tidaloccupy theory, occupy strategy

December 2011 Issue 1 2

Index

Communiqué 1 Step 1: Occupy Universities. Step 2: Transform Them by Conor Tomás Reed An Occupier’s Note by Suzahn E. General Strike by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak On Power by Anteant On Celebrities by ND On Outdoor Space by Thomas Hintze and Laura Gottesdiener Collective Statement from the Men’s Holding Cell, 1st Precinct 3 poems by Jed brandt For and Against Precarity by Judith butler The power of the People to Stand and be Counted by Michael Premo Power in the Movement by Alex C. Matrix as the Core Element by Rira Possibility, Universality & Radicality: A Universal Chorus of Emancipation by Isham Christie 99%, a poem by Najaya Royal The Ninety and Nine, a poem by Rose Elizabeth Smith 3

We have come to Wall Street as refugees from this native dreamland, seeking asylum in the actual. That is what we seek to occupy. We seek to rediscover and reclaim the world. Communiqué 1

We were born into a world of ghosts and illusions clearer. We understand them as souls detached from their that have haunted our minds our entire lives. These shades former selves and meanings, and reduced to messengers. seem more alive to us than reality, and perhaps by some They were sent to us by people intent on grounding life into definition are more actual, hyper-real. We grew up in this a hoard-able quintessence, who have urged us merely to buy world of screens and hyperbole and surreal imagery, and and “do our part” in the constant monetization of life. think nothing of a long-dead actor appearing on a wall in Television, one of the chief culprits of our spiritual vacu- our homes to urge us to buy or live a certain way. Some gen- um, has revealed that the central action of our time involves erations ago, we might have all been burned, perhaps rightly, rending together experiential units: families, atoms, mean- as witches. After all, who knows where these images really ing, psyches. Advertising campaigns have become the central come from? art of our generation. The artistic imagination, previously We have no clear idea how life should really feel. The occupied with translating heaven and listening quietly for mind adapts itself quickly to commonplaces and absurdities the intangible within and around us, has traded these idylls alike, so that a child raised in a phantasmal funhouse will for steady employment producing fetishistic car commer- assume it is normal, especially if she can’t find the door. cials. It all seems to be of a part: the images crowding in on We sense something is wrong only through the odd clue. us as cheap and lifeless as the products they represent, built The power cuts off from an unusually violent storm; when in factories owned by hollow men trying to fill their empti- we look away, confused, from our dark screens to an actual ness with mansions and treasures that they drained from us. person, we’re told something about the climate deteriorat- In so doing they make the rest of the world as dark and dead ing. We notice a vague spiritual nausea, hard to discuss in a as they are. And unsurprisingly, as the world has become too world where most serious, hard-working people have little polluted with junk to live, our imaginations colonized by ba- time to believe in the existence of the soul. The ghosts that nalities and our souls sucked dry, we have become infatuated come to us offer no vocabulary to describe the emptiness with vampires.Wall Street tells us, it has always told us, that they helped create within us. there is a plan and that it is our duty to follow that plan. We We have come to Wall Street as refugees from this na- have come here to doubt and to dispute that plan. When we tive dreamland, seeking asylum in the actual. That is what peek at the blueprints made for the project, we see drawn we seek to occupy. We seek to rediscover and reclaim the there a fantastic land of gaudy castles surrounded by a pro- world. Many believe we have come to Wall Street to transact tective fence of broken glass, and outside this territory a vast some kind of business with its denizens, to strike a deal. But denuded plane scribbled with the words “Rabble,” “Suckers,” we have not come to negotiate. We have come to confront “Consumers,” “Them.” the darkness at its source, here, where the Big Apple sucks What do we want from Wall Street? Nothing, because it in more of the sap from the national tree than it needs or has nothing to offer us. We wouldn’t be here if Wall Street deserves, as if spliced from some Edenic forbearer. Serpent- fed off itself; we are here because it is feeding off everyone. size worms feast within, engorged on swollen fruit. Here, the It is sustaining the phantoms and ghosts we have always world is chewed and digested into bits as tiny and fluid as the known and whose significance we now understand. We have electrons that traders use to bring nations and homeowners come here to vanish those ghosts; to assert our real selves to their knees. and lives; to build genuine relationships with each other and At Wall Street we see that the basic quantum of experi- the world; and to remind ourselves that another path is pos- ence has become the transaction; that life’s central purpose sible. If the phantoms of Wall Street are confused by our is to convert all of existence into tradable currency. The presence in their dream, so much the better. It is time that significance of the phantoms from our childhood becomes the unreal be exposed for what it is. Step 1: Occupy Universities Step 2: Transform Them

by Conor Tomás Reed

We’ve reached a month and a half into Occupy Wall OWS assembly and Open Forum, how to re-shape public plac- Street—a movement catalyzing millions into decisive ac- es as free venues for collective education, places where each tion around the world. For many of us, ‘occupy’ has be- of us can actively make meaning in a range of critical discus- come a verb to be sung. This rowdy crowd word, at once sions. With the goal of shaking prevailing school priorities descriptive and prescriptive, aims to body-flip the logic of inside out, these wide-open counter-classrooms have been imperialism on its head. A radical people’s occupation of essential. But for our second act (and just in time for winter!), public space doesn’t erect checkpoints; it tears them down. we need to boomerang the “occupy” movement back to where Instead of usurping others’ resources, we heartily pool our power was latent all along: our college environments. our own for free distribution. The call to occupy now re- Teachers and students reoccupying our schools means jet- verberates from Oakland ports to NYC Department of tisoning many failed tenets of higher education’s current op- Education hearings, from garish Sotheby’s art auctions to eration. Competitive individualized learning, rigid demarca- rush-hour subway ciphers. The wealthy are now hounded tion of disciplines, shallow celebration of difference, grading at public appearances, while banks begin to dance the fran- systems that all-too-viciously distort self-worth—these are tic backpedal. The results are in, folks: A poor people’s the pedagogical tools of the 1%. Instead, let’s host at each movement is once again changing the course of history. campus OWS-style General Assemblies that welcome the So how can we apply such electric tenacity to occupy our surrounding community and put educationally marginalized schools? Initially, education activists did well to look beyond voices at the top of the speaking list and the top of resulting the immediate horizon of campus grounds and help trans- activities. Let’s collaborate via write-ins to produce “People’s form public squares--the movement’s major first act. The Dissertations” about the Occupy movement’s significance, recent “People’s University” and “#occupyCUNY” teach-ins with public writing times, committees of peers and involve- at Washington Square Park demonstrated, along with each ment across disciplines. After each dissertation is created, we can hand out P(eople)h(ave)D(dreams) certificates en masse, thus rupturing the emblems of intellectual prestige. The point is to occupy our schools with clear political purpose. It’s not enough for a tiny band of adventurous students and teachers to take a school building and hoist a flag. We need to gather vast networks of resonant support if school occupa- tions and strikes are to succeed. We need to line up a panoply of actions for the exact moment when business as usual is dis- rupted. We can see how in Chile, Puerto Rico, California and around Europe, educational activities proliferated, rather than halted, when people effectively shut down campuses. Labor historian Paul Johnston also suggests that “we start seeing the strike not as an ‘off button’—put down your tools, walk out, stand in front of the worksite, keep people from crossing the lines—and instead see it as an ‘on button,’” in order to galvanize a huge influx of participants into concrete action. To dig deeper: What does it mean for us to “occupy the- ory”? Although some cozily ensconced radical scholars The point is to occupy our schools with clear political purpose. It’s not enough for a tiny band of adventurous students and teachers to take a school building and hoist a flag. We need to gather vast networks of resonant support if school occupations and strikes are to succeed.We can see how in Chile, Puerto Rico, California and around Europe, educational activities proliferated, rather than halted, when people effectively shut down campuses.

would bray otherwise, we must be clear that liberatory edu- break out of the last few traumatic decades’ fixation on the cation is a means, not an end. Radical books that are dis- dis-abyss: Our social movement’s trajectory now requires connected from social action are lone flags rippling atop re-empowerment, re-orientation, re-combobulation! We will an otherwise unchallenged edifice. As Paulo Freire, Ngugi abundantly expand the global Occupy struggle if clear al- Wa Thiong’o and others persist, we have been inculcated ternatives to this utter failure of a system are presented, de- in an imperialist banking model of education. The more we bated, attempted, assessed, re-worked, and attempted again, gain by climbing the education echelon, the more precari- with each stage in the process promoting wider varied ways ous becomes our resistance to it. However, the late people’s for people to join these spectacular efforts at social change. historian Howard Zinn understood the exigencies of radi- Ultimately, such an expansive project will entail changing cal scholarship: While at Spelman College, after class he our conceptions of school altogether. Fred Moten and Stefa- and his students marched together to desegregate lunch no Harney urgently address the present underside of educa- counters. In such moments, the high walls of theory be- tion, arguing, “The university contains incarceration as the come miraculously porous; we test the learning process product of its negligence.” Paradoxically, then, our role in by leaping off the page and into lived social experience. transforming schools will include striving to abolish their The relationship between ideas and currency is another tar- function as the official sites of knowledge production, just get for occupation. Pierre Bourdieu calls attention to the as we will in connection strive to abolish prison systems that French word “louer,” which can mean both “to praise” and maintain colonialism by other means. To liberate schools is “to rent.” I’m reminded of the time-worn practice of the to liberate a society in which education codifies and contrasts first day of graduate seminars, in which each student goes people’s needs and dreams to each other’s. To this effect, the around to share her “interests”: “I’m interested in this field, people’s class is now in session, with guaranteed free tuition I have an interest in that methodology,” etc., etc. The word and open admissions. We’re making up the syllabus as we go. “interest” connotes somewhat of a detached, dispassionate gaze, but also contains clear economic ramifications. We bor- row ideas throughout school, duly paying interest to those who own them, which thus accrues value for certain kinds of knowledge. With this inaugurating tradition of sharing one’s interests (like a banker-in-training, or otherwise like a collector of possessions), we practice the cool ownership of ideas. To liberate our education must include, then, expro- priating our ideas from systemic hierarchical mis-evaluation. Moreover, we would do well to incorporate Occupy Wall Street’s methods of discussion in our classrooms and com- munities. How often do we carefully strive to create consent about complex positions and concepts? We’ve been taught to theorize like starving hyenas—tearing the throat out of each other’s ideas. Instead, an interrelated educational community that listens to one another, repeating word for word if need- ed, can inscribe the social work of scholarship with a shared sense of critical construction. In doing so, we can attempt to

Creating new autonomous community zones is necessary for the survival of the movement. We must project our vision of a just world onto the blank paving stones of public parks and into the silent hallways of abandoned schools. Now it is time to shift our communities — to turn our collective imaginary into a collective reality. An Occupier’s Note

by Suzahn E.

Interviews or articles about Occupy Wall Street thority we have been cast into perpetual dependence and eventually lead to one question: “What does a just world infantile immobilization. Eventually, we are forced to accept look like?” We need only to look at Liberty Square, or at any violent repression of mind and body for a false sense of or- people’s occupation from around the world, for an answer. der. We occupy because we refuse to conflate stability with Although these sites are microcosms, they are nevertheless subjugation and oppression. A stable world is not necessarily worlds where we aspire to achieve mutual aid and solidarity, a just world. The 1% warns against criticism and interfer- autonomy and horizontality. The overarching belief seems ence with a free market, promising that de-regulation will to be, however, that a just world is a world without conflict, give us a stable economy. Tyranny is stable. Dictators rise on and that the occupations are too chaotic to embody the world the promise of constancy and the security of permanence. we work towards. This stumbling block is a dehumanizing At the square, everyone is empowered to become media- sentiment that stunts our ongoing critique of how we inter- tors, to ask about each others’ needs and boundaries, to com- act with one another and confront the baggage carried over municate honestly, and to learn to accept conflict as possible from generations of oppression. We are not as concerned points of community construction. Some may perceive this with utopia as we are with justice, meaning that we as occupi- as chaos. But they should look closer, for we are rebuilding ers do not avoid confrontation. On the contrary, the greatest ourselves by building a community based on liberty. Real distinction between our community and the society around liberty—which means trust in the individual in direct con- us is that we approach conflict with revolutionary priorities. tact with the unknown—is a liberty that gives us a chance to A world is built and propelled by aspiration and prior- define ourselves in conjunction with those around us rather ity—the universals that define who we are as a collective than in opposition to others. As a great anarchist thinker, and what values shape our lives and communities. We at the Voltairine de Cleyre, once wrote, “Liberty and experiment square have adopted priorities of community, empathy, rec- alone can determine the best forms of society.” onciliation, and empowerment, intent on keeping the collec- The chaos of experimentation breeds new possibilities. tive ability in balance with individual need. This does not Occupiers must allow themselves the possibility of posi- mean that the world we are creating is perfect, or that perfec- tive internal conflict in order for the experiment to grow. To tion is something we aspire to. A world without centralized deny this struggle is to deny ourselves the ability to directly rule does not mean a world without conflict; a world without construct a just world; it is to flatten our complex human- hierarchy does not mean a world without power. It means a ity. The Occupy Movement is an experiment, but the worst world where we all become powerful, as individuals and as a possible mistake would be to let that word detract from our collective. legitimacy and validity as a revolutionary moment. Occupiers are faced with the call to champion individual Creating new autonomous community zones is necessary empowerment as necessary for collective functioning. There for the survival of the movement. We must project our vision are no police. There is no state, no law, and no jail to turn to of a just world onto the blank paving stones of public parks within the occupy community. There is only individual re- and into the silent hallways of abandoned schools. Now it is sponsibility and accountability, with a counterweight of faith time to shift our communities—to turn our collective imagi- in the process of mutual aid. The empowering sense that we nary into a collective reality. We must occupy, regardless of are all connected though commonality of work and all forms the mass of unknowns and fears that might be tied into the of survival—be they physical, mental, or spiritual—is em- act of liberation. bedded in our processes and our search for alternatives. We Our collective liberation rejects the authority stolen from both illuminate and embody the obsolescence of the police the people. We reject your oppressive stability in favor of our and the state when we harness our skills to solve community chaotic liberty fueled by self-empowerment and self-determi- issues and needs. nation. We will be solving our own problems while you, who The state and the police have been presented to us as nec- have solved none of them, become obsolete. Now it is about essary, bolstered by the absurd idea that people themselves human creativity and the power of action. are not equipped to solve their own problems.Through au- All power to the imagination. Occupy Everywhere. Today the global workforce stands deeply divided as globalization operates through a system of finance— trading in uneven currencies—that has little to do with that workforce. This division is why it is once again time to reclaim the General Strike. BY GAYATRI CHAKRAVORTY SPIVAK When the entire workforce of a city lays down (1) A General Strike is undertaken by those who suffer its tools and refuses to resume work until certain demands actual day-to-day injustice, not by morally outraged ideo- are met, it is called a General Strike. The idea first came from logues. the nineteenth-century anarchists, who did not constitute a (2) A General Strike is by definition non-violent, though workforce but were people of anti-statist convictions. Rosa the repressive apparatus of the state has used great violence Luxemburg, the Polish revolutionary thinker (1871–1919) against the strikers. murdered by German reactionary troops, rewrote the con- (3) A General Strike generally consists of demands fo- cept of the General Strike and claimed it for the workforce cused on reforming or re-writing laws, ie. the length of the (proletariat) after witnessing the great General Strikes in the working day for Russian workers, the Fourteenth and Fif- Russian Empire that began in 1896 and ended in the tremen- teenth Amendments (in substance if not in discourse) for dous General Strike of 1905. Georges Sorel (1847-1922), a the former slaves, a decolonized legal structure in the era of French thinker who moved from the political Left to the po- Gandhi, etc. litical Right, also conceived of the General Strike as a way to energize the workforce. If one recognizes the connection between the General The African-American historian and sociologist W.E.B. Strike and the Law, one realizes this is not legal reformism Du Bois (1868-1963) described the exodus of the slaves im- but a call for social and economic justice. Banning bank bail- mediately after Emancipation as a General Strike, because outs, instituting legal oversight of fiscal policy, taxing the slavery had not allowed the “Black Proletariat” (plantation rich, de-corporatizatizing education, lifting fossil fuel and workforce for the cotton industry) to form itself as a regular agriculture subsidies, and on and on. The intense commit- workforce. In the same era, Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948), ment to legal change and its implementation is a bid for jus- the Indian national liberationist, rewrote the General Strike tice. And remember: unlike a political party, the movers of a once again and claimed it for the colonized, regardless of General Strike need not co-operate until they see things ac- class, thus shifting it from a working-class movement to a tually change. Already the pressure is working: witness the mixture of civil disobedience and boycott politics. He called 5% victory over debit card charges last month. it “Non-Cooperation.” development of thinking General Strikes are always in a sense against “Wall Street,” Today the global workforce stands deeply divided as glo- more broadly described as capitalism. But, because revolu- balization operates through a system of finance— trading in tions have also been against bad regimes represented by uneven currencies—tthat has little to do with that workforce. single dictators or kings, our idea of “revolution” is confused This division , which is why it is once again time to reclaim with armed struggle, violence, and regime change. In Rus- the General Strike. It is already being reclaimed by those sia, the Czars. In China, a decadent feudalism and Euro-co- disenfranchised by a system whose benefits flow constantly lonialism. In Latin America, the latifundia system in France, upward: toward bailouts for banks and away from healthcare, the Bourbon monarchy. In America, the Hanover monarchy education and all the places that need them most. Labor now and later the slaveholding system. today in the Arab world, has a chance to join hands in this redefinition of the General Zayn al-Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Strike as a collectivity of disenfranchised citizens: the 99%. Muammar Gaddafi in Libya. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) defined those who had no By contrast, in the Occupy movement, the spirit of the access to the welfare structure of the state, and those who General Strike has come into its own and joined forces with played no role in the state, as the subaltern: the poorest of the American tradition of civil disobedience: citizens against the poor. Today this story too is being re-written. What we an unregulated capitalist state, not against an individual and are witnessing is the subalternization of the middle class— a regime. Therefore, in the short-term, we mus: change the the largest sector of the 99%. The General Strike, as Du laws that currently make the state accountable to business Bois and Gandhi once envisioned it, is becoming a powerful and banks, not to people. And in the Long-term, establish symbol that exceeds the neatly matched worker/master fight and nurture an education that keeps the will to justice alive. of old. And to this point, there are several features of a Gen- eral Strike to keep in mind. Notes

on Power private space, a shift from our notions of what it is to be An institution gains power when people surrender their indi- public, transparent, inclusive and collective. Outdoor spaces vidual agency to the institution. The more people that do this, symbolically oppose Wall Street in a manner that directly the more powerful the institution. Power can be thought of threatens its stability, and maintaining our presence in op- as a gathered pool of people’s individual agencies. Our move- position is crucial to enfranchising more supporters mov- ment is about trying to make people take their agency back ing forward. Indoor spaces are an important compliment to and fully engage with themselves and reality. Surrendering whatever we do, but we must remember that outdoor public agency is the opposite of that. In this movement, institu- spaces embody the heart of this movement. With each space tions should not have power. They should be for facilitating we consider, we must ask whether it gives form to our collec- the coordination of individuals. The General Assembly (GA) tive desires. This is our metric. We will not wait for channels can be seen as functioning this way. It facilitates coordina- of bureaucracy to gift spaces to us. We will liberate them. tion and action. People follow consensus decisions of the GA —Thomas Hintze and Laura Gottesdiener because they agree with them. However, we should resist the idea that people must follow the GA’s decision, or that you on celebritieS need the GA’s permission to do anything. The General As- The list of celebrities that want to throw benefits, concerts, sembly is not a parliament. It doesn’t pass laws. People must events, etc., is endless. We should use celebrity status as a retain their individual agency, meaning they can chose not resource that gets coupled with a strategic objective. We to follow the GA’s decisions. We have focused a lot of en- should first ask whether they are arrestable for an action? ergy on not having entitled leaders, which makes sense be- We should ask celebrities to participate in direct actions, cause leaders also exercise power that has been surrendered throw concerts in neighborhoods without permits, mobi- to them. It doesn’t make sense to substitute another power lize their followers for actions. We should ask them to tweet body in place of leaders. We will end up with the same prob- and facebook messages we draft for them. We do not want lem. Individuals are always free to act without GA blessing. our movement mainstreamed in order to make activism cool This is a fundamental human right. —Anteant for people to join. Our movement should radicalize people to act in a civil and disobedient manner. It shifts conscious- on outdoor SPace ness and empowers. When we do an event, we should create After the raid on Liberty Plaza, the absence that opened up space for marginalized voices to be heard. Bruce Springsteen in the center of our movement was greater than the size of is a privileged voice. He can make himself heard anytime. the physical space in that tiny, concrete park. For us, space So maybe he speaks less. Maybe there are testimonials from is not a mere necessity—a place to lay our head, to eat our the marginalized. Maybe the event has a radical educational meals, to congregate and assemble—it is also a symbol and component. In any event, the artists participating should be a direct action. Literally, vacant lots are voids that we fill sufficiently informed of what OWS is through discussion, with physical representations of our concerns, hopes, fears, questions and exchange. That’s one way to spread the move- and dreams. We invite others to join us and create an infra- ment, to those who craft the culture. —Natasha Bhagat Singh structure that liberates minds. We must reassert our rights to occupy public spaces. Privatization has created a dichoto- my of those with and those without, those with being land- owners—a fraction of the population. We must partner with communities, artists, educators, not just taking for ourselves, but opening locked gates for all to occupy. Now that we are rebuilding, some say that it is in our best interest to occupy indoor spaces. The reasons for this are various. Occupying indoor spaces such as foreclosed houses and abandoned buildings politicizes individual struggles. It answers the question of how to survive through the win- ter and how to create a life outside of the spectacle of this revolutionary project. It allows the message of our move- ment to enter communities through individual voices. But occupying indoor space is fundamentally about reclaiming 3 poems by Jed brandt

OCCUPy CAIRO Vassals fear new words, When we tire of whispering And say our own name.

QUESTIONS FOR COMMUNISTS & LOVERS How can you love that? Kids unborn? Worlds yet to be? Proletariat?

Sway opinion, Or change minds? Tilt at windmills? So many questions.

OCCUPy OAKLAND This state is not law. Don’t forget that. And they ask, ‘What are your demands?!’

collective Statement from General Assembly 1st Precinct Men’s Holding Cell

NyC — Nov. 15, 2011 For and Against PRECARITy

by Judith butler

In this time, neo-liberal economics increasingly structures as essential to the nation at the same time that their lives are public institutions, including schools and universities, as considered dispensable. And all those who see the increasing well as public services, in a time in which people are losing gap between rich and poor, who understand themselves to their homes, their pensions, and their prospects for work in have lost several forms of security and promise, they also increasing numbers, we are faced with the idea that some understand themselves as abandoned by a government and a populations are considered disposable. There is short-term political economy that clearly augments wealth for the very work, or post-Fordist forms of flexible labor that rely on the few at the expense of the general population. substitutability and dispensability of working peoples, bol- So this leads to the second point. When people amass on stered by prevailing attitudes toward health insurance and the street, one implication seems clear: They are still here social security that suggest that market rationality should and still there; they persist; they assemble, and so manifest decide whose health and life should be protected, and whose the understanding that their situation is shared, and even health and life should not. And this was, for some of us, when they are not speaking or do not present a set of ne- keenly exemplified at that meeting of the Tea Party in which gotiable demands, the call for justice is being enacted. The one member suggested that those who have serious illness bodies assembled “say” we are not disposable, whether or not and cannot pay for health insurance would simply have to they are using words at the moment. What they say, as it die. A shout of joy rippled through the crowd, according to were, is that we are still here, persisting, demanding greater published reports. It was, I conjecture, the kind of joyous justice, a release from precarity, a possibility of a livable life. shout that usually accompanies going to war or forms of na- To demand justice is, of course, a strong thing to do. It tionalist fervor. But if this was for some a joyous occasion, also involves every activist in a philosophical question: What it must be precisely because of a belief that those who do is justice, and what are the means through which the demand not make sufficient wages or who are not in secure enough for justice can be made? The reason it is said that sometimes employment do not deserve to be covered by health care, and there are “no demands” when bodies assemble under the that none of the rest of us our responsible for those people. rubric of “Occupy Wall Street” is that any list of demands Under what economic and political conditions do such would not exhaust the ideal of justice that is being demanded. joyous forms of cruelty emerge? The notion of respon- We can all imagine just solutions to health care, public educa- sibility invoked by that crowd must be contested without, tion, housing, and the distribution and availability of food—in as you will see, giving up on the idea of a political ethics. other words, we could itemize the injustices in the plural and For if each of us is responsible only for ourselves, and not present those as a set of specific demands. But perhaps the de- for others, and if that responsibility is first and foremost a mand for justice is present in each of those demands, but also responsibility to become economically self-sufficient under necessarily exceeds them. We do not have to subscribe to Pla- conditions when self-sufficiency is structurally undermined, tonic theory of Justice to see other ways in which this demand then we can see that this neo-liberal morality, as it were, demands operates. For when bodies gather as they do to express their self-sufficiency as a moral ideal at the same time that it works to indignation and to enact their plural existence in public space, destroy that very possibility at an economic level. Those who can- they are also making broader demands. They are demanding not afford to pay into health care constitute but one version to be recognized and to be valued; they are exercising a right of population deemed disposable. Those who are conscripted to appear and to exercise freedom; they are calling for a livable into the army with a promise of skills training and work, life. These values are presupposed by particular demands, but sent into zones of conflict where there is no clear mandate they also demand a more fundamental restructuring of our and where their lives can be destroyed, and are sometimes socio-economic and political order. destroyed, are also disposable populations. They are lauded In some economic and political theory, we hear about pop- When bodies gather as they do to express their indignation and to enact their plural existence in public space, they are also making broader demands. They are demanding to be recognized and to be valued; they are exercising a right to appear and to exercise freedom; they are calling for a livable life. These values are presupposed by particular demands, but they also demand a more fundamental restructuring of our socio-economic and political order.

ulations that are increasingly subject to what is called “pre- to each and every person. And no one person suffers unem- caritization.” This process—usually induced and reproduced ployment without a system or a political economy that fails to by governmental and economic institutions that acclimatize safeguard against that possibility. populations over time to insecurity and hopelessness (see Isa- This means that in some of our most vulnerable experi- bell Lorey)—is built into the institutions of temporary labor, ences of social and economic deprivation what is revealed is of decimated social services, and of the general attrition of not only our precariousness as individual persons— thought social democracy in favor of entrepreneurial modalities sup- that is surely revealed as well—but also the failures and in- ported by fierce ideologies of individual responsibility and the equalities of socio-economic and political institutions. In obligation to maximize one’s own market value as the ultimate our individual vulnerability to precarity, we find that we aim in life. In my view, this important process of precaritiza- are social beings, implicated in a set of networks that either tion has to be supplemented by an understanding of precarity sustain us or fail to do so, or do so only intermittently, pro- as a structure of affect, as Lauren Berlant has suggested, and ducing a constant spectre of despair and destitution. Our as a heightened sense of expendability or disposability that is individual wellbeing depends on whether the social and eco- differentially distributed throughout society. In addition, I use nomic structures that support our mutual dependency can a third term, precariousness, which characterizes every em- be put into place. This happens only by breaking with the bodied and finite human being, and non-human beings as well. neo-liberal status quo, enacting the demands of the people This is not simply an existential truth—each of us could be through the gathering together of bodies in a relentlessly subject to deprivation, injury, debilitation or death by virtue public, obdurate, persisting, activist struggle that seeks to of events or processes outside of our control. It is also, im- break and remake our political world. As bodies, we suffer portantly, a feature of what we might call the social bond, the and we resist and together, in various locations, exemplify various relations that establish our interdependency. In other that form of the sustaining social bond that neo-liberal eco- words, no one person suffers a lack of shelter without a social nomics has almost destroyed. failure to organize shelter in such a way that it is accessible The Power of the People To Stand and be Counted

by Michael Premo

We have been brought to this moment we are socialized to play our position, marginalized to lanes through centuries of struggle and resistance, fighting to cre- of professional specialization, as if we are only as good as ate alternatives to the accumulation of power and wealth by our job. But in this movement we are all leaders, no longer a minority who horde the resources of our finite planet for defined merely by our education, “profession”, the things we their personal profit and pleasure. Our so-called “modern” can buy, or our contribution to the economy. This idea is giv- societies are intentionally structured to maintain deep imbal- en its greatest expression through the assembly process. The ances of power in terms of race, gender, class, sexuality, and process of friends, neighbors and members of our broader our natural environment. We’ve marched, voted, petitioned community coming together in public space to engage in for laws, maxed out our credit, and played the game. But it’s meaningful dialogue about the issues that matter most to us: naive to think that a government and economic system built this is what democracy looks like. on the backs of genocide and slavery would ever hear our I have voted in every national and local election since I cry. So we rose up, again and again and now we rise once turned 18. I continue to vote out of a deep sense of devotion more to continue the liberation of our minds and lives. This to the ideals of democracy. Several years ago I was privi- current moment of resistance is growing into a global move- leged with the opportunity to collect and produce stories as ment devoted to reclaiming and building free societies. part of the largest oral history project of its kind dedicated Occupy Wall Street has captured the global imagination. It to recording the stories and experiences of African-Amer- began with the literal occupation of the heart of global capi- icans for StoryCorps Griot, The Library of Congress, and tal, and, just as the arteries and veins of the system stretch the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African-American to every part of our lives, so must our occupation. We need History and Culture. Our group traveled the country in the a Liberty Square in every neighborhood in America – strate- spirit of Zora Neale Hurston and the Lomax family, creating gic occupations that fundamentally challenge existing power a space for people to let their stories be heard for posterity. structures and create a forum for the community to address its I heard devastating and awe-inspiring stories of struggle, own concerns, free from the corruption of exclusionary eco- survival and resistance, like listening to Ms. Theresa Bur- nomics and elite government systems. roughs in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, who remembered having to I reject the notion that this is a leaderless movement, be- guess the number of black jelly beans in a jar in order to cause I know that the opposite is true. In the so-called West, vote. Or Johnny L. Flowers who told his 13 year old grand- son about what it was like to stand on the Edmond Pettus Two months into the occupation General Assemblies Bridge in Selma on March 7, 1965, a day that became known are spreading across the country. In New York City, GAs as Bloody Sunday for the vicious attack on nonviolent pro- have sprung up or are on the verge of forming in the Bronx testers marching for their human rights. (Borough-wide), Washington Heights, Central Harlem, East On that trip, I promised myself that I would continue to Harlem, Brooklyn (Borough-wide), Sunset Park and Bed- vote for all those who have fought and died for this funda- Stuy. And I’m sure there are others. mental right. And yet I have no illusion that my vote really The beauty of neighborhood GAs is that they provide a counts—at least not as much as the wealthy individuals and forum for a variety of local constituencies within a commu- corporations that back their vote with money and the power nity to come together. And in light of so-called anti-gang to influence legislation that places profit over people, corpo- laws and State terrorism against black and brown communi- rate personhood over human rights. It is the checkbook of ties the act, alone, of peaceably assembling in mass numbers the 1% that is heard, not the vote of the 99%. I’d even go as can be an act of defiance. But communities have been divided far as to say I feel my vote only counts for three-fifths of all as much through state terror as subtler forms of co-option. other “corporate-persons.” One of many forms of division is often supported by the It is with this understanding that I believe that the power proliferation of the non-profit organizing model that has of this growing movement is in the practice of people gath- segregated organizations and community groups into issue ering together in peaceful public assemblies and agreeing on silos, often excluding potential allies as similar groups begin how to address our grievances, not least of which through to compete for funding, and similar members for resources. acts of nonviolent civil disobedience targeted at strategic Now is the time for those silos to give way to renewed oppor- objectives. Creative radical direct action is integral to this tunities for mutual collaboration. There are a lot of people phase of the movement. doing a lot of good work but since we still seem to be facing Currently the movement is organized through Gen- the same old problems, why not try something different? eral Assemblies (GA’s), which are public forums for people One example of the spreading GAs is Occupy Sunset Park. to come together to address concerns and make decisions The first meeting was a gathering of about 10 residents, activ- through collective agreement, also called consensus. Since ists and parents from the immediate and surrounding commu- we are socialized to understand leadership and power cen- nity captivated by the energy of the moment and interested in ters as the legitimate decisions makers, there is a misconcep- taking action to find creative solutions to stubborn problems. tion that this is some type of hierarchical governing body. At the first planning meeting it was decided that the commu- On the contrary, this is simply a fluid process that attempts nity would begin regular weekly General Assemblies to estab- to create a forum for the inclusion of anyone who chooses to lish continuity. Participants were encouraged to bring at least participate. As is the case with any community, these forums one friend to each meeting. The following week, at the first have developed their own culture in the form of hand ges- official Occupy Sunset Park General Assembly, participants tures and other habits that emerge from group settings. But discussed facilitation processes, alternative banking options, these are just subtleties of circumstance that can, and must, local gentrification and housing issues, and they even made change and adapt to reflect the cultural expressions of the plans towards their first direct action. The sheer simplicity, community engaging the forum process. For thousands of inclusiveness, and adaptability of this process is what makes years societies around the world have engaged in variations its potential energy so powerful. In America we believe that of democratic decision making. The beauty of this move- bigger is better, but all it takes is a small group of committed ment is it is implicit that these distinct histories and cultural individuals working together to begin to change the world. ethos will evolve the General Assembly’s method of consen- It would be amazing to see General Assemblies spread to sus building. The GAs are ours to make our own as we see fit. every building, neighborhood, town and city evolving and Because our minds are not yet free, this space is also not adapting the collective agreement process as it grows. Lib- free of the frictions and misunderstandings that result from erty Square is just the beginning. The act of peacefully as- inherent privileges associated with race, class, gender, able- sembling to reclaim what has been taken, making decisions ism, and sexuality. These are the growing pains of a new about our collective future through direct democracy and society. Of course these realities still exist, but now is a mo- engaging in nonviolent direct actions of occupation and lib- ment to stretch our imaginations with an open mind and an eration must continue to spread until a new day dawns. This open heart, and dream new ways into the world through is a demonstration of the power of the people to stand and positive participation and active engagement. be counted. Power in the Movement

by Alex C.

Power is the ability to actualize; to bring poten- ers subvert traditional Western tonalism and experiment with rotational tonalism, pluritonalism or atonalism. tial to fruition, to make things happen. But where does it Second, a thought model may come in handy. We can view come from? What are the conditions that build power and the goal of social justice as necessarily passing through a how do we trace its movement? Then, perhaps most impor- Feng Shui of Power with flows shaped by human action and tantly: How do we multiply its sources to make power avail- intentionality. With this paradigm we can proactively push able to more people? the movement to a place where all feel empowered and not These are fundamental questions that every occupier left out. Concretely, radicals must make use of “tracing”— must entertain, because their answers will prevent us from i.e. recognizing power and tracing it back to its origins— replicating the asymmetries found in society. Injustice hap- to build a cartography of power. With that knowledge we pens when power is unevenly distributed, creating explicit can actively shape the conditions for it to flow harmoniously or invisible hierarchies. Occupy Wall Street is not immune throughout all occupiers and society. to this injustice because power behaves just the same in families, schools, churches, governments, companies, working groups, To begin this project, key steps are: affinity groups, and so forth. Therefore, how do we guard (1) Recognizing and identifying “springs” or sources of against bias and distortions in the revolution? power - e.g., information, connections, access to resources, First, we must shed the invincibility complex. No—we are history, etc. not immune to corruption. We must humbly acknowledge that (2) Mapping how these power flows are distributed in there is always a risk of occupiers becoming exactly what they space, people and time. are fighting against. This subtle deformation process happens without us realizing. Therefore, listening to dissent and how (3) Acting upon the cartography to shape the flow of people feel is ever more important. Paying attention to which power in a way that benefits all. voices carry more weight and questioning “why” and “how” is essential to the distribution of power. If group decisions are being determined by the same few voices, Houston!—we have a (democratic) problem. This awareness must be actualized not to police each other but to dynamically map how decisions are made and to evaluate if they are indeed an amalgama- tion of all voices. The objective is to have not a single center of gravity that people magnetize toward (leader/fol- lower pattern), but to have as many centers of gravity as there are individuals. To give an example, we can see this rhizomatic structure in contemporary music when compos- Matrix as the Core Element by Rira

OCCUPY WALL STREET has sparked a wave of assemblies and occupations at the doorsteps of the very financial and political elites that profited from the recent global economic crisis. This ar- ticle will briefly present several components that have emerged not in isolation, but as an intercon- nected matrix. The article will elaborate on how this matrix should evolve as the core element of OWS. Such components are open-ended with the hopes of further scrutiny and radical departures towards new perspectives.

the ProceSS radical spaces have been coopted, eliminated, or reinscribed At first glance of an occupation, placards, tents, and work sta- with oppressive hierarchical relations. Suburban sprawl and tions clutter the view. Yet the true face of OWS in the General home ownership have deceived us into debt and a twisted Assembly. Through rules and a group of rotating facilitators, sense of control, success, and identity. Under constant at- the General Assembly reclaiming one of the most deprived tack, we abandoned our historical obligation to the collective elements of our society—the voice! Instead of money or ob- ownership of the commons. While international uprisings jects, the voice is the ultimate form of exchange. It is the such as Tahrir have been inspiring, Americans too have a starting point that connects us in almost endless web. Its long legacy of domestic occupations. Hooverville, Resur- strength is in its diversity. rection City, Rosa Parks, SNCC occupations of segregated The long legacy of adapted forms of direct democracy, businesses, and the recent occupation of Madison’s capital especially in the Global South, has greatly influenced OWS. building by state workers all demonstrate our long struggle One important lesson from those movements has been that against injustice. no matter how radical or sincere allies, politicians, or intel- Today, Wall Street is the critical site of intervention be- lectuals are, their contributions are only as relevant as their cause we are now directly confronting the institutions of glob- degrees of involvement as equal participants within the as- al capital. London, Frankfurt, Shanghai, and other financial sembly. We must prevent the threat of cooption by having capitols are havens of the world’s elite who ruthlessly con- participants disclose affiliations with outside organizations solidate power with neoliberal-driven economic policies. At that may in any way use the assembly to benefit an exclusive Liberty Square, it is no surprise that what was initially des- agenda. ignated as a protest space has ended up housing so many of It is unreasonable to expect that outside experts can pro- neoliberalism’s living victims. The occupation addresses peo- vide ‘quick-fixes’ to the challenges facing an assembly. In ple’s right to safe shelter, food, health, space, education, and such instances, the burden is on us to educate ourselves, de- sanitation. The homeless and mentally ill, two groups who velop working group, and revise our practices. As we create have suffered the worst forms of exclusion, are welcomed an international network of assemblies that are horizontal by working groups who are trained to address their griev- and accountable, we must continue to ask ourselves: How do ances in a manner that is reciprocal and empowering. Our we embolden new participants to step-up and take on initia- occupation is both a symbolic and functional space that—as tives? How we can safeguard against internal conflict, coop- the slogan goes—serve human needs, not corporate greed. tion, and provocateurs? imagining the moment the SPace This moment did not start with academics, activists, or po- The resurgence of popular uprisings has again high- litical leaders—and it did not occur in their domain. Instead, lighted the decisive confrontation between the elite, who has a network of concerned individuals in a public park initiated benefited from the historical shift towards ever-increasing this now-global dialogue. We rejected the initial discussions of wealth and power consolidation, and the urban lower class, quick-fix legislation and third party candidates because such which has been marginalized spatially, economically, politi- demands are the lingering remnants of a narratives that left cally and culturally from a decades-long reign of structural us powerless, voiceles, and depressed. In this empty fairytale, violence. Neoliberal economic policies and traditional power our ‘experts’ identify the problem, provide us with false al- structures have eroded basic human rights and left major ar- ternatives, and leave us more pacified than before. They tell eas of today’s cities in ruins and surveillance. Even formerly us to elect politicians, save starving children with Starbucks, eat organic, boycott one multinational for another, buy an improve their living condition, and engage in actions that acre in the Amazon, whatever. Engaging in these ‘legal’ al- will reclaim power from existing institutions that profit from ternatives makes us ever more powerless while strengthen- their exclusion. No matter how perfect the assembly process, ing the legitimacy and power of capital. true social justice is restored through human practice and So how can our working groups and assemblies imagine collective ownership. This ensures that in such a space, even the moment the real alternative? To start with, a success- the most marginalized are given a basic means of production ful action is only as effective as the radical imagination that (i.e. their participation), which inevitably results in a more precedes it. We must constantly remember the revolution’s just distribution of power. requisite components and imagine how they interconnect as The third step is imagining the moment or situation that a constantly evolving matrix. For example, is our group fol- may or may not cross legal-hegemonic boundaries in order to lowing progressive stack, step-up/step-back, and encourag- liberate power. It is worth highlighting the value of the ex- ing everyone to have a voice? Is our occupied space (whether ceptional event or shock against the continuity of life, social temporary or indefinite) confronting and transforming pri- conservatism, and all the instruments of structural violence vate property into a nonhierarchical space that encourages the system has at its disposal. This is the critical rupture, solidarity, learning, and mutual dependency? reformulation, and launching of alternative models that will When defining the group’s agenda, we must constantly transform existing ‘systems/technologies’ into other modes scrutining the role power structures have in shaping existing that will redistribute power to the assembly in order to serve injustices and clarifying what choices exist (or should exist) human needs. Occupy the Department of Education has al- to alleviate these injustices. The problem is then understood ready united teachers, student, and parents to challenge the by assessing the disparity between the needs of the com- city’s institutions with its own assembly that is formulating munity and self-interests of state/capital in order to fulfill more effective educational alternatives. those choices. For instance, if a city’s housing board is col- Our historical significance is dependent upon how this laborating with private developers to gentrify subsidized matrix transforms itself as the spheres of direct democracy, housing, the demand should not be to increase compensa- participatory economics, radical education and other sites of tion to the evicted residents. Rather, we must explore how interference intersect as functional horizontal forms of hu- the residents could form an assembly that will replace the man relations. It must constantly evolve beyond the occu- housing board and developers to address their own func- pation to establish protest spaces within all of our existing tional needs. Regarding health needs in the space, the first institutions. step would be to provide charitable care. However, the real We must not become fixed to particular spaces or actions. In- alternative is to organize HIV positive occupiers, addict, and stead, we must unleash a radical imagination that will liber- the homeless to form their own working groups. Then, as an ate the collective consciousness of every sector of society autonomous and empowered voice, these groups could ap- to challenge the ruling institution, and replace them with proach the healthcare workers with their needs in a recip- civilized, horizontal, and humane alternatives. rocal manner, go to the GA to utilize resources that would Possibility, Universality, & Radicality

A Universal Chorus for Emancipation

by Isham Christie i. radicality People met the initial uncertainty of the outcome not with inaction but, instead, with persistence: a basic prem- It began in mid-July. A call went out to Occupy Wall St from ise for radical action. All radical action is by its essence an a leftist magazine. A handful of NYC anti-austerity activists, opening of possibility. And it is this radical opening, giv- who had just weeks before ended a two-week encampment ing hope to a fundamental transformation of social orders, outside City Hall, decided to announce a general assembly that liberals and conservatives fear most. Radical openings, at the Charging Bull near Wall Street. On August 2 about or revolutionary situations, like the one we find ourselves in 200 people came, broke out into working groups and started now, present a multiplicity of possibilities, some better and to build for the occupation of Wall Street. Serious doubts some worse. Without faith in the inevitability of historical plagued my mind, as I am sure they did others, from the progress, which sustained the radicals of the past, we have very beginning. Will people show up? Will Sept. 17, the first to reinvent radicalism without inevitability. day of the occupation, be no more than a fight with cops? Radicals do not shirk when confronted with open possi- Will we be strong enough to actually take a space? Does bility, but see it as an opportunity for dramatic social change this organizing model exclude the most marginalized and not allowed within existing institutions. We acknowledge oppressed people in society? that social orders are subject to historical change, and that Most of us who organized the lead-up to September 17 all social orders eventually transform due to their own also questioned the project seriously. I almost left the move- internal contradictions. This acceptance helps dispel the ment a couple of times. I sat through five-hour-long general anxiety of uncertainty that lies at the heart of a radicalism assemblies on multiple occasions. Most of us had no idea without faith in historical inevitability. if Occupy Wall Street would work or not, we simply acted During the lead up to the occupation of Wall Street, the in such a way as to realize the potentials for success and words of Friedrich Nietzsche further served to dispel fears mitigate the possibilities for failure. Even now as I reflect, about acting within an open situation. Nietzsche writes, it could have failed on September 17 or 18, or fizzled out a “Cheerfulness,[…] belief in the future, the joyful deed—all little later. But by chance, dedication, police brutality (oddly depend, [on knowing] the right time to forget as well as enough), and a lot of daring, Occupy Wall Street turned into the right time to remember, and instinctively see when it is something so large that politicians from the Ayatollah to the necessary to feel historically and when unhistorically [both Greek prime minster to President Obama are weighing in. being] equally necessary to the health of an individual, a community, and a system of culture.” The forgetful sense, the ability to act in spite of uncer- to elements of powerful and inspiring political struggle, tainty of consequence, the courage to put aside reasons why including working class political parties, the women’s suf- something won’t work: these all become necessary for authen- frage movement and the Civil Rights movement. But despite tic, radical action. And ultimately, our hope in the possible out- such genuine hopes, and the victories gained along the way, weighs the doubts. electoralism is now in steep decline. Yet as socio-economic conditions continue to deteriorate and dissatisfaction in rep- ii. conditionS of PoSSibility resentatives grow, the response we are seeing is not cynicism or apathy. It is the beginning of an awakening toward radical We inherited hope from the movements that have begun in social change. 2011. Occupy Wall Street could not have occurred without The Occupy movement embodies a rejection of cynicism, the conditions for its possibility existing in the social condi- electoralism and neo-liberal austerity. It does so by acknowl- tions and social imagination of people elsewhere. A major edging that a liberal response to appease unrestrained capi- touchstone of inspiration was Tunisia and Tahrir Square. talism and people’s interest is impossible. Both profits and The revolts in Egypt and Tunisia stimulated the political people cannot be pursued in tandem especially given the cri- imagination and renewed a sense of hope in mass collective sis of profitability underway in global capitalism. Electoral action. In a similar way, the uprising in Madison made collec- liberalism will persist, but a new and increasingly dominant tive action possible for America. The other encampments and form of political participation is emerging—localized par- occupations around the world gave us hope, examples, and ticipatory democracy, horizontalism, and the encampment- at times an overlap of organizers. Now we see that Occupy form. These are not only alternatives in terms of social Wall Street was a spark that lit the Occupy movement, which structure, but interesting enough they are the means by in turn re-inspire some of the movements that inspired us which social structures can be transformed. We are seeing in the first place. Calls to Occupy have since sprouted up the fusion of means and ends to a large extent in the en- around hundreds of cities and campuses, in all regions and campment movements. states. The rapid development of the movement shows “the The activity of taking over public space, holding general force of an idea whose time has to come.” But what made assemblies, setting up camp and building infrastructure for such a rapid development possible besides the other move- the needs of the camp is becoming the new and prevalent ments from which we drew inspiration? form of organized opposition. The previously dominant One answer is that the long process of neo-liberalism forms of political opposition–the party-form, the member- reached a tipping point with the economic crisis of 2008. ship–form, the union-form, cadre-form, voting-form, etc.— What characterizes neo-liberalism – cuts to social services, at- still play a role in the encampment movement. But it’s this tacks on union power, privatization of public services, deregu- novel form of political and social organization, the encamp- lation that allows the mass accumulation of capital in private ment, that has come to blossom. hands – is being challenged by Occupy Wall Street and Oc- cupy Together. The Occupy movement (in addition to similar iii. SPace and univerSality in grouP-forma- movements in Europe, North Africa, etc.) is creating an actu- tion ally existing social movement that unifies the sense of outrage people feel toward politicians and the economic elite. At its The encampment-form of political activity highlights a heart, it is challenging economic and social oppression. central characteristic in the formation of a group—space. This movement was long awaited. Union density and The distinction between a class-in-itself and class-for-itself power has dropped significantly in recent years. Taxes on bears considering. A class- or group-for-itself consists of: corporations, banks and financial institutions have shrunk dramatically. Accessibility to education has declined while 1) social agency - the possibility for a given group to costs and student debt have risen sharply. Unemployment, change society and history, underemployment and employment in jobs that don’t pay a 2) self-consciousness – some degree of awareness of it- living wage have grown steadily. Mortgages and credit card self as a movement for social change and mechanisms for debt meanwhile chain us to ever growing burdens as foreclo- collective thought, and sures, unpayable rent and homelessness every day become a 3) the prerequisite class-in-itself characteristics – com- reality to more people. From all this we find ourselves in a mon interests, similar analysis of society, and proximity ei- serious crisis of legitimacy for the current social order, and ther physically or digitally. this is the basis for the spread and support for the Occupy movement. The industrial working class had emancipatory potential Three years of the Obama presidency has crystallized for partially because those workers had a site of struggle, the many, including myself, the dead-end hope of voting to enact factory. Workers=factories/workplaces, Students=Schools, social change. A historical hope in electoralism goes far back etc. One important characteristic of emancipatory potential is the existence of a dense site out from which struggle can arise. If people with similar interests or conceptions of society share the same space, they become a group-for-itself. The enclosure 99% of the commons and public space, particularly in NYC for po- by Najaya Royal litical causes, minimizes the coming-together that is necessary !GEs"ROOKLYN .9 for group-for-itself formation. Reclaiming the city, taking the square, or holding public space allows for the density to spill into. 7HATIFTHESKYWASYELLOWANDTHESUNWASBLUE A space for struggle is thus a key determination in the formation 7HATIFMONEYDIDNOTAFFECTIFYOU of group-for-itself as opposed to a group-in-itself. What the Oc- HAVEAHOMETHESAMETIMENEXTYEAR cupy movement allows for is the opening up of social space in )MPOSSIBLE RIGHT which a variety of different and hitherto largely isolated social 7EARETHETHATARENOTRICH struggles can converge. The convergence of isolated social struggles signals the great- 7EARETHEWHODOHAVETOWORRYABOUTBILLSGETTING est hope for this movement and clarifies (if we needed further PAIDEACHMONTH clarification) that the notion of universality in relation to social "UTARETHEWITHAVOICETHATCANBEHEARDALL struggle and emancipation has changed as history and society de- AROUND THEWORLD veloped. The classic single emancipatory subject (the proletariat) %VENTHOUGHWEAREFROWNEDUPONBYTHE has taken on another shape. It is no longer that a single social sub- 4HOUGHWEARETHEREASONTHATTHEARERICH ject will emerge to emancipate itself and with it the general inter- ests of all those in society. Multiple social subjects which in-itself, )MEANWHOELSELUNCHMONEYWOULDTHEYSTEALANDBE or themselves, have emancipatory potential can unite in a universal ABLETOGETAWAYWITHIT movement to abolish and/or challenge social oppression (implying 7EAREALLAGAINSTBULLIES emancipation beyond economic determination). How will this oc- 3OITSABOUTTIMEWESTANDUPTOTHEBIGGESTBULLY cur? How is this occurring at Occupy Wall Street? of them all As each social struggle amplifies the voice of the other, a 7EWEREBORNFREE chorus takes shape. Housing rights groups, workers, students, unionists, Haitians, police brutality groups, American Indians, 3OWHYCANTWEALLLIVEFREE environmental groups, etc, etc.. all come and speak in the open 7HYCANTWEALLBEEQUAL space, and as one speaks we all recite, and thus form a universal )TISNOTARACIALTHING chorus for emancipation. The people’s mic can be openly heard; )TISMORELIKEAMONEYTHING the very openness of the space allows for shades of universality "UTWHENDIDGREENPAPERDECIDEWHEREANDHOWSHOULD to emerge. Divisions of class, race, gender and sexual identity (while being respected as autonomous and self-defining move- WELIVE ments) are brought into a broader and more universal movement 7HENDIDGREENPAPERBECOMEABARRIERANDSEPRATE for emancipatory social change. No one single social subject will MANKIND emancipate us all. We must join in the chorus together. It is our 4HISMOVEMENTRIGHTHERE task to create a movement where the emancipation of each is a )SGOINGTOCHANGETHEWORLDFORTHEBETTER condition for the emancipation of all. Only then will emancipa- 4HISMOVEMENTWILLFINALLYMAKEUSAWHOLE tion from all forms of social oppression be realized. editorial statement We believe we can’t have radical action 4HE.INETY without radical thought. Tidal offers theory and strategy as a means of empowering occupiers, whether actual or potential, to envision actions that ultimately trans- AND.INE forms existing power structures.

by Rose Elizabeth Smith In Tidal, theory means an assumption based on limited information or knowledge. Strategy means the art of devising or employing plans There are ninety and nine that work or stratagems towards a goal. Action means this. This moment; This and die, struggle. many voices. history. and process. collectively, imagine. In hunger and want and cold, That one may revel in luxury, We are an ongoing horizontal conversation among those who have And be lapped in the silken fold; spent most of their lives thinking about this moment, and the people And ninety and nine in the hovels bare, in the Occupy Movement that are making decisions every day about its And one in a palace of riches rare. future. Aware that ability is a privilege, Tidal endeavors to offer chal- lenging ideas in language that’s accessible to the common person. We From the sweat of their brow hope these writings positively impact the Occupy Movement, propel it the desert blooms forward and clarify its goals. And the forest before them falls; Their labor has builded humble homes, And the cities with lofty halls; E DITORS And the one owns the cities and houses Natasha Bhagat Singh and lands, Amin Husain And the ninety and nine have empty Babak Karimi hands. Laura Gottesdiener Isham Christie But the night so dreary and dark and long P HOTOGRAPHy At last shall the morning bring; Alex Fradkin And over the land the victor’s song Of the ninety and nine shall ring, I LLUSTRATION And echo afar, from zone to zone: Anthony! “Rejoice, for labor shall have its own.” Suzahn E. From the Machinist Monthly Journal, Katie Falkenberg November 1931 PRODUCTION Jed Brandt

[working] COPy THESIS ON NON-VIOLENCE: Michael Levitin A PPRECIATIONS Jesal Kapadia “throw cops Farideh Gregg Osofsky at the cops” Joshua Nelson Thomas Hintze

Published by Occupied Media OCCUPYTHEORY.ORG