Subphonemic Teamwork: a Typology and Theory of Cumulative Coarticulatory Effects in Phonology by Florian Adrien Jack Lionnet
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Subphonemic Teamwork: A Typology and Theory of Cumulative Coarticulatory Effects in Phonology by Florian Adrien Jack Lionnet A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Larry M. Hyman, Co-chair Professor Sharon Inkelas, Co-chair Professor Keith A. Johnson Professor Darya A. Kavitskaya Fall 2016 Subphonemic Teamwork: A Typology and Theory of Cumulative Coarticulatory Effects in Phonology Copyright 2016 by Florian Adrien Jack Lionnet 1 Abstract Subphonemic Teamwork: A Typology and Theory of Cumulative Coarticulatory Effects in Phonology by Florian Adrien Jack Lionnet Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Larry M. Hyman, Co-chair Professor Sharon Inkelas, Co-chair In this dissertation, I argue that phonology is —at least partly— grounded in phonetics, and that the phonetic information that is relevant to phonology must be given dedicated scalar repre- sentations. I lay out the foundations of a theory of such representations, which I call subfeatures. A typology and case-study of subphonemic teamwork, a kind of multiple-trigger assimilation driven by partial coarticulatory effects, serves as the empirical basis of this proposal. Iargue, on the basis of instrumental evidence, that such partial coarticulatory effects are relevant to the phonological grammar, and must accordingly be represented in it. In doing so, I take a stand in several debates that have shaped phonology. First, the debate surrounding phonological substance: I argue against a substance-free approach (cf. Blaho 2008 and references therein) by showing that some phonological phenomena (here, subphonemic team- work) require a phonetically grounded, or “natural”, approach. Furthermore, within the field of phonetically based phonology, I argue in favor of maintaining a separation between phonology and phonetics, which are conceived of as distinct components of the grammar that communicate through the mediation of abstract phonetic knowledge. Finally, the theory I propose is representa- tional: phonetic knowledge, which is what allows phonology access to some phonetic information, is reified into subfeatural representations that can be manipulated by the phonological grammar. i À a me minnana, Raymonde Hecq ii Good training in theory, and acquaintance with its latest results, is not identical with being burdened with “preconceived ideas.” If a man sets out on an expedition, determined to prove certain hypotheses, if he is incapable of changing his views constantly and casting them off ungrudgingly under the pressure of evi- dence, needless to say his work will be worthless. But the more problems he brings with him into the field, the more he isin the habit of moulding his theories according to facts, and of see- ing facts in their bearing upon theory, the better he is equipped for the work. Preconceived ideas are pernicious in any scientific work, but foreshadowed problems are the main endowment of a scientific thinker, and these problems are first revealed tothe observer by his theoretical studies. Bronisław Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipela- goes of Melanesian New Guinea., 1922. (Introduction, divi- sion V) iii Contents Contents iii List of Figures vii List of Tables ix 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Phonetic substance and phonology . 1 1.2 Phonetic representations in phonology . 2 1.3 Cumulative effects in phonology: subphonemic teamwork . .3 1.4 Modeling cumulativity . 3 1.5 The solution: subfeatural representations . 5 1.6 Structure of the dissertation . 6 2 The Laal doubly triggered rounding harmony 7 2.1 Introductory remarks on Laal phonology . 7 2.2 The doubly triggered rounding harmony . 9 2.2.1 The basic pattern . 9 2.2.2 The blocking effect of intervening /w/ . 12 2.2.3 Morphological conditioning . 13 2.3 A phonological alternation . 15 2.4 The phonetic underpinnings of the Laal doubly triggered rounding harmony . 16 2.4.1 Effects of the B condition . 17 2.4.1.1 Effect of the B condition on [ə] . 18 2.4.1.1.1 Effect of the B condition on [ə(ə)] (AK) . 19 2.4.1.1.2 Effect of the B condition on [ə] (KD) . 22 2.4.1.2 Effect of the B condition on [ɨ] . 25 2.4.2 Effect of the U condition . 29 2.4.2.1 Effect of the U condition on [ə] . 29 2.4.2.2 Effect of the U condition on [ɨ] . 29 2.4.3 Effect of the W condition . 29 2.4.4 Cumulative effects . 31 2.4.5 Summary and discussion . 34 2.4.5.1 Coarticulatory effect from the labial consonant only . 34 2.4.5.2 The height similarity condition . 34 2.4.5.3 Intervening /w/ . 34 iv 2.4.5.4 Cumulative coarticulation . 35 2.5 Conclusion . 35 3 A theory of subfeatural representations in phonology 36 3.1 Introduction . 36 3.2 Subfeatural representations: the basics . 36 3.2.1 Calculating subfeatural values: the Coarticulation function . 38 3.3 Illustrative analysis: the Laal doubly triggered rounding harmony . 41 3.4 The nature of subfeatures . 48 3.4.1 A representation of phonetic knowledge . 48 3.4.2 Subfeatures as emergent categories . 49 3.4.3 Enforcing and manipulating subfeatures in a constraint-grammar . 50 3.4.3.1 Enforcing subfeatural distinctions through high-ranked markedness constraints . 50 3.4.3.2 The architecture of the phonological grammar . 51 3.4.3.3 A weaker alternative: the Phonetic Filter . 52 3.5 Illustrative analysis 2: Woleaian a-raising . 52 3.6 Conclusion . 57 4 A cross-linguistic typology of subphonemic teamwork 58 4.1 Introduction . 58 4.1.1 The database . 58 4.1.2 The typology . 61 4.1.2.1 Additive teamwork . 64 4.1.2.1.1 Self-additive teamwork . 64 4.1.2.1.2 Mutually enhancing teamwork . 65 4.1.2.1.3 Coincidental teamwork . 66 4.1.2.2 Subphonemic enabling . 67 4.1.3 Presentation of the case studies . 68 4.2 Self-additive teamwork (vowel target) . 68 4.2.1 Vowel fronting/backing . 68 4.2.1.1 Cantonese inter-coronal fronting . 68 4.2.1.2 Northern Gbaya doubly triggered fronting . 70 4.2.1.3 Kɔnni trans-dorsal backing . 73 4.2.1.3.1 Preliminary remarks on Kɔnni morpho-phonology . 74 4.2.1.3.2 trans-dorsal backing . 76 4.2.1.3.3 Phonetic motivations . 82 4.2.1.4 Kɔnni trans-coronal fronting . 85 4.2.2 Vowel raising and fronting . 88 4.2.2.1 Russian (central and southern dialects) . 88 4.2.2.2 South African Khoisan cumulative raising and fronting: the case of Taa ....................................93 4.2.2.2.1 Taa cumulative raising and fronting . 95 4.2.2.2.2 Phonetic underpinnings . 100 4.2.3 Vowel raising and rounding/backing: Woleaian . 105 v 4.2.3.1 Vowel raising . 106 4.2.3.2 Vowel rounding/backing . 107 4.2.3.3 Domain . 110 4.2.4 Vowel rounding . 111 4.2.4.1 Acehnese . 111 4.2.4.2 Kazakh . 116 4.2.5 Vowel nasalization: Maléku Jaíka . 120 4.3 Mutually enhancing teamwork (vowel target) . 121 4.3.1 Vowel rounding . 121 4.3.1.1 Wergaia . 121 4.3.1.2 Tamil . 126 4.3.1.3 Iaai . 128 4.3.2 Gravity: acute vs. grave competition in high vowel reduplication . 130 4.4 Coincidental teamwork: Kaska back harmony . 137 4.4.1 Kaska back harmony . 137 4.4.2 The phonetic underpinnings of the harmony . 139 4.5 Teamwork targeting consonants . 142 4.5.1 Capanahua multiple-trigger sibilant harmony . 142 4.5.2 Kpan double-sided consonant nasalization: no teamwork . 144 4.6 Dissimilatory subphonemic teamwork? . 146 4.7 Typological summary . 152 4.7.1 Target and triggers . 152 4.7.1.1 Target . 152 4.7.1.2 Triggers . 153 4.7.1.3 Position of triggers with respect to target . 154 4.7.2 Teamwork type . 155 4.7.3 Phonetic/phonological processes and properties involved . 157 4.7.3.1 Phonetic/phonological properties giving rise to teamwork effects . 157 4.7.3.2 Processes involved: the role of similarity . 158 4.7.4 Strength and weakness . 160 4.7.5 Domain . 161 4.7.6 Conclusion . 162 5 Alternative approaches 163 5.1 Nevins’ Search-and-Copy . 163 5.2 Cumulative constraint interaction . 167 5.2.1 Local Constraint Conjunction in OT . 168 5.2.2 Constraint ganging in Harmonic Grammar . ..