Fiction of Immigration and the Limitations of Political Recognition in the Settler Colonial State
Ava Liu | McGill University
Abstract For individuals to be denied recognition of their differences constitutes a form of oppression; thus, a liberal multicultural state should practice political recognition with respect to its minorities. However, the politics of recognition are only useful in the immigrant nation and not in the settler-colonial nation. The politics of recognition commit erasure of how the occupying nation has created the terms of exclusion that now define the “difference” of the colonized minority. They over-emphasize political recognition over material re-articulation and ignore thefact that the subaltern group has been subjected without consent to the terms of occupation by which recognition is now extended. This paper contends with how the politics of recognition replace the history of the settler nation with the fiction of the immigrant nation.
89 KANATA Ava Liu is a Honours Political Science and Philosophy student currently attending McGill University on Kanien’kehá:ka territory.
In his theorization of the politics of the immigrant nation. In particular, I recognition, Charles Taylor believes will contrast multiculturalism in the that “affirmative recognition of societal immigrant nation versus the colonial cultural differences” is essential history of the settler nation to show to “the freedom and well-being of that application of recognition politics marginalized individuals and groups in the Indigenous context relies on the living in ethnically diverse states” fiction of North American settlement as (Coulthard, 6). For individuals to be immigration rather than colonization. denied recognition of their differences Ultimately, the politics of recognition constitutes a form of oppression; thus, are inapplicable to Indigenous people a liberal multicultural state should in the settler-colonial context because practice ‘mutual recognition’ with they obscure the lack of consent in the respect to its minorities. There has been colonizer-colonized relationship and disagreement regarding the applicability evade the colonial state’s responsibility of the politics of recognition to in producing the differences that now Indigenous communities. For example, require “recognition”. Glenn Coulthard states that the politics of recognition merely reproduces the Simpson writes that within imbalanced terms of power where the recognition by settler colonialist master and slave come together through regimes, there is a “deep impossibility the process of mutual recognition, of representation and consent within i.e. the very terms that produce the governance systems that are predicated master-slave relationship (Coulthard, upon dispossession and disavowal of 5). In her work on the Mohawk nation the political histories that govern the of Kahnawake, Audra Simpson states populations now found within state that definitions of “difference” and regimes” (Simpson, 18). Ultimately, consequent steps toward “tolerance” my analysis of the immigrant nation and “recognition” actually construct versus the settler nation aims to get Indigenous communities as internal at the deeper relationship of consent populations eligible for government between the majority in power and regulation, rather than as their own the minority eligible for recognition. sovereign entities (Simpson, 21). As explained by Tuck and Yang, it is Simpson writes that the techniques important to recognize that settlers are employed by the state in sustaining not immigrants and that immigrants the self-authorizing framework from are settlers. Settler colonialism refers which it grants ‘recognition’ include to the specific form of colonialism on justifying colonial occupation as “the which modern North American society practice of immigration (called such has been built. In particular, settler in the United States and Canada) colonialism involves the colonizer’s rather than ‘settlement’”, its rightful occupation effecting the displacement name (Simpson, 21). I will build on of the colonized. As articulated by Tuck Simpson’s comment to provide an and Yang, “in order for the settlers to analysis of how the logic of recognition make a place their home, they must politics tacitly assumes the fiction of 90 2015 destroy and disappear the Indigenous isn’t a story of them. It’s a story of peoples that live there” (Tuck and Yang, us” (Simpson, 1). I hope to show 4). Whereas immigrants consent to the that the politics of recognition may Indigenous laws and epistemologies be applicable to multiculturalism in of the lands they migrate to, settlers the context of the immigrant nation, become the law, supplanting but that it is not applicable to settler Indigenous laws and epistemologies colonial relations. Furthermore, the (Tuck and Yang, 6). Therefore, settler application of recognition politics to nations are not immigrant nations. Indigenous minorities incorrectly fits Furthermore, settler colonialism their histories into the same category continues in the contemporary society as other racialized minorities in as occupation of former Indigenous a multicultural society. However, territories is a continued mark of this obscures Indigenous history by settler colonialism. Although there is ignoring the nonconsensual colonial general assumption that the colonial terms of occupation which have project has been realized and ‘that constructed their “minoritization”. settlement is now considered a “nation of immigrants” (except the Indians)’, Simpson writes that “recognition this eludes the reality of how settler- is the gentler form… of managing colonial statehood was constructed and Indians and their difference, a remains maintained (Simpson, 12). multicultural solution to the settlers’ Indian problem” (Simpson, 20). In its contemporary form, the However, the reason why the politics modern North American state is both of recognition cannot be applied to an immigrant nation and a settler the “Indian problem” is that the liberal nation. In many ways, the politics context of multiculturalism as fitting of recognition is effective in a the immigrant nation does not apply multicultural context such as Canada, to the settler nation. If Canada were where thousands of immigrants make merely a culturally pluralistic nation their way to their new adopted nation of immigrants, then acknowledging every year. Recognition politics is everyone’s identities and their central to the progressive movements differences would move toward of many racialized and/or religious the Hegelian ideal of reciprocity minorities who seek accommodation to integrate power imbalances and and recognition from the state for produce a peaceful coexistence. their differences. Furthermore, there However, Canada is not merely such an has been a history of national leaders immigrant nation. It is a settler colonial trying to present the United States or nation. It is not that the Indigenous Canada as a nation of immigrants. peoples now find themselves different Two U.S Presidents, Barack Obama within the modern state and modern and John F. Kennedy, have labeled the economy, but that they were made United States “a nation of immigrants”. different by the establishment of the Obama stated in 2012 that unless “you colonial state itself. Thus, the politics are one of the first Americans, a Native of recognition which confers an American, we are all descended from understanding of individual identities folks who came from somewhere else. and their differences elides over The story of immigrants in America the fact that it is the modern state
91 KANATA which has maligned those differences (Tuck and Yang, 1). The Indigenous and perpetuated the terms of their peoples cannot merely desire exclusion, i.e. through the occupation recognition from the government on of lands and the destruction of account of their differences as they Indigenous relationships to their land, may also desire material action from a fundamental basis for much of the state to correct the outcomes Indigenous culture and identity. of these differences. Furthermore, As Simpson states, “Charles Taylor the politics of difference not only offers a foundational and empirically evades that understanding, it obscures driven moral formulation and defence of the responsibility that the state has recognition for those whose difference in undoing the material terms of is of such culturally determined form exclusion, occupation, and difference. that they cannot help but be different, and so must be recognized as having Additionally, in the Indigenous traditions that should be more than context, the politics of recognition just “tolerated” (Simpson, 21). This is appear to confer recognition on a group true of immigrants who come to a new of people who never consented to the nation and find themselves different. state that is granting recognition, nor The politics of recognition can be to the terms that the state grants it by. useful in a form of multiculturalism that Whereas immigrants move to a nation contends with immigrants that consent to join its society and build its history, by choice to come to this country and the colonized are the people who must thus find themselves different. The be exterminated by the colonizers liberal society thus makes positive so that the latter may construct their accommodations to recognize their nation. The politics of recognition difference and pronounce their cultures ignores this fact, and this is why to as equal of membership against the reject recognition can be conceived as a unarticulated status quo (white, male, rejection of the power of the oppressor. Protestant, etc.). However, in the case As Simpson writes, “Indigeneity is of Indigenous peoples, the politics imagined as something trapped within of difference evades the fact that the the analytics of “minoritization”, a relationship between the minority statistical model for the apprehension and the state is more than one of just of radicalized populations “within” “cultural difference”. In fact, it is nation-states” (Simpson, 25), but the nation’s own occupation of the Indigeneity is also a history of the Indigenous way of life that has created displacement of former nations that this isolation and its perpetuation which once stood with sovereignty on now- now manifest themselves as difference. occupied lands, lands which were To merely recognize these differences seized and occupied without consent. is to evade the responsibility to correct Furthermore, following along Simpson, their material cause and undo the the desired “recognition is not of legacy of colonialism. I believe that culture, but of sovereignty” (Simpson, this unique position distinguishes 28). The politics of recognition are the decolonization politics of settler valuable when “in its simplest terms, it colonialism from other “decolonial is to be seen by another as one wants desires of white, non- white, immigrant, to be seen” (Simpson, 27). Taylor postcolonial, and oppressed people” bases his analysis on the fact that the
92 2015 minority group places importance identifications’, it is less ‘permissive on the recognition given or withheld with regard to polity and economy by others. Although this is true, the in assuming that any subaltern minority group does not necessarily group that is granted [recognition] value that recognition when it is will thereby acquire a subordinate given on the terms of the other, in articulation with a capitalist state’” the language of the other, or by the (Coulthard, 6). statehood practices of the other. For example, the Kahnawake nation of the The politics of recognition does little Mohawks only desires recognition of to address the generative structures its sovereignty on a nation-to-nation of colonialism that include a racially basis but refuses recognition as a stratified capitalist economy and the community (Simpson, 25). Simpson hegemony of the colonial state. Settlers argues that Indigenous communities have occupied Indigenous peoples and may choose to not recognize the state constructed their own realities through and to reject the state’s recognition erasure of the pre-settler society, which on the basis of calling attention to the they label as pre-modern or primitive. imbalance of power that characterizes In contrast to immigrants who arrived this dynamic (Simpson, 22). This is to a foreign land in order to join the key difference between a settler its economic systems and learn its history and an immigrant history. In logic, Indigenous communities never an immigrant history, recognition can consented to the capitalist economy be the last step to peaceful cultural that they now find themselves a part co-existence, but in a settler history, of and which actively attempts to recognition merely entertains the idea assimilate them. Furthermore, they find of a settler future, one in which the their traditional ways of life threatened settler diminishes its responsibility for by these economic conditions that producing and/or undoing the terms of continue to commit erasure of their way which the colonized group now finds of life and their land. Not only do the itself in. politics of recognition overemphasize political recognition over material My last point engages the note of re-articulation, they also ignore the political economy. As Glenn Coulthard fact that the subaltern group has been writes in his critique of Taylor: subjected without consent to the predominant economic terms by which “When his work is at its weakest, relationships are now negotiated. however, Taylor tends to focus on the recognition end of the spectrum Thus, in many ways, the politics of too much, and as a result leaves recognition exists within perpetuation uninterrogated deeply rooted the power imbalances that define the economic structures of oppression. settler colonial nation. In particular, it Richard Day has succinctly framed applies a false fiction of consent to the the problem this way: ‘although colonial relationship by reconfiguring Taylor’s recognition model allows it with assumptions that underlie the for diversity of culture within a immigration nation. The real history particular state by admitting the of Indigenous peoples is not the possibility of multiple national same as those of other minorities in
93 KANATA a multicultural society. As Coulthard notes, “Taylor’s variant of liberalism as liberalism fails to confront the structural/economic aspects of colonialism at its generative roots” (Coulthard, 15). The politics of recognition define the sovereignty of the colonized along the terms of the settler nation and they commit erasure of how the occupying nation has created the terms of exclusion that now define the “difference” of colonized communities. Ultimately, the politics of recognition is more effective in the consensual context of an immigrant nation, but modern North American countries are not merely immigrant nations, they are also settler colonial nations, and this is a reality that must be retrieved in Indigenous politics.
Works Cited
Coulthard, Glen S. “Subjects of Empire: Indigenous Peoples and the ‘Politics of Recognition’ in Canada” Contemporary Political Theory 6, (2007) 437-60.
Simpson, Audra. “Indigenous Interruptions: Mohawk Nationhood, Citizenship and the State” Mohawk Interruptus: Political Life across the Borders of Settler States (Duke 2014) 1-35.
Tuck, Eve and Yang, K. Wayne. “Decolonization is not a Metaphor,” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 1(1) 2012, 1-40.
94 2015
a 13 b The Promise of Accommodation: The Choctaw Nation from 1798 to 1814
David Searle | McGill University
Abstract At the turn of the nineteenth century, leading Choctaw families fostered close ties with the American government and its settlers in the Territory of Mississippi. Relying on the accounts of these colonizers, this paper seeks to infer the motivations underlying Choctaw accommodation with the United States and, ultimately, challenge stereotypical historical narratives. From the creation of the Territory of Mississippi in 1798 to the end of the Creek Civil War in 1814, the Choctaw Nation actively exploited its geo-political and demographic advantages to adopt elements of the settlers’ market economy, such as cotton farming, stock raising and slave labour. While carefully maintaining its integrity, the Choctaw Nation adapted to American society, as new commercial goods served to elevate the status of its leading families. Although we may never gain objective access to Choctaw motivations during this period, contemporaneous accounts lead us to infer the Nation’s vigorous attempts at accommodation. 95 KANATA I hope you enjoyed reading this paper as much as I enjoyed researching it for my History and Political Science degree at McGill (BA’11). I am currently completing a law degree at McGill (BCL/LLB’16) and am interested in pursuing a career in social justice law. Introduction The establishment of the Territory At the turn of the nineteenth century, of Mississippi in 1798 marked the the United States initiated a tremendous beginning of the Choctaw Nation’s period of expansion, stretching ever active accommodation of the economic westwards from the Appalachian demands of the United States. Mountains. Although an increase in American settlement of the Territory of Trans-Appalachian settlement reified Mississippi ensured a drastic change in contact between Indigenous peoples Choctaw lifestyle, as treaties reduced and white colonizers, the American access to hunting grounds, and trade historical narrative of conquest had partnerships introduced new elements yet to be confirmed. From the creation of the settlers’ market economy, such of the Territory of Mississippi in as cotton farming and stock raising. 1798 to the end of the Creek Civil These reforms presented a balancing War, the demographic strength of the exercise for prominent Choctaw Choctaw Nation obliged the American families, who sought to complement government and its accompanying their traditional interests with the populace of some 5,000 settlers to benefit of strategic partnership. These compromise in their dealings with Choctaws sought to maintain their the Choctaws. Residing mainly in commercial ties with settlers through Central Mississippi and numbering a process of miscegenation and the approximately 20,000, the Choctaws restoration of stolen property. Skilled were able to dictate the terms of negotiators, the Choctaws used their their relationship with the isolated geo-political advantage to satisfy their settlers on the Mississippi River. The interests, to the detriment of the United Choctaws exploited their strategic States in the cession of Choctaw lands advantages to actively adapt to trade in the Mount Dexter Treaty. By the on the frontier, thereby encouraging time of removal in 1830, the Choctaws accommodation between themselves, had undergone significant economic the American government and settlers transformations, most notably in the in the Territory of Mississippi prior adoption of American herding practices to the Creek Civil War. Following which culminated in their acquisition this period, the Choctaws’ reduced of more than 43,000 heads of cattle to numbers led to their eventual removal sustain a population of 21,000 people.2 from their ancestral lands, as a racially Nevertheless, the Creek Civil War defined and exclusive American sealed their fate, as mass migration to identity supplanted earlier attempts the lands east of the Choctaw Nation at accommodation and doomed increased pressure for land cessions, cohabitation in Mississippi.1 Choctaw Before Removal, Carolyn Keller Reeves, 1 For estimates of the population of the ed. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, Territory of Mississippi, see Charles S. Snydor, 1985): 158. Slavery in Mississippi (Baton Rouge: Louisiana 2 James Taylor Carson, “Native Americans, State University Press, 1966): 186n ; For the Market Revolution, and Culture Change: Choctaw estimate see John D. W. Guice, “Face The Choctaw Cattle Economy, 1690-1830,” to Face in Mississippi Territory, 1798-1817,” The Agricultural History 71:1 (Winter 1997): 11. 96 2015 foreshadowing their eventual removal The Choctaws Prior to the Treaty of from Mississippi during Andrew San Lorenzo Jackson’s presidency. The Choctaw Nation’s initial contact with European colonizers came nearly Sources a century before the establishment of The absence of known testimonies the Territory of Mississippi. Located written by Choctaws during this at the centre of territorial disputes period hinders historians’ ability to between France, England and Spain, discover their motivations behind their the Choctaws negotiated several relations with American settlers. As alliances with these imperial powers, a nation dependent on oral histories, providing military support in exchange Choctaws merely appear as adjuncts for annual gifts, such as weapons and to the narratives constructed by their other manufactured goods to guarantee white neighbours. Needless to say their friendship. The Choctaws’ that such sources influence analysis geographic and military importance of Choctaw history by limiting the ensured their diplomatic successes ability to interpret their intentions at throughout eighteenth century, and the time. For instance, Richard White’s contributed to the transformation of proposal of a dependent relationship their traditional economic system. The between Choctaws and settlers cannot Choctaws practiced a combination fully account for the views and of horticulture in settled regions in reactions of Choctaws to their rapidly Central Mississippi and hunting in evolving economic system. Thus, we the borderlands surrounding these may never gain objective access to areas. Responsibility for nutrition and the motivations underlying Choctaw trade was largely gendered: women accommodation. However, settlers and were responsible for the cultivation of government accounts of the Choctaws corn and other produce, as well as the enable us to infer their relationship collection of wild fruit and vegetables, with the United States. Predating the whereas men left settlements to hunt government census of the Choctaw in deer and trade goods. According to 1830 with the Armstrong Roll, these Richard White, agriculture accounted records are derived mainly from treaty for two-thirds of their diet, with hunting negotiations, letters of government and fishing making up the rest.4 officials, traders, settlers, and later Relations with colonists extended missionaries. These records offer a to the exchange of deer pelts for clearer understanding of Choctaw European goods, such as weapons and objectives: to carefully maintain the whisky. White’s Roots of Dependency integrity of their nation, while adapting to American society.3 experiences among the Choctaws. The absence of primary documents written by Choctaws 3 White offers a more extensive analysis of in the territorial period forces any historical sources available for the study of the Choctaws analysis to rely on one or all of these types of before removal, see Richard White, The Roots documents. of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and 4 For Choctaw traditional economy, see Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, White, 20-21; For gendered division of labour, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska see Michelene E. Pesantubbee, “Beyond Press, 1988): 406-8. Sources can be divided Domesticity: Choctaw Women Negotiating into four categories: early descriptions of the Tension between Choctaw Culture and the nation by traders and foreign officers, Protestantism,” Journal of the American Academy government documents, missionary diaries of Religion, 67:2 (June 1999): 391; For Choctaw and autobiographical accounts of childhood diet, see White, 26. 97 KANATA identifies this exchange as having amicable relations with the United undermined the Choctaws, forcing States, giving greater strength to the them into a state of dependency in a Treaty of Hopewell, which promised system of unequal exchange as early as friendship between both entities.6 This the 1770s. However, White’s account – jurisdictional transfer occurred the and dependency theory more broadly – same year that Eli Whitney’s cotton gin ignores the benefits accrued from a trade revolutionized the Natchez agricultural system that undermined traditional economy. As a result of the heightened subsistence hunting practices. Although contact with settlers on the Natchez overhunting and the introduction of Trace, the Choctaws’ trading practices liquor had negative consequences would expand from the exclusive on the Nation’s traditional means of exchange of furs to a more robust subsistence, the fur trade also benefited marketplace that promoted a surplus- the Choctaws through commercial subsistence economy in tandem with expansion. The introduction of profit-oriented production. As this manufactured goods improved the model expanded among the Choctaws, Choctaws’ quality of life, as guns, their interactions with the United States cloth, and hoes reduced their workload, government sought to preserve the and provided new status symbols. This commercial interests of the Choctaws’ period of accommodation of imperial leading families.7 powers can be better described by Prior to the introduction of the cotton White’s famous notion of the “middle gin to the Mississippi territory in 1795, ground,” as the former paid generously plantation owners faced great difficulty for their alliances with the Choctaws, in cultivating the lands surrounding particularly during the Spanish era.5 Natchez and along the Mississippi. American Commercial Expansion Indeed, stiff competition, successive and the Choctaws’ Economic droughts, and insect infestations in Transformation the 1790s undermined the profitability As a result of the Treaty of San of indigo and tobacco crops. The Lorenzo, which saw Spain relinquish mechanization of cotton production control over Natchez and a portion of permitted a large-scale investment its territories east of the Mississippi in in short-staple cotton in Mississippi, 1975, the Choctaw Nation fell under 6 Members of the Choctaw Nation nevertheless the jurisdiction of the United States. continued their diplomatic contacts with the Accompanying this shift came a loss Spaniards during the territorial period. Prior of the Nation’s ability to strategically to the ratification of the Mount Dexter Treaty, bargain between imperial powers. At Choctaws entertained relations with Spain, the turn of the nineteenth century, the either in New Orleans or later in West Florida. For example of Choctaw diplomacy with Spain, declining importance of this rivalry see “The Choctaws, Communicated to the system committed the Choctaws to Senate, March 10 1802” in Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, eds., American State 5 For White’s thesis, see ibid., xiii-xix; For Papers, Indian Affairs: vol. 1 (Washington: Gales description of Choctaw trade, see Greg O’Brien, and Seaton, 1832), 1: 658-9. Choctaws in a Revolutionary Age, 1750-1830 7 For cotton gin, see David J. Libby, Slavery (London: University of Nebraska Press, 2002): and Frontier Mississippi, 1720-1835 (Jackson: 51; For Choctaw alcoholism, see Stephen P. van University Press of Mississippi, 2004): 40; For Hoak, “Untangling the Roots of Dependency: surplus-subsistence Choctaw economy, see Choctaw Economics, 1800-1860” American James Taylor Carson, Searching for the Bright Indian Quarterly 23:3/4 (Summer-Autumn Path: The Mississippi Choctaws from Prehistory to 1999): 117; For gifts made by the Spanish, see Removal (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, White, 88. 1999): 70. 98 2015 reorienting plantations towards a crop drove Mississippi settlers to procure that had previously only been used in ever more slaves. In January of Mississippi for domestic purposes. 1802, Mississippi’s first appointed Indeed, the construction of cotton gins Democratic-Republican Governor, by enterprising merchants offered an William Claiborne, recognized the outlet for the short-staple cotton. In a relationship between cotton production letter to then Congressional Committee and high demand for slaves in a letter Chairman William C. C. Claiborne to James Madison: “The culture of on the Territory of Mississippi, a Cotton is so lucrative, and personal resident of the territory estimated labor consequently so valuable, that that cotton fetched approximately 25 Common Negro Fellows will generally cents a pound and offered “singular Command five hundred dollars advantage to the planter.” As well as per head.” Nonetheless, Claiborne rendering cotton production financially supported a bill passed by the rewarding, cotton gins provided a Mississippi House of Representatives source of reliable credit for farmers that would have prohibited the and plantation owners. Indeed, receipts importation of male slaves above the granted upon the delivery of cotton age of sixteen. While this measure at public gins became the dominant did not amount to an outright ban on form of currency in the Mississippi slavery, it held the potential to stunt cotton-dominated economy. Moreover, the territory’s budding economy, which the renting of gins encouraged an had grown increasingly dependent industrial-style division of labour, as on slave labour. Indeed, Claiborne merchants who received these receipts was more inspired by racist fears could dispose of them at a fixed rate, than by notions of philanthropy: “this relieving farmers of the cost of selling Territory must soon be overrun, by the their cotton to manufacturers.8 most abandoned of that unfortunate As cotton exports flowed south to race.”9 Although the bill failed to New Orleans and then to England secure a majority in the Territory’s for their manufacturing, Mississippi Legislative Council, it highlights plantation owners experienced a great the tension between racial fears and demand for slaves, who passed through the tremendous profits reserved for the Choctaw Nation as they travelled plantation owners. Indeed, the practice southward from Tennessee and the of slavery was accompanied with Atlantic states. Given the directly feelings of racism throughout the proportional relationship between South, but the particularly isolated the number of “hands” working on nature of the Mississippi territory a plantation and the distribution of heightened these anxieties, as evinced “merchantable cotton”, cotton profits by Claiborne’s fear of being “overrun.” Nevertheless, slave-ownership 8 For Mississippi crops from 1780-1800, see eventually became a source of prestige Libby 35-8; for cotton gin economy, see B. L. C. in the territory’s plantation economy, Wailes, Report on the Agriculture and Geology of Mississippi: Embracing a Sketch of the Social 9 For incentives to produce cotton and buy and Natural History of the State (Washington: E. slaves, see Carter, 5, 99-101; For Governor Barksdale, 1854): 169-170; For price of cotton Claiborne’s understanding of the cotton in 1800, see “Printed Article: Charges Against economy, see William Claiborne to James Governor Sargent, May 28 1800” in Clarence Madison, January 23 1802, in Dunbar Rowland, Edwin Carter, ed., The Territorial Papers of the ed., Official Letter Books of W. C. C. Claiborne, United States, vol. 5 (Washington: Government 1801-1816, vol. 1 (Jackson: State department of Printing Office, 1937-8): 99-101. Archives and History, 1917): 38-9. 99 KANATA encouraging its further expansion draw the Choctaws into the American, among settlers seeking to establish commerce-based marketplace, and themselves in Natchez high society.10 away from traditional behaviours of While the increased demand for gift-giving and reciprocity. According slaves encouraged settlers to procure to James Carson, exchange between their own before relocating to the Choctaws and Americans led to a territory, plantation owners such as surplus-subsistence economy, where William Dunbar also relied on the trade represented a secondary means African slave trade up until its ban in of sustenance, and eventually resulted 1808. In addition to the excess slaves in the growth of a profit-oriented sold by arriving settlers, the new economy among the Choctaws.11 cotton economy also attracted slave- One direct account of the evolving traders such as Andrew Jackson from trade networks stems from Andrew the American interior and the Atlantic Jackson’s quarrel with the Indian coast. The importance of the slave- agent responsible for the Choctaws trade is emphasized by its tremendous in 1812, Silas Dinsmoor. Returning growth between 1800 and 1810, to Tennessee from a business trip in with the territory’s slave population Natchez, Andrew Jackson’s passage more than quadrupling, from 3,489 through the Choctaw Nation on the to 17,088. With the signature of the Natchez Trace convinced him of the Treaty of Fort Adams in 1801, the opportunities to sell slaves among the Natchez Trace facilitated growth in Choctaws: settlement and the slave-trade between Tennessee and Natchez, and resulted It was well known that my in greater contact with the Choctaw business to [Natchez] was to bring Nation . In an 1803 letter to Governor away a number of negroes which Clairborne discussing the territory’s had been sent to that Country for strategic vulnerability, General James sale, and from the fall of the market Wilkinson of the United States Army and scarcity of cash remained observed an increasing level of unsold - finding as I passed thro’ the interaction between Americans and Choctaw Country that I could sell Choctaws: “the constant intercourse several of them [...] I set out with held with [the Choctaw] Towns by the twenty six negroes, and my servant. passage & repassage of travellers, will infallibly expose any enemical [sic] design to you.” Thus, trade between Jackson’s experience highlights the Tennessee and Natchez served to Tennessee-Natchez economic ties, as Jackson’s home near Nashville 10 For selling of slaves, see William Charles Cole served as a base for his slave-trading Claiborne to Andrew Jackson, December 9 1801, enterprise in Mississippi. This letter in Sam B. Smith & Harriet Chappel Owsley, eds., to the Governor of Tennessee, Willie The Papers of Andrew Jackson, vol. 1 (Knoxville: Blount, emphasizes the desire to University of Tennessee Press, 1980): 260-1; remove obstacles facing travel and For slave demographics in Mississippi, see Snydor, 186n; For Claiborne’s aspersions, see Rowland, ed., 1, 38-9; For interesting description trade through the Nation in the form of of prestige associated to slave-ownership in passports required by Silas Dinsmoor. Mississippi, see John Mills to Gilbert Jackson, 19 11 For slave importation, see Libby, 52; For May 1807, John Mills, John Mills Letters, 1795- Choctaw and settler intercourse, see James 1807 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Wilkinson to Governor Claiborne, May 10 1803, Press [n.d.]): 6. in Carter, ed., 5, 215-8. 100 2015 Although the latter was enforcing ranch owners. In 1805, the territory the 1802 Intercourse Act, the federal counted approximately 35,000 heads government forbid him to uphold of cattle, mainly around Natchez and the law for individuals believed to the Tombigbee rivers. As the largest be “travelling through the country herds depended on slave labour, the in a peacable manner on the public growth of this industry through the road or highway.”12 Thus, travel and exportation of beef encouraged the trade through Choctaw territory along further expansion of slave-ownership the Natchez Trace remained largely in Mississippi. Concentrated near the unregulated, resulting in intercultural fertile plains of the Choctaw nation, exchange and economic gain for the the practice of stock raising spread to Choctaws. In this manner, the purchase the Choctaws as a result of the gradual of slaves from white traders by the abandonment of traditional hunting Choctaws speaks to an economic practices in borderlands depleted of reorientation towards a market their game. Supposedly introduced to economy, solely devoted to profit the Choctaws by settler intermarriage through trade. Jackson’s confirmation in the late eighteenth century, stock of a demand for slaves indicates that raising illustrated the divide in wealthy Choctaws invested in their Choctaw society between factions agricultural productive capacities with deemed progressive, who adapted to the intention of living off of the surplus economic changes, and conservative, through trade. By the time of Choctaw who opposed them. According to James removal in 1830, the Choctaw slave Carson, a decline in the rate of warfare community numbered two thousand among Southern Indian tribes had led for a population of 21,000 Choctaws, to an increase in horse stealing in the or almost one slave for every ten Territory of Mississippi in the 1790s Choctaws. Although much smaller and the first decade of the nineteenth in comparison to the majority slave century. By stealing and slaughtering population in Natchez during this same the horses, cattle and hogs of frontier period, the relatively high prevalence settlers, Choctaws forced their hunting of slaves illustrates an active adaptation and warrior traditions on American to the American market system.13 settlers, who effectively restricted The expansion of stock raising their access to land. A letter in 1802 in Mississippi at the end of the from Governor Claiborne testified to the confrontation between settlers Revolutionary War created an and Choctaws: “they are encamped additional demand for slaves among in dozens, in every Neighborhood & support themselves principally by 12 For Jackson’s account of his travel through depredations upon the Cattle Hogs of the Choctaw Nation, see Andrew Jackson to 14 Willie Blount, January 25 1812, in Sam B. Smith the Citizens.” & Harriet Chappel Owsley, eds., 2, 277-9; For examples of Jackson’s business with Natchez, see 14 For cattle in Mississippi, see John D. W. Sam B. Smith & Harriet Chappel Owsley, eds., Guice, “Cattle Raisers of the Old Southwest: 1, 32n; For policy on travel through Choctaw A Reinterpretation,” The Western Historical Nation, see the Secretary of War to Silas Quarterly 8:2 (April 1977): 177; For introduction Dinsmoor, 23 March 1812, in Carter, ed., 6, 285. of stockraising to Choctaws, see White, 105-7; 13 For number of slaves owned by Choctaws, see For symbolism behind Choctaw actions against Arrel M. Gibson, “The Indians of Mississippi,” settler herds, see James Taylor Carson, “Horses A History of Mississippi, Richard Aubrey and the Economy and Culture of the Choctaw McLemore, ed. (Hattiesburg: University & Indians, 1690-1840,” The American Society for College Press of Mississippi, 1973): 81. Ethnohistory 42:3 (Summer 1995): 501; For 101 KANATA This opposition to settler practices As these herds were most of stock raising by Choctaw warriors predominantly found in the nation’s stood in contrast to its active adoption north-eastern and western borderlands, by elite Choctaw families. Within the stock raising linked the Choctaws to Choctaw Nation, the introduction of the traders, settlers, and the slaves trade and new industries meant the with whom they came in contact. increased distortion of material wealth As herdsmen, slaves often entered over a spiritual source of authority, Choctaw territory when fleeing their associated to successfully hunting American owners. Described by dear, or the power to kill other living John Guice as a “buffer between creatures. According to Greg O’Brien, established settlements and the native this transformation among Choctaw tribesmen,” these herdsmen were elites, who increasingly derived their essential in promoting communication power from material wealth and whose and exchange. As a result of this influence increased through diplomatic intercourse, some slaves in Mississippi contact with American settlers, learned to speak Choctaw, thus gaining emphasized the changing orientation a strategic advantage in relation to of Choctaw culture towards economic their owners who relied on them to gain. Rather than resisting the changes communicate with the Choctaws. In occurring in Mississippi, the leading 1799, residents of Adams County, in Choctaw families embraced stock which Natchez is located, expressed raising in the early nineteenth-century. their deep resentment of this situation: By 1829, missionaries reported that the “We present as a very great grievance north-eastern district of the Choctaw the want of a white man for an Indian Nation counted an impressive 11,661 Interpreter which was hitherto been cattle, 3,974 horses and 22,047 hogs, effected by a negro slave to the great for a population of 5,627. Although shame of a free and independent demographic and geographic shifts people.” Consequently, the economic within the nation were not recorded orientations of the Territory of prior to the late 1820s, the Choctaws’ Mississippi influenced discourse widespread integration of cattle and between Choctaws and settlers. The hogs into their ritual ceremonies prior former’s relations with their Choctaw to the War of 1812 highlights the neighbours highlight the need for common integration of stock raising communication on the frontier, as in the nation’s economy. Borrowing disputes, trade and inter-cultural Anglo-American techniques for cattle relationships determined the nature of herding, the Choctaws integrated accommodation on the frontier.16 themselves within the settler economy, answering demands for beef among an Accommodation on the Frontier expanding settler population.15 Born in 1808 in the Territory of Mississippi, Colonel John A. Watkins Claiborne’s account, see Governor Claiborne to recalls from his early childhood John McKee, Rowland, ed., 1, 59-60. 15 For sources of authority among Choctaw, see playing a ball game with the Choctaws, O’Brien, xvii, 100; For census of north-eastern 16 For geographic location of stockraising, see Choctaws, see “Choctaws” in American Board White, 105-7; For intercourse between slaves of Foreign Missions, The Missionary Herald, 25:3 and Choctaws, see Guice (April 1977): 171; For (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, March 1829): examples of slaves escaping to the Choctaws, see 152-4; For stock raising-related ceremonies, see Libby, 14; For complaints of slave interpreters, White, 105-7; For Choctaw cattle techniques, see see “Presentments of the Grand Jury of Adams Carson (1997), 9. County, June 6 1799” in Carter, ed., 5, 63-6. 102 2015 which he would later describe as a The Choctaws’ inability to directly “national institution, in which all the communicate with the American males participated, no matter how government posed an important degraded or elevated their positions.” barrier to their attempts to define Known as Achahpih or Chungkee, this their relationship with the United game of the pre-removal era fell out States. For instance, the deliberate of use in the early nineteenth century misrepresentation of their views as a result of evolving social mores. by Wigton King led to the removal Indeed, the Choctaws’ integration of a trusted Choctaw agent, Silas into the American economic system Dinsmoor, on June 29, 1814. By translated into the adoption of new forging a letter to the United States agricultural and herding habits. government from the prominent These changes meant the gradual Choctaw chiefs, Pooshemataha and abandonment of Achahpih, as the Mooshulatabbe, King demanded the Choctaws never replaced the stones removal of Dinsmoor, and suggested that were essential components in the himself for the position . Minutes from traditional game devoting their leisure the 1814 Council with Pooshemataha time instead to the raising of livestock, and Mooshulatabbe revealed that the the production of cotton crops and of chiefs denied having ever spoken ill of hand-made goods for trade purposes. Dinsmoor and regretted his departure. The demise of Achahpih thus serves Without the power of communication, to contextualise changes in Choctaw the Choctaw chiefs were disadvantaged society, as contact with American in their relations with the American settlers and their governments led to a government. However, this event also process of accommodation on the part highlights the role of interpreters in of the Choctaws. According to Richard promoting accommodation between White, accommodation occurred on Choctaws and Americans. Indeed, John the American frontier due to a relative Pitchlynn, American interpreter for the parity of forces between settlers and Choctaw Nation, effectively thwarted Indigenous Peoples. Wielding their Wigton King’s efforts to usurp the title substantial demographic, military of agent by disavowing his certification and geographic power over the of the forged letter, and ensured that Mississippi settlers and their territorial John McKee, a respected trader of government, the Choctaws successfully long-standing among the Choctaws, accommodated the American polity would replace Dinsmoor.18 and its settlers in the context of Interpreters acted as important expanding economic relations, while bridges between the Choctaws and the still imposing their own preferences United States government, wielding in their cultural intercourse. Indeed, a language of accommodation. the politics of language, race and land Commissioned by the American served to determine the nature of the Secretary of War, interpreters were relationship between the Choctaws and 17 on accommodation on the frontier, see Richard the United States. White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, 17 For Watkins memory of Achahpih, see John and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650- A. Watkins, “The Choctaws in Mississippi,” The 1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, American Antiquarian (1892): 72; For demise 1991): 71. of Achahpih, see H. S. Halbert “The Choctaw 18 For account of Silas Dinsmoor’s departure Achahpih (Chungkee) Game” A Choctaw Source and the Choctaws’ reaction, see John McKee to Book, John J. Peterson Jr., ed. (London: Garland the Secretary of War, June 29 1814, Carter, ed., Publishing, Inc., 1985): 285-6. For White’s views 6, 440-4. 103 KANATA obliged to “truly serve the U. States” in declined to pursue charges of theft, the regulation of trade and intercourse as evinced by a message he sent to with the Choctaws, and “to preserve Pitchlynn to be communicated to peace on the frontiers,” as required the concerned Choctaw parties: “I by law. Although interpreters might will forget and forgive your late bad have ensured an imbalanced exchange Conduct, upon one Condition, which due to their reliance on the American is, that you immediately depart for government , this did not occur among your own Land, and do no more the Choctaws prior to the 1820s. mischief.” Although Claiborne was not Considerd only in passing by historians always effective in redressing the theft , John Pitchlynn acted as interpreter of property, he still conceived such during treaty negotiations between actions as “acts of aggression” that the Choctaws and the United States. threatened the security of the territory The son of a British trader who died in and therefore needed to be addressed to Choctaw territory, Pitchlynn married satisfy American interests.20 into a powerful family in the Nation. The resolution of cases of horse He was thus trusted among them , stealing depended both on the actions allowing him to mediate relations of Pitchlynn who communicated the between all parties within the Territory interests of the territorial government, of Mississippi.19 and the support of the Choctaw chiefs. An example of the interpreter’s In one instance, a settler whose “horses ability to bridge divides between & other property”- presumably slaves communities lay in the restoration of imported for cotton farming - was stolen horses to settlers. Horse stealing robbed by a party of Choctaws on provided a potential source of conflict the road from Tennessee to Natchez. with settlers, considering the Nation’s Under the instructions of Governor early hegemony in the territory. In Claiborne, Pitchlynn ensured the his instructions to American treaty return of the goods in question through negotiators in 1801, President Thomas mediation with Choctaw chiefs, who Jefferson emphasized the Nation’s willingly complied with American powerful position: “[the] Choctaws demands. Borrowing from White’s may be considered one of the most analysis in The Middle Ground, the powerful nations of Indians within lack of colonial authority over the the limits of the United States; and a Choctaw Nation meant that it adopted pacific and friendly disposition in and a conciliatory approach, rather than towards them should be cultivated.” unilaterally obtaining a restitution of Because of this relative superiority horses. Weakness thus encouraged over the settlers and the territorial accommodation on the frontier. government, Governor Claiborne had However, this example also underlines difficulty obtaining compliance from Choctaw agency in accommodating horse robbers, as he depended on the American demands, as the Choctaw cooperation of the Choctaws to return 20 For Jefferson’s strategic evaluation of the stolen horses. Claiborne sometimes Choctaws, see “Instructions to William R. Davie, 19 For responsibilities of interpreters, see the James Wilkinson, and Benjamin Hawkins, Secretary of War to Silas Dinsmoor, May 8 1802, July 3 1801” Lowrie and Clarke, eds., 1, 649- Carter, ed., 5, 148-9; For Pitchlynn’s position 50; For Claiborne’s message to the Choctaws, within Choctaw Nation, see Theda Perdue, see Governor Claiborne to John Pitchlynn, “Mixed Blood” Indians: Racial Construction Rowland, ed., 1, 204; For Claiborne’s views on in the Early South (London: The University of attacks, see Governor Claiborne to John McKee, Georgia Press, 2003): 3, 24. Rowland, ed., 1, 130. 104 2015 chiefs used their influence over the adoption of stock raising at the turn of warriors to satisfy the American the nineteenth century to these “mixed- government’s requests. These bloods”: actions on the part of the Choctaws Those people who first moved promised to improve relations with into the borderlands were not the American government, as well as traditionalists. The pioneers with settlers and traders who benefitted of this new settlement were the the leading families by selling them intermarried whites and the mixed- commercial goods, an important new bloods, and they came not to re- source of prestige in the nation. As establish the old economy but to a result, Pitchlynn, who served as raise cattle [...] Many full-blood a trusted bridge between Choctaws Choctaws settled with them in the and the United States government, borderlands, and gradually the encouraged dialogue and ultimately way of life and the interests of these accommodation between both parties.21 people would diverge from their In fact, Pitchlynn embodied kinsman in the old towns.23 an important tactic used by the Choctaws to come to terms with the growing presence of white settlers In addition to a lack of sources in Mississippi. By encouraging the to support his argument, White’s marriage of Choctaw women with analysis incorrectly equivocates the traders and government officials, abandonment of traditional economic the nation actively promoted an behaviour with a culturally and racially adaptation to white culture. Many distinct group of Choctaws. Identified historians consider this process of as “pioneers,” the “intermarried miscegenation as central to the decline whites” and “mixed-bloods” are clearly of the Choctaw Nation, as it created distinguished from the “full-blood” “mixed-bloods” who did not conform Choctaws who passively “settled with to traditional ways. Indeed, historians them.” White neither clarifies a time- often disqualify “mixed-bloods” as not order in which settlement occurred, nor representative of the Choctaw Nation does he explain the means by which the and, therefore, disregard subsequent racially distinct Choctaw group became cultural adaptations, such as in the leaders in herding practices on the case of black slavery in the nineteenth nation’s borderlands. Such an analysis century. Indeed, De Rosier’s analysis of changing economic practices relies of the Choctaw Nation rejected the on a Western concept of race, distorting practice of black slave ownership as contemporaneous Choctaw culture contrary to Choctaw values, as it was that did not distinguish between races most predominantly found among within their own nation. “mixed-bloods.”22 Similarly, White’s Indeed, the matrilineal structure of materialistic approach relates the Choctaw society meant the maternal 21 For case of restored settler property, see control of both goods and offspring Governor Claiborne to John Pitchlynn, in marriage, undermining the role of Rowland, ed., 1, 162. race in determining social relations 22 For the practice of miscegenation among the within the Choctaw Nation. Although Choctaws, see Perdue, 25; For a racial analysis of the Choctaws’ adaptation to the market system, a white trader may have opposed see Arthur H. DeRosier, Jr., “Pioneers with such practices, the child of a Choctaw Conflicting Ideals: Christianity and Slavery in mother was considered a Choctaw the Choctaw Nation,” The Journal of Mississippi 23 For the excerpt from The Roots of History 21:3 (July 1959): 184-9. Dependency, see White (1988): 103. 105 KANATA and belonged to the mother’s clan. States government, Choctaw leaders As a matrilocal society, the Choctaws of all lineages promoted the adoption also benefitted materially from unions of American economic means of with white traders and government production in the territory’s early officials, since the latter’s households history. In December of 1801, United were considered the property of their States officials were sent to negotiate Choctaw wives. The active pursuit a passage for the Natchez Trace of miscegenation among the most and minutes from this conference distinguished Choctaw families, such reveal that both “half-bloods” and as the marriages of Nathaniel Folsom “full-blooded” Choctaws requested and John Pitchlynn into the family access to blacksmiths, interpreters, of a prominent Choctaw chief, Miko spinning wheels, sowing attendants Pushkush, emphasizes the perceived and cotton cards to facilitate economic gains accrued from these unions. In a development. Interestingly, for both letter addressed to President Jefferson categories of Choctaws, justification in 1803, the Indian agent to the Creek for these demands was based on the Nation, Benjamin Hawkins, thus presence of “half-breads” within complained of the consequences of the nation; the Choctaws thus used miscegenation in his own agency: miscegenation as an argument to “The wife and [her] family first took secure the interests of the Nation as a direction of the provisions, then the whole. Indeed, the Choctaw warrior house and pay and finally the absolute Puck-shum-ubbee associated the need government of every thing at the for spinning wheels to the nation’s agency.” Nevertheless, secondary “half breads” and “young women,” sources neglect the advantage of such allowing for the widespread adoption unions for Southern Indian tribes, as of new economic realities within well as for the traders and officials the Choctaw Nation. Among other who married into the Nation, thereby purposes, blacksmiths also served to gaining legitimate access to lands build cotton gins in the early 1800s otherwise denied to American citizens for the transformation of cotton. The by law. As a result, miscegenation in desire to adapt to American economic the Choctaw Nation can be identified practices was in fact an investment as an example of accommodation on in the Nation’s future on the part of the part of Choctaws and Americans, prominent Choctaw families. Far from as both gained materially from such representing a symbolic other, the alliances.24 descendants of miscegenation would go While remaining under the sphere on to lead the nation over the course of of Choctaw influence, the use of the nineteenth century, as figures such miscegenation among leading Choctaw as Peter Pitchlynn, John Pitchlynn’s families also served to foster change, son, would later serve to defend the bringing in individuals who could interests of the Choctaws with respect promote integration into the modern to relations with the United States.25 market economy with their access In many ways, relations in the to new technologies and capital. In territory between both cultures centred treaty negotiations with the United on the issue of land and who controlled
24 For the Choctaws’ matrilocal society, see 25 For minutes of the Fort Adams Treaty, see Perdue, 25; For account of matrilocal society in “The Choctaws, Communicated to the Senate, Creek Nation, see Bejamin Hawkins to Thomas March 10 1802” in Lowrie & Clarke, eds., 1, Jefferson, 11 July 1803, Perdue: 23. 658-62. 106 2015 it. As the number of settlers in the nineteenth century, the Choctaws owed Territory of Mississippi more than $48,000 to Panton, Leslie & Co., a quadrupled between 1800 and 1810, frontier trading company, which the from 5,179 to 23,024, the American Jefferson Administration attempted to government heightened pressures on leverage into the first forced cession the Choctaws to cede land.26 President of lands from the Choctaws to the Jefferson’s policy towards Native United States. Indeed, the previous Americans as dictated in a famous letter Fort Adams and Fort Confederation to Governor William Henry Harrison treaties had merely reaffirmed cessions in 1803 made clear his intentions to negotiated by the British Crown with provide land to American settlers: the Choctaws, and therefore did When they withdraw themselves not clearly establish the American to the culture of a small piece government’s ability to obtain lands of land, they will perceive how from the Choctaws without a precedent. useless to them are their extensive With the 1805 Treaty of Mount Dexter, forests, and will be willing to the United States impressed upon the pare them off from time to time in Choctaws the need to cede their lands exchange for necessaries for their in order to provide the American farms and families. To promote government with the funds necessary this disposition to exchange lands, to repay the Choctaw national debt which they have to spare and we to Panton, Leslie & Co. At first want, for necessaries, which we unsuccessful, the treaty commissioners have to spare and they want, we convinced the Choctaws to cede over shall push our trading houses, and four million acres of land in their be glad to see the good and the Southern borderland in exchange for an influential individuals among them annuity of $3,000 and the elimination run in debt, because we observe of their debt. However, Jefferson only that when these debts get beyond presented the treaty three years after what the individuals can pay, they its signing, as he had desired more become willing to lop them off productive and strategic lands along by a cession of lands. [...] In this the Mississippi River. Conversely, the way our settlements will gradually treaty benefitted the leading Choctaw circumscribe and approach the families by paying off the goods they Indians, and they will in time either had been predominantly responsible incorporate with us as citizens of for purchasing from Panton, Leslie the United States, or remove beyond & Co., as well as by promising an the Mississippi.27 annuity for the nation, at the cost of overhunted and less fertile borderlands. In the case of the Choctaws, Although contemporary economists Jefferson’s predictions were borne may consider this exchange vastly out, as commercial exchange with unequal, the Choctaws who invested American traders led to a significant in the reorientation of their economy accumulation of debt. In the early likely viewed it in a favourable light. The treaty was eventually presented 26 For the territory’s population breakdown, see Snydor, 186n. to and ratified by the United States 27 For excerpt, see President Jefferson to Senate at the end of Jefferson’s term, William Henry Harrison, February 27 1803, in representing only a muted victory on Francis Paul Prucha, ed., Documents of United the part of the American government States Indian Policy (Lincoln: University of prior to the Creek Civil War. Indeed, the Nebraska Press, 1975): 22-3. 107 KANATA
Choctaws’ influence in the Mississippi States in the Creek Civil War in 1813. Territory and their diplomatic prowess Fighting alongside Andrew Jackson, ensured the protection of the Nation’s Pooshemataha and the Choctaws won interests when confronted by American great respect from the general for their demands.28 As a result, the expansion military valour.29 of commercial links between Choctaws Facing two clear paths, the Choctaws and settlers as of 1798 encouraged unsurprisingly chose to side with accommodation. Indeed, the leading the United States. Leading Choctaw families in the Choctaw Nation often families had fostered important ties conceded to American demands in with Americans since the establishment order to secure their trading interests, of the Mississippi Territory, garnering just as they used their position of power greater material wealth and prestige in the early nineteenth century to limit through trade, stockraising and cotton any abuses on the part of the American production. Moreover, these families government, as in the Mount Dexter encouraged greater integration Treaty. However, demographic shifts into the market economy through following the end of the Creek War miscegenation and the restoration of ensured that the Choctaws’ influence stolen property. From this perspective, rapidly evaporated as a consequence anything but rejecting the proposals of of increasing American hegemony. Tecumseh would have been irrational Consequently, the Choctaws would no on the part of a confident nation longer remain capable of resisting the seeking to position itself favourably authority of the American government with regards to the United States. and the settler interests it represented. However, their American allies proved unwilling to tolerate a nation of Native Epilogue & Discussion: The End of Americans situated on such valuable Accommodation land, no matter how accommodating. In 1811, the Choctaws were offered By facilitating the defeat of the Creek the opportunity of joining Tecumseh’s Nation, the Choctaw were confronted pan-Indian movement to reaffirm by a massive migration of settlers to the Native American rights, in the face Territory of Mississippi, tremendously of settler encroachments on ancestral increasing pressure to cede lands. Thus, lands and a perceived disintegration of the Choctaws renounced their claims traditional culture. Although the details to very significant borderlands in 1816 of his reception remain unclear, it and 1820, prior to their final removal appears that the Pawnee chief failed to in the 1830s west of the Mississippi rally the support of any of the Choctaw River. These last two agreements carry towns he visited. Most notably, the particular symbolic weight, as Andrew influential chief of the southern Six Jackson was personally involved, first Towns, Pooshemataha, opposed any as a negotiator and then as the president, move away from the Americans, in removing the Choctaws from their with whom the Choctaws had been lands. Indeed, Jackson embodied the allied with for 25 years. Indeed, belief that the United States needed Pooshemataha eventually offered the Nation’s military support to the United 29 For Tecumseh, see John Sugden, “Early Pan-Indianism: Tecumseh’s Tour of the Indian 28 For Choctaw debt to Panton, Leslie & Co., Country, 1811-1812,” American Indian Quarterly see White (1988), 95-6; For Choctaws’ strategic 10:4 (Autumn 1986): 274-283; For Jackson’s cession of southern borderlands, see van Hoak, impression of the Choctaw, see Rowland, ed., 119. 3, 36. 108 2015 to continuously expand at whatever Southwest: A Reinterpretation,” The Western cost, i.e. the expulsion and unnecessary Historical Quarterly 8:2 (April 1977): 167-87. 30 death of the Choctaws. As a result, , “Face to Face in the Choctaws’ active adaptation Mississippi Territory, 1798-1817,” The Choctaw to American economic practices Before Removal, Carolyn Keller Reeves, ed. ultimately failed to secure the nation’s (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1985): 157-180. territorial integrity, highlighting the challenges posed by an American Millls, John, John Mills Letters, 1795-1807 settler population with an insatiable (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press appetite for land. Nevertheless, the [n.d.]). Choctaw example prior to the Creek Halbert, H. S., “The Choctaw Achahpih Civil War demonstrates the potential (Chungkee) Game” A Choctaw Source Book, for accommodation on the frontier with John J. Peterson Jr., ed. (London: Garland the United States. Publishing, Inc., 1985): 285-6. Libby, David J., Slavery and Frontier Works Cited Mississippi, 1720-1835 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2004). American Board of Foreign Missions, The Missionary Herald, 25:3 (Boston: Crocker and Lowrie, Walter & Matthew St. Clair Clarke, Brewster, March 1829). eds., American State Papers, Indian Affairs: vol. 1 (Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1832). Carson, James Taylor, “Horses and the Economy and Culture of the Choctaw Indians, O’Brien, Greg, Choctaws in a Revolutionary 1690-1840,” The American Society for Age, 1750-1830 (London: University of Ethnohistory 42:3 (Summer 1995): 495-513. Nebraska Press, 2002).
, “Native Americans, Perdue, Theda, “Mixed Blood” Indians: the Market Revolution, and Culture Change: Racial Construction in the Early South (London: The Choctaw Cattle Economy, 1690-1830,” The University of Georgia Press, 2003). Agricultural History 71:1 (Winter 1997): 1-18. Pesantubbee, Michelene E., “Beyond , Searching for the Domesticity: Choctaw Women Negotiating Bright Path: The Mississippi Choctaws from the Tension between Choctaw Culture and Prehistory to Removal (Lincoln: University of Protestantism,” Journal of the American Nebraska Press, 1999). Academy of Religion, 67:2 (June 1999): 387- 409. Carter, Clarence Edwin, ed., The Territorial Papers of the United States, vol. 5-6 Prucha, Francis Paul, ed., Documents of (Washington: Government Printing Office, United States Indian Policy (Lincoln: University 1937-8). of Nebraska Press, 1975).
DeRosier, Jr., Arthur H., “Pioneers with Rowland, Dunbar, ed., Official Letter Conflicting Ideals: Christianity and Slavery Books of W. C. C. Claiborne, 1801-1816, vol. in the Choctaw Nation,” The Journal of 1 (Jackson: State department of Archives and Mississippi History 21:3 (July 1959): 174-189. History, 1917).
Gibson, Arrel M., “The Indians of Smith, Sam B. & Harriet Chappel Owsley, Mississippi,” A History of Mississippi, Richard eds., The Papers of Andrew Jackson, vol. 1-3 Aubrey McLemore, ed. (Hattiesburg: University (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, & College Press of Mississippi, 1973): 69-85. 1980).
Guice, John D. W., “Cattle Raisers of the Old Snydor, Charles S., Slavery in Mississippi 30 For Jackson’s removal policies, see Anthony (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1966). F. C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans (Cambridge: Sugden, John, “Early Pan-Indianism: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Tecumseh’s Tour of the Indian Country, 1999): 56. 109 KANATA
1811-1812,” American Indian Quarterly 10:4 (Autumn 1986): 273-304.
Van Hoak, Stephen P., “Untangling the Roots of Dependency: Choctaw Economics, 1800-1860” American Indian Quarterly 23:3/4 (Summer-Autumn 1999): 113-128.
Wailes, B. L. C., Report on the Agriculture and Geology of Mississippi: Embracing a Sketch of the Social and Natural History of the State (Washington: E. Barksdale, 1854).
Wallace, Anthony F. C., Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999).
Watkins, John A., “The Choctaws in Mississippi,” The American Antiquarian (1892): 69-77.
White, Richard, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988).
, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
110 2015
a 14 b Casting the Rails: The Creation of the ‘Imaginary Indian’ through Canadian Pacific Railway Tourism
Mélanie Wittes | McGill University
Abstract The Canadian Pacific Railway was not only hugely important for the settlement of Western Canada, but also for the introduction of tourism in the area. Through various tourist attractions, such as the Banff Springs Hotel and Banff Indian Days, White settlers produced ‘Imaginary Indian’ narratives, many of which were based on gendered tropes and were founded on the dichotomous notions of “savagery and tamed nobility.” Imaginary Indian narratives served as a way of producing a distinct Canadian national identity: one that recognized itself as a civilized society, in contrast to the perceived ‘Indian savage.’ These racialized narratives were produced and propagated through advertisements and photography.
111 KANATA Mélanie Wittes is a U2 student pursuing Honours in Anthropology and a double minor in International Development Studies and Indigenous Studies. She is interested in contemporary Indigenous issues and representations of Indigeneity in the Canadian context. Aside from her academic pursuits, Mélanie is VP External for the KANATA Indigenous studies community at McGill and an active member of FIFEQ, an international ethnographic film festival.
The Canadian Pacific Railway Days and the narratives constructed (CPR), completed in 1885, was hugely about Indigenous people through those important to the settlement of Western events, namely of the earth-connected Canada. It attracted immigrants to work Indian, of Indians temporalized in a in the agricultural sector and brought in primitive past, and of the tamable and large profits from the tourism industry. controllable Indian. Finally, throughout Tourism was especially important in the essay I will analyze these narratives the late 19th and early 20th centuries through various advertisements, after the CPR was constructed to promotional posters, and photographs. make up for the money lost during the In this essay, I will be using the construction of the CPR. Indeed, the term “Indian” when referring to the CPR was often advertised as being a image of Indigenous people held means for tourists (primarily European) by non-Indigenous people. I will be to see Canada from East to West. White using the term “Indigenous people” Canadian settlers produced various when referring to the actual people, as narratives about Indigenous people that opposed to their socially-constructed changed according to their purposes, image. be they to encourage travel on the CPR, Canada has historically been to promote the Banff Springs Hotel portrayed (and still is portrayed) as (BSH), or to advertise Banff Indian being a nation within a harsh and wild Days. These narratives were intended nature. Early Canadian nationalists to bolster Western and Canadian associated northernness with masculine national identities, though perhaps not virtues, such as resilience and strength.1 explicitly. In this essay, I will begin Whereas their southern counterparts with a discussion on the concept of were considered to be effeminate ‘northernness’ and its association with and diseased, they, as inhabitants certain ‘manly’ characteristics. I will of a northern country, considered then discuss the role that the CPR themselves to be of a superior race.2 played in constructing ‘Imaginary Ideas of racial superiority were very Indian’ narratives, namely those of common in the late 19th century, Indigenous people’s association with paralleling the emergence of eugenics nature, of Indigenous women, and in social discourse. Yet, given this of exotic but controllable ‘Indians.’ logic, it would be rational to assume I will then explore the Banff Springs Hotel and its identity as a civilized 1 Eva Mackey, The House of Difference: centre in the heart of the wilderness. Cultural politics and national identity in Canada, vol. 23 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, I will also explore the ways in which 2002), 246. this identity constructed images of 2 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: impure nature and of the vanishing Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Indian. I will consider Banff Indian Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 54. 112 2015 that Indigenous people would be of all of these notions – technology, considered relatively stronger and more White masculinity, and the domination resilient, given that they have inhabited over nature – are seen in the iconic this land that we now know as Canada photograph of the last spike being for much longer than European settlers hammered into the railway by Donald who generally came from much milder A. Smith, co-founder of the CPR (Fig. climates. Perhaps White settlers did 1).7 In this photo, we see a White man not feel that they needed to consider being surrounded by many other White this question, given the commonly held men, with CPR rails in the foreground, notion that Indigenous people were depicting Canada as a newly soon to vanish.3 However, even though industrialized and modern country. Indigenous people were not considered We see these White men showing as hardy as White settlers, they were dominance over the nature that looms often associated with nature. The noble behind them in the background. Thus, Indian was thought to exist within a White Canadians believed themselves purer state of nature, in comparison able to conquer nature, and given that with Western civilization,4 and was Indigenous people were associated thus connected with nature in a way with nature, it may have suggested to that Westerners were not. some that White people were also able The construction of the CPR was to conquer Indigenous people. completed in 1885, the same year as the There were other narratives, though Rebellion led by Louis Riel. In stories perhaps not very explicit, surrounding about the Rebellion, Indigenous people Indigenous women specifically. were often characterized as being While Indigenous people generally vicious and potentially poised to attack were equated with nature, Indigenous at any moment. It was consequently women have historically been equated believed by White historians that with the land. Images of Indigenous Indigenous people were very close to women have therefore mirrored leading a mass uprising in the West Western attitudes towards the earth.8 during the Rebellion.5 The completed Thus, upon first arrival by Europeans CPR therefore came at a very important to North America in the 16th century, time as it allowed White Canadians Indigenous women (according to to show their strength and power: “in Westerners) symbolized a paradox: the CPR’s love affair with technology, on the one hand, they embodied the the powerful speed and scheduled richness and beauty of the land that regularity of the railway became the the Europeans had encountered; on emblem of masculinity’s domination of the other hand, the image created of nature in conquering the vast spaces of Indigenous women was of the exotic, the new continent.”6 The intersections Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 60. 3 Eva Mackey, The House of Difference: 7 Hon. Donald A. Smith driving the last spike Cultural politics and national identity in to complete the Canadian Pacific Railway. Canada, vol. 23 (Toronto: University of Toronto Craigallachie, BC, 7 November 1885. Image Press, 2002), 247. 3624692. Library and Archives of Canada. 25 4 Ibid., 253. November 2014. 5 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three 8 Kim Anderson, “The Construction of a propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation Negative Identity,” in Gender and Women’s (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Studies in Canada: Critical Terrain, eds. 2011), 65. Margaret Hobbs and Carla Rice (Toronto: 6 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: Women’s Press, an imprint of Canadian Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Scholars’ Press Inc., 2013), 270. 113 KANATA powerful, and dangerous “Indian to conquer and tame the Indian Queen”.9 Yet, in order to claim the land Princess, as is elucidated through this upon which they had arrived during advertisement. initial settlement in Canada, White Yet, in reality, most Indigenous colonizers had to construct an image women were not as innocent and of the land (and thus of Indigenous submissive as the “Indian Princess” women) that was less powerful and trope would lead some to believe. less dangerous, and therefore more Indeed, Indigenous women often accessible. It is this evolution in resisted colonization and the colonial thinking that spurred the image of the project. This disobedience gave way to “Indian Princess”: “’Indian Princess’ a new image of Indigenous women: that imagery constructed Indigenous of the “dirty squaw”.14 The “squaw” women as the virgin frontier, the pure was depicted as being violent (which border waiting to be crossed.”10 The thereby served as justification for image of the Indian Princess was colonial violence), lewd, and morally therefore of a highly sexualized yet reprehensible.15 Indigenous women virginal young woman who was thought increasingly became immoral sexual to be on her way to becoming White.11 objects for White men, a characteristic The Indian Princess, along with the which was supposedly “inherent in their land she represented, was just waiting Indian blood.”16 The wild sexuality to be ‘taken’ by the White man.12 For associated with Indigenous women was instance, in one advertisement for CPR used as a tool to distinguish them from tourism (Fig. 2),13 we see a young fair- the cultured femininity supposedly skinned Indigenous woman wearing expressed by White women.17 Whereas a Plains headdress and smoking a the Indian squaw was supposedly a calumet. She is also dressed scantily, sexually loose, disobedient drudge, wearing only a bra and a skirt showing the White woman was supposed to be her thighs. Moreover, in this picture the sexually pure, weak, frail, and a model background is of a nature scene. This of domesticity and obedience.18 picture is precisely the image of the Advertisements for the CPR were Indian Princess: a young, practically integral to promoting these narratives white, sexualized Indigenous woman, about White and Indigenous women. wearing traditional Plains garb, and For example, Figure 319 is an image being associated with the land. I would thus argue that White men conquered 14 Kim Anderson, “The Construction of a Negative Identity,” in Gender and Women’s the land through the construction of Studies in Canada: Critical Terrain, eds. the CPR just as they were attempting Margaret Hobbs and Carla Rice (Toronto: 9 Kim Anderson, “The Construction of a Women’s Press, an imprint of Canadian Negative Identity,” in Gender and Women’s Scholars’ Press Inc., 2013), 271. Studies in Canada: Critical Terrain, eds. 15 Ibid., 272. Margaret Hobbs and Carla Rice (Toronto: 16 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: Women’s Press, an imprint of Canadian Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Scholars’ Press Inc., 2013), 270. Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 45. 10 Ibid., 270. 17 Ibid., 57. 11 Ibid., 273. 18 Kim Anderson, “The Construction of a 12 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: Negative Identity,” in Gender and Women’s Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Studies in Canada: Critical Terrain, eds. Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 15. Margaret Hobbs and Carla Rice (Toronto: 13 “Canada for Holidays.” Circa 1930. Poster. Women’s Press, an imprint of Canadian 24 Media. Web. 26 November 2014. Scholars’ Press Inc., 2013), 272. 19 “Canadian Pacific Railway Banff Girl.” Circa 114 2015 similar to the one of the “Indian of the CPR was that of the exotic Princess” discussed above. It shows but controlled Indian. After the a young woman perched atop a rock construction of the CPR, Canada put with the BSH glowing in the distance. a lot of effort into selling the Rocky The woman is dressed modestly and Mountains along with their Indigenous she appears happy and innocent. This inhabitants as a tourist attraction.21 image is similar to the advertisement Seeing Indigenous people living in of the “Indian Princess” in that both the wilderness from the safety of a women look young, innocent, and railway car was promoted as being just happy. Yet, the Indian Princess is as exotic as “the depths of Africa or a depicted in a much more overtly remote island in the South Pacific.”22 sexual light, given that she is wearing However, though the CPR was trying fewer articles of clothing than the to sell the image of the pure and White woman in this advertisement. In authentic Indian, they were also trying addition, whereas the Indian Princess is to reassure tourists (as well as potential being associated with the land (because settlers) of the success of the Canadian the background is of mountain peaks), government in controlling them. For the White woman is being associated example, in Plain Facts, a settlement with civilization, given that the booklet, it reads: “No trouble background of her advertisement is of whatever need be anticipated from the the BSH, which, as will be discussed, indigenous Indians of the North-West became a marker of ‘civilization.’ for, thanks to the just and generous Moreover, Figure 420 shows an policy pursued towards them by the advertisement for Banff Indian Days Canadian Government, they are quiet (which will be discussed at length later and peaceful.”23 This passage succeeds in this essay). In this picture, there in doing two things: first, it creates an are many Indian “squaws” who are image of the Indian that appeals to the hunched over (which asserts the White White settler; and second, it bolsters narrative of the Indian drudge) and are the image of the Canadian government scowling (which asserts the narrative and thus shapes the Canadian identity. of the disobedient Indian). The women The CPR and the Canadian government in this advertisement are also portrayed were therefore promoting an image of in a much more negative light than exotic yet tame Indians, which was both the ads of the Indian Princess a means of proving the success of and of the civilized White woman. the Canadian government and of the Advertisements for touring with the powerful nature of White Canadians. CPR were thus extremely important The Banff Springs Hotel was built in for perpetuating White narratives Banff National Park in 1888 by William about various racialized myths of the Van Horne, general manager of the imaginary Indian woman. Another narrative that White people 21 Eva Mackey, The House of Difference: Cultural politics and national identity in perpetuated through the construction Canada, vol. 23 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 249. 1930. Poster. Sports Poster Warehouse. Web. 26 22 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three November 2014. propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation 20 Wilfred Langdon Kinh, Indian Days (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Banff July 20-21-22. Banff, Alberta, 1926. 2011), 136. Whyte Museum of the Canadian Rockies Art 23 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: Collection. Banff, AB, Canada. 25 November, Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National 2014. Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 66. 115 KANATA CPR.24 It is he who famously said, BSH was specifically intended to be “Since we can’t export the scenery, a civilized centre in the midst of the we’ll have to import the tourists.”25 The wilderness where men could re-assert BSH was to serve as a hotel for tourists their manliness. travelling through Canada on the CPR. In White settler culture, wilderness Like CPR tours, the BSH was meant to was viewed as a pristine nature that appeal to a high-class audience; indeed, was “untouched or uncorrupted by this hotel has a history of being visited civilization.”30 In the late 19th century, by politicians and royalty, such as the there was general concern over the Duke and Duchess of Connaught.26 imminent demise of the wild nature Yet, it would appear contradictory with the onslaught of ‘civilization.’ that such an upscale hotel would be One of the reasons why national parks located in the heart of a seemingly began to be established at this time was undomesticated wilderness. In fact, the in order to promote the conservation of BSH rose to prominence at a time when nature. Moreover, as was previously Canadians were becoming concerned discussed, nature has often been with the effects of ‘overcivilization’ associated with Indigenous people. and the effeminacy that this would Indeed, George Catlin, an historic produce. They believed that the best painter who usually painted romantic cure for this ‘brain-fag,’ as it was scenes of nature and Indians, promoted called, was a holiday in the wilderness national parks as being a place “where where ‘manly’ qualities could be the world could see for ages to come, encouraged outside of the confinement the native Indian in his classic attire, of an urban setting.27 The West was galloping his wild horse, with sinewy believed to reveal the “man” in boys bow, and shield and lance, amid the who could stand forth in the “naked fleeting herds of elk and buffaloes.”31 simplicity of their native28 manhood,” Indians were therefore an integral part as written by novelist Ralph Connor in of the national park landscape. Yet, his 1899 novel Sky Pilot.29 Thus, the by the force of paternalistic policy, 24 Jody Berland, “Fire and Flame, Lightning Indigenous peoples, specifically the and Landscape: Tourism and Nature in Banff, Stoney (Nakoda) people, were removed Alberta,” in Between Views, eds. Diane Augaitis from Banff National Park from 1890 to and Sylvie Gilbert (Banff: Walter Phillips 1920 because they were believed to be Gallery, 1991), 13. depleting the wildlife in the park.32 It is 25 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three therefore paradoxical that a hotel, which propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, in this case was meant to be a symbol 2011), 129. of ‘civilization,’ was built in a national 26 Bart Robinson, Banff Springs: The story park where nature was supposed to of a hotel (Banff: Summerthought Publishing, be uncorrupted by civilization, and, 2007), 56. 27 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: 30 Jody Berland, “Fire and Flame, Lightning Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National and Landscape: Tourism and Nature in Banff, Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 100. Alberta,” in Between Views, eds. Diane Augaitis 28 It is worth noting the use of the word and Sylvie Gilbert (Banff: Walter Phillips “native” in this context, which I suggest clearly Gallery, 1991), 15. indicates the association of wild and untamed 31 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: ‘manliness’ with male Indians. Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National 29 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 97. propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation 32 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National 2011), 192. Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 95. 116 2015 similarly, that Indigenous people were Indians were represented in other removed from the national park when sectors of the tourist industry although they were integral to the national park they had been removed from Banff image. National Park proper. In the late 19th Although Indigenous people century, it was a widely-held belief were physically removed from the that Indians and ‘pure nature’ were Banff National Park land, they were on the verge of extinction due to the consistently represented in promotions progress of civilization. Most people of for both the CPR and the BSH. For this era agreed that Indigenous people instance, in a CPR menu dating to 1931, were dying from disease, starvation, there is an illustration of “Banff Indian alcoholism, and the encroachment Hunting Grounds,” in which there are of civilization. While some believed two Indigenous Chiefs wearing Plains that it was Indigenous cultures that headdresses and hovering above the were being eradicated, leaving behind BSH (Fig. 5).33 The chiefs appear ‘inauthentic’ Indians, others believed very tame and stoic,34 contrary to the that Indigenous people themselves common narrative perpetuated by were literally dying.36 Thus, Banff Catlin of the wild and free Indian. It Indian Days were created in Banff would seem as if the Chiefs had been National Park to commemorate the ‘civilized’ by White Canadians, just as ‘dying Indian.’ In 1889, bad weather a portion of the national park had been washed out several CPR bridges, civilized through the construction of the halting train traffic for many days. BSH. I would argue that this opposition Manager Mathews rounded up of civilization and wilderness acted as members of the Stoney people to a way for White settlers to create a dance for guests as entertainment.37 narrative in which they had the power This activity proved so popular that it to tame and control the ‘wild’ Indian continued annually until 1978. During and the ‘wild’ wilderness. As argues these festivals that would last about a Margot Francis, “Here the welcome week, a ‘typical Indian village’ was salute of the chiefs is a gesture from constructed and Indigenous people one group of patriarchs to the next, would participate in parades, dances, reassuring the visitor that no one and sporting competitions that were would deny the (white) sportsman meant to entertain White tourists.38 The his right to hunt and fish at will.”35 In images of Indians portrayed in these this pamphlet, the CPR and the BSH events were very simple because, as were therefore assuring White tourists explained by Daniel Francis, it was that, although they were infringing on easier to ‘sell’ a region to visitors if Indigenous land, their right to practice ‘manly’ sport (or, in other words, sport 36 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three that was civilized without being too propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation civilized) would not be impinged on by (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Indigenous people. 2011), 23. 37 Bart Robinson, Banff Springs: The story 33 “Canadian Pacific Railway.”Banff Indian of a hotel (Banff: Summerthought Publishing, Hunting Grounds. 1931. Francis, Margot. 2007), 34. Creative Subversions: Whiteness, Indigeneity, 38 Courtney W Mason, “The Buffalo Nations/ and the National Imaginary. UBC Press, 2011. Luxton Museum: Tourism, regional forces 34 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: and problematising cultural representations Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National of aboriginal peoples in Banff, Canada,” Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 68. International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, 35 Ibid., 69. no. 4 (2009): 359. 117 KANATA the experience could be boiled down is contrary to the other narrative to a few basic images that seemed to upon which Banff Indian Days were depict the essence of the heritage that founded: that Indians were going to they were meant to be experiencing.39 disappear, and that they therefore had Banff Indians Days were therefore to be commemorated in these events. promoted by creating a simple The second narrative being described image of the ‘Indian’ that was void in these advertisements is of the Indian of any cultural differences between who has not evolved whatsoever since Indigenous peoples. Moreover, the pre-colonial days; rather, although his images perpetuated were of Indians surroundings have been changed by whose culture remained frozen in a pre- White settler society, he42 has remained industrial time, pre-‘civilized’ time. static in a romantic past era when Banff Indian Days were organized nature was still pristine and pure, as and advertised very strategically was he. Romantic discourse around the in order to promote the romantic Indian who was inherently connected narrative of the ecological Indian. For to nature was thus strongly promoted instance, after Banff’s zoo acquired in Banff Indian Days festivals. a few bison, newspaper articles were Promoting a narrative of the excitedly exclaiming that the species romantic, pure, and natural Indian was was no longer in danger of becoming essential for the creation of a ‘civilized’ extinct and that the bison would Western identity.43 By framing Indians become as they were “100 years ago.” in the context of a romanticized past, This exact same slogan was used Western audiences were consigning to describe Indians on Banff Indian Indigenous peoples to an early stage of Days.40 Similarly, a Banff Indian Days progress or development, which thus supplement described Indians standing had the effect of bolstering images of stoically and gazing at the mountains Western progress and modernity.44 surrounding them, explaining that Photography, as will be discussed later “there is no doubt that for them the in this essay, was an important tool wheels of time have temporarily for creating this image. For example, rolled back, and in imagination they in one photo (Fig. 6)45 we see a group are once more standing as they did of Indigenous people performing a in youth – as did their fathers before traditional dance in front of the BSH. them – lords of the mountains and the plains – majesty amidst the 42 I am using the gendered term “he” here to 41 elucidate that narratives about Indigenous men majestic.” There are therefore two were not necessarily the same as the ones about very distinct narratives being furthered Indigenous women. Thus, in this context, the in these advertisements. The first is narratives were specifically about male Indians. that, through events such as Banff 43 Eva Mackey, The House of Difference: Indian Days, the extinction of Indians Cultural politics and national identity in could be prevented. Yet, this narrative Canada, vol. 23 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 253. 39 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three 44 Courtney W Mason, “The Buffalo Nations/ propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation Luxton Museum: Tourism, regional forces (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, and problematising cultural representations 2011), 157. of aboriginal peoples in Banff, Canada,” 40 Jonathan Clapperton, “Naturalizing Race International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and no. 4 (2009): 363. Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days,” Canadian 45 F. Gully, Stoney chicken dancers. Alberta, Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 354. 1941. Image NA-1241-655. Glenbow Archives. 41 Ibid., 355. Calgary, AB, Canada. 25 November 2014. 118 2015 They are being watched by a group of a narrative by controlling the images White onlookers. This creates a stark produced of Indigenous people on distinction between ‘primitiveness’ and Banff Indian Days. The famous ‘civilization.’ The Indigenous people pioneer Norman Luxton, for instance, (being depicted here as Indians) are instructed Banff Indian Days organizers performing an ‘exotic’ tradition that to remind Indigenous participants, is not practiced by White people, and “You are an Indian…act your part. that is therefore considered lesser (by You are a specimen on exhibition, your Western standards) than White cultural work is being looked at critically.”49 practices because it is a practice that Indeed, the parks department in Banff is temporalized in a pre-colonial, chose which traditional practices ‘primitive’ Indigenous era.46 By Indigenous people could partake in contrast, in the photo of Figure 7,47 we and which were deemed inappropriate. see a group of White tourists in a bus For example, Indigenous people were looking at the BSH from a distance. encouraged to engage in beadwork These people epitomize the virtues of and horsemanship, while they were Western civilization in that they are discouraged from practicing traditional acting respectably by being calm and cultural and religious practices.50 Yet, not engaging in any ‘exotic’ activities, although the government disapproved while also travelling in a modern mode of the traditional cultural practices of transportation (the bus) and gazing performed by Indigenous people, it upon the BSH which was emblematic is how the White audience preferred of Western society having dominated to see the Indian performers on Banff nature by imposing on it civilization.48 Indian Days: “The Performing Indian Though the BSH features in both was a tame Indian, one who had lost images, the White people in the second the power to frighten anyone.”51 image are acting ‘civilized’ while the Thus, although Indigenous people Indigenous people in the first image were supposed to perform traditional are engaging in a ‘primitive’ and pre- ‘Indianness’, they were supposed to colonial (and thus, I would argue, what do so in the safe confines of White, was conceived as a pre-‘civilized’) Western civilization, which thus practice. became a celebration of the success Another important narrative about of White civilization.52 Controlling Indigenous people was that they were Indigenous people was therefore once tamable and controllable by White again a tactic of bolstering Western settlers. Settlers explicitly constructed 49 Jonathan Clapperton, “Naturalizing Race 46 Courtney W Mason, “The Buffalo Nations/ Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and Luxton Museum: Tourism, regional forces Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days,” Canadian and problematising cultural representations Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 357. of aboriginal peoples in Banff, Canada,” 50 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National no. 4 (2009): 361. Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 99- 47 Underwood and Underwood Publishers. A 100. view showing the Springs Hotel and a Grayline 51 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three Bus. Alberta, c. 1915-1930. Image CN157. propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation White Museum of the Canadian Rockies, (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Archives and Library. Edmonton, AB, Canada. 2011), 102. 25 November 2014. 52 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three 48 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, Imaginary (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 60. 2011), 103. 119 KANATA identity in that it proved that White people, or rather, the lack of control settlers were powerful enough to tame maintained by Indigenous people over and control the once wild Indian, and themselves. that Western civilization was therefore Advertisements for Banff Indian a success. Days were a very important tool for Though Indigenous people were promoting such simplistic images supposed to emphasize their difference of the Indian. For instance, Figure 4 as Indians from non-Indigenous shows a group of Indians standing people, they were supposed to do so around wearing unidentifiable “Indian” in a civilized manner. By exhibiting garb. Though two men (assumedly ‘proper’ behaviour, they were deemed chiefs) are wearing Plains headdresses, acceptable park attractions. For which is appropriate given the instance, one newspaper article from geographic location, these images of the early days of the Banff Indian Days the Indian exist all over Canada to events explained that Stoney Chiefs represent Indigenous people, not only McLean and Benjamin exhibited in the West where Indigenous people “well-spoken English and [a] courteous would have worn this kind of regalia. manner.”53 Similarly, promotional Such is the case as well for the teepees advertisements often emphasized that erected in the picture. All of the people Indigenous people recognized that in this picture have very neutral, stoic they had been conquered and, in fact, facial expressions. In addition, two were in support of the colonial system. people, one of whom is at the forefront Indigenous Chiefs, for example, were of the picture, are wearing what appear often described as being “staunch to be Hudson’s Bay Blankets. Thus, friends of the British Empire in this advertisement perpetuates many Canada.”54 Thus, though Indigenous narratives that White people have people were supposed to maintain their held about Indigenous people. First, it image as Indians at Banff Indian Days is the myth of a homogenous ‘Indian events, they were supposed to do so culture,’ rather than the reality of the within the confines of proper, ‘civilized,’ many Indigenous cultures.55 Second, Western behaviour. Moreover, in order it is that Indians are stoic and wise to further the colonial narrative, it because they are connected with nature was necessary that White authorities and thus remain in a static and romantic organize and lead Banff Indian Days past.56 And third, I would argue that parades. Often at other Canadian the blankets resembling those sold stampedes and rodeos, Indigenous by the Hudson’s Bay Company were people led parades and were followed a means of propagating the narrative by non-Indigenous people to map that Canada had successfully tamed out the history of Western Canadian the character of the ‘wild’ Indian, settlement. Yet, in Banff Indian Days while still permitting them to practice parades, White men always preceded Indigenous people in the parades. This 55 Courtney W Mason, “The Buffalo Nations/ Luxton Museum: Tourism, regional forces was meant to symbolize the control and problematising cultural representations held by White people over Indigenous of aboriginal peoples in Banff, Canada,” International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, 53 Jonathan Clapperton, “Naturalizing Race no. 4 (2009): 363. Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and 56 Jonathan Clapperton, “Naturalizing Race Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days,” Canadian Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 358. Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days,” Canadian 54 Ibid., 358. Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 355. 120 2015 their culture, which once again places serious and are posing in a noble way, Indigenous people under the control the mother and her son look candid, of White people. Thus, in a simple relaxed, and happy. The Indigenous advertisement for Banff Indian Days, men are wearing garb that was deemed there were many narratives being acceptable by the parks department, established and perpetuated. such as headdresses and beaded Similarly, photography was a very clothing with lots of fringe, while the important tool of control, especially White people are wearing Western and at Banff Indian Days festivals. Writer therefore ‘civilized’ clothing. Because and filmmaker Susan Sontag explains, they have taken possession of the Indian “To photograph is to appropriate the photographic images, the White people thing photographed. It means putting can manipulate the images in any oneself into a certain relation to the way they want and treat them as true world that feels like knowledge – representations of Indigenous people.60 and, therefore, like power.”57 Thus, This photo therefore temporalizes to photograph Indigenous people White people in a modern and civilized at Banff Indians Days, which was present and allows the White people extremely common, was to preserve taking the photo to control the image of their image in Banff’s environment as the Indian, thus relegating Indigenous a mechanism of control.58 This once people to a primitive past. again acts as a means of temporalizing White Canadian settler narratives Indigenous people in a primitive past around Indigenous people were varied while denying their presence in a according to their purposes, be they to modern, industrialized present, given sell Canadian Pacific Railway tours that the tourists could photograph the to tourists, to encourage upper-class Indigenous people in any which way tourists to stay at the Banff Springs they chose. For instance, in Figure 859 Hotel, or to promote attendance of we see two Indigenous men wearing Banff Indian Days. The narratives headdresses and posing next to a about Indigenous people, moreover, White mother and her son, while being were often used as a tool to bolster photographed by a White man. From Western and Canadian national the way the woman and her son are identities. Though narratives in and dressed, one could assume that they are of themselves are not inherently fairly wealthy. There is a stark contrast harmful, they can and do affect the between the White people and the ways in which people perceive and Indigenous people in this photo. Where consequently treat others. By depicting the Indigenous men are looking very Indigenous peoples as being inferior to 57 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three Western society, it becomes justifiable propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation to treat Indigenous peoples accordingly. (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, The effects of these narratives have 2011), 43. been innumerable, resulting in such 58 Jonathan Clapperton, “Naturalizing Race programs as residential schools Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days,” Canadian and various other discriminatory Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 359. Aboriginal policies. These programs 59 Chris Lund, A man taking a photograph of and policies have created long- a woman and child posed with men wearing headdresses and beaded clothing during Banff 60 Daniel Francis, Selling Canada: Three Indian Days. Alberta, August 1957. Image propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation 4301698. Library and Archives of Canada. 25 (North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, November 2014. 2011), 43. 121 KANATA lasting colonial legacies and are at narratives in order to undo the legacies the root of intergenerational trauma of colonialism and to attempt to effect borne by Indigenous communities positive social change. contemporarily. It is thus important to deconstruct socially-constructed
Plates List
Figure 1: A photograph of the last spike being hammered into the railway by Donald A. Smith, co-founder of the Canadian Pacific Railway. Hon. Donald A. Smith driving the last spike to complete the Canadian Pacific Railway. Craigallachie, BC, 7 November 1885. Image 3624692. Library and Archives of Canada. 25 November 2014.
Figure 3: A promotional poster for Figure 2: A promotional poster for the Banff Springs Hotel and the the Canadian Pacific Railway of an Canadian Pacific Railway showing a “Indian Princess,” c. 1930. White woman, c. 1930. “Canada for Holidays.” Circa 1930. “Canadian Pacific Railway Banff Poster. 24 Media. Web. 26 November Girl.” Circa 1930. Poster. Sports 2014. Poster Warehouse. Web. 26 November 2014.
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Figure 4: An advertisement for Banff Indian Days dating to 1926. Figure 5: A promotional poster for the Banff Kinh, Wilfred Langdon. Indian Days Springs Hotel dating to 1931, showing two Banff July 20-21-22. Banff, Alberta, Indigenous Chiefs hovering above the Banff 1926. Whyte Museum of the Canadian Springs Hotel. Rockies Art Collection. Banff, AB, “Canadian Pacific Railway.” Banff Canada. 25 November, 2014. Indian Hunting Grounds. 1931. Francis, Margot. Creative Subversions: Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Imaginary. UBC Press, 2011.
Figure 6: A photograph dating to 1941 of Indigenous people doing a traditional dance at a Banff Indian Days festival in front of the Banff Springs Hotel. Gully, F. Stoney chicken dancers. Alberta, 1941. Image NA-1241-655. Glenbow Archives. Calgary, AB, Canada. 25 November 2014.
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Figure 7: A photograph of White tourists in a bus observing the Banff Springs Hotel from a distance, c. 1915-1930. Underwood and Underwood Publishers. A view showing the Springs Hotel and a Grayline Bus. Alberta, c. 1915-1930. Image CN157. White Museum of the Canadian Rockies, Archives and Library. Edmonton, AB, Canada. 25 November 2014.
Figure 8: A photograph dating to 1957 of a White man taking a picture of two Indigenous Chiefs and a White woman with her child at a Banff Indian Days event. Lund, Chris. A man taking a photograph of a woman and child posed with men wearing headdresses and beaded clothing during Banff Indian Days. Alberta, August 1957. Image4301698. Library and Archives of Canada. 25 November 2014.
124 2015
Bibliography Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Anderson, Kim. “The Construction of a Negative politics and national identity in Canada, vol. 23. Identity.” In Gender and Women’s Studies in Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002. Canada: Critical Terrain, edited by Margaret Hobbs and Carla Rice, 269-278. Toronto: Mason, Courtney W. “The Buffalo Nations/ Women’s Press, an imprint of Canadian Scholars’ Luxton Museum: Tourism, regional forces Press Inc., 2013. and problematising cultural representations of aboriginal peoples in Banff, Canada.” Berland, Jody. “Fire and Flame, Lightning and International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, no. Landscape: Tourism and Nature in Banff, 4 (2009): 355-373. Alberta.” In Between Views, edited by Diane Augaitis and Sylvie Gilbert, 12-17. Banff: Robinson, Bart. Banff Springs: The story of a Walter Phillips Gallery, 1991. hotel. Banff: Summerthought Publishing, 2007.
“Canada for Holidays.” Circa 1930. Poster. 24 Underwood and Underwood Publishers. A view Media. Web. 26 November 2014. showing the Springs Hotel and a Grayline Bus. Alberta, c. 1915-1930. Image CN157. White Canadian Pacific Railway. Banff Indian Hunting Museum of the Canadian Rockies, Archives and Grounds. 1931. Francis, Margot. Creative Library. Edmonton, AB, Canada. 25 November Subversions: Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the 2014. National Imaginary. UBC Press, 2011.
“Canadian Pacific Railway Banff Girl.” Circa 1930. Poster. Sports Poster Warehouse. Web. 26 November 2014.
Clapperton, Jonathan. “Naturalizing Race Relations: Conservation, Colonialism, and Spectacle at the Banff Indian Days.” Canadian Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2013): 349-379.
Francis, Daniel. Selling Canada: Three propaganda campaigns that shaped the nation. North Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins & Dosil, 2011.
Francis, Margot. Creative Subversions: Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Imaginary. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011.
Gully, F. Stoney chicken dancers. Alberta, 1941. Image NA-1241-655. Glenbow Archives. Calgary, AB, Canada. 25 November 2014.
Hon. Donald A. Smith driving the last spike to complete the Canadian Pacific Railway. Craigallachie, BC, 7 November 1885. Image 3624692. Library and Archives of Canada. 2 5 November 2014.
Kinh, Wilfred Langdon. Indian Days Banff July 20-21-22. Banff, Alberta, 1926. Whyte Museum of the Canadian Rockies Art Collection. Banff, AB, Canada. 25 November, 2014.
Lund, Chris. A man taking a photograph of a woman and child posed with men wearing headdresses and beaded clothing during Banff Indian Days. Alberta, August 1957. Image 4301698. Library and Archives of Canada. 25 November 2014.
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a 15 b Allyship in Environmental Movements: Lessons from Clayoquot Sound and Athlii Gwaii
Clare Heggie | McGill University
Abstract This paper examines solidarity and allyship in environmental resistance movements. Environmental resistance at Athlii Gwaii and Clayoquot Sound will be critically compared using a broad definition of allyship. A closer examination of both movements suggests that mainstream environmental movements in Canada often operate from a place of privilege and should place more focus on title and meaningful inclusion of Indigenous perspectives, as well as raise more awareness of the connection between environmental degradation and colonial dispossession. 126 2015 Clare is a U2 Honours Geography student at McGill with a minor in In- digenous studies. She spent this past winter on Haida Gwaii completing a field semester in Natural Resource Studies with a focus on resource depen- dent First Nations communities. The concept of solidarity or colonial dispossession is unavoidable ‘allyship’ has been defined and used by and all environmental resistance should different groups for different purposes. operate as a solidarity movement first The Anti-Oppression Network defines and foremost. allyship as “An active, consistent, and arduous practice of unlearning and Clayoquot Sound re-evaluating, in which a person of Clayoquot Sound is on the privilege seeks to operate in solidarity traditional territories of the Hesquiaht, with a marginalized group of people.”1 Ahousaht and Tla-o-qui-aht First Mia McKenzie explains that allyship Nations, all of which are part of is “not supposed to be about your the Nuu-chah-nulth Nations on the feelings. It’s not supposed to be a way West Coast of Vancouver Island. of glorifying yourself at the expense Competing interests between tourism, of the folks you claim to be an ally to. logging, environmentalists and First It’s not supposed to be a performance. Nations came to a head in 1984 when It’s supposed to be a way of living your MacMillan-Bloedel began logging life that doesn’t reinforce the same Meares Island despite Ahousaht leaders oppressive behaviors you’re claiming rejecting their proposal. The protests at to be against.”2 Dr. Lynn Gehl, an Clayoquot Sound, which spanned the Algonquin Anishinaabe states that, “if late eighties and were most prominent alliance seekers cannot stand behind in the summer of 1993, were ultimately “my” needs as an Indigenous woman, successful: the logging companies left, I want nothing to do with “your” need First Nations were able to control the for an alliance.”3 logging tenures in the area, and most of Working within these definitions the sound was designated a UNESCO of what allyship should be, this paper biosphere reserve. will consider how environmental Without devaluing the significant movements have acted (or not acted) win of these protests, it is important to as allies to Indigenous interests. examine the movement more critically. Specifically, I will compare protests In her analysis of Clayoquot Sound, at Clayoquot Sound and Athlii Gwaii. Catriona Sandilands suspects that, “the I argue that the climate movement in struggle to “save” the landscape is not a broader sense must stand with and so much about freeing the resident act as an ally to Indigenous rights ecological and social communities to movements. The connection between negotiate multiple possible futures as environmental degradation and it is about imposing a particular view of the landscape on precisely these 1 “Allyship,” THE ANTIOPPRESSION NET- 4 WORK, PeerNetBC, 10 Dec. 2011, Web. communities.” The efforts to raise 2 Mia McKenzie, “No More “Allies” -.”Black Girl Dangerous. N.p., 30 Sept. 2013, Web. 4 Catriona Sandilands, “Between the Local and 3 Lynn Gehl, “The Turtle Must Lead, Anything the Global: Clayoquot Sound and Simulacral Else Is False Solidarity,” Rabble.ca, N.p., 20 Politics,” A Political Space: Reading the Feb. 2013, Web. Global through Clayoquot Sound, By Warren 127 KANATA public awareness to save Clayoqout the BC environmental movement and Sound were centered on a wilderness the protection of Canadian temperate discourse: that this area must be saved rainforests, but it presented the conflict so that future generations can enjoy it as environmentalists vs. logging – in its pristine state. In his landmark failing to address issues such as title essay “The Trouble with Wilderness”, or the fact that many First Nations William Cronon points out that the groups also had an interest in (locally construction of wilderness space controlled) logging. The protests for mass consumption requires that were an environmental movement first the land appear uninhabited, erasing and a solidarity movement only as an Indigenous peoples who see the land as afterthought. a home rather than as wilderness: “they were forced to go elsewhere, with the Athlii Gwaii result that tourists could safely enjoy During roughly the same time period the illusion that they were seeing their as the Clayoqout Protests, another nation in its pristine, original state.”5 conflict unfolded on BC’s North Coast. Along with the strategic construction Logging on a biologically and culturally of Clayoquot Sound as an uninhabited significant area of Haida Gwaii, known wilderness space, I argue that to the Haida as Gwaii Haanas, catalyzed though many of the organizers and the establishment of the Council of the environmental protesters may have Haida Nation (CHN) and the official been acting out of solidarity, the registration of a comprehensive Haida movement as a whole was not acting as land claim. Environmentalist interests an ally to Indigenous interests because in protecting Gwaii Haanas as a they saw First Nations groups as one wilderness area became linked with the of many stakeholders rather than as the Haida claim. The most public direct rightful owners of the land upon which action was a blockade of logging on protesters were projecting their own Athlii Gwaii (Lyell Island) in 1985, ideas of proper environmentalism. The but the conflict unfolded over decades 1991 BC Task Force on Native Forestry of direct action and lobbying. There found that, “Native voices – if heard were several outcomes to the action at all – have often been incorporated taken by the Haida people and residents as simply one among many special of Haida Gwaii: the contested area was interests within a system of forest protected as Gwaii Haanas National management founded on productions Park Reserve and Haida Heritage of colonial space.”6 The Clayoquot Site in 1993, to be co-managed by protests brought global attention to the CHN and Parks Canada. In 1997, stemming from the actions taken to Magnusson and Karena Shaw, (Montreal: Mc- protect Gwaii Haanas, the BC Court Gill-Queen’s UP, 2003), 2. of Appeal ruled that the Tree Farm 5 William Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilder- License (TFL) 39 – the largest TFL on ness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Na- ture,” Environmental History 1.1 (1996): 79. the island – was “encumbered by title – 7 6 Bruce Braun, “Producing Marginality: however, only once title was proven.” Abstraction and Displacement in the Temper- ate Rainforest,” The Intemperate Rainforest: 7 Louise Takeda and Inge Røpke, “Power and Nature, Culture, and Power on Canada’s West Contestation in Collaborative Ecosystem-based Coast, (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota, 2002), Management: The Case of Haida Gwaii,” Eco- 31. logical Economics 70.2 (2010): 181. 128 2015 In 2001, the CHN and the Province of end goals or does it come from a place BC officially signed a co-management of solidarity? Effective environmental land use planning agreement. resistance movements should address Athlii Gwaii and the creation of Gwaii and deconstruct the dominant power Haanas were different from Clayoquot inequalities and capitalist systems that Sound because of the focus on title. have led to environmental degradation Title was never the dominant discourse rather than reframe them. As a settler in the Clayoquot protests and the on this land and as someone who environmental idea of what should be considers myself an environmentalist, protected did not include opportunities these are questions I will continue to for the Nuu-chah-nulth tribes to earn a ask and consider. livelihood from their land: “Only uses of the land that are already approved in Bibliography wilderness view are natural, and any “Allyship.” THE ANTIOPPRESSION person who crosses the line beyond NETWORK. PeerNetBC, 10 Dec. 2011. Web. 19 this narrow notion of tradition … is not Jan. 2015. acting like a “real Native” anymore… ”8 Gwaii Hanaas and the land use Braun, Bruce. “Producing Marginality: Abstraction and Displacement in the Temperate planning process are not without flaws. Rainforest.” The Intemperate Rainforest: The structural power relations that have Nature, Culture, and Power on been re-created in the decision-making Canada’s West Coast. Minneapolis: U of process need to be addressed. Even Minnesota, 2002. with this in mind, the outcome works Cronon, William. “The Trouble with towards transcending the industry vs. Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong environment dichotomy that erased Nature.” Environmental History 1.1 (1996): Indigenous interests in the Sound. The 69-90. resulting collaborative management Gehl, Lynn. “The Turtle Must Lead, Anything process has also allowed for a more Else Is False Solidarity.”Rabble.ca. N.p., meaningful inclusion of Indigenous 20 Feb. 2013. Web. 19 Jan. 2015. perspective and an acknowledgement McKenzie, Mia. “No More “Allies” -.”Black that environmental issues and resource Girl Dangerous. N.p., 30 Sept. 2013. Web. protection are intertwined with title. 19 Jan. 2015.
Sandilands, Catriona. “Between the Local and Lessons learned; looking forward the Global: Clayoquot Sound and As defined previously, allyship is Simulacral Politics.” A Political Space: “An active, consistent, and arduous Reading the Global through Clayoquot practice of unlearning and re- Sound. By Warren Magnusson and Karena evaluating, in which a person of Shaw. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s UP, 2003. privilege seeks to operate in solidarity with a marginalized group of people.” Takeda, Louise, and Inge Røpke. “Power and Mainstream environmental movements Contestation in Collaborative Ecosystem- typically operate from a place of based Management: The Case of Haida Gwaii.” Ecological Economics 70.2 privilege and should ask whom they (2010): 178-88. are fighting for – and if they are aligning with Indigenous interests, to what end? Does it only benefit their 8 Sandilands, 22. 129 KANATA a 16 b So The Mirror Told Me (2014)
Robbie Madsen | Toronto, ON
Listen You a Two-Spirited person Now that you’re back to being a person, that is Seems you lost your identity as such along the way At the hands of the Europeans Well, I don’t know who they thought they were Or what they thought they were up to Why they can’t mind their business And leave things to Creator who made you
Listen You a Two-Spirited person The point is they couldn’t make their case Your Spirit friends pushed you through the cracks And brought you up their own way And you know better than to think The haters would sleep wrong over it But wouldn’t you prefer them awake For their karmic consequence?
Listen You a two-Spirited person The lie about you has been exposed Stick to what your Elders tell you And forget the deceit of old The truth has been spoken You have your community calling you And all of your Medicine The man in you – and the woman too
130 2015
a 17 b Understanding Indigenous Well-Being In Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside: Tracing The History Of Colonialism And Intergenerational Trauma In Mental Health Jannika Nyberg | McGill University
Abstract Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside is home to a diverse and unique community. Its residents are disproportionally Indigenous men and women, many of whom face severe mental health issues. This paper contends that Canada’s colonial legacy is directly responsible for the interconnected traumas that disrupt the mental wellness of Indigenous communities. It presents an analysis of the intergenerational traumas that contribute to mental health challenges and reveals the complex history of municipal colonialism and cultural genocide as the influencing factors in the neighbourhood’s mental health crisis. Ultimately, the history of this community speaks to the importance of recognizing Indigenous mental health as more than a medical illness.
131 KANATA Jannika Nyberg is the daughter of Swedish immigrants; born and raised on the unceded territories of the Musqueam nation. She will be graduating this spring from McGill University with a Major in Political Science and a minor concentration in Canadian History. She is thrilled to be returning to her hometown of Burnaby to explore the democratization of public education through the OceanPath community development fellowship.
Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside my work as a community organizer. is a small neighborhood strife with I hope to shed some light on the outsized problems, addiction and a stories of individuals who make this mental health “crisis.” As a result, it neighborhood so resilient by evoking is a target for high rates of violence. It my privilege as someone who is able to is a crisis, not only because addiction attend post-secondary school. and mental health challenges are In examining the topic of mental concentrated in this area, but also health, language is paramount. This because the majority of people living essay uses the term ‘mental health’ or with these challenges are Indigenous. ‘mental health challenges’ instead of The predominance of Indigenous ‘mental illness’ as the word ‘illness’ people suffering from mental health implies something that must be cured challenges is not a coincidence. British or reverted to a standard of normalcy. Columbia’s colonial heritage has played For the purpose of this paper, mental a crucial role in shaping today’s mental health (used interchangeably with health crisis. Specifically, residential well-being) is defined as: the distal, schools and municipal colonialism intermediate and proximal social cultured the intergenerational traumas factors that determine an individual’s responsible for the over-representation wellness and how they manage their of Indigenous people living with health.1 Essentially, all forces that mental health challenges in the influence an individual’s socialization downtown eastside. Because historical will ultimately determine their mental perspective is too rarely used in health. For example, physical abuse analyzing Indigenous well-being, key and neglect can create problems with links between intergenerational trauma attachment in children. These social and contemporary mental health issues influences may result in an adult having have not been made. It is therefore low self-esteem or even anxiety. This pertinent that both academic and city definition of mental health stems officials take into account the severity from the broader “social model” of of intergenerational trauma when mental health, which is a framework assessing this crisis and the means for used in response to the more modern healing. “medical model.” The social model As a white settler who is benefitting incorporates environment, history and from the same system of colonialism social interactions when examining that continues to oppress so many how an individual experiences life. Indigenous nations today, it is 1 Charlotte Loppie Reading, “Social important I establish my positionality determinants of Aboriginal health” and “Distal in writing this essay. The Downtown determinants of health,” Health Inequalities Eastside is a neighborhood very close and social determinants of aboriginal people’s to my heart, because it is where I began health (National Collaborating Centre for aboriginal health: 2009), p. 2. 132 2015 It understands mental health as understanding of mental health; as a being the result of a complicated and result, all treatment plans seek only intricate web of factors that shape to revert an individual to a state of and will continue to influence how an ‘normalcy.’ What qualifies normalcy is individual responds to stress or trauma also determined by the medical world. in their life. When treating mental In understanding causes of mental health issues, practitioners using the health challenges, practitioners of social model take a holistic approach, the medical model typically attribute and often look to peer-led support genetics and biological factors to the groups instead of individually focused individual’s struggle. The medical treatment plans. Another distinct aspect professional is considered the expert to the social model is that it emphasizes on the individual’s symptoms, giving the individual as the expert of their the individual little agency in their symptoms and coping strategies.2 own health care. This is not to say that This model of holistic understanding the medical model should be removed is common to many Indigenous entirely — the scientific stream of communities of Canada. According epigenetics is an important voice in to scholar Peter Menzies, a member the dialogue of intergeneration trauma. of the Sagamok Anishnaubek nation, However, for the purpose of this essay, many Indigenous nations have been the lens of socialization is used instead “historically collectivist in their social of an approach based on genetics or institutions and processes, specifically biology so as to provide insight into the the way in which health is perceived;”3 often-overlooked significance of social understanding and treating mental and historical factors in mental health. wellness has also followed the same In addition, Charlotte Reading’s ideology. Though this model clearly theoretical framework centres on the existed long before the invention of social determinants used within the modern Western science, the social social model. Reading argues that model today is often seen as progressive social stressors “ create health issues and innovative. In fact, social practice is that lead to circumstances that, in turn, only now taking into account historical represent subsequent determinants determinants when treating Indigenous of health.”5 The author identifies a people in Canada.4 Standing in stark crucial aspect to any analysis of mental opposition to the social model is the health, especially among Indigenous science-based “medical model.” This populations: that of interacting forces framework is rooted in a biological of oppression. Barriers such as racism pathology of mental health, and are still real obstacles for Indigenous seeks to ‘cure’ the individual of their people in the Downtown Eastside, illness. Terms such as illness, normal and when coupled with poverty, the and abnormal are standard within the intersection becomes even more medical model’s lexicon. Establishing influential in regards to an individual’s a binary is key to the medical model’s wellness. The complex question of why Indigenous people are the most 2 Peter Menzies, “Intergenerational trauma from severely affected is best explained a mental health perspective,” The Native Social Work Journal 7, (2010). through an intersectional lens, for 3 Charlotte Loppie Reading, p.3. intersectionality takes into account 4 Peter Menzies, “Intergenerational trauma from the various intersecting barriers of a mental health perspective,” The Native Social oppression that further complicate an Work Journal 7, (2010). 5 Charlotte Loppie Reading, p. 2 133 KANATA individual’s experience. Family trauma generally includes The severe mental health challenges episodic violence or gaps in parenting and addiction faced by so many leading to neglect or insufficient Indigenous people in the Downtown emotional bonds. Such trauma is Eastside is caused by the continuing often caused by policies that fragment effects of residential schools and the family unit, such as residential past municipal land dispossession schools or the erosion of communal policies. Both sources of trauma are land. Indicators of community trauma explored within Peter Menzies’s include lack of social capital and low theory of intersecting levels of levels of community connection. intergenerational trauma. His theory is The historic barring of community- used to contextualize both sources in a specific activities such as potlatch has wider explanation of intergenerational caused this lack in social capital. The trauma and its sphere of influence. loss of language or history as a result Four areas of trauma are illustrated in of residential schools also falls within the Intergenerational Trauma Model community trauma. The final element (ITM): individual, family, community of trauma according to Menzies is on a and nation. Premised on the “main national level. National trauma results constructs of the traditional teachings from broad social policies that colonize of the Aboriginal medicine wheel, it all aspects of Indigenous life. This has is a conceptual process that frames been most effectively achieved through this understanding of the world as Canada’s Indian Act. The following Canada’s First Peoples,”6 explains discussion uses Menzies’s Indigenous Menzies. Choosing to represent trauma version of the social model to unearth as a wheel highlights how Menzies the reasons behind the Downtown comprehends the mental health of Eastside’s over-representation of Indigenous people today: as holistic, Indigenous people facing severe cyclical and interconnected. Similar to mental health challenges. the social model, the medicine wheel model contends that there must be Individual and Family trauma harmony between the four elements caused by the Residential School (often referred to as the four directions) system in order for well-being to be achieved.7 Indian residential schools, When colonial policies and events specifically schools located in the interrupt this harmony, the separation greater Vancouver area, have directly between elements then creates the space contributed to the over-representation for trauma. For example, individual of Indigenous people facing severe trauma is always tied to how a person mental health issues, as they caused the constructs their identity. The “sixties intergenerational trauma experienced scoop” phenomenon exemplifies how a by the individual and the family. government policy removed Indigenous According to Nicholas Davin, the children from their families and placed federal policy to implement Canada- them into non-Indigenous families wide Residential schools was intended to be raised with a Western identity.8 to “catch the children very young and keep them constantly within 6 Peter Menzies, p. 77. 9 7 C. Morrisseau, Into the daylight: A Holistic the circle of civilized conditions” approach to Healing, Toronto: University of James Lorimer and the Canadian Council on Toronto Press, 1998. Social Development, 1983. 8 Patrick Johnston. “Chapter two,” Native 9 Nicholas Flood Davin, “Report on Industrial Children and the Child Welfare System, Toronto: Schools for Indians and Half-Breeds,” 1879. 134 2015 through a publicly funded residential- the experiences of many Indigenous style schooling program. Because children. Canada’s Residential schools, Residential schools so efficiently as defined by the United Nations erased and re-shaped identity on an Convention on the Prevention and individual level, the trauma that ensued Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, was transcended through generations are in fact institutions of genocide. on an individual and family level. According to Article II, “genocide” The Canadian Residential schooling means any of the following acts program was actually inspired by the committed with intent to destroy, in American industrial schooling model whole or in part, a national ethnic or for Indigenous children. The American religious group: Inspiration can be read in Nicholas F. Davin’s 1879 report to Prime Minister a) Killing members of the group John A. Macdonald entitled Report on b) Causing serious bodily or mental Industrial Schools for Indians and Half- harm to members of the group Breeds. Macdonald commissioned c) Deliberately inflicting on the group the report in the hopes of finding a conditions of life calculated to bring solution to better assimilate Indigenous about physical destruction in whole people into the euro-centric Canadian or in part; civilization. It was thought that the d) Imposing measures intended to best way to ensure assimilation was prevent births within the group by shaping young malleable minds. By e) Forcibly transferring children of the the 1880s, official federal policy was group to another group11 implemented to establish Residential schools, which were funded by the As it relates to intergenerational government and managed by the either trauma, sections A, B and E constitute Catholic of Protestant churches. In the genocidal experiences that led to British Columbia, the Roman Catholic individual and family and community Church managed the majority of trauma now prevalent in the Downtown schools, including the two closest to Eastside. Specifically because these the Downtown Eastside: St. Paul’s sections speak to how identity can school, located in what is now North be re-constructed through various Vancouver, and St. Mary’s, located mechanisms, they are direct sources just outside the city of Vancouver in of individual and family trauma Mission. The Roman Catholic Church as defined within Menzies’s ITM managed both schools until quite Indicators of individual trauma that recently, as St. Paul’s closed in the late are later passed through generations, 1960s and St. Mary’s in 1984.10 Though which always show a lack of belonging Indigenous residents of the Downtown or affiliation with family or group. Eastside come from all corners of This happens when members of an Canada, this essay focuses solely on the individual’s “group” are killed, when testimonies of St. Paul’s “students” to deliberate mental harm is inflicted and illustrate how intergenerational trauma when children are forcibly removed for individuals and families began in from one group to another. Though these horrific places, horrific being 11 The Truth Commission into Genocide in perhaps too gentle a term to describe Canada, “Hidden from history: The Canadian Holocaust: The Untold Story of the Genocide 10 “BC Indian Residential Schools”(map) First of Aboriginal Peoples by Church and State in Nations Summit, http://www.fns.bc.ca/pdf/ Canada,” The Truth Commission into Genocide Map_Recognized_IRS.pdf. in Canada: 2001 p. 10. 135 KANATA primary accounts from children who attended residential schools. Unless attended St. Paul’s are limited, Globe children had received a lot of support and Mail reporter Andrea Woo had upon returning home, they would have the opportunity to retrieve a firsthand internalized their trauma and passed account from a now sixty-year-old it on to their own children through Squamish woman. The survivor, Amy emotional and social behaviors. In George, recounts being told by nuns addition, if these children had been that “ the worst thing in the world given the opportunity to re-connect was to be an Indian,” a sentiment with their parents, inter-family strife that “ stayed with [her] for the rest may also have occurred, causing further of [her] life.”12 George’s experience trauma to the family. As many children demonstrates how Residential schools would have had thier family values administered a philosophy of shaming torn away from them due to this family the “Indianness” out of the child trauma, re-connection would have been in order to replace it with Western, made very difficult. Consequently, the ‘civilized’ characteristics. This process process of intergenerational trauma of demonizing the child’s family and for both the individual and the family community value systems was standard would begin. For other Indigenous during the early years of Residential survivors of Residential schools living schools when administrators were in the Downtown Eastside, such working to assimilate Indigenous individual and family trauma can be children into Canadian society. intensified when coupled with sexism, George’s story corresponds with stigma or poverty, for example. An Menzies’s indicators of individual account from St. Paul’s school also trauma since she was forced into having provides excellent evidence to how her identity shaped by people outside Residential schools broke down the of her community. George’s story also collectivist construction of Indigenous exemplifies why Residential schools identity Overall, the assimilationist committed acts of genocide. She policies enacted through BC’s clearly suffered serious mental harm Residential schools effectively eroded (section B), and presumably was one of the individual identities of Indigenous the many children taken from her home children, to the extent that their now- without consent of guardians to the internalized emotional abuse created Residential school (section E). Up until a chain of intergenerational trauma the early twentieth century, the Indian stemming from a loss of identity. Act made attendance to Residential schools mandatory for all children of Community and National trauma legal “Indians.”13 Given the assault on as a result of the Indian Act trickle- George’s Indigenous identity, returning down effect to her family life would have been Intergenerational trauma within extremely difficult. George’s story is communities and nations in the unfortunately not unique within the Downtown Eastside can be attributed community of Indigenous children who to Vancouver’s unique brand of municipal colonialism. In keeping with 12 Andrea Woo, “Truth and Reconciliation event opens wounds, exposes truth” The Globe the federal policy of land dispossession and Mail, September 18th, 2013 (Vancouver) in the Indian Act, Vancouver city http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british- planners introduced their own columbia/truth-and-reconciliation-event-opens- liberalist economic system to force wounds-exposes-truths/article14406263/. the dispossession of land on a local 13 Government of Canada, Indian Act, 1867. 136 2015 level. By breaking up communally government greatly miscalculated, held land through creative taxation leading to further legislation on all policies, city planners forced the sale levels of government that forced of Kitsilano and Musqueam reserves. enfranchisement in one way or another. This process effectively broke down So when city planners set out to expand the community and national bonds of the land base of the Vancouver city in the Musqueam and Squamish nations the 1920s, they used the only power — bonds that are inextricably linked they had as a municipality: taxation. to their territory. British Columbia Stranger-Ross details how city officials has an unusual story when it comes used taxation on the Musqueam reserve to Indigenous land entitlement, as it in the hopes of forcing its sale. Because was one of the last provinces to join the Indian Act prohibited the raising the Confederation. It is also one of of funds or settler support for land the few provinces that does not have a entitlement, many band councils could long history of land claim settlements still make a profit through the loophole since much of the province still resides of on-reserve leasing. The Musqueam on unceded territory. As a province reserve leased land to many Chinese subject to the Confederation, its land immigrants and migrant workers, and the Indigenous people living which pleased the Chinese, as the lease on that land were also subject to the rent was still significantly cheaper Indian Act. Heavily influenced by John than municipal taxes. When the city Locke’s theory of classical liberalism, got wind of the hundreds of Chinese the Indian Act sought to assimilate all workers now farming on Musqueam status Indians into the Western system land, they implemented a tax on of individual property through a process Chinese farmers. The goal of taxing of enfranchisement. Locke claimed non-Indigenous occupants was to make individual ownership of land could farming on reserve land untenable for only exist when an individual, who the Chinese, in order to stop the flow of inherently owns their own labour, adds lease monies from the Chinese farmers their laboring power to the land, thus to the reserve. The city hoped the making it their individual property.14 deprivation of lucrative leases might This individualistic approach to force the nation to sell their reserve.15 land economics was absorbed into Ultimately, this tactic did succeed — the Indian Act, as it promoted the in combination with other oppressive fragmentation of communally held forces of colonial assimilation policy land into plots of individual ownership — for the Musqueam nation did sell and therefore individual profit. The their reserve to the Crown in 1960 1867 Indian Act sought to force the to gain profit for their community.16 swap of Indian status for full Canadian Vancouver’s municipal colonialism citizenship. This legal process of led to the lack of social capital enfranchisement was meant to break down all collectively held Indigenous 15 Jordan Stranger-Ross, “Municipal colonialism in Vancouver, City planning and the territory. At the time, legislators of conflict over Indian reserves, 1928-1950.”The the Act thought Indigenous peoples Canadian Historical Review 89, no. 4 (2008): would be thrilled to surrender their 541-580 p.34 land and identity so as to gain the great 16 Musqueam Legal History Digital Media privilege of Canadian citizenship. The Archive, Indigenous Foundations (UBC) http:// indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/home/land- 14 John Locke “ On Property” Second Treatise rights/musqueam-legal-history-digital-media- of Government, 1689. archive.html. 137 KANATA within the Squamish and Musqueam creating the space to heal from nations and their communities. This intergenerational trauma can be economic fragmentation had drastic nearly impossible. Root describes effects on both nations. Furthermore, insidious trauma as the normalization Menzies argues the spirituality tied or internalization of racism and to nationhood is embedded within the discrimination to the point where land.17 As the land of these nations was the oppressed group is no longer fractured, so too was their spiritual consciously aware of how social health, which translated into even conditions continue to oppress and further damages to the nation and the them.19 This subtle yet extremely community’s mental health. harmful form of trauma is perhaps the biggest obstacle to overcome for Barriers to Healing the Indigenous people facing mental The Downtown Eastside is home health challenges and addiction in to a multitude of resource centres and the Downtown Eastside. Because this support services, and yet the crisis form of trauma is virtually invisible persists. Either the support services are and woven into the very identity of an not offering effective support, or the individual, it makes the healing process crisis is misunderstood. According to incredibly challenging. The only means the City of Vancouver’s Healthy City of healing is through community wide Strategy, the key challenges facing consciousness. Each individual of residents are poverty and housing a given community would have to (or a lack thereof).18 Furthermore, become conscious of how they have when taking into account the myriad internalized the trauma, and then take of barriers intersecting to create the painful steps in re-constructing their layered oppression that is so common identity in a way that is empowering. in the Downtown Eastside, it is clear The famous philosopher-psychiatrist that support services are not offering Frantz Fanon provides perhaps the effective support. Without a dignified most appropriate explanation of this home space, the healing process can process. In his essay “On Violence,” be nearly impossible. Perhaps more a chapter from the now iconic book important than the lack of appropriate The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon’s housing are the years of internalized argument claims the colonizer takes trauma that resource centres cannot ownership of the colonized so as to address. In part because of ignorance, manufacture a new identity based but mostly because these services on colonial social structures. This do not have the capacity to deal with process happens slowly, as the legal this compounded trauma, they cannot and political systems of the colonizer unearth the root of the problem. In begin to erase the societal structures other words, it is insidious trauma that once shaped individual and that continues to perpetuate severe community identity, and subsequently addiction and mental health challenges replace the void with an identity in the Downtown Eastside. based on inferiority to the colonial For as long as an individual must state. These legal structures often continue to face insidious trauma, use racism to construct the colonized
17 Peter Menzies, p. 78. 19 M. Root, “Reconstructing the Impact of Trauma on Personality.” In Brown, L. & 18 City of Vancouver, “Downtown Eastside Ballou,M. (Eds.), Personality and Psycho- local area profile” (2012) http://vancouver.ca/ Pathology: Feminist Reprisals. New York: The files/cov/profile-dtes-local-area-2012.pdf. Guilford Press, 1992. 138 2015 as inferior and in need of civilizing. to the surface to be dealt with. Until Fanon argues that this process happens both practitioners and residents thoughtfully, over generations, so acknowledge insidious trauma and that many people do not realize how take the necessary steps to empower suppressed their power is or how their the individual to consciously re-claim identity has been manipulated.20 It their identity, then the Downtown appears Fanon’s theory is applicable Eastside will continue to see an over- to the colonized Indigenous peoples of representation of Indigenous people Canada, and by extension those who facing severe mental health challenges. are also facing serious mental health Insidious trauma is obviously not challenges. Canada’s colonial process unique to Canada or Vancouver; has and continues to imbue legal and however, its residual effects continue political structures that are racist and to truncate the journey to balanced discriminatory against Indigenous mental health for Indigenous people in peoples. The Indian Act, for instance, the Downtown Eastside. originally defined what they referred to as the “Indian” as “ any male person Conclusion of Indian blood reputed to belong to Though Residential Schools and a particular band” or “ any woman municipal colonialism are the two who is or was lawfully married to most immediate, direct sources of the such person.”21 This piece of federal over-representation of Indigenous legislation effectively took ownership people facing severe mental health of Indigenous identity by legally issues in the Downtown Eastside, it is defining that identity. Evidently, the clear that all areas of intergenerational legal Indian identity was blatantly trauma and insidious trauma share a sexist in excluding women from being common theme. The fragmentation independently defined, but it was also of the collective is seen within all racist in that it established an incorrect elements of Menzies’s ITM and and imposed racial identity. As this Root’s insidious trauma theory. It is a legislation began to take effect, it recurring theme because the narrative separated the legal Indian from the of breaking apart collective practice, Indigenous, status from non-status, and ideas and land is repeated in each eventually led to the fragmentation of area of intergenerational trauma. This communities. As the Indian Act only common thread also re-enforces the applied to Indians associated with a significance of the social model as band and Indians living on reserve, the most appropriate model to use thus leaving out all other Indigenous when exploring mental health issues people, the next generation internalized in communities, especially colonized these new identities and, as time went communities such as the residents of the on, this overall discrimination became Downtown Eastside. The social model normalized. Within the Downtown is the only framework that addresses Eastside, many Indigenous residents historical, social and environmental are so overwhelmed by their addiction factors as interconnected pieces or unbalanced wellness that their of much larger collective systems, internalized trauma is never brought making it the ideal container for said theme. Much like a spider’s web, 20 Frantz Fanon, “On Violence,” The Wretched these collective systems are fragile; if of the Earth, trans. Richard Philcox, (New York: one thread is broken, each connecting Grove Press, 1963). thread will be damaged or weakened. 21 The Indian Act, 1867, terms (3). 139 KANATA Moving forward, it is evident that Coppock, Vikki and Dunn, Bob a massive shift is needed. Social “Understanding Mental Health and Mental Distress” Understanding Social Work Practice workers practicing in the Downtown in Mental Health. Edge Hill University: SAGE Eastside must use the social model if publications, 2010. they are to be effective in supporting Indigenous people in their journey to Fanon, Frantz. “On Violence,” The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Richard Philcox, (New York: heal. Current research from scholars Grove Press, 1963). such as Lynn Holley should be used as valuable resources in understanding Government of Canada, The Indian Act, the barriers to healing. Holly’s anti- Legislation (1876). oppression paradigm is an effective Holley, Lynn C and Stromwall Layne K. and resource because it addresses the Bashor Kathy H. “Reconceptualizing Stigma: complexities of colonialism.22In Toward a critical anti-oppression paradigm” addition, city officials and planners Stigma Research and Action 2, no. 2 (2012): pp. 51-61. could collaborate with Coast Salish nations to de-colonize urban spaces Jacobson-Konefall, Jessica. “Indigenous New in an effort to provide more spaces for Media Decolonizing Canadian Cities,” At the healing.23 For the ideological shift to be Edge of Canada: Indigenous Research (2012) http://myuminfo.umanitoba.ca/ effective in lowering the current over- Documents/4872/Jessica%20Jacobson- representation, changes must be made Konefallproject.pdf. in all areas of social policy. Overall, Canada’s colonial heritage Locke, John. “ On Property” Second Treatise of Government (1689). did more than dispossess Indigenous people: it established a cycle of Menzies, Peter. “Intergenerational Trauma intergenerational trauma that has From a Mental Health Perspective,” The Native hindered the growth of Indigenous Social Work Journal 7, (2010) 63-85. prosperity, in all four elements Musqueam Legal History Digital Media (individual, family, community and Archive, Indigenous Foundations (UBC). http:// nation) of Indigenous society. So indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/home/land- as long as these elements remain rights/musqueam-legal-history-digital-media- archive.html. unharmonious and continue to exist in isolation, the trauma will continue Reading, Charlotte Loppie. “Social to perpetuate the underlying theme of Determinants of Aboriginal Health,” Health fragmenting the collective social bonds Inequalities and Social Determinants of Aboriginal People’s Health (National that keep individuals and communities Collaborating Centre for aboriginal health: 2009) healthy. pp 1-5.
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Root, M. (1992). “Reconstructing the Impact 22 Lynn C. Holley, Layne K. Stromwall and of Tauma on Personality.” In Brown, L. & Kathy H. Bashor, “Reconceptualizing Stigma: Ballou,M. (Eds.), Personality and Psycho- Toward a critical anti-oppression paradigm,” Pathology: Feminist Reprisals. New York: The Stigma Research and Action 2, no. 2 (2012). Guilford Press 35. 23 Jessica Jacobson-Konefall, “Indigenous New Media Decolonizing Canadian Cities,” At the Stranger- Ross, Jordan. “Municipal edge of Canada: Indigenous Research (2012) Colonialism in Vancouver, City Planning and the http://myuminfo.umanitoba.ca/Documents/4872/ Conflict Over Indian Reserves, 1928-1950.” The Jessica%20Jacobson-Konefallproject.pdf. 140 2015
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141 KANATA
a 18 b Autochtones et policiers : rapports identitaires et rapports de pouvoirs (note de recherche)
Émile Duchesne | Université de Montreal
Abstract Cette note de recherche analyse les rapports identitaires existants entre les communautés autochtones et les différents services de police présent au Canada (y compris les polices autochtones) ainsi que les rapports de pouvoir ayant court entre les communautés autochtones et l’État canadien dans le contexte de la prestation des services policiers. L’approche privilégié est une revue de la littérature scientifique existant sur le sujet. Une première partie est dédiée à l’analyse du discours gouvernemental sur les rapports existants entre autochtones et policiers. La seconde partie cherche à cerner les bases identitaires de ces rapports et la troisième à faire l’état des lieux de la Politique sur la police des premières nations. En fin de texte, quelques pistes de recherches et de solutions sont explorées. 142 2015 Émile Duchesne est étudiant au baccalauréat en anthropologie à l’Université de Montréal et a complété une session d’étude à l’American University of Central Asia au Kirghizistan en automne 2014. Il est élu au Comité pour la gratuité scolaire de l’Association pour une Solidarité Syndicale Étudiante (ASSÉ) et sera candidat à la maîtrise en anthropologie à l’automne 2015 à l’Université de Montréal.
1 Introduction existante sur le sujet en exposant les divers enjeux et approches qui Le problème de la surreprésentation auront marqué la constitution de cette des autochtones dans les institutions thématique comme objet scientifique pénitentiaires canadiennes est et de proposer de nouvelles avenues de bien connu et a entre autres été recherche pour l’avenir. La perspective couvert par de nombreux rapports sous-tendant cette démarche est gouvernementaux ainsi que par d’explorer les relations de pouvoirs divers travaux en criminologie et existant entre l’État canadien et les en anthropologie (Laing, 1967; différentes communautés autochtones Bienvenue et Latif, 1974; LaPrairie, du Canada dans la prestation des 1997; LaPrairie, 2002). Néanmoins, services policiers. La première partie la question du rapport des autochtones sera dédiée à l’analyse du discours du Canada envers les forces de l’ordre gouvernemental sur les rapports est une thématique qui a beaucoup entre les populations autochtones et moins fait couler d’encre dans les les policiers canadiens. L’analyse sciences sociales. Très peu de travaux des rapports gouvernementaux sera s’y sont attardés et le faible nombre inspirée des travaux de Françoise chute davantage quand on s’attarde Piron sur la délinquance autochtone aux travaux qui traitent des policiers (1994) en prêtant une attention autochtones. Pourtant, les relations particulière à la prise en compte de tendues entre autochtones et policiers la diversité des réalités autochtones ont fait les manchettes à plusieurs et à la potentialité que pourrait avoir reprises depuis les années 1960, que ce le discours des administrateurs à soit pour ce qu’on a appelé la « guerre reproduire des rapports de domination du saumon » (McKenzie, 2010) ou de type coloniaux. Les rapports ont encore la crise d’Oka (Chalifoux, 2009) été choisis pour leur accent sur les et ce sans oublier toutes les altercations questions policières entourant les routinières et banalisées qui sont autochtones et leur date de publication reléguées aux chroniques de justice et (des années 2000 à aujourd’hui). La de faits divers de différents journaux deuxième partie tentera de brosser locaux. C’est pour combler ce manque un portrait des relations entre forces dans la littérature scientifique et pour de l’ordre et autochtones à partir de inciter d’autres chercheurs à aller dans données empiriques en utilisant le cette voie que j’ai initialement amorcé concept de conflit culturel (Fraser, ce travail. 1980; LaPrairie, 1989; Torrie, 1989) qui situe ces relations dans le contexte La présente note de recherche politique opposant les autochtones à vise à faire la revue de la littérature l’État canadien. Néanmoins, ce cadre
143 KANATA théorique sera dépassé en inscrivant la différentes populations autochtones. résistance aux forces de l’ordre dans Pour ce faire, une synthèse-critique une trame identitaire, à l’instar des de la section sur les populations travaux de Bernard Roy sur l’alcool autochtones dans le rapport Pouvoir en milieu autochtone (Roy, 2005). La discrétionnaire de la police à l’égard troisième partie visera à faire l’état des jeunes contrevenants du ministère actuel de la Politique sur la Police des de la justice (2013) est tout à fait à Premières Nations dans le contexte propos et permettra donc de cerner des relations de pouvoirs entre les les procédés discursifs utilisés par les communautés autochtones et l’État administrateurs gouvernementaux. canadien à travers une analyse inspirée En fin de section, d’autres rapports de celle de Paul Charest sur la prise en seront mentionnés afin de vérifier si les charge des services administratifs par critiques soulevées sont généralisables les communautés autochtones (Charest, à une plus large partie des rapports 1992). Cette dernière partie cherchera gouvernementaux. d’ailleurs à répondre à la question suivante : la Politique sur la Police des Le rapport constate au départ Premières Nations donne-t-elle plus de certaines situations ayant cours dans pouvoir au communautés autochtones les relations entre les autochtones et ? La note de recherche se conclura le système judiciaire canadien. On finalement sur un plaidoyer pour plus y aborde la « surreprésentation des de travail empirique et qualitatif sur les Autochtones devant les tribunaux rapports entre autochtones et policiers et dans les prisons » qu’on attribue au Canada. à une haine des autochtones envers les différents corps policiers et à une Le discours gouvernemental mauvaise compréhension de la culture autochtone de la part des policiers. Les questions entourant les relations Cette idée de mauvaise compréhension entre les autochtones et les divers corps de la part des policiers prend une policiers du Canada a fait l’objet de place importante dans le discours du plusieurs rapports gouvernementaux. rapport puisqu’elle y est réitérée en Ces rapports sont empreints d’effets ajoutant que les policiers canadiens de pouvoirs dans le sens où ceux-ci n’avaient « aucun parti pris d’ordre produisent un sens légitime pouvant racial » ni aucun « préjugé conscient être « repris par les acteurs sociaux » envers les autochtones. Cette pour justifier, expliquer, disqualifier ou affirmation reste douteuse surtout exclure certains types d’action sociale, lorsqu’on prend en considération leurs certains projets d’action » (Piron, propres moyens d’intervention qui 1994 : 107-108 paraphrasant Foucault, impliquent à certaines occasions des 1980 : 131). Ils possèdent également pratiques discriminatoires (comme un un procédé discursif qui leur est propre traitement différentiel en comparaison et dont la critique est nécessaire si l’on avec les populations non autochtones, veut bien comprendre les relations les intrusions dans des domiciles sans de pouvoir opérant entre nations mandats qui prévalaient à une certaine autochtones et État canadien dans le époque et une surveillance policière cadre de l’administration des services excessive couplée d’une sous offre de de police et de leur perception par les services communautaires policiers)
144 2015 (Fraser, 1980 : 26-27; Griffiths, 1988 : Par la suite, le rapport se base 156; Bousquet et Morissette, 2009 : sur différentes données statistiques 149; Dugré et Thomas, 2010 : 82). pour comparer les agissements des Également, si l’on considère tous policiers desservant des communautés les préjugés entretenus envers les autochtones à ceux qui n’en desservent autochtones par la société canadienne pas. La comparaison nous apprend au sens large (Arcand et Vincent, que les policiers amenés à travailler 1979; Bousquet, 2012), on se demande en contact avec des autochtones comment les forces policières dans leur sont plus susceptibles de porter des entièreté pourraient échapper à cette accusations après arrestations; qu’ils situation. Comme le propose Ariane sont plus portés à utiliser des mesures Loranger-Saindon dans une étude officieuses, mais qu’ils sont aussi plus des discours journalistiques couvrant portés à donner des avertissements l’Approche commune, le discours de officiels; qu’ils sont deux fois plus la société dominante, entretenu par son enclins à utiliser un programme imaginaire collectif, prend une forme communautaire de justice réparatrice de négation qui « cherche à délégitimer avant accusation, mais qu’ils auront l’identité spécifique et les prétentions aussi moins tendance à utiliser des des autochtones sur les territoires et les mesures de rechange après accusations ressources » (Loranger-Saindon, 2007: (ce qui représente un rétrécissement 137). du filet social après arrestation); qu’ils auront davantage tendance à détenir les D’autre part, le rapport mentionne adolescents récidivistes; et finalement la difficulté des policiers à établir qu’ils auront plus tendance à détenir des relations à long terme dans des des adolescents dans leur « propre communautés autochtones en raison intérêt » (en cas d’intoxication ou s’ils de leurs fréquents transferts et ce, croient que l’adolescent ne serait pas spécialement dans les communautés en sécurité au domicile familial). nordiques. Le rapport met également beaucoup d’emphase sur l’effet Un premier élément frappant du criminogène des problèmes sociaux discours employé par le rapport est ayant cours dans les communautés l’assimilation des différents peuples autochtones : alcoolisme, toxicomanie, autochtones du Canada à une culture pauvreté, marginalisation, etc. unique et partagée. En effet, le On va même jusqu’à qualifier les rapport reconnaît une « connaissance communautés autochtones de « insuffisante de la culture autochtone socialement désorganisées », ce qui » aux policiers à travers le Canada. expliquerait une criminalité plus élevée Dans cette perspective, le rapport ne et la nécessité d’un plus grand contrôle va jamais appréhender les différences et d’une plus grande surveillance culturelles qui existent entre les policière. Cette affirmation peut être différentes nations autochtones du vraie pour certaines communautés, Canada. Les réalités autochtones sont mais de généraliser cette situation donc assimilées à une condition unique à l’ensemble des communautés qui est celle d’une autochtonie que l’on autochtones canadienne reste caractérise par de multiples problèmes néanmoins dangereux. sociaux. De l’autre côté du miroir, on ne vient pas non plus spécifier l’origine
145 KANATA des policiers, ce qui invisibilise les politique en est une de paternalisme, traitements différentiels qui peuvent en d’assimilation et de mise sous tutelle découler. Ainsi, les relations ne seront (Leslie, 2002; Ladner et Orsini, 2004; sans doute pas les mêmes envers un Bohaker et Iacovetta, 2009) : on prétend policier d’origine africaine, d’origine connaitre plus que les autochtones ce autochtone ou d’origine euro- que est mieux pour eux. canadienne, par exemple. Par exemple, un policier racontant Dans un autre ordre d’idée, on évite son travail avec un jeune autochtone également de parler de la composante dit que ceux-ci ont besoin d’une « coloniale de l’institution policière. structure » pour bien fonctionner dans Les forces de l’ordre ont été appelées leur vie. Évidemment, cette structure à jouer un rôle prépondérant dans le est celle de la société dominante : processus de colonisation des nations l’école, le travail, un horaire fixe, etc. autochtones du Canada. Leur rôle, en Un autre policier raconte l’expérience tant que bras armé d’un État auxquels d’un programme de valorisation de les autochtones ne s’identifiaient pas ou la scolarité dans une communauté peu, les ont souvent fait passer pour le autochtone. Le programme, nommé visage d’une oppression associée à un « échoue l’école, échoue tout », processus de dépossession territoriale consistait principalement, selon les et culturelle qui perdure toujours mots du policier, à « soudoyer les aujourd’hui (Panasuk et Proulx, adolescents pour qu’ils restent à l’école 1979; Savard, 1981; Savard, 2009; » en leur donnant des cadeaux s’ils ne Ross-Tremblay et Hamidi, 2013). En s’absentaient pas de l’école durant le ce sens, pour plusieurs autochtones mois. Ici encore, l’infantilisation des les forces policières sont associées autochtones et leur mise sous tutelle directement au conflit culturel qui est flagrante et ne fait l’objet d’aucune existe toujours entre l’État canadien considération dans le discours des et les différents peuples autochtones du administrateurs. Canada. Bien que plusieurs auteurs en criminologie et en anthropologie aient Dans la même lignée, l’assimilation décidé d’analyser la question sous cet de certains problèmes sociaux à la angle (Fraser, 1980; LaPrairie, 1989; condition d’autochtone est en soi Torrie, 1989), les administrateurs une idée problématique. De l’avis de gouvernementaux ont choisi de ne Françoise Piron, « la représentation de pas le faire, laissant ainsi de côté tout la déficience des Autochtones et l’idée un historique d’oppression pourtant qu’ils ont/sont un problème auquel nécessaire à la bonne compréhension il faut trouver une solution, peuvent des rapports qu’entretiennent les être utilisées pour justifier et légitimer peuples autochtones envers les des politiques plutôt paternalistes différents services de police au Canada. de l’État canadien à leur endroit ainsi que la nécessité de réformer Le discours employé par le rapport et de rééduquer les Autochtones et par les policiers cités se réfère, à » (1994 : 123). Bien entendu, la « mon avis, directement à la politique référence normative sous-jacente » gouvernementale de l’État canadien en impliquée dans cette assimilation matière de question autochtone. Cette des autochtones à un problème sont
146 2015 les normes de la société canadienne des premières nations) les initiatives (ibid : 125). Ainsi, une « délinquance locales et communautaires dans la autochtone tolérable est avant tout une prestation des services policiers délinquance proportionnée selon les autochtones. Sécurité publique Canada normes de la délinquance propres à la a d’ailleurs produit un court manuel, société canadienne » (ibid : 125). Le Lignes directrices pour un Groupe rapport laisse ainsi supposer qu’une consultatif communautaire (2013), solution au « problème » autochtone faisant la promotion et expliquant le serait la fin de l’asymétrie statistique fonctionnement de groupes consultatifs entre autochtones et non-autochtones communautaires servant à faire le pont au niveau de la représentation dans le entre la communauté, ses différents système judiciaire. Cette conception acteurs et les services de police quant masque néanmoins toute une série à leurs attentes mutuelles. D’autre de considérations de l’ordre des part, les deux études vont assimiler dynamiques de pouvoir et des relations la condition d’autochtone à divers identitaires dont des statistiques ne problèmes sociaux et laisse aussi planer peuvent pas bien représenter. (notamment en citant une panacée de statistiques sur les problèmes sociaux Plusieurs critiques soulignées ci- des autochtones) qu’une solution au « haut peuvent être généralisables à problème » autochtone serait la fin de d’autres rapports gouvernementaux, l’asymétrie statistique entre ceux-ci et malgré la relative rareté de ceux- la société canadienne en ce qui a trait ci, concernant les relations entre aux problèmes sociaux. autochtones et policiers. Il est possible de citer à cet effet l’Étude comparative Les relations entre autochtones et des modèles de police des indigènes au policiers Canada, aux États-Unis, en Australie et en Nouvelle-Zélande de la Sécurité L’arrivée de la police dans les publique et de la Protection civile du communautés autochtones et leur Canada (2007) et sa mise à jour l’Étude composante coloniale comparative des tendances en matière de modèles de police des Indigènes à Les autochtones du Canada, bien l'échelle internationale (2013). Ces qu’assujettis à l’ordre juridico- rapports laissent peu de place à la prise politique émanant de l’État canadien, en compte de la diversité culturelle ne possèdent pas une culture juridique des différents peuples autochtones du traditionnelle partagée. Néanmoins, Canada. D’ailleurs, en conclusion, le avant l’arrivée de la justice canadienne rapport va vanter le modèle canadien et des forces policières qu’elle sous- de police autochtone sur la base de tend, les autochtones avaient leurs son haut degré de centralisme (ce qui propres façons de réguler leurs n’est pas le cas pour les autres pays interactions sociales et leurs propres décrits par le rapport). Néanmoins, mécanismes de contrôle social. Sans la mise à jour du rapport laisse plus vouloir généraliser pour toutes les de place à la prise en compte de la nations autochtones du Canada, on diversité culturelle et encourage (en peut dire que l’ordre juridique des citant un examen de Sécurité publique populations algonquiennes et inuits Canada datant de 2010 sur les polices du Québec pouvait être qualifié par
147 KANATA un désir de restaurer l’ordre social (Bousquet, 2009 : 62). nouvellement brisé (Rouland, 1983 : 179; Lacasse, 2004 : 87) en opposition C’est dans ce contexte d’inhibition à l’idée de justice punitive. Au cour du développement du leadership et de des processus de résolution de conflit, l’autorité chez les autochtones (Rogers, on retrouvait les différentes figures 1965 : 280) que l’appel aux forces de d’autorité traditionnelles (chefs, l’ordre va se généraliser et que l’on chasseurs expérimentés et chamanes) verra une accentuation du processus qui pouvaient agir à titre de médiateurs d’acculturation des autochtones au lorsque le besoin se faisait ressentir système juridique canadien et des (Roger, 1965 : 267-270; Bousquet, normes qui y sont rattachées. Chez les 2009 : 57-58). Inuit par exemple, on disait souvent que l’appel aux forces de l’ordre Le contact avec la société euro- représentait un dernier recours mais, canadienne est venu changer la donne sous l’effet d’un « déclin du contrôle dans les dynamiques juridiques des traditionnel au profit de celui exercé sociétés algonquiennes et inuit. Pour par la justice blanche», on demande les sociétés algonquiennes, l’arrivée de plus en plus l’intervention de la des traiteurs de la Compagnie de la justice canadienne (Rouland, 1983 : Baie d’Hudson, des missionnaires 185). La GRC a aussi été longtemps un et, plus tard, des agents des affaires lien important entre le gouvernement indiennes représente aussi l’arrivée de et les communautés autochtones et nouvelles figures d’autorité externes incidemment une des plus visibles et (Rogers, 1965 : 270-275; Lacasse, des plus fortes présences de la société 2004 : 89; Bousquet, 2009 : 60-61). On dominante dans les communautés s’est donc référé à ces figures d’autorité autochtones puisqu’elle était chargée pour qu’elles tranchent dans des cas où d’appliquer les lois des institutions la communauté peinait à arriver à une euro-canadiennes (Griffiths 1988 : 156 décision sur la sanction à appliquer à citant Morrison, 1985). quelqu’un ayant transgressé l’ordre et les normes sociales algonquiennes Il faut également situer l’arrivée (Lacasse, 2004 : 89; Bousquet, de la police dans les communautés 2009 : 61). Ces nouvelles figures autochtones dans le contexte du d’autorité étaient choisies justement colonialisme bureaucratique (Morantz, parce qu’elles n’étaient pas ou peu 2002) où les communautés voyaient impliquées dans les affaires de la arriver successivement services communauté et leur statut externe leur sociaux et chèques d’assistance sociale conférait une certaine aura de neutralité (Ouellette, 1977 : 11). Par colonialisme (Lacasse, 2004 : 89). Néanmoins, bureaucratique, on entend un processus l’appel à ces figures d’autorité pouvait où une société en « subsume une autre diviser les communautés (Bousquet, dans son orbite, créant ainsi une société 2009 : 61) dans un contexte où les assujettie dont il ou elle «s’approprie, figures d’autorité traditionnelles dirige et domine ses diverses sphères étaient affaiblies (Rogers, 1965 : d’activités» (Homi Bhaba, dans 280) mais toujours appelées à agir Thomas, 1994 : 10) » (Morantz, 2002 : comme médiateur lors de conflits 65). La composante bureaucratique de interpersonnels dans la communauté ce colonialisme vient du fait que « ce
148 2015 n’est pas une autorité directe de l’État de Schefferville reconnaît d’ailleurs qui faisait ou exécutait les décrets. qu’une plainte a été reçue pour Les véritables bureaucrates étaient les brutalité policière sur une femme innue agents qui, sur le terrain, interprétaient (Lamothe, 1973b). Ces évènements les directives loin du regard d’Ottawa, ont certainement eu un impact avec toutes les possibilités de petitesse majeur dans l’imaginaire collectif des et d’abus d’influence qu’on imagine » communautés autochtones et dans (ibid : 69). la construction de leur opposition à l’État canadien. Cependant, l’arrivée La série de documents vidéo de constables autochtones dans d’Arthur Lamothe sur la « Justice les communautés et plus tard des Blanche » (1973) peut nous apprendre services de police autochtone aura beaucoup sur les rapports entre certes changé les rapports que les autochtones et policiers dans les communautés entretiennent envers années 1960-1970 dans les régions l’institution policière. La prochaine éloignées. Des Innus de Matimekush y section cherchera à éclairer les relatent plusieurs épisodes de brutalité rapports entretenus envers les policiers policière où des Innus ont été battus non-autochtones et des policiers à coup de pied et à coup de poing en autochtones en privilégiant une analyse ajoutant que ces épisodes de brutalité centrée sur les rapports identitaires. policière revenaient régulièrement (Lamothe, 1973a; Lamothe, 1973b; La trame identitaire des rapports entre Lamothe, 1973c; Lamothe 1973d). Les autochtones et policiers Innus associent souvent ces épisodes de brutalité policière et le manque Sur la question des rapports de respect des policiers à leur égard entre policiers et autochtones, les à la discrimination qu’ils vivent de premiers travaux criminologiques la part de la société canadienne et analysent la situation selon des indices plus particulièrement des habitants criminologiques classiques : classe de la ville de Schefferville (Lamothe, sociale défavorisée, sous-culture 1973d). Du côté des forces policières, de l’alcool, facteur ethnique, etc. un représentant du service de police de (Bienvenue et Latif, 1974; Boldt et al., Schefferville va dire que les allégations 1980). Ces approches, souvent confinées de brutalité policière de la part des à des visions étic, restent limitées pour Innus ne sont pas fondées et qu’il le contexte des autochtones du Canada s’agit la plupart du temps de problèmes et seront rapidement remplacées par mineurs (Lamothe, 1973b). En effet, celle de conflit culturel (Fraser, 1980; les Innus admettent eux-mêmes LaPrairie, 1989; Torrie, 1989). Cette généralement ne pas faire de plaintes dernière approche situe les relations aux services de police, qu’il s’agisse entre policiers et autochtones dans le de brutalité policière ou d’évènements cadre plus large du conflit opposant les n’impliquant pas de policiers (Lamothe, autochtones et l’État canadien. Pouvant 1973d). Néanmoins, un Innu va dire servir de base à notre réflexion, elle que de plus en plus les jeunes cessent doit néanmoins être dépassée par une de « se laisser faire » et entament approche ayant une plus grande valeur des démarches pour porter plainte explicative. Bernard Roy, dans un (ibid). Le représentant de la police texte portant sur l’alcoolisme chez les
149 KANATA autochtones, nous apporte plusieurs similaire, plusieurs témoignages pistes de réflexion intéressantes. Ainsi, d’Inuit du Nunavik racontent que je crois qu’on peut situer les relations dans les années 1950-1960, les Inuit entre les policiers et les autochtones qui se faisaient arrêter en retiraient dans ce que Roy nomme « une trame une certaine fierté et étaient accueillis identitaire dans laquelle se sont inscrits avec respect par leur communauté au cours des dernières décennies des suite à leur retour du pénitencier symboles lourds pouvant être associés (Rouland, 1983: 309). Héroïsée dans à la résistance des Autochtones à leur les histoires qu’on se raconte dans exclusion et à leur désir de demeurer les communautés, la résistance aux inclus dans la contemporanéité » forces de l’ordre est imbriquée dans (Roy, 2005: 121). Dans ce contexte, un contexte politique plus large mais la résistance aux forces policières aussi dans une logique d’affirmation par les autochtones doit être vue de leur distinction et de leur identité comme « stratégie visant à redonner (ibid: 105). Ainsi, la résistance aux une sensation de puissance et de forces de l’ordre s’inscrirait dans des pouvoir » (ibid: 92) et l’affirmation dynamiques identitaires: le véritable d’une identité qui est la « résultante autochtone serait celui qui résiste au d’une résistance légitime, mais aussi pouvoir coercitif du gouvernement l’expression d’un ethnocentrisme canadien dont les agents de police sont exacerbé par l’exclusion dans laquelle le visage. les autochtones sont maintenus (ibid : 122). Ces dynamiques identitaires sont également à l’œuvre dans les relations Dans un contexte où les autochtones avec les policiers autochtones. Ceux- subissent contrôles et arrestations ci sont souvent la cible d’insultes ou arbitraires (Aubert et Jaccoud, de moqueries du fait qu’ils occupent 2009: 106) et vivent des agressions un poste traditionnellement associé journalières de la part de la police (Roy, au monde des « blancs » et qu’ils 2005: 103), j’émets l’hypothèse qu’ils représentent le pouvoir coercitif du en viennent à intérioriser leur place système juridico-politique canadien dans l’échelle sociale tout comme le (Jayewardene, 1980: 47; Havemann, propose Didier Fassin dans le cas des 1993: 117). Ainsi, chez les Algonquins, jeunes des banlieues françaises (Fassin, un policier arrêtant une personne 2011: 145). Conscient de cette position proche peut se faire traiter de à laquelle la société canadienne et son « blanc » pour ne pas avoir respecté appareil institutionnel les relèguent, les règles de parenté (Bousquet, 2005: « la résistance et la combattivité 165). Chez les Inuit, beaucoup sont (des Autochtones) face à l’autorité réticents à devenir policiers par qu’ils s’imposent » (Roy, 2005: 104). Dans « pressentent ou éprouvent que l’ordre le cas des Innus de la Côte-Nord, blanc peut les mettre en conflit avec Roy relève plusieurs témoignages où leur propre système socio-juridique ». les narrateurs racontent avec fierté (Rouland, 1983: 311). On dit même leur résistance aux forces de l’ordre dans ces communautés qu’il vaut à l’époque où les autochtones ne mieux un « blanc » respectueux qu’un pouvaient légalement consommer de Inuk en voie de déculturation (ibid: l’alcool (ibid: 103-105). De façon 311). Cette association au monde des
150 2015 blancs amène l’individu qui en est la autochtone pour accomplir leur travail, cible dans un non-lieu où il se retrouve ce qui leur laisse pour seul modèle les doublement marginalisé: en marge de policiers « blancs » qui étaient là avant la société canadienne de par son statut eux. L’image du policier autochtone et d’autochtone et en marge de sa propre son rôle dans la communauté restent communauté par son association au donc une image à construire pour monde des « blancs » (Roy, 2005: 110- plusieurs communautés autochtones. 111). Il faut ici prendre en compte que dans le discours des Innus (et aussi Que ce soit dans un cadre de d’autre nations autochtones), les « résistance aux forces de l’ordre ou blancs » sont associés au colonialisme, dans la perception des policiers à l’exploitation outrancière des autochtones, on voit que la relation des territoires et à l’usurpation des droits : autochtones aux forces de l’ordre est bref, le terme « blanc » désigne inscrite dans une trame identitaire qui l’ennemi (Roy et al, 2013 : 243) et s’inscrit elle-même dans un contexte que cette association au monde des beaucoup plus englobant: soit le conflit « blancs » est reçue comme une insulte culturel et politique opposant les et une condamnation (ibid : 244). Bref, peuples autochtones du Canada à l’État au final, si l’on regarde au plan des canadien. Néanmoins, ce ne sont pas dynamiques identitaires, qu’un policier tous les autochtones qui s’inscrivent soit autochtone ou non autochtone dans un rapport de résistance aux forces ne semble pas changer grand-chose de l’ordre: certains vont féliciter les à la symbolique qui se cache derrière policiers qui auront arrêté une personne l’uniforme. en ivresse au volant dans un contexte de lutte contre l’alcool (Bousquet, D’autre part, j’émets l’hypothèse 2005: 165) et d’autres demandent des que ces difficultés pour les policiers peines plus sévères que ce que les autochtones de se faire respecter par magistrats sont prêts à accorder pour leur communauté vient du fait qu’il les délinquants (Rouland, 1983: 185). n’y a pas encore d’image du policier Ces situations s’inscrivent également autochtone dans ces communautés. dans les dynamiques qui ont cours Autrement dit, avec l’arrivée récente dans les communautés et se devraient des forces de police autochtones d’être explorées dans des recherches dans les communautés, aucune façon ultérieures. de faire autochtone d’appliquer le service policier n’a pu avoir le La PPPN donne-t-elle plus de pouvoir temps de se développer proprement aux communautés autochtones? et de s’institutionnaliser dans les communautés. Cette façon de faire Si les criminologues étaient plutôt est fort probablement en train de réticents à l’idée de la création de se développer ou déjà développée services de police autochtones dans les (dépendamment des communautés) années 1970-1980 (Bienvenue et Latif, mais n’est pas documentée et n’est 1974; Boldt et al., 1980), cette idée probablement pas la même d’une fut explorée par quelques-uns d’entre communauté à l’autre. De plus, les eux des années 1980 à aujourd’hui policiers autochtones arrivant en poste (Jayewardene, 1980; Harding, 1990; n’ont pas pu se fonder sur un modèle Havemann, 1993). La littérature plus
151 KANATA récente en criminologie, datant d’après dépendance par rapport à un pouvoir l’adoption de la PPPN (Politique sur dont ils veulent se libérer » (ibid : 57). la Police des Premières Nations), s’est C’est en ces termes que je propose intéressée à comprendre les relations d’analyser la situation pour ce qui est de pouvoir entre les communautés de la PPPN. autochtones et l’État canadien ainsi qu’à évaluer les difficultés auxquelles Ce que tous les services de font face les services de police police autochtones ont décrié dans autochtone. Ainsi, on remarque que la l’étude de Aubert et Jaccoud est PPPN n’établit aucun lien ni parallèle le manque de financement : ce avec les revendications d’autonomie manque de financement « limite, gouvernementale au sens où elle ignore voire neutralise leurs potentialités à les revendications et/ou négociations exercer ces responsabilités » envers qui ont cours à cet effet (Harding, les communautés (Aubert et Jaccoud, 1991 : 367), qu’elle est un relais de 2012: 279). Or, le financement venant légitimation du système de contrôle du gouvernement fédéral, on ne peut social canadien (Havemann, 1993 : pas dire que la PPPN autonomise les 117; Aubert et Jaccoud, 2009 : 106) communautés au plan économique: et qu’elle ne réussit pas à financer elles sont toujours dépendantes du convenablement les communautés afin gouvernement fédéral pour permettre qu’elles puissent offrir un service à la le fonctionnement de leurs institutions. hauteur de leurs attentes (Aubert et L’absence de pouvoir économique est Jaccoud, 2012 : 279). En considérant ici problématique et comme le note toutes ces lacunes, peut-on dire que Charest : « le pouvoir économique est la PPPN donne réellement du pouvoir une des principales formes de pouvoir aux communautés autochtones? comme l’indique Boulding (1989), et l’argent, le principal étalon du pouvoir C’est en ces termes que Paul Charest matériel. Les groupes amérindiens ont avait analysé le cas de la prise en aussi besoin de cette base matérielle charge des services administratifs pour asseoir leur pouvoir » (Charest, par les communautés autochtones. 1992 : 71). Dans le cadre des relations entre les communautés autochtones et Si la PPPN a permis une plus grande l’État canadien, la PPPN peut être autonomie dans la prescription du inscrite dans ce qu’on a appelé la service policier, jamais elle n’aura prise en charge : « la prise en charge remis en question le cadre légal dans représente un transfert, une délégation lequel elle s’inscrit (Aubert et Jaccoud, ou une dévolution de responsabilités 2009 : 116). Sans remise en cause du ou de pouvoirs d’administrer des système juridique canadien, la PPPN programmes et des services et de gérer est confinée à créer des services de des fonds au profit des bandes et autres polices autochtones subordonnés à organismes indiens » (Charest, 1992 : l’ordre juridique émanant de l’État 56). Pour Charest, afin de savoir si un canadien et limités à l’exercice d’un tel processus est capable de donner pouvoir de gestion et d’administration. plus de pouvoir aux communautés Or, comme le note si bien Paul Charest autochtones, il faut mesurer « leur : le pouvoir de gérer et d’administrer degré d’autonomie ou, inversement, de des communautés autochtones « est
152 2015 un pouvoir délégué, subordonné ou la régulation des conflits. C’est dans dépendant de celui du ministère des ce contexte, associé au colonialisme Affaires indiennes et, ultimement, du bureaucratique, que l’appel aux forces gouvernement fédéral, qui demeure de l’ordre va se généraliser de plus en légalement et constitutionnellement plus jusqu’à nos jours. Si les travaux responsable des autochtones » (Charest, criminologiques des premiers temps 1992 : 70). s’affairèrent surtout à constater les relations difficiles entre policiers et En fait, tout comme la prise en autochtones, la littérature laissera charge, la PPPN ne donne pas de par la suite plus de place à la critique pouvoir véritable aux communautés des programmes gouvernementaux et autochtones dans le sens où elle ne développera les questions des polices permet pas aux communautés de autochtones et des relations tendues casser leur lien de dépendance envers entre autochtones et policiers. le gouvernement fédéral. Il manque donc deux éléments fondamentaux L’analyse de rapports aux communautés autochtones pour gouvernementaux nous permet qu’elles marquent leur indépendance d’identifier certains problèmes dans vis-à-vis du pouvoir fédéral : « un le discours des administrateurs cadre législatif approprié et des gouvernementaux : assimilation ressources financières propres » des différentes nations autochtones (Charest, 1992 : 70). Mais pour que à une réalité unique et partagée, ces éléments fondamentaux aient leur aucune spécification de l’origine chance de réussite, ils devraient être des policiers, invisibilisation de la accompagnés de « la reconnaissance composante coloniale de l’institution par l’État canadien des conséquences policière, absence de critique des du colonialisme et sa contribution politique d’assimilation et de mise active au redressement des iniquités sous tutelle du gouvernement et flagrantes qu’il a occasionnées » objectivation des autochtones comme (Aubert et Jaccoud, 2012 : 279). un problème à régler. Par la suite, l’analyse des relations entre policiers Conclusion et autochtones nous permet de situer la résistance aux forces de l’ordre Les formes traditionnelles de contrôle dans une trame identitaire englobée social chez les autochtones cherchaient dans le contexte du conflit culturel et avant tout à trouver des moyens pour politique opposant les autochtones du restaurer l’harmonie sociale dans la Canada à l’État canadien. Finalement, communauté. Ces moyens passaient l’idée que la PPPN ne donnait pas de surtout par la médiation et par la pouvoir véritable aux communautés consultation du groupe entier ou des autochtones a été mise de l’avant en groupes impliqués. Dans un contexte partageant l’analyse de Paul Charest d’affaiblissement des formes d’autorité sur la prise en charge. et de leadership traditionnelles, l’arrivée de nouvelles figures d’autorité Mais avant tout, s’il y a une chose à externes aux communautés fut retenir, c’est que très peu de littérature l’occasion d’un premier glissement vers scientifique aborde directement les l’ordre juridique euro-canadien pour relations entre policiers et autochtones.
153 KANATA Étant pourtant un enjeu ne manquant fédéral et provinciaux. Même si les pas de couverture médiatique services de police sont une introduction (probablement par sensationnalisme de exogène chez les autochtones, ceux- la part des journalistes) il est étonnant ci peuvent en faire des services selon que peu de gens se soient tournés vers leurs propres manières de faire, leurs la question. On peut néanmoins espérer propres valeurs et leurs propres modes que plus de recherche qualitative de fonctionnement. Mais encore faut- et empirique soit faite sur le sujet : il qu’ils aient plus de pouvoir de elle pourrait éclairer la composante gouvernance. identitaire de la résistance aux forces de l’ordre, colliger les différents points Bibliographie de vue présents dans les communautés Aubert, Laura et Jaccoud, Mylène (2009). mais surtout servir les communautés « Genèse et développement des polices autochtones au Québec : sur la voie de autochtones pour qu’elles établissent l’autodétermination ». Criminologie, vol. 42, no. pleinement un ordre juridique qu’il 2 : pp. 101-119. leur est propre. En ce sens, les Aubert, Laura et Jaccoud, Mylène recherches futures pourraient se (2012). « La Politique sur la Police des baser sur des approches utilisées par Premières Nations : une avancée en matière de gouvernance ? ». Canadian Journal of différents chercheurs, au Québec et Criminology and Criminal Justice, vol. 54, no. ailleurs, qui ont par exemple suivi des 3: pp. 265-285. policiers dans le cadre de leur travail Arcand, Bernard et Vincent, Sylvie (1979). (Fassin, 2011) ou encore mené des L’image de l’Amérindien dans les manuels entrevues avec des policiers venant de scolaires du Québec: comment les Québécois minorités dites «visibles» (Jaccoud, ne sont pas des sauvages. Éditions Hurtubise HMH, Ville LaSalle: 334 pp. 2003). De tels travaux pourrait aborder la réaction de l’entourage de policiers Bienvenue, Rita et Latif A. H. (1974). « Arrests, Disposition and Recidivism : A autochtones suite à leur choix de Comparison of Indians and Whites ». Canadian carrière, les niveaux de coopération Journal of Criminology, vol. 16, no. 2 : pp. des communautés face à leur travail 105-116. et la perception de ce que devrait être Bohaker, Heidi et Iacovetta, Franca (2009). leur rôle au sein de leur communauté. « Making Aboriginal People Immigrants Too: A Comparison of Citizenship Programs Ces dynamiques prendront fort for Newcomers and Indigenous Peoples in probablement plus d’importance dans Postwar Canada, 1940s-1960s ». The Canadian les années à venir avec la signature Historical Review, vol. 90, no. 3: pp. 427-461. d’ententes. Pensons entre autre au traité Boldt, Edward, Roberts, Lance et Skoog, découlant de l’Approche commune Douglas (1980). « Native Attitudes Toward the dont l’échéancier prévoit une signature Police ». Canadian Journal of Criminology, vol. 22, no. 1: pp. 354-359. en 2015, qui prévoit l’application de lois proprement autochtones et où Boulding, Kenneth (1989). Three Faces of Power. Sage Publications, Newbury Park : 264 l’emprise juridique du fédéral et du pp. provincial serait effacée ou du moins fortement limitée. La signature de telles Bousquet, Marie-Pierre (2005). « La production d'un réseau de sur-parenté: ententes permettrait aux communautés histoire de l'alcool et désintoxication chez les autochtones de se doter d’un cadre Algonquins ». Drogues, santé et sociétés, vol. 4, législatif qui leur serait propre et no. 1: pp. 129-173. qui permettrait de casser leur lien de Bousquet, Marie-Pierre (2009). « Régler dépendance envers les gouvernements ses conflits dans un cadre spirituel : pouvoir,
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156 2015
a 19 b Dietary Structure and Relative Health in Inuit Communities
Shariss Ostrager | McGill University
Abstract I wrote this paper for Professor Wenzel’s Human Ecology in Geography course. As it is my ambition to practice medicine, I am keenly interested in health, and especially how nutrition influences one’s health. Over the past 40-50 years, there has been a considerable shift in the diet of Indigenous communities from one that is highly dependent on hunted and gathered food to one that is more reliant on commercial foods. Notably, there has been an increase in consumption of fats from processed foods, which are high in trans fatty acids, lack key micronutrients found in animals, and contribute to high LDL cholesterol. As a result of the dietary transition there has been an increase in the incidence of obesity and its co-morbidities, and thus an increase in diet- related chronic disease. Additionally, issues with the dietary transition are compounded for individuals of low socioeconomic status. While some interventions have been proposed to alleviate the consequences of the dietary transition, continued work on this issue remains of great importance.
157 KANATA Shariss Ostrager is a U3 student studying Ecological Determinants of Health (Cellular) within the McGill School of Environment.
Dietary intake has several significant this change in intake has influenced the impacts on an individual’s health. overall health of Inuit communities Most widely acknowledged is the in Northern Canada and Greenland. relationship between a poor, energy- Through investigating what constitutes dense diet and obesity (as well as its proper dietary intake, what food types many co-morbidities). However, there provide these elements, and whether or are also severe health consequences not these recommendations are being stemming from malnutrition as well met, this essay explores the health as malnourishment. Technological implications and factors that influence advancements in ways to obtain the ability to achieve dietary adequacy and transport food sources have in Inuit communities. drastically altered the composition of First and foremost, the makeup diets in many cultures. In particular, of an adequate adult diet must be westernization in indigenous, arctic established in order to determine communities has resulted in a notable the level of adherence of northern shift in dietary composition over the Inuit communities to recommended last 40-50 years. Characterized by a intake values. The Nordic Nutrition decreased reliance on foods that are Recommendations (NNR) of 2004 hunted and gathered in favor of an delineates recommended nutrient increased reliance on commercial intakes for normal individuals (lacking foods, this mixed diet has subsequently uncommon diseases) within Nordic affected the overall health of Inuit countries. These recommendations individuals.1,2,3 In light of this so-called serve as a basis to plan a diet that both ‘dietary transition,’ it is of great value satisfies nutritional needs (with respect to examine how this adjustment to diet to physiological requirements for construct has impacted adherence to growth and function) and enables good recommended nutrient intakes and how overall health, which subsequently 1 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- decreases an individual’s risk of diet- 4 gaard. 2012. “Consumption of Traditional associated diseases. According to Food and Adherence to Nutrition Recom- the NNR, the macronutrients in an mendations in Greenland.” Scandinavian individual’s diet should consist of 15% Journal of Public Health 40 (5): 475-481. protein of total energy intake (E%), 55 doi:10.1177/1403494812454467. 2 Johnson-Down, Louise M. and Grace M. E% carbohydrates, and 30 E% overall 5 Egeland. 2013. “How is Nutrition Transition fat. With respect to micronutrients, Affecting Dietary Adequacy in Eeyouch (Cree) refined sugars within carbohydrates Adults of Northern Quebec, Canada?” Applied should not exceed 10 E%, and Physiology Nutrition and Metabolism-Physiolo- individuals should consume 25-35 g/d gie Appliquee Nutrition Et Metabolisme 38 (3): 300-305. doi:10.1139/apnm-2012-0167. of dietary fiber. Additionally, intake 3 Sharma, Sangita, Xia Cao, Cindy Roache, An- 4 Becker, W. Lyhne, N. Pedersen, A. N. Aro, nie Buchan, Rhonda Reid, and Joel Gittelsohn. A. Fogelholm, M. Þho ́rsdottir, I. Alexander, J. 2010. “Assessing Dietary Intake in a Population Anderssen, S. A. Meltzer, H. M. Pedersen, J. I. Undergoing a Rapid Transition in Diet and 2004. “Nordic Nutrition Recommendations – In- Lifestyle: The Arctic Inuit in Nunavut, Canada.” tegrating Nutrition and Physical Activity 2004.” British Journal of Nutrition 103 (5): 749-759. Scandinavian Journal of Nutrition 48 (4): 178. doi:10.1017/S0007114509992224. 5 Ibid. 158 2015 of fat should be broken down into the trout), seal, and muktuk9,10,11,12 while following portions of fat subclasses: the most frequently reported market 10 E% saturated and trans fatty acids, food items include coffee and coffee 10-15 E% cis-monounsaturated fatty whitener, breads, sugars and honeys, acids, and 5-10 E% polyunsaturated sweetened drinks and sodas, butter and fatty acids. Moreover, intake of margarine, and chips and sweets.13,14 It vitamins and minerals should consist was found that store-bought foods are of: 700-900 mg Vitamin A, 7.5-10 µg typically consumed more frequently Vitamin D, 8-10 mg Vitamin E, 1.0-1.5 than traditional foods.15,16,17 This is mg Thiamin, 1.2-1.7 mg Riboflavin, problematic because these purchased 13-20 mg Niacin, 1.2-1.6 mg Vitamin foods are energy dense (i.e. highly B-6, 300-400 µg Folate, 2.0 µg Vitamin caloric) and non-nutrient dense foods, B-12, 75 mg Vitamin C, 800-900 mg meaning they have reduced nutritional Calcium, 600-700 mg Phosphorous, 3.1-3.5 g Potassium, 280-350 mg 9 Hopping, B. N., E. Mead, E. Erber, C. Sheehy, Magnesium, 9-15 mg Iron, 7-12 mg C. Roache, and S. Sharma. 2010. “Dietary Ade- quacy of Inuit in the Canadian Arctic.” Journal Zinc, 0.9 mg Copper, 150 µg Iodine, of Human Nutrition and Dietetics 23: 27-34. 6,7 and 40-50 µg Selenium. Ranges of doi:10.1111/j.1365-277X.2010.01099.x. vitamin and mineral values account for 10 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. the variation in needed intakes due to “Consumption of traditional food and adherence sex and age. Finally, the recommended to nutrition recommendations in Greenland”, 475-481. daily caloric intake for Inuit is 9.6- 11 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a 11.7 MJ/day, with the range again population undergoing a rapid transition in diet accounting for variety in age and sex.8 and lifestyle”, 749-759. Through a review of a variety of 12 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita literature sources spanning several Inuit Sharma. 2013. “Eating Habits of a Population Undergoing a Rapid Dietary Transition: Portion populations, it appears that the current, Sizes of Traditional and Non-Traditional Foods typical Inuit diet is composed of a and Beverages Consumed by Inuit Adults in mix of traditional foods and consumer Nunavut, Canada.” Nutrition Journal 12: 70. goods. The most frequently reported doi:10.1186/1475-2891-12-70. traditional foods include caribou, 13 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. fish (particularly arctic char and 14 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a population undergoing a rapid transition in diet and lifestyle”, 749-759. 15 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 16 Spiegelaar, N. F. and L. J. S. Tsuji. 2013. “Impact of Euro-Canadian Agrarian Practices: In Search of Sustainable Import-Substitution Strategies to Enhance Food Security in Subarc- tic Ontario, Canada.” Rural and Remote Health 13 (2): 2211. 17 Zotor, Francis, Tony Sheehy, Madalina Lupu, 6 Ibid. Fariba Kolahdooz, Andre Corriveau, and Sangi- 7 Keene, A. S. 1985. “Nutrition and Economy: ta Sharma. 2012. “Frequency of Consumption Models for the Study of Prehistoric Diet.” In of Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in The Analysis of Prehistoric Diets, edited by R. Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada.” Interna- I. Gilbert and J. H. Mielke, 155-190. Orlando, tional Journal of Food Sciences and Nutrition Florida: Academic Press, Inc. 63 (7): 782-789. doi:10.3109/09637486.2012. 8 Ibid. 676029. 159 KANATA value.18,19,20,21,22,23,24 in the current Inuit diet comes from To continue, in general, the modern traditional foods.29,30 The largest intake Inuit diet includes an intake of of energy and fat comes from non- approximately 8-10 MJ of energy, 21 nutrient dense store bought foods such E% protein, 48 E% carbohydrates, and as breads and sweetened beverages,31 32 E% total fat25,26,27 as opposed to the contributing to 22% of total fat intake, NNR recommended 15 E% protein, 55 42-50% of carbohydrate intake, E% carbohydrates, and 30 E% fat.28 and 73-80% of sugar intake.32,33 More specifically, the breakdown of This makes sweetened beverages total fat consists of 11 E% saturated, the largest form of sugar intake.34,35 12 E% monounsaturated, 5 E% Overall, primary energy intake comes polyunsaturated, and 3 E% n-3 fatty predominately from juice, caribou acid. Approximately 40-50% of protein and game, and bread, providing 25% 36 18 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in of daily energy to individuals. In the canadian arctic”, 27-34. addition to macronutrient contributors, 19 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace micronutrients are mostly acquired M. Egeland. 2012. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity is High and the Diet Quality Poor in through traditional foods. Traditional Inuit Communities.” Journal of Nutrition 142 food contributes to approximately 41% (3): 541-547. doi:10.3945/jn.111.149278. of fiber intake as well as 49% of Iron 20 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. intake.37,38 They are also the primary “Consumption of traditional food and adherence source of Vitamin A and Vitamin to nutrition recommendations in Greenland”, 475-481. 21 Johnson-Down, Louise M. and Grace M. 29 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a Egeland. “How is nutrition transition affecting population undergoing a rapid transition in diet dietary adequacy in eeyouch (cree) adults of and lifestyle”, 749-759. northern quebec, canada?”, 300-305. 30 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food 22 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit population undergoing a rapid transition in diet Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in and lifestyle”, 749-759. Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 23 Sharma, S., B. N. Hopping, C. Roache, 31 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a and T. Sheehy. 2013. “Nutrient Intakes, Major population undergoing a rapid transition in diet Food Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit and lifestyle”, 749-759. Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in 32 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in Nunavut, Canada.” Journal of Human Nutrition the canadian arctic”, 27-34. and Dietetics 26 (6): 578-586. doi:10.1111/ 33 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food jhn.12091. Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit 24 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 34 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in 25 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. the canadian arctic”, 27-34. “Consumption of traditional food and adherence 35 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a to nutrition recommendations in Greenland”, population undergoing a rapid transition in diet 475-481. and lifestyle”, 749-759. 26 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a 36 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in population undergoing a rapid transition in diet the canadian arctic”, 27-34. and lifestyle”, 749-759. 37 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a 27 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, MajorFood population undergoing a rapid transition in diet Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit and lifestyle”, 749-759. Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in 38 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit 28 Becker et al., “Nordic Nutrition Recommen- Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in dations”, 178. Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 160 2015 B-12.39 severe deficiency in the intake of fruits Despite the adequate proportions and vegetables.45,46,47,48,49,50,51,52 of macronutrients intake within the In contrast to the current Inuit present Inuit diet, there is a clear diet, pre-historic diet consisted of consensus among the literature that far greater proportions of intake than there is a lack of several micronutrients. traditional foods. Resources primarily Micronutrients are important in included caribou, ringed seal, and fish, many regards; they contribute to but were supplemented by muskox, several bodily functions including polar bear, bearded seal, birds, hare, the breakdown of macronutrients and wolf, lemming, squirrel, fox, and more specifically, for example, the some berries.53,54 Primary resources maintenance of growth and vision were most sought after because they function from vitamin A.40 As such, it is provided more optimal returns in terms problematic that certain macronutrient of hunting time and energy investments components are being obtained in ill- to obtain such resources.55 In addition advised ways. For example, sugars 45 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in should contribute to a mere 10% of the canadian arctic”, 27-34. carbohydrate intake, however, as 46 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace M. described above, they contribute to Egeland. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity is 42-50% (4-5 times more than they High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Com- should). Furthermore, though saturated munities”, 541-547. 47 Johnson-Down, Louise M. and Grace M. fat intake is only moderately higher Egeland. “How is nutrition transition affecting than the recommended intake within dietary adequacy in eeyouch (cree) adults of total fat construct, it is more desirable northern quebec, canada?”, 300-305. to minimize the proportion of saturated 48 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a fat relative to unsaturated fats.41 population undergoing a rapid transition in diet With respect to micronutrients, fiber, and lifestyle”, 749-759. 49 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food folate, calcium, vitamin A, vitamin Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit B-12, vitamin B-6, vitamin D, and Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in vitamin E levels are all consistently Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. lower than recommended intake 50 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 42,43,44 Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- values in Inuit populations. Most going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. notably, although fruits and vegetables 51 Spiegelaar, N. F. and L. J. S. Tsuji. “Impact contribute to 27% of total fiber intake, of Euro-Canadian Agrarian Practices”, 2211. it is widely reported that there is a 52 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption of Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in 39 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 789. 40 Keene, A. S. “Nutrition and Economy”, 53 Keene, A. S. 1979. “Economic Optomiza- 155-190. tion Models and the Study of Hunter-Gatherer 41 Becker et al., “Nordic Nutrition”, 178. Subsistence Settlement Systems.” In Transfor- 42 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in mations: Mathematical Approaches to Culture the canadian arctic”, 27-34. Change, edited by C. Renfrew and K. L. Cooke, 43 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a 369-404. New York, New York: Academic Press population undergoing a rapid transition in diet Inc. and lifestyle”, 749-759. 54 Sinclair, HM. 1953. “The Diet of Canadi- 44 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food an Indians and Eskimos.” Proceedings of the Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Nutrition Society 12 (1): 69-82. doi:10.1079/ Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in PNS19530016. Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 55 Keene, A. S. “Economic Optomization Mod- 161 KANATA to food provision from hunter-gatherer Furthermore, in addition to the required activity, some food, including bread, intake of 9.6 MJ of energy per day, flour, barley, peas, sugar, and coffee, hunting activity yielded a surplus of was also acquired through imports 5.4 MJ/day.65,66 from Europe.56 Overall, a considerable change The typical prehistoric diet provided in diet construct has been observed approximately 11 MJ total energy, in Inuit communities. Where diet of which the macronutrient content was once almost entirely reliant on consisted of 60 E% protein, 11 E% traditional (country) foods, it now carbohydrate, and 29 E% fat.57 This consists of a distinguishable mix of constitutes a dramatically high protein traditional and commercial foods with diet as compared to the NNR. However, a high reliance on non-traditional this issue has been examined and there foods.67 In light of this shift to a mixed is seemingly no conclusive evidence diet, there has been a consequential that high levels of protein contribute increase in the amount of sugary, to the incidence of diet-related disease processed foods.68,69,70,71,72 In particular, in Inuit.58 Overall, the literature is fats are decreasingly acquired from in agreement that the previous Inuit game animals in exchange for fats that diet, which relied on traditional foods, are acquired from processed, store- fulfilled the recommendations for daily bought foods, which have notoriously nutrient intake and surpassed such higher amounts of trans fatty acids.73 recommendations with respect to the Moreover, these processed sources of majority of macro- and micronutrients fat often lack nutrients such as vitamins (energy, protein, fat, calcium, vitamins A and D that accompany traditional A, D, and E, riboflavin, thiamine, and iron).59,60,61,62 Calcium, though 155-190 nutritionally satisfied, was the limiting Keene, A. S. “Economic Optomization Mod- 63,64 65 element amongst all nutrients. els and the Study of Hunter-Gatherer Subsis- tence Settlement Systems”, 369-404. els and the Study of Hunter-Gatherer Subsis- 66 Keene, A. S. “Nutrition and Economy”, tence Settlement Systems”, 369-404. 155-190 56 Sinclair, HM. “The Diet of Canadian Indians and Eskimos”, 69-82. 67 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 57 Ibid. Ibid. 58 Ibid. 68 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. 59 Keene, A. S. “Economic Optomization Mod- 69 els and the Study of Hunter-Gatherer Subsis- “Consumption of traditional food and adherence tence Settlement Systems”, 369-404. to nutrition recommendations in Greenland”, 475-481. 60 Keene, A. S. “Nutrition and Economy”, 155-190 70 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food 61 Kuhnein, H. V., V. Barthet, A. Farren, E. Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Falahi, D. Leggee, O. Receveur, and P. Berti. Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in 2006. “Vitamins A, D, and E in Canadian Arctic Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. Traditional Food and Adult Diets.” Journal of 71 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Food Composition and Analysis 19 (6-7): 495- Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- 506. doi:10.1016/j.jfca.2005.02.007. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 62 Sinclair, HM. “The Diet of Canadian Indians 72 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption of and Eskimos”, 69-82. Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in 63 Keene, A. S. “Economic Optomization Mod- Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- els and the Study of Hunter-Gatherer Subsis- 789. tence Settlement Systems, 369-404. 73 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in 64 Keene, A. S. “Nutrition and Economy”, the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 162 2015 sources of fat.74,75 Such intake of relationship between micronutrients fats is further inadvisable given that and disease is further highlighted by both saturated and trans fats have a the fact that there was a relative lack causative role in increasing serum of chronic disease experienced under LDL-cholesterol concentration.76,77 the prehistoric diet regime in which all High LDL cholesterol levels are micronutrient needs were satisfied.84,85 harmful because, as the name implies, Additional complications within the they are of low density, which allows contemporary Inuit diet also stem from more particles to occupy a smaller increasing portion size. Portion size is a amount of space. This then contributes major contributing factor to the obesity to the build up of plaque and formation epidemic and has in fact increased in of blockages in the arteries, ultimately all foods over the last few decades in increasing an individual’s risk of heart Inuit communities.86 Most notably, the attack and stroke.78,79 In addition to the portion sizes of sweetened beverages health complications associated with are particularly large; they are twice poorly obtained macronutrients, the the standard serving size.87 While an lack of micronutrients (fiber, calcium, increase in portion size is unhealthy, folate, and vitamins A, C, D, and E) that an increase in market food purchases now exists in Inuit diet puts individuals (as is the case with these beverages) at greater risk of developing chronic is particularly damaging since gross diseases such as cancer and other consumption in turn contributes to an infectious diseases due to compromised increased portion of energy intake in immune function.80,81,82,83 The the overall diet.88 This consumption is worrisome because it combines the 74 Ibid. 75 Kuhnein et al., “Vitamins A, D, and E in worst aspects of the present Inuit diet. Canadian Arctic Traditional Food and Adult In fact, the effects of such Diets”, 495-506. overconsumption of energy dense, 76 Becker et al., “Nordic Nutrition Recommen- nutrient poor foods have begun to dations”, 178. emerge. The dangerous combination 77 Freeman, M. W. and C. Junge. 2005. “CHAPTER 1: Understanding Cholesterol: The of increased portion size and Good, the Bad, and the Necessary.” In The Har- decreased nutritional value of foods vard Medical School Guide to Lowering Your has contributed to an overall increase Cholesterol, edited by President and Fellows of Harvard College: McGraw-Hill. in the incidence of obesity in Inuit 78 American Heart Association. “Good Vs. Bad Cholesterol.”, accessed April 9, 2014, http:// tures on Cancer, edited by S. Ostrager. McGill www.heart.org/HEARTORG/Conditions/Cho- University MacDonald Campus:. lesterol/AboutCholesterol/Good-vs-Bad-Choles- 84 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in terol_UCM_305561_Article.jsp. the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 79 Freeman, M. W. and C. Junge. “Undrstand- 85 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food ing Cholesterol”. Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit 80 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit in Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 81 Kuhnein et al., “Vitamins A, D, and E in 86 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Canadian Arctic Traditional Food and Adult Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Diets”, 495-506. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 82 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food 87 Ibid. Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit 88 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in 83 Zadworny, D. 2014. Animal Science 400 Lec- Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 163 KANATA communities.89,90 In recent years, an instance, in the Northwest Territories, increase in the incidence of obesity between 2005 and 2007, the leading from 23% in 1992 to 37% in 2004 has causes of death were cancer (including been recorded in Inuit populations.91,92 colorectal, breast, prostate, and lung), Should this trend in diet continue, it followed by cardiovascular disease, is likely we will see an even greater and then respiratory disease.96 increase in the incidence of obesity In addition to the strain on the body than that which already exists. system that extra weight provides, The effects of obesity are significant increased body weight is also as obesity is a precursor to further associated with increased incidence health complications including of cancer due to the presence of Type cancer, cardiovascular disease, stroke, II Diabetes.97 Diabetes causes insulin hypertension, dyslipidemia, Type resistance, which results in higher 2 Diabetes Mellitus, joint disease, blood insulin concentration as well and several other conditions and as failed removal of glucose from the opportunistic infections.93,94 This is blood. This is detrimental to the cells problematic because the increased because insulin is a mitogen, meaning incidence of these chronic diseases it stimulates mitosis (i.e. cell division). will undoubtedly increase the cost Further, tumor cells require a high level of health care. The outcome of such of glucose as an energy source. Thus, increased prevalence of obesity is a in conjunction with insulin there is change in the demographic of diseases increased proliferation and subsequent affecting Inuit populations as well as a opportunity for cell transformation change in the leading causes of death. to occur.98 This systemic pathway is Inuit populations were previously further supported by the increased protected from atherosclerotic diseases incidence of diabetes seen since the and diabetes by their genetic isolation. 1980s in Inuit communities as well as However, this protection has been a shift in the type of cancers occurring disappearing as a result of lifestyle in these communities.99 “Traditional” changes such as this observed shift Inuit cancers (including nasopharynx towards a less favorable diet.95 For and esophageal cancers) have been 89 Ibid. declining while “modern” cancers such 90 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita as breast, colon, and cervical cancers Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- that are common to industrialized going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. societies are rising.100,101 From this 91 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit doi:10.1080/14034940410028398. Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in 96 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption of Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in 92 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- 789. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 97 Zadworny, D. Animal Science 400 Lectures 93 Ibid. on Cancer. 94 Zadworny, D. Animal Science 400 Lectures 98 Ibid. on Cancer. 99 Bjerregaard et al., “Indigenous Health in the 95 Bjerregaard, P., TK Young, E. Dewail- Arctic”, 390-395. ly, and SOE Ebbesson. 2004. “Indigenous 100 Ibid. Health in the Arctic: An Overview of the 101 Friborg, Jeppe T. and Mads Melbye. 2008. Circumpolar Inuit Population.” Scandinavian “Cancer Patterns in Inuit Populations.” Lancet Journal of Public Health 32 (5): 390-395. Oncology 9 (9): 892-900. doi:10.1016/S1470- 164 2015 information, one might conclude that which is directly related to poverty,106,107 shifting diet towards consumer foods is associated with disrupted eating that are more typical of industrialized patterns and decreased dietary quality societies could be to blame for the with respect to nutrient composition.108 change in increased suffering from This thereby predisposes the these emerging conditions as well as impoverished to compromised health the incidence of disease. and diet-related chronic diseases.109 Though the obesity epidemic The effects of poverty are further plagues many populations around the compounded by the progression world, disease in Inuit communities towards a less healthy, market-reliant is especially taxing because the diet and the fact that market goods geographic remoteness of these are particularly expensive in the communities makes the cost of treating Canadian Arctic.110 Specifically, the these diseases particularly high.102,103 Of preservation of and transport of fresh additional concern is the observation fruits and vegetables (among other that the altered dietary composition items) is quite difficult and expensive. is more prominent among younger Consequently, the quality of fruits and generations, which will have serious vegetables available is substandard implications on future directions of (often frozen rather than fresh) and the diet quality and respective health.104 extra expenses in providing them are It therefore becomes ever more translated into increased prices.111 As imperative to shift trends in Inuit diet such, consumption of these imported towards a more positive direction. foods such as fruits and vegetables Beyond the increased incidence of is highest among the wealthy.112 diet-related chronic disease markers Households of lower socioeconomic in Inuit communities, socioeconomic status on the other hand, consume status within Inuit communities also fewer vegetables and greater amounts plays a significant role in influencing of cheaper, high sugar foods.113 the nutritional adequacy of an Nutrition 141 (9): 1746-1753. doi:10.3945/ individual’s diet. Inuit experience the jn.111.139006. highest reported incidence of food 106 Ibid. insecurity for indigenous peoples in 107 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace 105 M. Egeland. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity North America. Food insecurity, is High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Com- 2045(08)70231-6. munities”, 541-547. 102 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major 108 Egeland et al., “Food Insecurity and Food Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Nutrition Transition Combine to Affect Nutrient Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in Intakes in Canadian Arctic Communities”, Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 1746-1753. 103 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 109 Ibid. Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- 110 Ibid. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 111 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 104 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- “Consumption of traditional food and adherence going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. to nutrition recommendations in Greenland”, 112 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- 475-481. gaard. “Consumption of Traditional Food and 105 Egeland, Grace M., Louise Johnson-Down, Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in Zhirong R. Cao, Nelofar Sheikh, and Hope Greenland”, 475-481. Weiler. 2011. “Food Insecurity and Nutrition 113 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace Transition Combine to Affect Nutrient Intakes M. Egeland. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity in Canadian Arctic Communities.” Journal of is High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Com- 165 KANATA Because market foods are expensive present in Inuit communities,120,121 The and nutritionally inadequate, one presence of a male head of household might wonder how Inuit diet could as well as access to an income increase have ever evolved to incorporate less the proportion of traditional foods traditional foods and more market found in the diet,122 thereby decreasing foods. This is the case because it has the prevalence of food insecurity and become increasingly costly to obtain poor nutrition. In fact, it was reported traditional foods. The development of that the chance of having a high a wage economy has left households vegetable intake is doubled by the without hunters and without time to presence of at least one employed adult devote to hunting activities. Further, in a household.123,124 Overall, it is the the cost of hunting equipment is also combination of reliance on expensive exceptionally high.114,115,116 In fact, one market foods, the purchase of relatively strategy that has emerged to offset the less expensive but less nutritionally high cost of hunting is to sell some valuable items within markets, and of the country foods acquired in the increased costs of hunting that has practice.117 In addition to the logistics left individuals of low socioeconomic of hunting, Inuit have also experienced status at a great disadvantage when it a reduction in animal population and a comes to achieving the recommended change in migration patterns as a result nutrient intakes. of climate change.118,119 The challenge There are several factors that of such scarcity of game in conjunction contribute to the relative nutritional with the increased cost of hunting has status of Inuit. The largest influencing been met with a decline in communal factor is the shift from an entirely food sharing networks that were once country food diet to a mixed diet that entails a heavy reliance on high energy, non-nutrient dense foods. However, within the present diet, socioeconomic status has a large influence on ingested munities”, 541-547. nutrients because it determines what 114 Beaumier, Maude C. and James D. Ford. resources an individual will be able 2010. “Food Insecurity among Inuit Women Exacerbated by Socio-Economic Stresses and to access. In addition to restrictions Climate Change.” Canadian Journal of Public 120 Beaumier, Maude C. and James D. Ford. Health-Revue Canadienne De Sante Publique “Food Insecurity among Inuit Women Exacer- 101 (3): 196-201. bated by Socio-Economic Stresses and Climate 115 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace Change”, 196-201. M. Egeland. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity 121 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita is High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Com- Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- munities”, 541-547. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 116 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 122 Duhaime, G., M. Chabot, and M. Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Gaudreault. 2002. “Food Consumption Patterns going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. and Socioeconomic Factors among the Inuit of 117 Beaumier, Maude C. and James D. Ford. Nunavik.” Ecology of Food and Nutrition 41 “ood Insecurity among Inuit Women Exacer- (2): 91-118. doi:10.1080/03670240214491. bated by Socio-Economic Stresses and Climate 123 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit Change”, 196-201. in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. 118 Ibid. 124 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- 119 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita gaard. “Consumption of Traditional Food and Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. Greenland”, 475-481. 166 2015 on hunting (due to its high cost and the USA and other countries, it is the need to participate in the wage recommended that the intake of sugar- economy) and purchasing country sweetened beverages be reduced as foods, those of lower socioeconomic they are instrumental in weight gain status are also subject to purchasing and provide little nutritional value.131,132 expensive foods from markets. Furthermore, individuals can reduce Consequently, in an attempt to budget, their intake of saturated fats in exchange low socioeconomic status individuals for mono- and poly-unsaturated fatty will purchase the relatively cheaper acids by replacing butter and margarine, foods in markets, which tend to be of which are frequently used in sauces, poor nutritional value. with vegetable oils.133 One interesting Given the industrial development suggestion found in the literature that is spreading across the globe, it to improve diet quality exploits the seems likely that markets will retain popularity of soups and recommends their presence in Inuit communities. consuming soup as a pre-load before As such, governments should target meals to reduce total energy intake. the provision of better quality foods This is expected to be instrumental such as fiber-rich foods like fruits and because soup has a high satiety value vegetables to these stores.125126 While and has low energy density (i.e. few there has been some acknowledgement calories). Therefore, it is a useful of this conundrum at the level of the tool to reduce portion size.134 Finally, government in the form of attempted further nutritional education should subsidy programs to provide essential also be provided to Inuit communities goods, these programs have been found (possibly in the form of leaflets) to help to be ineffective.127 Intake of fruits and them make informed, wiser decisions vegetables, for example, remains an about their consumption.135 uncommon part of diet in these Inuit One limitation of Inuit nutrition communities.128 As a result, there has studies includes the means by been work dedicated to the overhaul which food intakes are acquired. of programs such as the Food Mail Researchers often rely on the use of Program.129 This work is important food-frequency questionnaires (or because the increased provision of fiber other equivalent interview techniques (in the form of fruits and vegetables) 131 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita can help protect against obesity Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- and colon cancer because it reduces going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. constipation.130 132 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption Similar to recommendations for of Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- the remainder of Canada as well as 789. 133 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- 125 Ibid. gaard. “Consumption of Traditional Food and 126 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Greenland”, 475-481. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 134 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 127 Spiegelaar, N. F. and L. J. S. Tsuji. “Impact Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- of Euro-Canadian Agrarian Practices”, 2211. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 128 Ibid. 135 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption 129 Ibid. of Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults 130 Becker et al., “Nordic Nutrition Recommen- in Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- dations”, 178. 789. 167 KANATA with different names) to determine contemporary diets. Several studies intakes, which is dependent on proper investigated contemporary diets and recall and comprehension by surveyed then qualitatively discussed changes ividuals.136,137,138,139,140,141,142,143,144,145,146,147 in portion size or the prevalence of One study specifically mentioned under- market foods consumed but neglected reporting of intakes by individuals as to specifically quantify those changes. a complication.148 Another limitation Some studies also qualified the benefits encountered was poor clarity in of consuming traditional foods by studies comparing prehistoric and comparing the adequacies of different diets from different individuals in the 136 Duhaime, G., M. Chabot, and M. same generation rather than comparing Gaudreault. “Food Consumption Patterns and Socioeconomic Factors among the Inuit of the overall diet of the current generation 149,150,151,152,153 Nunavik”, 91-118. to that of the past. 137 Egeland et al., “Food Insecurity and Quantitative analysis of changes in Nutrition Transition Combine to Affect Nutrient diet with respect to energy and nutrient Intakes in Canadian Arctic Communities”, intake will provide further support to 1746-1753. 138 Friborg, Jeppe T. and Mads Melbye. “Can- the trends experienced and could prove cer Patterns in Inuit Populations”, 892-900. to be an interesting investigation for 139 Hopping et al., “Dietary adequacy of inuit future research. in the canadian arctic”, 27-34. Further research in this area could 140 Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace also be conducted to address changes M. Egeland. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity is High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Com- in physical activity. The World Health munities”, 541-547. Organization cites physical inactivity 141 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- as the “fourth leading risk factor for gaard. “Consumption of Traditional Food and global mortality.”154 It also addresses Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in the fact that physical inactivity is Greenland”, 475-481. 142 Johnson-Down, Louise M. and Grace M. globally on the rise and that such Egeland. “How is Nutrition Transition Affecting inactivity has “major implications for Dietary Adequacy in Eeyouch (Cree) Adults of Northern Quebec, Canada?”, 300-305. 149 Hopping et al., “Dietary Adequacy of Inuit 143 Kuhnein et al., “Vitamins A, D, and E in in the Canadian Arctic”, 27-34. Canadian Arctic Traditional Food and Adult 150 Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerre- Diets”, 495-506. gaar. “Consumption of Traditional Food and 144 Sharma et al., “Assessing dietary intake in a Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in population undergoing a rapid transition in diet Greenland”, 475-481. and lifestyle”, 749-759. 151 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major 145 Sharma et al., “Nutrient Intakes, Major Food Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Food Sources and Dietary Inadequacies of Inuit Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in Adults Living in Three Remote Communities in Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. Nunavut, Canada”, 578-586. 152 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita 146 Sheehy, Tony, Cindy Roache, and Sangita Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- Sharma. “Eating Habits of a Population Under- going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. going a Rapid Dietary Transition”, 70. 153 Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption 147Zotor et al., “Frequency of Consumption of of Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults Foods and Beverages by Inuvialuit Adults in in Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- Northwest Territories, Arctic Canada”, 782- 789. 789. 154 World Health Organization. “Glob- 148 Johnson-Down, Louise M. and Grace M. al Recommendations on Physical Activity Egeland. “How is Nutrition Transition Affecting for Health.” WHO Press, accessed April Dietary Adequacy in Eeyouch (Cree) Adults of 9, 2014, http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publica- Northern Quebec, Canada?”, 300-305. tions/2010/9789241599979_eng.pdf?ua=1. 168 2015 the prevalence of non-communicable Becker, W. Lyhne, N. Pedersen, A. N. Aro, diseases” including those discussed in A. Fogelholm, M. Þho ́rsdottir, I. Alexander, J. 155 Anderssen, S. A. Meltzer, H. M. Pedersen, J. this review. In light of the decreased I. 2004. “Nordic Nutrition Recommendations hunting activity discussed, change in – Integrating Nutrition and Physical Activity physical activity could be assessed in 2004.” Scandinavian Journal of Nutrition 48 (4): terms of its implications on Inuit health. 178. It would be interesting to assess whether Bjerregaard, P., TK Young, E. Dewailly, the recommendations for energy and and SOE Ebbesson. 2004. “Indigenous nutrient intakes change as a result of Health in the Arctic: An Overview of the changed physical activity levels. If this Circumpolar Inuit Population.” Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 32 (5): 390-395. is the case, it would also be important doi:10.1080/14034940410028398. to reassess the quality of current intakes. Finally, additional studies Duhaime, G., M. Chabot, and M. Gaudreault. could also be developed to investigate 2002. “Food Consumption Patterns and the implementation and effectiveness Socioeconomic Factors among the Inuit of Nunavik.” Ecology of Food and Nutrition 41 (2): of education and nutritional intake 91-118. doi:10.1080/03670240214491. programs. Specifically, programs that test the merit of various diet plans will Egeland, Grace M., Louise Johnson-Down, need to address compliance to the diets Zhirong R. Cao, Nelofar Sheikh, and Hope Weiler. 2011. “Food Insecurity and Nutrition themselves. Transition Combine to Affect Nutrient Intakes Ultimately, there is great need in in Canadian Arctic Communities.” Journal of Inuit communities for a new dietary Nutrition 141 (9): 1746-1753. doi:10.3945/ transition geared towards consumption jn.111.139006. of less energy dense and more nutrient Freeman, M. W. and C. Junge. 2005. rich foods. Current trends in the Inuit “CHAPTER 1: Understanding Cholesterol: diet parallel an increase in obesity and The Good, the Bad, and the Necessary.” In The diet-related chronic diseases that are Harvard Medical School Guide to Lowering Your Cholesterol, edited by President and Fellows of significantly different than traditional Harvard College: McGraw-Hill. diseases. While socioeconomic dynamics remain a challenge, it is Friborg, Jeppe T. and Mads Melbye. 2008. imperative to continue work to tackle “Cancer Patterns in Inuit Populations.” Lancet the dietary transition and its associated Oncology 9 (9): 892-900. doi:10.1016/S1470- 2045(08)70231-6. health complications. Hopping, B. N., E. Mead, E. Erber, C. Sheehy, C. Roache, and S. Sharma. 2010. “Dietary References Adequacy of Inuit in the Canadian Arctic.” Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics 23: American Heart Association. “Good Vs. 27-34. doi:10.1111/j.1365-277X.2010.01099.x. Bad Cholesterol.”, accessed April 9, 2014, http://www.heart.org/HEARTORG/Conditions/ Cholesterol/AboutCholesterol/Good-vs-Bad- Huet, Catherine, Renata Rosol, and Grace Cholesterol_UCM_305561_Article.jsp. M. Egeland. 2012. “The Prevalence of Food Insecurity is High and the Diet Quality Poor in Inuit Communities.” Journal of Nutrition 142 Beaumier, Maude C. and James D. Ford. (3): 541-547. doi:10.3945/jn.111.149278. 2010. “Food Insecurity among Inuit Women Exacerbated by Socio-Economic Stresses and Climate Change.” Canadian Journal of Public Jeppesen, Charlote and Peter Bjerregaard. Health-Revue Canadienne De Sante Publique 2012. “Consumption of Traditional Food and 101 (3): 196-201. Adherence to Nutrition Recommendations in Greenland.” Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 40 (5): 475-481.
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170 2015 a 20 b I am From (2014)
Robbie Madsen | Toronto, ON
I am from two people Whose names I might never know I am from Alberta And later from Ontario I am from a school system Hell bent on changing me I’m from those who go by what they hear And not by what they see
I am from Catholic damage Though you don’t always see my scars I’m from those who pollute the air I breathe With trains, planes, and cars I’m from people who don’t know Thinking and reacting are not the same I am from a Government That tells me to block the pain
I am from the monstrosity Of poaching animals and people I am from a society That drinks poison like it’s normal I am from a mass mind That thinks it’s better than our Creator I’m from the wrong side of the tracks And I need to get out of here!
171 KANATA Partners
Quebec Public Interest Research Group (QPIRG) The Quebec Public Interest Research Group at McGill is a nonprofit, student-run organization that conducts research, education, and action on environmental and social justice issues at McGill University and in the Montreal community. With such a broad mandate, QPIRG brings together a wide range of activists interested in many different issues. QPIRG-McGill is opposed to all forms of discrimination on the basis of: class, gender, race, sexual orientation, and dis/ability. QPIRG-McGill is run by a volunteer Board of Directors which is responsible for QPIRG management, budgeting, project development, staff, working groups and the development of the group’s political vision. Every March, students are elected at the Annual General Meeting open to all QPIRG members. In addition, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) and the Post- Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) each have one representative on the Board.
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172 2015 Student Society of McGill University (SSMU) The SSMU stands for the Students’ Society of McGill University. They are one of the McGill student unions. Every undergraduate at McGill is a member of SSMU. They advocate for students at the university, provincial, and national levels. They also aim to provide students with everything they might need during their time here at McGill that isn’t provided by the University itself.
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First Peoples’ House (FPH) Mission: ‘A Home Away from Home’ First Peoples’ House is an innovative and unique partnership between McGill University and the Aboriginal communities. Playing many roles, including those of residence, gathering place and resource centre, it is first and foremost a community. Our aim is to provide Aboriginal students attending McGill with a “home away from home,” where they can find support and encouragement to succeed in their studies and remain connected to their culture. • To meet the concerns of Aboriginal communities which include educational programming and policies that are culturally relevant to Aboriginal peoples • To promote collaborative research and learning between McGill University and Aboriginal communities • To raise awareness within the McGill University community regarding the past, present, and future aspirations of Aboriginal peoples through the promotion of activities that encourage personal, social, intellectual, and cultural interactions between Aboriginals and McGill students and staff. • Collaborate and engage with McGill, local and national Aboriginal communities to support Native student issues.
Contact Information First Peoples’ House at McGill t 514-398-3217 3505, rue Peel e [email protected] Montreal, Quebec H3A 1W7 w www.mcgill.ca/fph 173 KANATA McGill Aboriginal Outreach An innovative program designed to encourage First Nations, Inuit and Métis youth to pursue studies at McGill that is now in full swing. Also a partnership with First Nations communities that has been essential for the realization of this initiative, which works on: • Outreach and Engagement with the Aboriginal Community • Access, Recruitment and Admissions • Student Support and Recognition
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McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC) The McGill Institute for the Study of Canada was established in 1994. Its mission is to: • Promote a better understanding of Canada through the study of our heritage • Develop a clearer understanding of Canada’s social, political, and economic future • Identify and explore the benefits that a pluralistic society offers • Support the study of Canada across the country and internationally • In order to achieve these goals, the Institute: • Encourages a multidisciplinary approach to the study of Canada • Promotes public as well as university-based education about Canada • Fosters the development of networks in the areas of Canadian Studies • Enhances informed discussion of public policy
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174 2015 Indigenous Students Alliance (ISA) The ISA is a student-led group, which strives to seek out the wants and needs that exist within the Indigenous populations on campus, and to provide integrative support to and connect Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples throughout McGill University and Montreal. Our vision is to respectfully represent Indigenous Peoples on campus and foster creativity, growth, innovation, development, and education in all of our endeavors, and to offer a platform for Indigenous voices.
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Aboriginal Sustainability Project This project is supported by First Peoples’ House, the Social Equity and Diversity Education Office (SEDE), the Office of the Dean of Students (represented by the Aboriginal Outreach Coordinator) and the Office of Sustainability at McGill. The aim is to enhance the visibility and presence of Aboriginal peoples in the McGill and Montreal community through educational and cultural activities. The project seeks to develop a broad-based educational campaign aiming to provide Aboriginal-specific programming and opportunities for bridge-building among diverse members of the McGill community.
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Aboriginal Law Students’ Association (ALSA) / L’association étudiante pour les droit des peuples autochtones L’association étudiante pour les droits des peuples autochtones est un groupe d’étudiants en droit à l’université McGill qui s’engage à sensibiliser le public sur les enjeux juridiques touchant les peuples autochtones au Canada. Aboriginal Law Students Association members also seek to expose students in the faculty to the legal traditions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. ALSA is a non-hierarchical club open to everyone.
Contact Information e [email protected]
175 KANATA Aboriginal Health Interest Group of McGill We are a group based in the Faculty of Medicine at McGill, but we welcome everyone interested in promoting and improving the health of Aboriginal people, families and communities in Canada. Our VISION: Healthy and vibrant Indigenous nations, communities, families, and individuals supported by an abundance of well-informed Indigenous and non-Indigenous health care practitioners working together. Because…HIV, TB, diabetes and suicide rates in Canada’s First Peoples are unacceptably high; there are incredible young Aboriginal leaders that would make terrific doctors and nurses if given the opportunity; there is a lack of sustainable health care workers for northern communities; there is a lack of interest among medical students in pursuing a northern career; there is a need to inform health care workers of traditional healing and cultural practices; of the environmental health impacts of climate change, Hydro development, persistent organic pollutants; Justice for all. Our areas of action: ADVOCACY - Locally: Lobbying to improve conditions in Montreal Broadly: Lobbying to increase enrollment of Aboriginal students in the health professions AWARENESS – Locally: Hosting events, engaging media, reaching out to raise awareness URBAN HEALTH – Locally: Connecting volunteers with local organizations including the Native Friendship Centre and the Native Women’s Centre RURAL HEALTH – Locally: Training medical students in cultural sensitivity and preparedness Beyond: Funding options, SARROS, etc.
Contact Information w groups.google.com/group/aboriginalhealth
Indigenous Access McGill What they do: Provide support to students from First Nations and Inuit communities studying in the Health and Social Services disciplines at McGill (Social Work, Nursing, Occupational Therapy, Physiotherapy, Dietetics, and Speech and Language Pathology)
176 2015 What they offer: • A dedicated support team of advisors who will offer mentoring and tutoring in all aspects of your studies • A direct link to all the to all the resources available to students at McGill from counseling to study skills, from writing skills to library research and much more • The use of a resource centre in the School of Social Work where you can consult documentation, do online research, discuss with other students, talk to the tutors • An opportunity to get together with other First Nations and Inuit students and to support each other • A summer support program for First Nations and Inuit students who have been accepted into the social work program or one of the health disciplines mentioned above. The orientation includes mini-courses, field placement visits, and an introduction to McGill support services
Contact Information Indigenous Access McGill Office McGill University School of Social Work 3506 University, Room 319 Montreal, Quebec H3A2A t 514-398-2129 e [email protected]
Social Equity and Diversity Education (SEDE): Through innovative practices, strategic partnerships and capacity building, we promote the development of inclusive, sustainable, and equitable environments within our communities. By connecting with local and regional organizations, SEDE also provides McGill’s students and staff with community-based learning experiences that foster leadership, encourage civic engagement, and promote a deeper understanding of diversity. At the same time, via outreach initiatives, SEDE seek s to further McGill’s stated objective of increasing and improving access for underrepresented groups.
Contact Information Social Equity and Diversity Education Office (SEDE) 3610 McTavish Street, Suite 12 Montreal, Quebec H311Y2 t 514-398-5645 w www.mcgill.ca/equity_diversity e [email protected]
177 KANATA McGill Social Work Student Society (SWSA) SWSA works to represent social work students’ interests politically and facilitate meaningful learning opportunities outside of school.
Contact Information SWSA 3506 University Street, Room 314 Montreal, Quebec, H3A 2A7 e [email protected] w mcgillswsa.blogspot.com
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