Local Agency and William Macgregor's Exploration of The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Local Agency and William Macgregor's Exploration of The 8 Local agency and William MacGregor’s exploration of the Trobriand Islands Andrew Connelly At the time of British New Guinea Administrator William MacGregor’s first visits to the Trobriand Islands in 1890 and 1891, the islands had been frequented by whalers for over 40 years and by traders for over a decade. However, this long history of European encounter and exchange in the Trobriands failed to result in the construction of a body of knowledge available to MacGregor, since many encounters were not recorded or were buried in ships’ logs, published information was widely scattered, and some regular visits were kept secret. Because of this, MacGregor ventured into an informational wilderness to ‘discover’ the islands for himself. On the other hand, these previous exchanges had produced a local body of shared knowledge that shaped his reception by Trobriand intermediaries, especially local chiefs who attempted to recruit him into exclusive exchange relationships. If not unrecognised by MacGregor, then at least unreported were the surely numerous interactions between Trobrianders and his Polynesian and Melanesian companions, whose presence and conduct would have been as significant for Trobrianders as MacGregor’s was. 161 BRoKERS AND BouNDARIES William MacGregor was born in Scotland and completed medical studies at Edinburgh, gaining his certificate in 1872. He then joined the British colonial service as a medical assistant, working in the Seychelles and Mauritius under Governor Sir Arthur Gordon, who encouraged him to take on administrative tasks as well. It was here that he first developed an interest in ‘native’ affairs and welfare. MacGregor followed Gordon to Fiji in 1874, where a string of appointments over 14 years amounted to an extended training course in colonial administration.1 Figure 8.1: William MacGregor, 1888. Source: State Library of Queensland. 1 Chief Medical and Health Officer, Receiver-General (Treasurer), Colonial Secretary and Acting Governor. Joyce 1971. 162 8 . LoCAL AGENCy & WILLIAM MACGREGoR’S ExpLoratioN oF THE TRoBRIAND ISLANDS MacGregor stepped ashore at Port Moresby in September 1888, where he was sworn in as Administrator after proclaiming the former British protectorate’s new status as the Crown Possession of British New Guinea. He would lead British New Guinea (long informally and later officially also known as Papua) for a decade, as Administrator until 1894, and as Lieutenant Governor from 1895 to 1898.2 MacGregor sought to encourage development such as gold mining and copra plantations in British New Guinea but, due to his earlier experiences under Gordon, and perhaps his medical background, he also valued protecting the Indigenous population from exploitation by Europeans.3 This often brought him into conflict with white elements of settler society. MacGregor viewed exploration as one of the responsibilities of his position and undertook many expeditions large and small to ‘discover’ and document the Territory’s geography, geology, natural history and population. He personally established initial government contact with many Papuan societies, and ‘pacification’ of hostile or warring groups was a priority. These expeditions were written up in despatches to MacGregor’s superior, the Governor of Queensland, and published as appendices in the British New Guinea annual reports. These official despatches, read with interest in colonial offices and drawing rooms across the British Empire, served as a narration of the new government’s self-discovery of its own territory and subjects. When MacGregor first arrived in 1890, Trobrianders had had face- to-face contact with seaborne Europeans for at least half a century, and had been familiar with the sight of European vessels for much longer. A long tradition of regional trade by seagoing canoe meant that Trobrianders were highly mobile, travelling throughout a large area of islands numbering in the hundreds, from Muyuw (Woodlark) in the east and the Louisiades in the south-east, to the D’Entrecasteaux and south-eastern coast of New Guinea to the south. They would have known of and likely interacted with Europeans long before any reached Trobriand shores. 2 MacGregor demanded this mainly symbolic promotion after his first five years. Joyce 1971: 118–119; Sinclair 2009: 135. 3 Joyce 1971: 141, 143, 167; see also Sinclair 2009. 163 BRoKERS AND BouNDARIES Figure 8.2: Map of Milne Bay Province, south-eastern Papua New Guinea, showing the Trobriands and surrounding islands in the Solomon Sea. Source: © The Australian National university, CAp Carto GIS. The first documented sighting of the Trobriands by Europeans was in 1793, when French Rear Admiral Bruni d’Entrecasteaux named the island group after his first lieutenant Denis de Trobriand whilst sailing past, and roughly charted the northern and eastern shores.4 Thirteen years later, British captain Abraham Bristow was frequenting the area, making contact with nearby Islanders and passing close to islands he logged as being at precisely the latitude of northern Kiriwina.5 Unrecorded meetings during this time would have been likely between such passers-by and Trobrianders either on the beach or at sea in their large sailing canoes. 4 Horner 1995: 183. 5 MacGillivray 1852, I: 175–176. 164 8 . LoCAL AGENCy & WILLIAM MACGREGoR’S ExpLoratioN oF THE TRoBRIAND ISLANDS Figure 8.3: First map of the Trobriands, detail from C. F. Beautemps-Beaupré, ‘Carte des Archipels des iles Salomon, de la Louisiade et de la Nouv.le Bretagne; situes a l’est de la Nouvelle Guinee / redigee par C.F. Beautemps-Beaupré, hydrographe sous-chef du depot g.al de la marine en 1806’, 1807. Source: National Library of Australia MAp Ra 82 (Copy 1) plate 21. By the early 1830s a more regular form of European contact was taking place, as whalers extended their hunt into the Solomon Sea.6 The first recorded direct encounter between Europeans and Trobriand Islanders comes through a brief account given by Captain R. L. Hunter of the British whaler Marshall Bennett, which dropped anchor off Cape Denis on north-western Kiriwina in October 1836. While Hunter’s men remained warily in their whaleboats, the Trobrianders there to receive them showed no hesitation, wading out to the boats with baskets of yams – as Hunter noted, ‘in fact, as many as we could find room for, of the finest yams I ever saw’, to exchange for hoop iron.7 Trobriand 6 Thomas Beale writes evocatively of being becalmed aboard the British whaler Kent north of the Lusancays (just west of the Trobriands) in 1832. Beale 1839: 310. 7 Hunter 1839: 38. 165 BRoKERS AND BouNDARIES yams were valued by whalers as a staple that was easily stored in barrels and kept well, and Hunter was surely not the first whaler to call into Cape Denis, as the Islanders’ readiness to trade indicates a well-worn routine on their part. The Trobriands became known as one of the few places in the region where whalers could safely come ashore to trade for food and gather wood and water without fear of attack, and the islands were regularly visited until the decline of the industry in the 1860s. By the 1840s, bêche de mer collectors and traders had joined the whalers visiting the area. Russian anthropologist Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay briefly visited the Trobriands in late November 1879, aboard theSadie F. Caller, a ‘smart three-masted American schooner’ engaged in the trade.8 Five years later, the German ethnologist and naturalist Otto Finsch called in briefly aboard the German steamerSamoa . Both men were pressed with carvings for trade. Finsch remarked that he already knew of the Trobriands’ ‘excellent yams’ before visiting, since small trading vessels had been coming down from German New Guinea to barter for them for some years.9 While these early visits had been recorded, apparently none of them were known to MacGregor in 1890. Information from these contacts was either buried in whaling logs and thick shipping atlases or published in foreign languages. It may be difficult to imagine today how disconnected various disciplinary, generic, regional and national information flows were at the time. Furthermore, others had good reason to keep their ‘discoveries’ in the islands a secret, so much so that facts surrounding this early contact period remain murky. Englishman William Whitten was one of the earliest ‘settlers’ in the islands of eastern British New Guinea, having arrived in the territory in 1874. Often humbly described as ‘a storekeeper at Samarai’ (a European settlement in China Strait off the eastern tip of New Guinea), he was a keen and opportunistic entrepreneur, soon making a good business outfitting the many miners that flocked to each new gold strike in the area.10 According to Leo Austen, an Australian resident magistrate in the Trobriands in the 1930s, Whitten and a Norwegian named Oscar Solberg had 8 Webster 1984: 223. 9 Finsch 1888: 204–210. Trobriand passage translated for the author by Hilary Howes. 10 Nelson 1976. 166 8 . LoCAL AGENCy & WILLIAM MACGREGoR’S ExpLoratioN oF THE TRoBRIAND ISLANDS established a ‘fishing station’ (actually a site for smoking and storing bêche-de-mer for occasional collection) on north-west Kiriwina in the 1880s.11 C. A. W. Monckton wrote that while trading in bêche de mer, Whitten became the first European to discover ‘that pearls of a fair quality existed in a small oyster forming one of the staple foods of the natives’, managing to keep this a secret and to ‘purchase large quantities of the pearls from the natives for almost nothing’ until the sale of his haul in Australia let the secret out, which ‘brought down upon him a host of other competitors’. While denied a possible fortune by the competition, Whitten had ‘made enough to bring a younger brother from England, purchase a bigger and better vessel, also a large amount of merchandise’, thereby laying the foundation for the formidable Whitten Bros holdings of the next several decades.12 Austen noted that Whitten’s friendships with Trobrianders were memorable enough that ‘the people have gone so far as to name a special dance after him.
Recommended publications
  • Agricultural Systems of Papua New Guinea Working Paper No
    AGRICULTURAL SYSTEMS OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA Working Paper No. 6 MILNE BAY PROVINCE TEXT SUMMARIES, MAPS, CODE LISTS AND VILLAGE IDENTIFICATION R.L. Hide, R.M. Bourke, B.J. Allen, T. Betitis, D. Fritsch, R. Grau, L. Kurika, E. Lowes, D.K. Mitchell, S.S. Rangai, M. Sakiasi, G. Sem and B. Suma Department of Human Geography, The Australian National University, ACT 0200, Australia REVISED and REPRINTED 2002 Correct Citation: Hide, R.L., Bourke, R.M., Allen, B.J., Betitis, T., Fritsch, D., Grau, R., Kurika, L., Lowes, E., Mitchell, D.K., Rangai, S.S., Sakiasi, M., Sem, G. and Suma,B. (2002). Milne Bay Province: Text Summaries, Maps, Code Lists and Village Identification. Agricultural Systems of Papua New Guinea Working Paper No. 6. Land Management Group, Department of Human Geography, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra. Revised edition. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Entry: Milne Bay Province: text summaries, maps, code lists and village identification. Rev. ed. ISBN 0 9579381 6 0 1. Agricultural systems – Papua New Guinea – Milne Bay Province. 2. Agricultural geography – Papua New Guinea – Milne Bay Province. 3. Agricultural mapping – Papua New Guinea – Milne Bay Province. I. Hide, Robin Lamond. II. Australian National University. Land Management Group. (Series: Agricultural systems of Papua New Guinea working paper; no. 6). 630.99541 Cover Photograph: The late Gore Gabriel clearing undergrowth from a pandanus nut grove in the Sinasina area, Simbu Province (R.L.
    [Show full text]
  • Material Culture of Papua New Guinea
    Introduction to Pacific Review of Pacific Collections Collections: Material Culture in Scottish Museums of Papua New Guinea Produced as part of Pacific Collections in Scottish Museums: Unlocking their knowledge and potential project 2013-2014. For full information and resources visit www.nms.ac.uk/pacific The following summary provides an overview of material you are likely to come across in Scottish collections. These are written according to island region. Papua New Guinea The island of New Guinea is the second largest on earth after Greenland. The nation of Papua New Guinea, which is culturally part of Melanesia, occupies the eastern half of New Guinea along with a number of island groups including New Britain, New Ireland and Bougainville, which is geographically part of the Solomon Islands chain. The western half of New Guinea is known as West Papua and is a province of Indonesia. There are very few items from West Papua in Scottish collections. Archaeological evidence shows that human habitation of New Guinea began around 45,000 years ago with people moving east from Indonesia. Today Papua New Guinea includes the following provinces: Central; Simbu (Chimbu); Eastern Highlands; East New Britain; East Sepik; Enga; Gulf; Madang; Manus; Milne Bay; Morobe; New Ireland; Oro (Northern); Autonomous Region of Bougainville; Southern Highlands; Western (Fly); Western Highlands; West New Britain; Sandaun (West Sepik); National Capital District; Hela; and Jiwaka. The first Europeans to visit were Spanish and Portuguese explorers in the 16th century. Spanish explorer Yñigo Ortiz de Retez named the whole island New Guinea in 1545. It wasn’t until the 19th century that Europeans began to properly explore the area with surveys such as those of HMS Basilisk around 1873-4.
    [Show full text]
  • GPS Results from the Woodlark Rift, Papua New Guinea, Geochem
    PUBLICATIONS Geochemistry, Geophysics, Geosystems RESEARCH ARTICLE Continental breakup and UHP rock exhumation in action: GPS 10.1002/2014GC005458 results from the Woodlark Rift, Papua New Guinea Special Section: Laura M. Wallace1, Susan Ellis2, Tim Little3, Paul Tregoning4, Neville Palmer2, Robert Rosa5, Lithospheric Evolution of Richard Stanaway6, John Oa7, Edwin Nidkombu7, and John Kwazi7 Cenozoic UHP Terranes: From Convergence to Extension 1Institute for Geophysics, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, USA, 2GNS Science, Lower Hutt, New Zealand, 3School of Geography, Environment, and Earth Sciences, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand, 4Research 5 Key Points: School for the Earth Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, Australia, Surveying Department, University 6 7 GPS reveals crustal deformation and of Technology, Lae, Papua New Guinea, Quickclose Pty. Ltd., Carlton, Victoria, Australia, PNG National Mapping Bureau, microplate kinematics in the Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea Woodlark Basin, SE Papua New Guinea Exhumation of UHP rocks in We show results from a network of campaign Global Positioning System (GPS) sites in the Wood- southeastern PNG is associated with Abstract active crustal extension lark Rift, southeastern Papua New Guinea, in a transition from seafloor spreading to continental rifting. GPS Our results demonstrate that low- velocities indicate anticlockwise rotation (at 2–2.7/Myr, relative to Australia) of crustal blocks north of the rift, angle normal faults can slip at rates producing 10–15 mm/yr of extension in the continental rift, increasing to 20–40 mm/yr of seafloor spreading of several mm/yr or more at the Woodlark Spreading Center. Extension in the continental rift is distributed among multiple structures.
    [Show full text]
  • PNG: Building Resilience to Climate Change in Papua New Guinea
    Environmental Assessment and Review Framework September 2015 PNG: Building Resilience to Climate Change in Papua New Guinea This environmental assessment and review framework is a document of the borrower/recipient. The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of ADB's Board of Directors, Management, or staff, and may be preliminary in nature. Your attention is directed to the “terms of use” section of this website. In preparing any country program or strategy, financing any project, or by making any designation of or reference to a particular territory or geographic area in this document, the Asian Development Bank does not intend to make any judgments as to the legal or other status of any territory or area. Project information, including draft and final documents, will be made available for public review and comment as per ADB Public Communications Policy 2011. The environmental assessment and review framework will be uploaded to ADB website and will be disclosed locally. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................................................. ii 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1 A. BACKGROUND .....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kaileuna Is. Bird Checklist Trobriand Group, P.N.G
    Kaileuna Is. Bird Checklist Trobriand Group, P.N.G. 8 32 00s 150 57 00e Compiled by M.K. Tarburton, Pacific Adventist University, PNG. [To communicate please re-type above address into your e-mail program] # Common Name Scientific Name Ecol. Status Abundance References 1. White-tailed Tropicbird Phäethon lepturus Res P, 1 offshore Nov 1969. 5,7, 2. Great Frigatebird Fregata minor Vag P, P = 3-5% of Frigatebirds Aug 1976. 5,10, 3. Orange-footed Scrubfowl Megapodius reinwardt macgillivrayi Res bre MC 15,17, 4. Purple Swamphen Porphyrio porphyrio melanopterus Res bre C 15, 5. Great Knot Calidris tenuirostris Sum mig Prob only 1 rec. 11, 6. Claret-breasted Fruit-Dove Ptilinopus viridis vicinus Res bre P, 5,15, 7. Pied Imperial Pigeon Ducula bicolor spilorrhoa Res bre P, 15, 8. Nicobar Pigeon Caloenas n. nicobarica Res? 1 imm photographed, MC 9,15, 9. Eastern Black-capped Lory Lorius hypoinochrous devittatus Res bre P, 5,15, 10. Sulphur-crested Cockatoo Cacatua galerita Res bre Specs in AMNH 3, 11. Little Bronze-cuckoo Chrysococcyx minutillus poecilurus Win mig MC 15, 12. Marbled Frogmouth Podargus ocellatus intermedius Res bre P, 5,15,16, 13. Uniform Swiftlet Aerodramus vanikorensis tagulae Res bre 2 spec in AMNH, 4,5,15, 14. Sacred Kingfisher Todirhamphus sancta Win mig Retrap from Mudgee NSW 8, 15. Varied Triller Lalage leucomela trobriandi Res MC in rainforests, 5,13,15, 16. Black-faced Monarch Monarcha melanopsis Win mig MC in most forests and regrowth. 5,13, 17. Shining Flycatcher Myiagra alecto lucidus Res bre UC-C in Lowland Swamp forest, littoral & riparian scrub 2,5,13,15, 7F are uniform with Sudest birds.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Queensland Memoir Writer^
    Some Queensland Memoir Writer^. Presidential Address, by F. W. S. CUMBRAE-STEWART, B.A., B.O.L. At Annual Meeting of the Historical Society of Queensland, Friday, 30th August, 1918. Five years have passed since the inaugural meeting of this Society was held under the chairmanship of His Excellency, Sir William Macgregor, then Governor of Queensland and patron of the Society. During the time which has elapsed much history has been made, and the events which have shaken the world have not been favourable to quiet historical research, and I think that the Society must be congratulated on having maintained its existence in spite of so much that has hindered its work. Other difficulties overshadowed us. Before the first year had passed several of our members had died, and Sir William Macgregor had completed his useful and unstinted official service to the Empire. His retirement from the Governorship of Queensland removed him from us to his native;land. None of us who were privileged to be present will forget that morning when, on 15th July, 1914, he said farewell to us. Then came the war, which the wise had foretold, but the foolish ones had thought- was impossible. At one time the question of suspending the Society's operations was considered, but it was decided to carry on. When Sir Wm. Macgregor's successor arrived, he gave very ready and material help by taking the Society under his patronage. There are Others who have passed from our midst whose places we can never fill. Each year has added its toll.
    [Show full text]
  • Authenticity and Village-Based Tourism in the Trobriand Islands of Papua New Guinea Michelle Maccarthy
    22 Touring ‘Real Life’? Authenticity and Village-based Tourism in the Trobriand Islands of Papua New Guinea Michelle MacCarthy Introduction Tina,1 a striking young woman of Iranian heritage, travelled on her own from Victoria, Australia, to spend two months in the islands of Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea (PNG), with one of those months in the Trobriand Islands. When I spoke with her at length, Tina had been in the Trobriands for about a week and a half. She had stayed in the beachside village of Kaibola for a few days, and then travelled to Tauwema village on Kaileuna Island before returning to the largest island, Kiriwina. Tina organised village stays on the ground by asking around at the guest lodge and in the government station of Losuia. I spoke with Tina outside the small, local bush-materials house she was renting for a few days in Karidakula, the hamlet just 1 All participants were given the option, when briefed about my research and offered a Participant Information Sheet (PIS), to indicate their preference for my using their real name or a pseudonym. I have respected their wishes, but do not indicate here in which cases a pseudonym is used. 333 TOURING PACIFIC CulturES next to Butia Lodge,2 where she had just taken a ‘bucket shower’ in a temporary enclosure built for the purpose. The lodge, a well- established guest house with a generator, beds (as opposed to the mat on the floor on which Tina would have slept), and a kitchen stocked with imported foods, was no more than a few hundred metres away, but staying with a local family in each place was appealing to Tina, who preferred to ‘rough it’, as she put it, and make her money stretch to allow a longer visit.
    [Show full text]
  • Revaluing Women's Wealth in the Contemporary Pacific
    2 Doing away with Doba? Women’s Wealth and Shifting Values in Trobriand Mortuary Distributions Michelle MacCarthy Introduction The activity on the bukubaku, or centre of the hamlet, is frenzied. Throngs of women bend over giant baskets called pweia, which may stand more than a metre tall. Inside these baskets, and piled high on shallow trays made of coconut fronds called sekunona, are hundreds and hundreds of bundles of small, dry strips of banana leaves. One after another, women go to the centre of the bukubaku and call out a name, and more women, generally members of the deceased person’s matrilineage, rush to throw their bundles—five here, 10 there, but always in increments of five—on the various piles. Each pile is designated as a sort of payment to those who have provided assistance to the now deceased while ill, and immediately following the death, and who are not members of the deceased’s matriclan (Figure 6). At times, arguments arise over how these bundles, along with accompanying payments in colourful lengths of calico and notes and coins in kina,1 are redistributed. Despite being instigated by a death, these 1 The official state currency of Papua New Guinea (PNG). 61 SINUOUS OBJECTS mortuary distributions, called sagali in the Kiriwina vernacular,2 are more festive than mournful, and are a place where women direct and control resources that they have laboured to produce, in order to demonstrate the strength of their dala (matriclan). The scene described above represents the general atmosphere of a sagali and, in my nearly two years in Kiriwina, I saw similar scenes played out dozens and dozens of times.
    [Show full text]
  • Black, White & Gold
    4 Woodlark a people free to walk about Woodlark Island, over 40 miles in length and greater in area than Sudest, is lower and swampier than the other big islands of south-eastern Papua. Thick rain forest flourishes wherever the soil and drainage are adequate. The raised coral, mangroves, forest and small areas of garden lands of the west are divided from the east by the hills near Kulumadau in central Woodlark and the low Okiduse Range which rises at Mount Kabat in the north and culminates in a spear point of peninsula dominated by Suloga Peak. Inland from the mid-north coast and Guasopa Bay are extensive gardening lands. In 1895 the beach opposite Mapas Island was covered in stone chips, a clearing about a mile inland was strewn with more fragments, and beyond that near an old village site on the flank of Suloga Peak were acres of chips. For many generations men had mined on Woodlark, taking stone from rock faces exposed in a gully on Suloga and working it until it became a tool, wealth and art. The hard volcanic rock was flaked by striking it with another stone, ground in sand and water, and then polished in water and the powder coming away from the stone itself. At the old village site on Suloga and at other places on Woodlark were large slabs of rock each with a circular depression made by men grinding and polishing. In the most valuable blades the polishing highlighted a network of lighter bands, the result of the irregular laying down of the original volcanic ash.
    [Show full text]
  • Mid-Holocene Social Interaction in Melanesia: New Evidence from Hammer-Dressed Obsidian Stemmed Tools
    Mid-Holocene Social Interaction in Melanesia: New Evidence from Hammer-Dressed Obsidian Stemmed Tools ROBIN TORRENCE, PAMELA SWADLING, NINA KONONENKO, WALLACE AMBROSE, PIP RATH, AND MICHAEL D. GLASCOCK introduction Proposals that large-scale interaction and ceremonial exchange in the Pacific region began during the time of Lapita pottery (c. 3300–2000 b.p.) (e.g., Friedman 1981; Hayden 1983; Kirch 1997; Spriggs 1997) are seriously challenged by the extensive areal distribution of a class of retouched obsidian artifacts dated to the early and middle Holocene (c. 10,000–3300 b.p.) and known as ‘‘stemmed tools’’ (Araho et al. 2002). Find spots of obsidian stemmed tools stretch from mainland New Guinea to Bougainville Island and include the Trobriand Islands, various islands in Manus province, New Britain and New Ireland (Araho et al. 2002; Golson 2005; Specht 2005; Swadling and Hide 2005) (Fig. 1). Although other forms of tanged and waisted stone tool are known in Melanesia (e.g., Bulmer 2005; Fredericksen 1994, 2000; Golson 1972, 2001), the two types defined by Araho et al. (2002) as ‘‘stemmed tools’’ comprise distinctive classes because they usually have deep notches that delineate very well-defined and pronounced tangs. Type 1 stemmed tools are made from prismatic blades and have large and clearly demarcated, oval-shaped tangs. In contrast, the Type 2 group is more vari- able.Itisdefinedprimarilybytheuseof Kombewa flakes (i.e., those removed fromthebulbarfaceofalargeflake)forthe blank form, as described in detail in Robin Torrence is Principal Research Scientist in Anthropology, Australian Museum, Sydney NSW, [email protected]; Pamela Swadling is a Visiting Research Fellow, Archaeol- ogy and Natural History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Can- berra ACT, [email protected]; Nina Kononenko is an ARC post-doctoral fellow in the School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry, University of Sydney, kononenko.nina@hotmail.
    [Show full text]
  • Interlude: Locations in 'Pentecost'
    Interlude Locations in ‘Pentecost’ The reader may wonder why we have chosen such disparate ethnographic locations for our endeavour of ‘locating Pentecost’: Luanda (Angola), Port Vila (Vanuatu) and Kiriwina (Trobriand Islands). They are not even the ‘classic’ sites usually approached to study Pentecostalism – Brazil, Nigeria, North America etc. Beyond the fact that they are geographically set in coastal regions of the global south, they seem to have very little in common. Indeed, they represent very distinct geographical scenar- ios – from the hyper-urban configuration of the postcolonial African city of Luanda to the rural/urban confluence of Port Vila and finally to the rural, insular landscape of Kiriwina. Furthermore, they bear dis- tinct histories and relationships with the European and Western colonial endeavours and, particularly, with Western Christian mission. Luanda harbours a long, century-old history of both contact with Christian missions, the emergence of ‘African Independent Churches’ and partic- ipation in the transnationalization of southern Christianities (Sarró and Blanes 2009). Kiriwina likewise has a century of contact with mission- aries, both European and Polynesian, with the more recent arrival of a ‘revival’ Christianity. Similarly, Port Vila (and Vanuatu more broadly) has its own distinct history of missionary encounters and conversion. This diversity, however, is a case in point: we believe that this con- textual heterogeneity is a necessary challenge to overarching assump- tions concerning the phenomenon of Pentecostalism as a unified ‘global movement’ (Anderson et al. 2010). The anthropology of Christianity, and Pentecostalism in particular, has debated the way in which "Going to Pentecost” Edited by Annelin Eriksen, Ruy Llera Blanes, and Michelle MacCarthy is available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license with support from the University of Bergen.
    [Show full text]
  • SIR WILLIAM Macgregor and QUEENSLAND [By R
    80 SIR WILLIAM MacGREGOR AND QUEENSLAND [By R. B. JOYCE, Reader in History, University of Queensland] (Read at a Meeting of the Society on 26 AprU 1973) Your president in his kind invkation to me to speak to your society did not restrict me ki any subject beyond the general title of Sir WiUiam MacGregor. In speaking to a Queensland audience I think I should concentrate on his relationship with that colony and State, which was to become his favourite part of AustraUa. Twenty years ago, when I last addressed this society, I spoke of the British New Guinea syndicate affair of 1898^, an affair which placed MacGregor's relationship with Queensland at a low ebb for the then Queensland premier T. J. Byrnes became one of MacGregor's strongest oppon­ ents. You may know this affair was one in which MacGregor supported a British company — the British New Guinea syndicate — in its offer to purchase 250,000 acres of New Guinea for economic development. Byrnes crkicised hkn as he beUeved the syndicate was a danger to the Queensland sugar industry and to AustraUan national rights as agakist British rights. My themes will stem initiaUy from the conflicting points I have mentioned; to trace how MacGregor's relationships with Queensland changed. Thus MacGregor was criticised by Queensland's Premier in 1898, and this criticism was not atypical of the relationship of some Queenslanders to him. Yet his best friend Samuel Walker Griffith was a Queens­ lander. MacGregor favoured British interests against those of Queensland in 1898, yet he came to defend Queensland's expansion and its sugar industry.
    [Show full text]