From the National Director Organizing with Class and Identity By Maria Svart

ne of my favorite DSA T-shirts reads, “We or- is in fact stronger when we better understand the ganize with class.” It sums up what makes complexities of what we’re fi ghting, so we need ev- Ous different from other eryone’s insights. We know that black women ex- progressive activists. We under- perience sexism differently than white women be- stand that the capitalist class cause of racism, and black women experience rac- has an inherent interest in ex- ism differently than black men because of sexism. ploiting the working class and Similarly, all men benefi t from male privilege, but has structured society and all of black men benefi t less than white men because of our institutions accordingly. Yet, racism. It’s a similar dynamic with class: working- we also recognize that the ruling class people have a common interest against capi- class shapes institutions and so- talism, but precisely because racism and sexism ex- cial relations not just to regulate and control people ist alongside with and intersect with capitalism, we based on their position in the economy but also on are vulnerable to the divide-and-conquer tactics of their gender, race, age, sexual orientation, and other the economic ruling class. categories. In other words, based on other aspects of Which brings us to the presidential election. Our their identity. fi rst black president may be followed by our fi rst fe- For example, we women are taught from birth to male president, both of them good on some issues be caretakers—of children, of men, of elderly rela- but horrible on others. Just as the far right whipped tives. In our capitalist system, we receive no eco- up a racist frenzy against Barack Obama, it will nomic support for carrying out these tasks. This has make misogynist attacks on Hillary Clinton. We implications beyond the family, in that traditional must stand against these attacks for what they are, women’s work, even when women are paid for it, is but also fi ght the idea that any one individual can more devalued than that of men. Thus, child care, inherently represent the interests of all who share elder care, home health care, and food workers are some aspect of that person’s identity. some of the lowest compensated workers in our Some feminists celebrate Clinton simply for be- economy. It is to black feminists Kimberlé Cren- ing a , rather than taking a holistic look shaw and those from the Combahee River Collec- at her policy choices related to women, and more tive that we owe the insights of intersectionality, important, her policy choices related to all wom- the idea that dominant groups use various aspects en, whether poor women, migrant women, women of our identities to exclude the subordinate groups workers, women of color, LGBT women, and so on. from power and decision making and that these in- We don’t want individualistic, “Lean-in” versions tersections of identity must be taken into account of feminism. We want socialist feminism. We un- along with class when organizing for political power. derstand women’s shared interests as well as our In other words, we don’t ask people to leave parts differences and want to make sure no one is left be- of themselves outside the door when we’re creating hind just because one woman can break through the our political movement. We know that our unity glass ceiling. Cooperatively and democratically building the so- cialist movement to value the perspectives we each bring is the only way we can combat the seductive Contents ideology of the ruling class: that individual merit Socialists and the U.S. Political System ...... 3 continued on page 15 Running with Bernie ...... 6 “Privileging” Movements or Clubhouses? ...... 7 Regulating the Police ...... 8 Talking about DL Calling In and Showing Up ...... 9 If you would like to participate in a Pigs Fly in Alberta...... 10 telephone discussion group about this Worker Co-ops Gain Traction ...... 11 Paying a Price for Sexual Orientation ...... 12 issue of Democratic Left, please r.s.v.p. at Not Waiting for Lefties to Engage the Arts ...... 13 dsausa.org/calendar. Call in to 605-475- Making Sense of Wall Street ...... 14 6333, access code 796617#, Monday, June 29, 5 p.m. Pacifi c/ 8 p.m. Eastern. Cover art by Frank Reynoso page 2 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 Socialists and the U.S. Political System By Joseph M. Schwartz

ichael Harrington often quipped that the representation to each state regardless of popula- problem with American socialism is that tion. This shored up the power fi rst of the slave Mit would be American socialism. By this he states and later the mining and railroad interests meant that socialists in the United States cannot in the mountain West. In addition, the courts in the simplistically import lessons learned from Europe, United States have more power to overturn legisla- Latin America, or Africa. We live in a continental tion than in any other democracy. And with the ex- nation of 50 different states, and, thus, 50 distinct ception of the Warren Supreme Court (1954-1970), political systems. We also operate within a repub- courts have usually been on the side of corporate lican constitutional property and privi- structure that our leged minorities. “founders” con- The Constitution sciously devised to is extremely hard to make radical demo- amend; a success- cratic change diffi - ful amendment must cult. If we are to be gain the support of effective, we have two-thirds of each to understand and chamber of Congress grapple with the and three-quarters of structural biases the state legislatures. built into our sys- Constitutional “po- tem. These involve litical process” issues our famous system (for example, Citizens of checks and bal- United) mostly en- ances and separa- gage the imagination tion of powers, plus of educated and eco- states’ rights and nomically secure pro- electoral procedures Frank Reynoso gressives. Look at the that are biased in white, college-educat- favor of a two-party ed base of Common system. Cause and People for the American Way. A Conservative Constitution Federalism Conservatives are correct about one thing: the The United States is as politically, culturally, U.S. constitutional structure is that of a republic and economically diverse as all of Europe. State more than a democracy. The founders explicitly and local governments are primarily responsible for feared that a majority of indebted small farmers fi nancing education, transportation, public hous- would use their political power to infl ate away their ing, and social welfare. The federal government is debts and threaten the power of slaveholders and largely a military machine, plus an old-age public bankers. So they wrote a constitution that enhanced insurer. Expenditures on “defense” and on Medicare the power of educated elites and made rapid demo- and Social Security account for close to 75% of the cratic change diffi cult to achieve. To pass legislation annual federal budget. Most federal social welfare in the United States, one must gain a super-majori- programs require states to contribute half the fund- ty in both legislative chambers to avoid the possibil- ing and allow the states to control program eligibil- ity of an executive veto. In a unitary parliamentary ity. This is because the Southern Democratic planto- system, by contrast, if a party gains a majority in cracy during the New Deal wanted to deny income- the legislature it can implement its program rapid- support programs to African Americans. ly, as the legislature appoints the executive, and the In our single-district legislative electoral system, courts do not have strong powers of judicial review. left constituencies are disadvantaged by being more The U.S. Senate, indirectly elected by state leg- concentrated geographically than are conservative islatures until 1913, undemocratically grants equal voters. People of color, immigrants, unionized work- ers, and liberal white-collar workers live dispropor-

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 3 tionately in large cities, state capitals, college towns, gress of Industrial Organizations forced the federal and inner suburbs. Here, progressive Democrats and government to implement Social Security, unemploy- even open socialists can run competitive electoral ment insurance, the minimum wage, and a national races, particularly in nonpartisan local campaigns. right to organize unions. The power of white Southern But small cities, outer suburbs, exurbia, and rural planters within the Democratic coalition also meant areas are Republican-dominated and elect the ma- that the New Deal excluded from its major programs jority of state legislators. The bias in favor of Repub- domestic workers and farmworkers (that is, blacks lican state legislative rule accentuates the negative and Latinos living in the South and Southwest). effects of the geographic maldistribution of left con- Militant civil rights protests in the South forced stituencies and too often grants Republicans control Democrats in the 89th Congress of 1964–66 to pass of congressional reapportionment. Today, Republi- the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts and Medi- cans control every branch of 25 state governments, care, Medicaid, Head Start, and Food Stamps. By including the once Democratic pro-labor states of 1966, however, Republican gains among Northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Ohio. Republicans also white voters opposed to school and housing integra- use blatant voter suppression tactics to preserve tion created a congressional coalition of Southern their advantage in state politics. Democrats and conservative Republicans that halt- On the other hand, the diversity of our major cit- ed further social progress. The left has been fi ghting ies and their growing number of immigrant voters a defensive battle to preserve these gains against has helped elect relatively progressive Democratic the politics of corporate mobilization and white con- mayors and city councils in New York, Los Angeles, servative populism ever since. Boston, Seattle, Pittsburgh, Phoenix, and elsewhere. Building Independent Left Capacity Radicals, though, must still build social movements around housing, immigrant, and low-wage justice Today, the bipartisan corporate elite cannot deal issues to offset the power of downtown developers with rampant inequality, wage stagnation, mass and real estate interests who constrain even the immigration, and continuing, often violent, racial best of elected offi cials. The left also must recognize exclusion. In response to this governing crisis, so- that state government’s major role in funding urban cial activists have built fl edgling social movements public education, housing, transportation, and pub- against the New Jim Crow of mass incarceration and lic workers’ pension funds means we cannot achieve for low-wage justice and the rights of undocumented social democracy in one city. Who rules state govern- immigrants. Socialists should help fuel these move- ment profoundly affects what is possible at the mu- ments, while raising within them “nonreformist” an- nicipal level. ticorporate demands for massive public investment in clean energy, infrastructure, and in our inner cit- Hope in Times of Social Instability ies, funded by progressive taxation on corporations Yet the barriers to social change posed by our con- and the wealthy. Such movements helped spur the stitutional structure should not overwhelm us with election of Kshama Sawant to the Seattle City Coun- pessimism. The history of the United States is punc- cil, as well as left independent campaigns for local tuated by radical reform periods: Reconstruction, the offi ce such as socialist Jorge Mujica’s in Chicago. Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the civil rights Viable third parties are not impossible to build era. Militant social movements can make major at the state level; but they must be able to capture gains when ruling elites prove incapable of solving governorships and build legislative majorities to de- major social crises. During these periods a moderate liver for their constituencies, as the Progressive Party reform party temporarily controls all three branches (Wis.) and the Farmer-Labor Party (Minn.) did during of government, in part because it incorporates into the Progressive Era down through the New Deal. But its electoral coalition some of the protesting constit- even here, these independent parties had to cooperate uencies and part of their political agenda. Periods with Democrats in Washington and with Democrats of conservative reaction often follow these periods of in their own state legislature to pass legislation. radical reform, with the left having to play defense. Only in the United States does the state and not The democratic reforms that the left defends to the parties themselves control party membership. this day mostly came into existence during the New Thus, U. S. political parties are peculiarly open and Deal (1934-38) and the Great Society (1964-66). In amorphous. Anyone, regardless of political views, those very brief periods the Democrats controlled can register as a Democratic or Republican primary all three branches of the federal government, and an voter. Bernie Sanders can remain a registered “in- integral part of their governing coalition consisted dependent” in Vermont while running in the Demo- of immigrant labor activists in the 1930s and black cratic primaries for president. Our open primary voters within the Northern Democratic Party in the system means that social confl ict often runs through 1960s. During the New Deal, militancy by the Con- our major parties rather than around them. page 4 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 Single electoral districts, plus the absence of pro- Socialists should also help build a political trend portional representation and parliamentary coali- that backs Sanders but presses him to speak out tion governments, combined with direct election more explicitly against the New Jim Crow and in of executives (with legislative veto power) provide favor of an expedited path to citizenship for undoc- major structural incentives for electoral activists to umented immigrants. build a “catch-all” two-party system—broad coali- The divergent bases of the two parties pose social tions of diverse constituencies that cobble together contradictions that the left should work to exploit. electoral majorities. But those coalitions are often The near-extinction of white conservative Southern riven by internal confl ict. Thus, in the Republican Democrats and northeast moderate Republicans Party the libertarian Koch brothers duke it out with means that the two parties—and their representa- small-town Christian funda- tives—are more ideo- mentalists on social issues, logically distinct than and in the Democratic coali- ever. The nativist Re- tion the nationally dominant Our open primary publicans receive 92% neoliberal corporate political of their vote from elites often clash with the “system means that whites. The Democrat- trade union, progressive, and ic base, in contrast, black and Latino sections of social confl ict often refl ects the emerging the party. electorate, with 48% Regardless of where so- runs through our major of the Democratic cialists stand on the fi rst- presidential vote in party-versus-third-party parties rather than 2012 coming from vot- question, unless the left can ers of color. We need build a multiracial, anticor- around them. a neo-Rainbow coali- porate political coalition that tion, such as Jesse can intervene independently Jackson’s in 1984 and in electoral politics, the left will too often be taken 1988. The labor,” black, Latino, and progressive base for granted, even abused, by party elites. The Moral of the Democrats could either push the party left or Monday movement in North Carolina prefi gures lay the institutional groundwork for restructuring this type of “neo-Rainbow” coalition rooted in com- our current party system. munities of color, the feminist and LGBTQ commu- The Sanders campaign represents a unique op- nities, and progressive labor activists. DSAers can portunity for DSA activists to legitimate our demo- help build these coalitions at the local level so that cratic socialist politics with a wide and diverse au- the left can punish right-wing Democrats in prima- dience. Our main political task is to build a much ries and withdraw support from such candidates stronger DSA. But in doing so our locals should help in general elections. These types of coalitions will to construct local multiracial, progressive coalitions be best situated to demand the removal of private that can back credible antiracist and anticorporate money from politics. candidates, including open socialists. The militant The Democratic Party national elite remains socialist presence within that coalition must contend dominated by neoliberal corporate interests. This is that the coalition’s goals can be fully achieved only refl ected in both Barack Obama’s and Hillary Clin- if we democratize control of our economy. And we ton’s strong support of the Trans Pacifi c Partner- should advance transformational reforms (such as ship agreement, even though 75% or more of Demo- a fi nancial transactions tax) that advance that goal. cratic Congressmembers are likely to vote against The left can only challenge the pro-corporate leader- it. The surprisingly broad fi nancial and volunteer ship of the Democrats if the power of political orga- support for Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaign nization forces opportunistic politicians to respond refl ects the dissatisfaction of the party’s more pro- to their constituents rather than to their donors. The gressive grassroots base with the Clinton corona- organizing needed to accomplish this goal must be tion. Although Sanders’s program does not call for grounded in a sophisticated understanding of the full democratic control of the economy, his social U.S. state and of the complex relationship between democratic platform calls for economic redistribu- social movement organizing and electoral politics.  tion to fund a Nordic-style welfare state. DSA’s role Joseph M. Schwartz is a vice-chair of DSA and a in this movement is to make clear to volunteers member of its National Political Committee. He and interested voters that the fi ght for Sanders’s teaches political science at Temple University and program must continue after the campaign is over. is the author of The Permanence of the Political That can best happen if people join and build DSA. and The Future of Democratic Equality.

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 5 Running with Bernie By Dustin Guastella

ow that Vermont senator Bernie Sanders he is a well-respected progressive, some have justi- has thrown his hat into the proverbial ring fi ably questioned his socialist credentials, particu- Nas a contender for the Democratic Party larly in the areas of foreign policy and his relative nomination for president, socialists need to play an silence on systemic racism. It is our job as socialists active role in building his campaign. We also need to pressure Sanders to be the candidate we need to think carefully about why a Bernie campaign is rather than back him uncritically. This means forc- important for building the left. For starters, I don’t ing him to boldly challenge racist policing and mass think socialists should work for Bernie in the hopes incarceration. of “reclaiming” the Democratic Party (when was it Nevertheless, Sanders has a commendable re- ours to begin with?). Further, Bernie’s presidential cord in other areas. Long before Occupy and Thom- run shouldn’t be seen as a means to pull Hillary as Piketty made it politically fashionable, Sanders Clinton to the left, a failing strategy for sure. The gave speeches on the House fl oor about the disap- real benefi t to socialists in pearance of middle-income building a viable campaign jobs and the growing class for Sanders in 2016 is the divide. So far, he is the only possibility of uniting bur- In the United potential candidate who geoning social movements supports a $15 minimum and newly radicalized youth “States, Sanders’s wage and a trillion dollar into an organized force. With jobs program. Bernie running we have political stance is In Vermont, Sanders is an opportunity to be in the known for his attention to center of the debate, to help radical. “pothole issues” and has defi ne socialism against the fought for policies that have inevitable red-baiting and endeared him to many of partisan mudslinging to come, to bring our analy- his” rural constituents. Recently, he pushed hard sis forward, and to forcefully advocate on behalf of for more federal funding for dental care and the reforms that hamstring Wall Street and promote establishment of local free dental clinics. This isn’t democracy. exactly a “sexy” issue, but it shows that Sanders’s Regardless of what you think of Sanders’s poli- popularity comes from his success at meeting the tics, he identifi es as a democratic socialist. In my needs of poor and working-class Vermonters. lifetime, no serious presidential candidate has done Overall, Sanders’s politics are squarely social- so. And in the United States, this matters. Sanders democratic. He lavishes praise on the welfare states presents a clear and compelling narrative of class of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark and he doesn’t of- struggle, not surprising from a who once be- fer much in terms of moving beyond them. But un- longed to the Young People’s Socialist League and like his European counterparts, Sanders enthusi- who worked as a student organizer for the Student astically supported the election of Syriza in Greece. Nonviolent Coordinating Committee during the He might be the only U.S. senator who recognizes civil rights era. Instead of reciting moralizing nar- the threat of fascism in Europe and its relationship ratives about greed and cruelty, Sanders speaks in to neoliberal capitalism. Although Sanders’s stance a way that could help millions of working-class peo- is a progressive social-democratic one, in the Unit- ple make sense of their economic situation. ed States it is radical. While many liberals and progressives largely Our job as democratic socialists is not to make him agree with such an analysis and have come to view into a fantasy candidate that he is not. He has real socialism positively, too many of them see the S- liabilities. Our job as democratic socialists is to seize word as a liability. If Sanders is the major left-wing the moment to take our case to voters in a way that challenger, he could help to legitimate socialism as has not been possible before.  a political ideology in the United States and per- suade those sympathetic voters to see socialism as Dustin Guastella is the co-chair of Philadelphia “the name of their desire.” DSA. A longer version of this article, written before Sanders has been winning elections since he ran Sanders declared his candidacy, appears on the for mayor of Burlington, Vermont, in 1981. Although Democratic Left blog site.

PAID FOR BY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA (dsausa.org) Not authorized by any candidate or candidate’s committee. Are We “Privileging” Movements or Clubhouses? By Douglas Williams

have been involved in many organizations that tended to fl atten identity wholesale created both fi ght for social justice and equality. These groups internal and external problems. But spend 15 min- Iwere diverse in spirit and representation. Why utes in most self-described “radical” activist spaces would they not be? Coalition work has been a part today, and you will fi nd that leftism is now faced of the left since its beginning, and I always believed with the opposite problem: an increasingly Bal- that any successful effort to organize the working kanized landscape where identity and representa- class would have to give priority to communities tion become an end rather than a means to ensure that have been crushed un- that the spoils of der the heel of oppression. an ultimate work- It was not until I served ing-class victory as adviser to a and We engage in endless are not distribut- trans person of color group ed along the same at the University of Ala- “repetition of grievances (insert -ist and bama that I started ques- -ism here) lines tioning this outlook. We be- without engaging in as before. Perspec- gan each meeting by having tive is important, attendees give an account- a discussion of better but that becomes ing of all their privileges, clouded when the which felt a bit like Confes- practices. focus is always sional. The few events that on claiming space we would have that were rather than build- open to the public (it was ” ing communities, normally a closed group, which is why my wife, who on erecting the perfect clubhouse rather than is white, bisexual, and served as co-adviser, was not building broad-based movements rooted in solidar- allowed to attend meetings) would always begin by ity and respect. The former might be easy and sat- telling white people in the audience to “think thrice isfying, but the latter will actually ensure that my before speaking,” which kind of defeated the point of children grow up in a different world than I have. an open event. Eventually, it got to the point where 2. Organizing has been replaced by posturing even non-black queer people of color felt uncomfort- able coming to meetings. The current dialogue on the social-justice left has Given that the group leaders were immersed in become so thoroughly nihilistic that the prospect for online radical social justice circles where this type ultimate victory over the systems that oppress us in of discussion is common, this was not surprising. ways big and small seems impossible. D’Arcy high- However, I came to some conclusions that caused lights this: “The older vocabulary looked at capital- me to reverse course in my thinking. ism, racism, and sexism (for example) as social sys- tems or institutions that could and probably would 1. Identity politics is not working be defeated, once and for all, in the foreseeable fu- I italicized what I did because identity is crucial ture. Accordingly, activists of that era defi ned and de- to the human experience. It goes without saying scribed their movements as struggles for ‘socialism,’ that I, a black man who grew up in the South, expe- ‘black liberation,’ or ‘women’s liberation.’ By contrast, rience this world differently than my wife, a white the new vocabulary tends to suspend judgment on woman from the Northeast, even if we both grew (without denying) the prospects for ultimate victory, up working class. Not to give these experiential and to focus its attention on challenging everyday differences some thought within leftist activism impacts of capitalism, racialization and gender, in is to leave tools out of our toolbox when it comes the here and now. This prioritization of resistance to to strategy, regardless of whether we are discuss- everyday impacts infuses, not only the way activists ing policies or movement-building. As Steve D’Arcy today talk, but also how they choose what to do.” In pointed out earlier this year at the Public Autono- my Project site, the way that New Left-era activists continued on page 15

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 7 Regulating the Police By Bilal Dabir Sekou

he city was devastated by fi re, looting, and The key historical role of the police has been to violence. Federal troops were called in. The regulate class confl ict by preserving the access of Tyear was 1967. The place was Detroit. Forty- elites to basic resources, protecting private proper- three people died, most of them African American. ty, and controlling the labor force. In African Ameri- As the embers cooled, President Lyndon B. John- can communities, the police have always been the son established an 11-member commission chaired coercive arm of the government charged with the by Governor Otto Kerner, Jr., of Illinois. The job of responsibility of social control, not with the duty of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disor- serving and protecting them. ders (popularly known as the Kerner Commission) What is needed is an entire reorientation of law was to fi nd out “What happened? Why did it hap- enforcement in the United States. The fi rst step is pen? What can be done to prevent it from happening to hold police offi cers accountable when they break again and again?” the law. In cases involving a police shooting, a spe- The commission investigated 24 disorders in 23 cial prosecutor should be appointed to conduct the cities and determined that poverty and racism cre- investigation. Civilian review boards should be in- ated the conditions for dependent and have au- urban unrest, and police thority. Second, police de- actions triggered the out- partments should demili- break of violence in half Hold police offi cers tarize. Third, we should the cities. The report iden- replace the war on drugs tifi ed 12 grievances: police accountable“ when they with a war on poverty practices; unemployment and inequality. Police and underemployment; break the law. disproportionately ha- poor quality housing; in- rass and arrest black and adequate education; inef- brown women and men fectiveness and underrepresentation in the political for largely” nonviolent offenses. We should invest in system (the proportion of black representation in lo- job training and job creation, provide equal educa- cal government was substantially smaller than the tional opportunity, provide a guaranteed minimum black proportion of the population); and discrimina- income, assure the right of workers to organize into tory administration of justice. Sound familiar? unions, make available universal childcare, and sta- After the fatal shooting of unarmed 18-year-old bilize and strengthen neighborhoods by eliminating Michael Brown last summer by a white police offi cer post-industrial blight. led to demonstrations and unrest in the St. Louis Socialists must continue to march alongside social suburb of Ferguson, Missouri, an investigation by movement activists under the banner of campaigns the U.S. Department of Justice (the “Ferguson Re- such as #Black Lives Matter and #We Can’t Breathe port”) found that the Ferguson police department and support groups like the NAACP Legal Defense repeatedly violated the constitutional rights of Af- Fund, the ACLU, and Color of Change. White peo- rican Americans by engaging in “revenue-driven ple must make these campaigns a priority. Majority policing.” This meant “a pattern of stops without white organizations such as DSA should partner with reasonable suspicion and arrests without probable groups like Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ), “a cause in violation of the Fourth Amendment. national network of groups and individuals organiz- The municipal court exacerbated the harm. Ac- ing white people for racial justice.”  cording to the report, “Minor offenses can generate Bilal Dabir Sekou is an associate professor crippling debts, result in jail time because of an in- of political science at the ability to pay, and result in the loss of a driver’s li- University of Hartford, cense, employment, or housing.” Department of Social Sciences, The unrest in Ferguson, a string of police killings Hillyer College. He can be of unarmed black people, and uprisings in Baltimore, followed on his blog, Racial Maryland, have sparked a national debate about race and Class Discourse from an and law enforcement. The “separate and unequal” so- Ivory Tower in Connecticut. cieties identifi ed by the Kerner Commission still ex- (www.racialdiscoursect.com). ist. Bringing about change will not be easy. page 8 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 Calling In and Showing Up Five Steps to Being an Effective Ally By Betsy Avila

s socialists, we believe in solidarity. We know group settings as well as in one-on-one conversa- that an injury to one is an injury to all. But tions. Developing new group practices when facili- Ahow do we practice solidarity in our everyday tating meetings, such as progressive stack, which lives and in our campaigns? If you’ve ever wondered means that the people who usually hold back get why your local chapter only attracts a certain kind to speak fi rst, goes a long way toward making sure of person, ask yourself how you can become a better everyone’s voice gets heard. Encourage others to ally to the people you want to work with. The DSA speak up when they hear something that makes National Offi ce, with the Young Democratic Social- others uncomfortable, and stop harmful behavior ists, is fi eld-testing a workshop to help members of or language immediately. Remember, if such an locals become better allies so that we can build a incident occurs, don’t call out, call in! People’s stronger movement to change oppressive institu- mistakes are not an opportunity to shame them in tions and social structures. What follows is a brief front of others. Reach out to them in private after outline of the steps you can take on your own or in a meeting or in a private conversation, and calmly a group to begin the process. If you want to follow explain to them why what they did or said was up with a more detailed workshop, get in touch with harmful. Doing this will help individual groups the National Offi ce. improve the culture of the group. Pick any identity group to which you do not be- Take risks, learn, and keep going: No one long and try the following: can be a perfect ally overnight. Self-refl ection, self- Self-refl ect: What thoughts or prejudices might education, and self-correction take practice and you have regarding an unfamiliar identity or issue? persistence. When speaking up you may fi nd your- Admitting ignorance or prejudice on an issue or ex- self in a position where you yourself are called in. perience is an important step toward being a good Assume good faith on the part of those who are ally. calling you in. They want you as their ally. Listen Self-educate: Take the initiative and search for carefully to constructive criticism and avoid being books, media channels, articles and blogs written by defensive, especially when this criticism is coming people with different voices. It’s not up to oppressed from a comrade. Together, we can learn to accept people to educate you, although some may be will- and celebrate each others’ ing to do so at the right time and in the right place. differences and develop a Find out where you can learn about alternative culture of acceptance every- viewpoints on the radicalized history of the United where. Being allies is key to States. Whichever route you take, at this point it’s creating a truly powerful or- important to listen most of the time. ganization.  Get active: The best way to be an ally is to show Betsy Avila is the Young up. Taking part in coalition work and public actions Democratic Socialists like marches, rallies, and boycotts directed at fi ght- organizer. ing oppression and discrimination is critical. Move- ments always benefi t from added voices and bodies. Ask what the group needs from you. You can lend additional support by organizing others like your- Save the date! self to join the action, too. Be sure to practice listen- ing in these settings as well. This means keeping DSA an open mind, not just thinking about what you’ll say next. National Convention Lead by example: Not everyone is political- ly correct or sensitive to the reactions of others November 12-15, 2015 around them, but a strong ally stops oppressive behavior in its tracks. Do your best to stop op- Bolivar, Pennsylvania pressive language and discriminatory practices in

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 9 Pigs Fly in Alberta By Eric Lee

he above isn’t a “real” headline, but it de- Notley died in a plane crash seven years later. scribes what happened on May 6 when the The party he left behind was stronger, and picked TNew Democratic Party (NDP), a sister party up 16 seats (up from just two) in the election that to the recently defeated British Labour Party and a year, led by Ray Martin. It was to be the NDP’s high member party of the Socialist International, won a point, never matched again in what has long been historic victory in the Canadian province of Alberta. considered Canada’s most right-wing province. The word “historic” is tossed around a lot, but let me Now, fast forward to May 2015. On May 6, Not- explain by anecdote. ley’s daughter Rachel, who would have been 13 The fi rst and only time I ever visited Alberta was when I visited Edmonton, led the NDP to a land- in early 1977. I arrived in Edmonton planning to slide victory in the provincial elections. The party spend a couple of days there. As one does, I went to won 55 seats, and the ruling Tories just 11 in the visit the local NDP, which was a small, sleepy offi ce 87-seat legislature. with one or two people hanging around. In Canada’s most right-wing province, demo- The provincial secretary, Ray Martin, was happy cratic socialists are now in power. to talk me through Alberta politics. He suggested So, yes, pigs fl y, miracles happen--and one that I stick around for the opening of the provincial should never, ever give up.  parliament and for the party’s provincial convention Eric Lee served on the national in a couple of weeks. So I did. board of the Democratic In parliament, I heard speaker after speaker from Socialist Organizing Committee the conservative government, followed by the lone (one of the two predecessor dissenter, the NDP member of Alberta’s parliament, organizations of DSA) and is the Grant Notley. I met Notley later at the provincial founding editor of LabourStart NDP convention, where I delivered greetings from (labourstart.org). An earlier our little group south of the border, the Democratic version of this piece appeared on Socialist Organizing Committee. And then I left. his blog ericlee.info/blog/.

YDS Southern Regional Conference Check out the New DSA Religion Atlanta, GA and Socialism blog August 7-9, 2015 Contact: [email protected] religioussocialism.org

Democratic Left (ISSN 1643207) is published quarterly at 75 Maiden Lane, Suite 702, New York, NY 10038. Periodicals postage paid at New York, NY (Publication No. 701-960). Subscriptions: $10 regular; $15 institutional. Postmaster: Send address changes to 75 Maiden Lane, Suite 702, New York, NY 10038. Democratic Left is published by the Democratic Socialists of America, 75 Maiden Lane, Suite 702, New York, NY 10038. (212) 727-8610. Signed articles express the opinions of the authors and not necessarily those of the organization. Executive Editor: Maria Svart Editor: Maxine Phillips Blog Editors: Duane Campbell, Dustin Guastella, Elizabeth Henderson, and Barbara Joye Editorial Committee: Michael Baker, Elizabeth Henderson, Amber Frost, Michael Hirsch, Barbara Joye Editorial Advisory Committee: Duane Campbell, Jeffrey Gold, Frank Llewellyn, Simone Morgen, Mark Schaeffer, Jason Schulman, Joseph Schwartz Founding Editor: Michael Harrington (1928-1989) Production: Ed Hedemann Democratic Socialists of America share a vision of a humane international social order based on equitable distribution of resources, meaningful work, a healthy environment, sustainable growth, gender and racial equality, and non-oppressive relationships. Equality, solidarity, and democracy can only be achieved through international political and social cooperation aimed at ensuring that economic institutions benefi t all people. We are dedicated to building truly international social movements—of unionists, environmentalists, feminists, and people of color—which together can elevate global justice over brutalizing global competition.

page 10 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 Worker Co-ops Gain Traction By Carmen Dixon and Alexis Posey

s income inequality has grown, so has inter- to worker cooperative businesses and SBS to report est in alternative economic practices, includ- on support services provided to worker cooperative Aing economic cooperation or worker co-ops. businesses. Intro 423 represents a paradigm shift Last year, the city of Madison, Wisconsin, allotted for worker cooperative businesses in New York City. $5 million over a fi ve-year period to develop work- We have been contacted by organizations in the er cooperatives, and this year, the New York City District of Columbia who are looking to work with Council approved an allocation of $1.2 million for the local government to create a similar model. In 2015 toward the same goal. The New York initiative Cleveland, Ohio, the Evergreen Cooperative Initia- serves to strengthen and expand the pre-existing tive, formed by a consortium of Cleveland-based worker cooperative economy in the city. institutions, has focused on six low-income neigh- There are more than 40 worker cooperative busi- borhoods. The Initiative aims to create “green” jobs nesses in New York City. Businesses such as Apple that will “transform neighborhoods.” To date, it has Eco-Cleaning and Pa’lante Green Cleaning are formed a laundry co-op, a hydroponic greenhouse, made up of mostly immigrant women who were and a solar energy company. once making low wages as domestic workers. Other Is the United States now witnessing a revival of businesses range from bookkeeping to construction the age-old economic survival practices of exploit- to travel agencies to translation services. ed communities? Yes to the revival, but in order Co-ops and their predecessors, mutual aid so- to achieve sustainability we must work to achieve cieties, have a rich tradition in the United States, global labor solidarity. especially among immigrants and the economically We acknowledge that some large-scale co-ops, in marginalized. Long before establishment of one of locations such as Spain and Mexico, have experi- the fi rst offi cial worker co-ops in 1844 by the Ro- enced challenges because of competition from oth- chdale Pioneers in Europe, black people had estab- er countries providing lower-cost goods. However, lished mutual aid societies in the United States. In past and present cooperative economic practices 1907, W.E.B. Du Bois identifi ed 154 African Amer- teach us that businesses deeply rooted in their ican-owned cooperative businesses ranging from communities providing goods and services locally agricultural and insurance co-ops to mercantile can be successful. establishments. Slave narratives reveal free blacks With the renewed popular interest in sharing and enslaved people pooling resources to buy the economies, more businesses will develop. Activists freedom of others as well as to accumulate start-up can urge local governments to encourage and fund funds for their own businesses. Much of this his- such development to provide models of fair labor tory has been recovered by Jessica Gordon Nemb- practices and provide work in local communities. hard in the recently published Collective Courage: A Most important, these economic models offer oppor- History of African American Cooperative Economic tunities to join economic and political conversations Thought and Practice. to groups too long denied such access.  Contemporary cooperative development, as in the past, has excited new interest during times of social and economic hardship. This initiative has gained national attention and has created a path for many cities. Nonprofi t agencies such as our own often provide technical support and work to build relationships and foster collaboration with city agencies that play a role in economic and community development. For instance, with the support of Small Business Services (SBS) in New York City, partners provide “10 steps to starting a worker cooperative” trainings in SBS satellite loca- Carmen Dixon (left) is the policy and faith tions across the city. In February, the City Council organizer and Alexis Posey is senior policy analyst voted for the passage of Intro 423, which requires for workforce development for the Federation of the City to report on the number of contracts given Protestant Welfare Agencies in New York City.

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 11 Paying a Price for Sexual Orientation By Christine Riddiough

s this issue of Democratic Left goes to press, Fed-Ex for 26 of those years, but upon her death the the U.S. Supreme Court prepares to rule on company refused to give survivor benefi ts to Schuett. Awhether state laws preventing same-sex Leyth Jamal, a woman, worked for a marriage are constitutional. Whatever the ruling, department store where she faced harassment and events in Indiana, Arkansas, and other states re- was told to dress like a man and keep her “home life” veal that the fi ght for LGBT rights is not over. There separate from her “work life.” When she sued the is still no federal legislation forbidding discrimina- company for discrimination, she was fi red. Jacque- tion against people because of sexual orientation. line Cote tried to enroll her wife, Dee, in the spousal Such legislation, at this point, needs to be won on a health insurance benefi ts offered by Walmart, but state-by-state basis. was told repeatedly that Walmart didn’t offer health “Religious freedom” laws may be the entry point insurance coverage to the same-sex spouses of em- for such campaigns. ployees, even though These laws allow em- the couple lived in a ployers, landlords, and state that recognized business owners to There is still no feder- same-sex marriage. The claim that their reli- couple has had to pay gious freedom is being “al legislation forbidding more than $100,000 in infringed if they have medical costs, includ- to provide service to discrimination against ing treatment for Dee’s people who do things cancer. that their religion for- people because of sexual The Defense of bids. When Indiana Marriage Act has passed such a law in orientation. been struck down, but March, nationwide out- state laws and corpo- cry caused the legis- rate policies are still lature to add a clause ” a patchwork of pro- forbidding discrimination on the basis of sexual ori- tections–or lack thereof–for LGBT people. Thus, entation. This was the opposite of what its support- without comprehensive civil rights legislation, ers wanted and marked the fi rst time that such an- same-sex couples are still denied rights that oppo- ti-discrimination language had been put into state site-sex couples take for granted, and, of course, in- law. Activists hope to translate this victory into a dividuals continue to be discriminated against. broader anti-discrimination statute. The combination of gender and sexual orientation The need for anti-discrimination legislation is hits women harder because many of them have chil- obvious, but even activists may not be aware of the dren and are more likely to be in low-paying jobs or re- full economic costs of discrimination, especially for ceiving lower pay than men with comparable jobs. women. A recent study by the Center for American Given the current Congress, there is little hope Progress and the Movement Advancement Project for passage of any law protecting the rights of LGBT entitled “Paying an Unfair Price: The Financial people. At the state level, though, in battles against Penalty for LGBT Women in America” fi nds that “religious freedom” laws, in the fi ghts for equal pay LGBT women of all races suffer fi nancially com- for equal work, to raise the minimum wage, and pared to non-LGBT women of all races and all men. in immigration reform, there are opportunities to Nevertheless, African American and Latina women strengthen the rights of LGBT people.  in same-sex couples are much more likely to be poor Christine Riddiough is an than white women in same-sex couples, and older honorary vice chair of DSA women in same-sex couples have nearly twice the and has been an activist poverty rate of older married opposite-sex couples. for women’s liberation and These cold facts translate into heart-rending de- LGBT liberation for 45 years. tail. Take Stacey Schuett and Lesly Toboada-Hall, The full report is available who were together for 30 years and legally mar- at www.lgbtmap.org/unfair- ried for part of that time. Tobaoada-Hall worked for price-lgbt-women. page 12 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 Not Waiting for Lefties to Engage the Arts By Paul Bedard and Alexis Roblan

n the April 15 national day of action for Fight director Mary Robinson expanded on the signifi - for $15, members of New York City’s DSA cance of Waiting for Lefty in today’s theater land- Ochapter went to the rally and march, then scape; and Local 1180 Communication Workers of headed down to The Barrow Group Theater in Mid- America, AFL-CIO president Arthur Cheliotes gave town for a staged reading of Clifford Odets’s Wait- an impassioned plea for solidarity as unions fi ght ing for Lefty and a panel discussion on why unions for support and legitimacy in the face of draconian matter. state and federal laws. The fi rst performance of this 1935 play is a leg- The night brought together theater artists, many end in the American theater, a testament to the of whom were unfamiliar with left-wing politics or power of art. Performed for a one-night benefi t for unions, and labor activists, many of whom were un- New Theatre Magazine, Lefty was loosely based on familiar with the role that art has played and can the New York City taxi driver strike of the pre- play in political discourse and action. Waiting for vious year. Odets Lefty’s legacy is of used the story as a performances in springboard to de- auditoriums, union clare open war on halls, theaters, and capitalism in the civic spaces, mak- midst of one of the ing collective ac- most diffi cult eco- tion seem possible nomic periods in through honest and U.S. history and to direct conversa- uncover an unspo- tion with the peo- ken rage just below ple who live those the surface, a sense struggles but be- that the lives of lieve that they are working people were alone in them. overly determined The power of rad- by their dependence ical art lies in break- on a system bent ing down that per- on keeping them in ception of solitude their place. It was The cast, crew, and panelists of Waiting for Lefty. Front row (left to right): Maria and highlighting Svart, Erika Vetter, Andrew Dunn, Randall Benichak, Farrah Crane. Middle row: performed by The Arthur Cheliotes, Jeevan D’Souza, Alexis Roblan, Maggie Low, Mary Robinson, shared experienc- Group Theatre—it- Onyinyechi Nwachukwu, Paul Bedard, Nick King, Calandra Daby, Matt Clemons, es, in imbuing that self a somewhat rad- Frankie Alicea. Photo by Richard Fudge. discussion with a ical collective of artists who lived together, made sense of both pathos and possibility. The time is ripe work together, and developed what became known for a renewal of that sense, and a radical play that is as an “American acting technique.” Contemporary still relevant after 80 years challenges us to imagine accounts describe the play seeming to unleash the possibilities for collective action that exist today. something dramatic, communal, and undeniable. The play is designed to be produced with a mini- By the end of the performance, the 1,400 audience mal set and maximum participation. It offers DSA members were stomping and raising their fi sts to locals a way to make new connections and reach new “Strike!” with such vigor that the performers wor- groups. You can ask a community theater or campus ried the balcony would fall down. It would soon be- theater group for professional help, if you need it. To come a much-produced and popular play in small produce your own reading of Waiting for Lefty, you’ll theaters and union halls across the country. need (1) actors to interpret and play the parts, (2) a Following the April 15 reading, which packed the director to stage the reading and guide the actors, (3) 100-seat theater, the panel discussion opened up a producer to secure the rights (email george.lane- a conversation on the role of unions today. Maria [email protected] with an explanation of the size of the Svart, DSA national director, gave a brief overview venue and scale of production), (4) rehearsal space, of what unions are and how they work; theater continued on page 15

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 13 Making Sense of By Barbara Joye

The Occupiers: ence can be seen in #Black Lives Matter, the Fight The Making of the 99 Percent Movement for $15, and Occupy Our Homes. By Michael A. Gould-Wartofsky Despite the many differences among OWS par- 228 pp., Oxford University Press, 2015 ticipants in terms of ideology and socioeconomic status, says Gould-Wartofsky, their key message— ven as protesters fi lled /Liberty “We are the 99 Percent”—resonated long after po- Square in New York City, commentators were lice drove them from the park. “Occupy was a cata- Eanalyzing the phenomenon known as Occupy lyst for people to think differently, act differently. . Wall Street (OWS). With The Occupiers: The Making . .We couldn’t go back to normal after Occupy,” ob- of the 99 Percent Movement, sociology doctoral candi- served Stamp, a Brooklyn native who at the time date Michael A. Gould-Wartofsky may have written was the youth engagement director for the Working the defi nitive book to date. He comes to the subject Families Party. as a participant-observer, narrating the rise and fall McMillan, in 2011 a Young Democratic Socialists of OWS in a lively, engaging style and sorting out national coordinating committee member, contin- “the kaleidoscope ued to participate of interpreta- in Occupy-related tions” and ques- events following the tions OWS raises. eviction. Later con- His observations victed of a felony for are augmented assaulting an offi cer by quotes from who assaulted her some of the 80 in- while she attempted terviews he con- to obey police orders ducted in New to exit an Occupy York City and reunion in the park, elsewhere. she served three Some of Gould- months in Rikers Wartofsky’s con- Island prison and clusions contra- became an advocate dict the corporate for prisoners’ rights. mythology that She currently lives OWS has had no Left to right: Nelini Stamp, Michael A. Gould-Wartofsky, and Cecily McMillan. Photo by in Atlanta and is lasting impact Reid Jenkins. writing a memoir in the United about her experi- States. Instead, he places it within the “99 Percent ences, while serving a fi ve-year probation. “It’s never movement,” to recognize its many antecedents (the really been over for me,” she says. Spanish indignados, Tahir Square, the Wisconsin After working with the Dream Defenders youth Capitol sit-ins, other NYC mini-occupations, and action group in 2012, Stamp also moved to Atlanta, so on) and the subsequent projects OWS spun off where she co-directs Rise Up Georgia, which works or infl uenced. Throughout, he emphasizes the fall- on issues such as the criminalization of black peo- out from the Great Recession that motivated most ple, affordable housing, and public transportation. of the participants—student debtors with uncertain “I and my co-director Shab Bashiri want to combine futures, unemployed and underemployed people, the the best of traditional organizing, working for real foreclosed and homeless, beleaguered union mem- gains for real people, with the excitement of move- bers, and disillusioned voters. ments like Occupy,” she said. At a book signing and panel discussion this spring Despite the many contradictions and limita- in Atlanta, DSAer Cecily McMillan and organizer tions of OWS, Gould-Wartofsky concludes that its Nelini Stamp joined Gould-Wartofsky to comment message “enabled the occupiers to bring class back on OWS’s continuing infl uence on their lives and po- into U.S. politics without alienating U.S. publics. . . . litical work and on progressive movements through- Amid the aftershocks of the fi nancial crisis, the rise out the United States. They argued that the infl u- of the 99 Percent coalition may well have played a page 14 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015 role in the reemergence of class confl ict as a force Movements or Clubhouses?/continued from page 6 in U.S. politics.” Not the fi nal confl ict, not by a long such an environment, everything is turned upside shot. Still, he is hopeful that “the 99 Percent move- down. We treat the ardent defense of millionaire ce- ment is likely to persist, to proliferate, and quite lebrities as a form of radicalism. We engage in end- possibly to radicalize in the years and decades to less repetition of grievances without engaging in a come.”  discussion of better practices. We treat every ancil- Barbara Joye is the recording lary skirmish like the defi ning battle of a war that secretary of Metro Atlanta seemingly has no end game. Or, as Adolph Reed, Jr., DSA and a member of DSA’s put it in Harper’s, “The left careens from this op- National Political Committee. pressed group or crisis moment to that one, from one For further analysis of the magical or morally pristine constituency or source of impact of OWS, see Maurice political agency….to another. It lacks focus and sta- Isserman, “The Legacy of bility; its métier is bearing witness, demonstrating Occupy Wall Street,” Democratic Left Winter 2014 solidarity, and the event or the gesture. Its refl ex is now on the Democratic Left blog site. to ‘send messages’ to those in power, to make state- ments, and to stand with or for the oppressed.” When will we decide that we have sent enough National Director/continued from page 2 messages and start building power? Actual power, can elevate anyone of any background to power, and not the power that comes from perfecting a club- that the current system is fundamentally fair and house or meeting structure, but rather from the democratic. articulation of a vision and a plan to execute said That’s why I’m so excited about the Bernie vision? When do we start looking at the moving Sanders campaign. Bernie knows that the deck is parts, looking out 5-10-20 years, and start piecing stacked against the majority of us, and in his cam- together a strategy to fi ght the forces of reaction, paign he does two things that are critical: he names revanchism, and repression? It is no longer enough the capitalist system for what it is and he “speaks to simply act as a town crier, monotonously calling American,” meaning that he uses the U.S. idiom of out every problem and grievance facing our world; fairness and inclusion to give voice to the powerless- it is time to act.  ness and anxiety so many of us feel. While we hope he develops a more proactively antiracist platform, Douglas Williams is a Dean’s we appreciate that Bernie points the fi nger at the Diversity Fellow and Ph.D. student worst culprit, Wall Street, rather than letting the at Wayne State University in Detroit, ruling class scapegoat immigrants, people of color, where he researches labor policy and or those it calls sexually deviant. working-class radical movements. We know that Bernie’s presence will be the entry He is a native of Suffolk, Virginia, point for a new generation of political activists into and he tweets from @TheDW85. progressive politics, and if we do our job right, many of those activists will stay as socialist activists long Not Waiting for Lefties/continued from page 13 after the election, continuing to fi ght for collective solutions and transformation of society. We plan to (5) a room that can accommodate your audience, (6) organize our local chapters and members to build insurance if your room is not otherwise insured, (7) momentum and visibility for him and his politics. provocative speakers if you would like to host a panel This will mean street and door-to-door outreach, discussion, (8) a visual artist to design publicity, (9) organizing house parties and happy hours, putting refreshments, and (10) plenty of time to do publicity together educational forums, attending political and turnout. events at the local level, helping build grassroots co- Paul Bedard (paulhbedard.com) is alitions to support him, and more, all done as proud a founder and artistic director of DSAers. I hope I can count on your support as we Theater in Asylum and a Drama build the DSA campaign.  League Directing Fellow. Maria Svart is the national director of Democratic Alexis Roblan’s plays have been Socialists of America. produced and developed in the United States, the United Kingdom, Paid for by Democratic Socialists of Ameri- and Australia. She is a member of ca www.dsausa.org. Not authorized by any New Perspectives Theatre Company’s candidate or candidate’s committee. Women’s Work Project.

Democratic Left • Summer 2015 • page 15 Send Greetings to Democratic Left on Labor Day Wish us well, pay tribute to a comrade or comrades, list your own labor blog, or advertise your book. This magazine is the public face of our organization. It is going into its 43rd year of bringing you theory, practice, and just plain information about our movement. Let’s keep it going and keep it strong. Send a check or donate online and specify that it is for Democratic Left and you’ll see your name in the Labor Day issue and on the Democratic Left blog. Don’t delay. Deadline for copy is June 30. NAME ONLY ADS Reader: $20 __ One-eighth page: $125 __ Supporter: $40 __ Quarter-page: $250 __ Sustainer: $60 __ Half-page: $500 __ Booster: $80 __ Full page: $1,000 __ Cadre: $100 __ Inside front or back cover: $1,100 __ Email your copy to [email protected] and mail your check to Editor, Democratic Left, Suite 702, 75 Maiden Lane, New York, NY 10038. If you are advertising a service or product, the cost may be tax deductible to you as a business expense.

CChangehange tthehe UUSA!SA! JJoinoin tthehe DDSA!SA!  Yes, I want to join the Democratic Socialists of America. Enclosed are my dues My interests are: (includes a subscription to Democratic Left) of Labor  $150 Sustainer  $95 Family  $40 Introductory  $20 Low-Income/Student Religion  Yes, I want to renew my membership in DSA. Enclosed are my renewal dues of Youth  $150 Sustainer  $95 Family  $50 Regular  $25 Low-Income/Student Anti-Racism  Enclosed is an extra contribution of  $50  $100  $25 to help DSA in its work. Feminism  Please send me more information about DSA and democratic socialism. LGBTQI Rights International Name ______Year of Birth ______Other______Address ______City / State / Zip ______RETURN TO Democratic Socialists Telephone ______E-Mail ______of America Union Affi liation ______School ______75 Maiden Lane, Suite 702 New York, NY 10038  Bill my credit card: Circle one: MC Visa No. ______/______/______/ ______212-727-8610 Expiration Date _____/_____ Signature [email protected] month year www.dsausa.org

page 16 • Democratic Left • Summer 2015