An Eastern Micmac Domain of Islands

CHARLES A. MARTIJN Ministere des Affaires cullurelles,

Introduction The Micmac Indians of Eastern inhabit a region that borders the lower half of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.1 Their homeland includes portions of the Gaspe Peninsula and New Brunswick, all of and mainland , as well as Cape Breton and parts of southern . Although the boundaries of this traditional territory cannot be determined with any precision because of fluctuations through time, it may have covered as much as 121,760 square kilometres, or about the size of Tunisia. An overview of Micmac culture and society is provided by Hoffman (1955), Nietfeld (1981), Passchier (1985) and Wallis and Wallis (1955). An extensive coastline permitted easy access to aquatic fauna — sea- mammals, fish,waterfow l and invertebrates — which are abundant in the gulf of St. Lawrence area. As a result, the Micmac were probably the most maritime-adapted of all Algonquian groups. Nevertheless, for survival dur­ ing the winter months they had to depend to a much greater extent on land animals such as moose, caribou, deer and beaver. Some scholars have depicted them as spending up to 10 months of the year obtaining 90% of their food requirements from coastal zones and the sea (Hoffman 1955:230- 236; Nietfeld 1981:360-363). Recent reviews of archaeological and ethno­ historical data, however, indicate a greater use of terrestrial fauna than has hitherto been acknowledged, and point to the need for a more intensive consideration of regional variation in available resources and subsistence strategies (Nash and Miller 1987; see also Burley 1981 and Clermont 1986).

My sincere thanks are extended to Moira T. McCaffrey for her invaluable suggestions and editing assistance. I am also indebted to Ingeborg Marshall Ralph T Pastore and John Reid for commenting on a preliminary version of this paper which wasfirst read at the 7th Studies Conference held in Edmburgh, Scotland ln May 1988. The accompanying map is the work of GiUes

208 AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 209

Figure 1: Atlantic Canada 210 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

The Micmac can be ranked among the most skillful Amerindian seafar­ ers in Northeastern North America as attested to by their lengthy voyages across open water. They constructed at least 4 types of birchbark canoes which served for different purposes, namely, travelling along small inland streams, on larger rivers, on the sea or while going to war (Adney and Chapelle 1964:58-70; Marshall 1986). The Micmac sea canoe ranged in size from 5.5 to 8.5 metres and had considerable "rocker" (i.e., slanting upcurved ends) which facilitated cutting through waves and also permitted easier manoeuvring in surf when running ashore end-on. The sides were "hogged", that is to say, curved upward at the center. This design offered some protection from spray and allowed for safer heeling over when heavy objects such as seals were hauled aboard from the water. No reliable figuresar e available regarding Micmac population size at contact time. Estimates vary considerably and have ranged from as low as 3500 to as high as 50,000 (cf. Hoffman 1955:229-236; Miller 1976, 1982; Nietfeld 1981:390-393; and comments by Clermont 1986:13). Politically, the Micmac did not constitute a formal tribal entity but were divided into a number of autonomous bands which shared a common language and cul­ ture, and interacted on a regular basis. A band might number up to several hundred individuals. During the spring to autumn period band members congregated at traditional coastal locations where food supplies were plen­ tiful. At the onset of winter they split up into smaller groups composed of one or more families which moved to inland hunting grounds, although in some regions parts of the coastal zone continued to be exploited. Summer bands were led by chiefs chosen from among influential family heads who had received recognition for their leadership abilities and who best embodied cultural values. In some instances they and their immediate kin groups may have had special ties to specific summer locations. Here they were joined by other families who formed a more flexiblepar t of the band membership and attached or detached themselves each year according to circumstances. Micmac chiefs only exercised limited authority, however, and their main roles were apparently to coordinate the exploitation of re­ sources, to arbitrate disputes among band members, to maintain alliances with other bands, and to attend to war measures whenever necessary (Niet­ feld 1981:471-552; Passchier 1985). According to native oral tradition, the land of the Micmac was divided into 7 districts, each one of which included several bands (Nietfeld 1981:417- 422). The easternmost of these regions was Onamag or . Although southern Newfoundland is designated by the name Ktaqamkuk, it does not appear to have been accorded a separate status and fell within the sphere of the Cape Breton district. Despite the fact that Cape Breton Island, southern Newfoundland the AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 211

Magdalen archipelago and the islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon are all separated from one another by wide stretches of open water, they seem to have constituted a single territorial range exploited by Eastern Micmac seafarers throughout much of the historic period.2 Whether such also held true for prehistoric times remains to be determined. For a more precise understanding of this pattern it is necessary to consider the adaptive strategies that were employed, such as the concurrent, seasonal, rotational or opportunistic uses made of the different areas within this insular domain. In addition, a more detailed examination must be undertaken of the various temporal factors that influenced the choice of these adaptive strategies, namely, availability of food resources, the supply of furbearing animals, technological innovations, political events, trading opportunities, population pressure and the need for spiritual ministration. It should be cautioned that an insufficient appreciation of native sub­ sistence patterns, a narrow use of the term "Cape Breton Micmac", and a preoccupation with contemporary political boundaries are apt to becloud our comprehension of the past. A case in point is the question of Micmac land-use and occupancy of southern Newfoundland. The decision of the Federal Government in 1973 to deal with outstanding native land claims throughout Canada led the Newfoundland Micmac to begin gathering ev­ idence in support of their title (Kennedy 1987).3 According to their oral tradition, an early permanent Micmac population in Newfoundland, re­ ferred to as the Sagewedjdkik or Ancients, had inhabited the southern and western parts of this island prior to the 18th century and had merged with later Micmac immigrants from Cape Breton Island (Speck 1922:27, 123— 124; see also Anger 1983:36-37). The Provincial Government of Newfoundland and subscribes to a different viewpoint which echoes a widely held popular belief (Jones 1982). The Beothuk are considered to be the original inhabitants of the island. The Micmac are depicted as relatively recent arrivals from the Maritime Provinces, brought in as mercenaries by the French during the

2 Since Prince Edward Island falls more within the Central Micmac sphere of activity, it has been excluded from consideration in this present discussion. Nonetheless, there are indications of links between P.E.I, and the Magdalens dur­ ing prehistoric and historic times (McCaffrey 1986:128-129 and personal com­ munication; Martijn 1986a:189), as well as with Cape Breton Island (McCaffrey 1986:153; McGee 1974:86; NAC 1726:123). 3The principal studies commissioned by Newfoundland Micmac organizations are Anger (1983; 1988), Byers Casgrain (1982), Federation of Newfoundland In­ dians (1979a, 1979b), Morisset and Giard (1978), and Usher (1980). Independent scholarly contributions have also been made by Bartels (1979a, 1979b), Marshall (1988), Pastore (1977, 1978a, 1978b), and Tanner (1982). The position adopted by the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador is expounded by Jones (1982). 212 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

18th century to help combat the English, and for some unspecified reason, to exterminate the Beothuk. Any other crossings made by the Micmac are construed as merely sporadic and transitory incursions connected with fur-trapping activities. The idea of a continuous Micmac presence prior to colonial settlement is rejected and they are judged not to possess any valid aboriginal title to Newfoundland. In presenting the case for the existence of an Eastern Micmac domain of islands during earlier times, the present discussion will rely not only on direct documentary sources, but will also resort to arguments based on indirect, or presumptive, evidence.

Prehistoric Period The question of a prehistoric Micmac presence in Newfoundland remains in suspense due to the fact that only limited fieldwork has been carried out in the southern part of that island. For a list of pertinent archaeological reports see Marshall (1988:53). Similarly, although a few prehistoric finds are known from the Saint-Pierre and Miquelon Islands, indicating a Dorset Eskimo as well as an Amerindian (Little Passage Complex) presence, these collections have yet to be analyzed and more intensive surveys need to be undertaken (Andree Lebailly personal communication; Ralph Pastore personal communication.) Certain commentators have expressed doubts about Amerindians reg­ ularly undertaking the dangerous crossing of the in birchbark canoes during prehistoric times. They suggest that this practice only be­ came common after the Micmac had begun to acquire shallops from Euro­ pean fishermen (Harp 1964:152; Jones 1982:94; Jukes 1842, 1:151; Pastore 1977:1-2, 1978a:10). The risks incurred during the course of such voyages should certainly not be minimized. A distance of 105 kilometres had to be covered, the same width as that of the Bering Strait which separates Siberia from Alaska. These objections seem inconsequential, however, in the light of archaeological evidence from the Magdalen Islands showing that prehistoric voyages took place between them and Cape Breton over a pe­ riod of several millenia, and across a similar distance from the mainland (McCaffrey 1986). Some of the lithic remains found on the Magdalen Is­ lands are made from a grey silicious shale whose geological source may be on Ingonish Island, just off the northeast coast of Cape Breton. Quite evidently then, the Micmac and their ancestors must have de­ veloped considerable navigational skills and they undoubtedly possessed a great store of knowledge about tides, currents, winds and weather patterns. Unfortunately, very little of this lore has come down to us. That the ca­ pacity for traversing the Cabot Strait existed in ancient times cannot be AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 213

contested, but confirmation of this will require archaeological proof.

Early Contact Period: 1500-1600 The early contact records of the 15th and 16th centuries are usually so brief and vague in their descriptions that it is almost impossible to identify specific native groups. Moreover, apart from the Placentia region, there are practically no known documents from this time period that deal with southern Newfoundland. One exception is the account of a voyage made prior to 1529 by Jean and Raoul Parmentier of Dieppe. In an apparent reference to the south coast of Newfoundland it states that "from the said Capo di Ras (Cape Race) the coast runs east and west 100 leagues to Capo di Brettoni (Cape Breton)", and goes on to mention that "between Capo di Ras and Capo di Brettoni live a cruel and austere people, with whom it is impossible to deal or to converse" (Hoffman 1963:13-14). There are several reasons for believing that these people may have been Micmac. The last-named were portrayed as fiercean d aggressive by other explorers, and are reported in the 1520s to have destroyed a Portuguese settlement which Joao Fagundes had established on Cape Breton Island (Hoffman 1961:35; Morison 1971:229-231,248-249; Quinn 1979, (4):307). Moreover, an appar­ ent reference to Micmac-Beothuk warfare is found in the "Cosmographie" of Jean Alfonse dit Fonteneau, which dates to 1544. It relates that "those from Cape Breton make war against those from Newfoundland when they go fishingan d never grant life to any person whom they capture, unless it be an infant or a young girl" (Harrisse 1900:153-154, my translation). Now and again during the firsthal f of the 17th century there are indi­ cations that the Micmac were familiar with Newfoundland. In the spring of 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold, an English explorer, encountered eight Amerindians in a Basque shallop somewhere off the New England coast (Quinn 1979, (3):353). Some of them wore items of European apparel, spoke "divers Christian words", and "with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts, and could name Placentia of the New-found-land". Re­ cent studies have drawn attention to the use of early trade pidgins in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and to the existence of a network of Micmac mid­ dlemen traders who ranged as far south of the Gulf of Maine during the beginning of the 17th century (Bakker 1988, 1989; Bourque and White­ head 1985; Whitehead 1986). In the light of these findings there are some grounds for assuming that Gosnold's "savages" were Micmac who had been to Newfoundland. While furnishing only sparse evidence for a Micmac presence in New­ foundland,4 early contact documents do attest to a Micmac familiarity with

4 The Micmac land claim dossier prepared by the law firm Byers Casgrain 214 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

other outlying areas. Thus, in 1593, an English ship, the Marigold, went "to an Island . . . called by the Britons of St. Malo the Isle of Ramea, but by the Savages and naturals of the Continent next adjoyning, Menquit" (Quinn 1979 (4):61). This poetic Micmac name for the Magdalen archipelago, meaning "island floating on water", was quite likely inspired by a mirage effect. Four years later another English ship, the Hopewell, twice anchored at St. Paul's Island in the Cabot Strait, giving its name as "Menegoo", the Micmac name for island (Quinn 1979 (4):68, 71). It is shown on the Bertius map of 1600 as "Inhigo" (Ganong 1964:80-81; Harrisse 1900:283). According to an oral tradition account collected in the 1920s, St. Paul's Island was used as a stopover place by the Micmac when crossing from Cape North on Cape Breton Island to in Newfoundland:

This bold journey was ordinarily accomplished in two days . . . On the first day or night, if the weather favored, the voyagers made St. Paul's Island, called 'Tugwegan Meniguk' or 'temporary goal island', a distance of fifteen miles (from Cape Breton). From there three sturdy canoemen would paddle across the remaining 50 miles of Cabot Strait to Cape Ray in Newfoundland. Landing there they would await another calm night, then build an immense beacon fireo n the highlands to serve both as a signal for advance and a guide for direction through the night . . . The strait is often calmer at night. In this manner they made the crossing, which is usually a dangerous one, very rough and foggy. (Speck 1922:119-120)

The first specific mention of Micmac on the Magdalen Islands dates to 1597. Captain Charles Leigh of the Hopewell, the same ship referred to earlier, became involved there in a confrontation with the French Basque and Breton fishermen. He reported that "there were also in readiness to as­ sault us about 300 Savages" (Quinn 1979 (4):69-70). This show of strength obliged him to depart in haste and he did not provide any additional in­ formation. There is little reason to cast doubt on Captain Leigh's estimate of 300 Amerindians, since the English were bound to make as accurate a count as possible of the opposing enemy force. The presence that summer on the Magdalens of such a considerable number of native people, presum­ ably Micmac, raises certain questions. What had drawn them there? Was it customary for so many to assemble at this locality each year? Did their presence represent an aboriginal pattern of subsistence activities, or did it reflect new socio-economic adaptations resulting from as much as a century

(1982) contains a number of errors and misreadings in this regard. Unfortunately, reputable scholars such as Kennedy (1987:14) and Tanner (1982-17-18) cite it in support of the disputable contention that "at least eight primary historical references show that the Cape Breton Micmac hunted in Newfoundland before 1650 . AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 215

of prior contact with Europeans? Had they come over in canoes, or were they already using shallops obtained from fishing vessels? It would not be unreasonable to assume that the 300 or more Micmac on the Magdalen Islands in 1597 constituted a traditional summer band gathering (Martijn 1986a:167-171). It seems most unlikely that they were permanent residents. The lack of large land mammals such as moose, cari­ bou, deer, beaver and porcupine would have made it difficult for a sizeable group of natives to survive an entire year on this archipelago, particularly so during the winter months. Given the abundant maritime food resources along the coastal regions of their homeland, one wonders why the Micmac would undertake risky canoe voyages of more than 97 kilometres from the mainland in order to reach the Magdalens. The most likely explanation is that coastal aquatic re­ sources, in particular the springtime fish runs of herring and mackerel, were not consistently reliable. Some years, because of climatic factors, notably temperature variations of the sea water, such schools of fish might stay out in the deep waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence instead of approach­ ing the coasts (Falaise 1954:173 ff.; Nietfeld 1981:98-104; and Passchier 1985:37-38). In the spring this would have represented a severe hardship for various Micmac bands, especially if the winter hunt of moose and cari­ bou had been poor due to unfavourable snow conditions, and food supplies were depleted. Under such circumstances the Magdalen Islands may have constituted a seasonal extension of the geographic space normally exploited by the Eastern Micmac. Most probably then, in such years one or more bands of Micmac, quite likely from Cape Breton or perhaps even Prince Edward Island, would cross over during the spring and summer months. They would have been able to support themselves on harbour and grey seals, a variety of fish species, rabbits, waterfowl in the lagoons, nesting colonies of birds and their eggs, as well as the vast walrus herds (Dumais and Rousseau 1986:81-95). Other reasons, in addition to the above, have also been suggested. Although it seems doubtful that on an individual basis any of these would suffice as a preponderant explanation, they may have played a contributory role. One attraction could have been an opportunity to trade with the ships that had begun to frequent the Magdalens for the walrus hunt. However, considering the distance involved and the dangers incurred during such a trip, it would have been safer and less onerous to carry out trading on the mainland itself. Opportunities for this abounded in various harbours of Cape Breton where the crews of fishing boats took in drinking water and dried their fish catches. It should be noted that Captain Leigh in 1597 did not include trading among his stated objectives for coming to the Magdalen Islands, but following his ignominious departure from there he immediately 216 CHARLES A. MARTIJN set sail for Cape Breton to take in fresh water and "to trade with the savages". Among the remaining suggestions proposed as inducements are the scavenging of shipwrecks, employment opportunities in connection with the walrus hunt and codfishing activities, and being brought in deliberately to serve as allies in the event of any English aggression. Although the practice of hiring native labour was not unknown in the Gulf of St. Lawrence region at that time (Isasti 1850:154; Thevet, in Schlesinger and Stabler 1986:97; Whitbourne 1620:2), there is little evi­ dence to support the idea that the Micmac ever became an integral part of the labour force available to shipmasters and entrepreneurs on the Mag­ dalens. Only once is this referred to, in 1625, when the Compagnie de la pesche sedentaire de l'Acadie sent a party of 6 men, accompanied by some Micmac, to overwinter on the islands in order to engage in seal-hunting during the spring (NAC 1685:417). With this single exception, whenever Micmac parties are mentioned as crossing over, it invariably was to look after their own proper needs. Subsequent to the episode of 1597, no account ever refers to that many natives on the Magdalens. The fur trade led to an increasing disruption of the Micmac seasonal cycle, marked by a decreasing tendency to gather in large groups for the early spring fish runs. Instead, there was a grow­ ing concentration on the trapping of furbearing animals, and a mounting dependence on European foodstuffs. These developments, together with a probable drop in the population due to White-induced epidemics, most likely put an end to Micmac expeditions to the Magdalen Islands at the level of the summer band.

Historic Period: 1600-1900

During the course of the 16th century, European fishermen and traders reg­ ularly encountered Micmac on Cape Breton Island with whom they bartered for furs, food and other commodities (Quinn 1979 (4):62, 71, 307). The Miller Atlas of c. 1520 depicts the Lake Bras d'Or area of this island as a "terra de muyta gemte", a land of many people (Ganong 1964:49, 53). Later Portuguese maps, notably the Lopo Homem of 1554, display a series of Micmac place-names along Cape Breton's northeast coast, but do not provide any clues as to the presence of Micmac in southern Newfoundland (Ganong 1964:74-81, 97, 428-429; Hoffman 1961:173, 191-196). Documentary sources pertaining to the 17th century record a curious phenomenon, a series of marked fluctuations in the Micmac population size of Cape Breton Island. For example, Champlain implied in 1603 that the Micmac only frequented Cape Breton during the winter, while Father Sagard observed in 1624 that "one very seldon sees any savages there ac- AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 217 cording to what we are told" (Biggar 1922-1936 (1):170; Sagard 1976:24, my translation). A decade later, however, Julien Perrault, a Jesuit mis­ sionary, described the local native population as being better off than in many other places. During the winter they could depend on moose, while in the summer they caught fish and hunted wildfowl both on land and sea (Campeau 1987:116-117). Nevertheless, Nicolas Denys remarked in 1664 that it had "few savages" and reported eight years afterward that "this island has also been esteemed for the hunting of moose. They were found formerly in great numbers, but at present they are no more. The Indians have destroyed everything, and have abandoned the island, findingther e no longer the wherewithal for living" (Ganong 1908:186-187). Can those statements be taken at face value? How adequate were the means employed in enumerating native inhabitants? Were seasonal absences relating to native land use practices taken into account? Could other factors, such as unrecorded epidemics, have played a role in reducing the population level? Had the introduction of guns led to the extermination of most large game? Faced with an acute shortage of megafauna and a probable decrease in furbearing animals, what options would have been available to the Cape Breton Micmac in order to avoid starvation? It has been argued that re­ location to other districts in was not feasible because these were already pre-empted by local native groups and French colonists (Byers Casgrain 1982:17). Other commentators have postulated a massive Micmac migration to Newfoundland, which was already familiar to them, and where faunal resources were still plentiful and few human barriers existed (Hoff­ man 1955:232; Pastore 1978a:9). During the second half of the 17th century there are indeed indications of an increased Micmac presence in southern Newfoundland, including ref­ erences to Micmac households in the Avalon Peninsula as early as the 1670s (Downing 1676; Marshall 1988:56-57; Pastore 1977:6, 20; 1978a:ll). Ac­ cording to one opinion this represented the intensification of an already ancient practice of using Newfoundland as a hunting and fishing grounds (Byers Casgrain 1982:21). On the other hand, what may have occurred was a temporary shift from a concurrent to a rotational strategy of exploiting the resources of these two insular regions. Some evidence does exist in sup­ port of such an interpretation. Sixteen years after Denys wrote about Cape Breton being abandoned by its native population, the Gargas census of 1688 counted 34 Micmac households on the island again, for a total of 129 persons (Nietfeld 1981:400). The French recruited at least 30 and perhaps as many as 45 warriors from Cape Breton in 1694 (Webster 1934:56, 70). Two years later, Father Baudoin encountered 30 Micmac and their fami­ lies at Baie des Espagnols (Sydney) who had killed 500 moose that winter 218 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

(Williams 1987:173). He confessed all of them, baptized some and married others and was told that several of their comrades had already departed to participate in the French military operations. Subsequent to this, however, 20 to 25 Micmac families from Cape Breton went across to Placentia in 1705, on their own volition. Upon arriving there, the leaders declared that they wanted to allow moose and other animals a chance to repopulate the region which they had left, and that the remainder of their band would follow suit that coming spring (NAC 1705:321). A number of these fam­ ilies used the Islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon as a winter base for a couple of years, bringing back there English prisoners captured during the course of raids in the Avalon Peninsula of Newfoundland (Byers Casgrain 1982, annex 1:9-12). Eventually, when retaking possession of Cape Breton Island in 1713, Saint-Ovide informed the French Government that 25 to 30 Micmac families were once more living there (Dickason 1979:75). It has often been claimed that the permanent establishment of the Mic­ mac in Newfoundland only dates back to the start of the 18th century when they were brought over from Cape Breton by the French to be used as mer­ cenaries against the English. A certain confusion, however surrounds this issue. The practice itself appears to have been first initiated by De Ville- bon, commandant of Acadia, in 1694. During the summer of that year he sent 30 Cape Breton Micmac with the sieur de Bonaventure on the war­ ship La Bretonne, and an additional 15 natives on another ship captained by Pierre Baptiste (Webster 1934:56, 70). Their destination was Plaisance (Placentia), but although the purpose and outcome of this sea cruise re­ main unknown, the sieur de Bonaventure later expressed satisfaction with the conduct of his native force (Williams 1987:103; Webster 1934:70). As a result, De Villebon proposed to the French Government that Cape Breton Micmac be again used in connection with D'Iberville's campaign of 1696. In line with these recommendations, D'Iberville was granted permission to recruit 50 to 60 Indians from Acadia to accompany his expeditionary force to Newfoundland (Legislature de Quebec 1885 (2):211). He received instructions to proceed to Baie des Espagnols (Sydney) on the northeast coast of Cape Breton Island where he took on board 24 Micmac warriors (Legislature de Quebec 1885 (2):216; Williams 1987:15, 16, 173; Gosselin 1900:72). These same 24 Micmac were taken back to Cape Breton in early September of that year after having seen service for three months during the New England phase of D'Iberville's campaign, and did not accompany him to Newfoundland (Gosselin 1900:79; Williams 1987:22-23, 175). Micmac replacements for them were to have been selected at La Heve in south­ ern Nova Scotia, but this plan miscarried due to the presence there of an English naval squadron (Williams 1987:22-23). When DTberville reached Placentia on September 12, 1696, he only had 3 Amerindians on board AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 219 with him. It has been suggested that these were Cape Breton Micmac (Williams 1987:10), but they could also have been Abenaki. Bacqueville de la Potherie relates that the noted Abenaki chief, Nescambiouit, had left his tribe in order to accompany D'Iberville and to see with his own eyes what people were saying about the latter. "This chief wanted to know if M. dTberville could carry on war against the English better than he could himself (Charland 1969:497; Tyrrell 1931:164). Did D'Iberville have a larger group of Amerindians with him in New­ foundland than the three mentioned earlier? No direct confirmation of this is contained in any of the contemporary French records, although a number of English refugees reported that "they had been informed by the French that Bonavista, Carbonere and Harbour Grace were destroyed by 400 In­ dians and 100 French . . ." (Calendar of State Papers 1904:306, doc. 586). The number of Indians indicated is certainly inexact and must have been intended as a ploy by the French to demoralize the English population. The composition of D'Iberville's Canadian volunteers should also be taken into account (Williams 1987:12). Many of them were probably from the coureurs des bois class, their dress was not a military one, and they were well versed in the tactics of Indian warfare. As a result, they may have been mistaken for a native force by the inhabitants of isolated Newfoundland communities. Historians, for their part, have tended to assume that Amerindians con­ stituted an important element in D'Iberville's winter war (Marshall 1988:57; Prowse 1896:216-222; Williams 1987:11). A strong case favouring such a theory has been built by Williams (1987:10-12, 23-24, 103, 174-175). His assertion is based on the fact that, in exchange for the release of English captives from Fort Pemaquid, the Boston authorities granted D'Iberville's request to send him the freebooter Francois Guyon and his crew, as well as some 29 Otounois (Abenaki?) Indians who had been treacherously taken prisoner while fishingo n the Grand Banks. Most if not all of these men appear to have reached Plaisance on October 5th of that year, although no precise reference was made to the presence of Amerindians among them (Gosselin 1900:86; Williams 1987:174-175). Another possibility should be noted. In February of 1696, the French Government ordered a frigate to be placed at the disposal of DTberville in order to bring him "quelques Canadiens et Sauvages" from Canada, that is to say from Quebec (Legislature de Quebec 1883-85 (2):202). These Amerindians would most likely have been Abenaki, or perhaps even Loret- teville Hurons. Again, however, there is no mention of any natives among the reinforcements brought to Plaisance from Quebec City on the supply vessel, the Vesp, in the autumn of 1696 (Gosselin 1900:83-84; Williams 1987:30-31, 175-178). It is known, however, that in 1704 the Vesp did transport the sieur de Beaucours with a detachment of French soldiers and 220 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

40 Abenaki allies from Quebec, but these left Newfoundland the following year (Legislature de Quebec 1883-85 (1):606; Byers Casgrain 1982 annex 1:7, 9). To all appearances then, only a few Micmac at best would seem to have participated in D'Iberville's campaign. As for the Micmac warriors attached by Governor de Subercase to his fighting force at Placentia in the autumn of 1705, it was indicated earlier in this paper that they had come over on their own free will, accompanied by their families, because of game depletion in Cape Breton (Byers Casgrain 1982 annex 1:5-6; Pastore n.d.:4). They had left for Newfoundland without any prior arrangement and were only enrolled by the French after their arrival. The Treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, deprived of mainland Acadia, Newfoundland and Saint-Pierre and Miquelon, leaving it only Cape Bre­ ton, Prince Edward Island and the Magdalens. The Eastern Micmac con­ tinued their subsistence activities throughout this domain, including the exploitation of southern Newfoundland. In regard to the latter, there is no indication that they acknowledged British jurisdiction before 1763, since they did not consider themselves bound by the terms of any Anglo-French treaties where their lands were concerned (Legislature de Quebec 1883— 85 (3):46-47). They probably abandoned the Placentia region after the capitulation of the French fort there, but went on hunting and trapping elsewhere along the south coast, crossing back and forth to Cape Breton Island, and from there being visited in turn by Catholic missionaries (Cas­ grain 1897:261; Marshall 1988:58-59; Pastore 1978a:12, 32; Tanner 1982:22; Usher 1980:37-40). Beginning in 1713, the Micmac from mainland Acadia were encour­ aged by the French Government to settle on Cape Breton Island as part of a strategic plan to maintain them as a counterforce against the British. The idea was to regroup this native population, whenever possible, into sedentary villages so as to facilitate their religious instruction and practice (Ponchartrain 1948:199; Dickason 1979:76-81; Dumont-Johnson 1969:40- 43, 85-88; Upton 1979:31-47). A specific policy was instituted to supply them with ammunition and other goods, and to encourage them to be self-sufficient in regard to subsistence needs. The southern Micmac were reluctant to emigrate en masse to Cape Breton, for as one missionary ex­ plained, "to shut them up in this island . . . would be impossible insofar as their natural liberty and their means of existence are concerned" (NAC 1713:227; Dickason 1979:74-83). Although mission centers were established at Antigonish in 1716 and at Shubenacadie in 1722, both on British soil, a mission village on Cape Breton itself was only founded in 1724 (Dickason 1979:80-81). Named Mirligueche it was located on the west shore of Lake Bras d'Or and remained there until 1750 when it was moved to Chapel Island, or Potloteg, near Port Toulouse AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 221

Like other missions during that era, Mirligueche never developed into a farming settlement but was used by the Micmac to assemble on various occasions throughout the year. They sometimes left their families and the elderly there when departing on hunting expeditions. Statistics on the Micmac population of Cape Breton Island are very incomplete for the first half of the 18th century. Variations from one cen­ sus to another may reflect seasonal movements or lengthier stays in other parts of their domain, such as the Magdalens or Newfoundland. The total local population does not seem to have exceeded more than 250 persons at any given moment (Dickason 1979:82-83). Insofar as the Micmac band of Mirligueche is concerned, its movements and activities can be traced within different regions of the Eastern Micmac domain over a time span of some 50 years. In 1726, the local missionary, Father Antoine Gaulin, informed the French authorities that the Mirligueche Micmac had suffered considerably that winter for lack of seal oil. They needed 3 or 4 boats to travel to the Magdalens and to Prince Edward Island in order to hunt seals and walruses (Leger 1972:268-269; Gaulin, in NAC 1726:123). These recommendations received a prompt and affirmative response from the officials and were fully endorsed by their superiors in Paris, indicating that the French Govern­ ment placed considerable importance on providing the Micmac with all the necessary means to ensure their own welfare. This was not surprising, for as the Micmac grew more and more dependent on the French Government, the latter was faced yearly with an increasing financial burden in the form of annual presents, supplies of arms and ammunition, money for the construc­ tion and furnishings of mission churches and the distribution of emergency rations. The above-mentioned expedition must have taken place in the summer or fall of 1726. It provides support for a proposition made earlier on, namely that the Magdalens served the Cape Breton Micmac as an extension of their hunting grounds during lean years. French officials, and no doubt the Micmac as well, appear to have become quite insistent at this time on protecting native hunting rights there. Thus, in 1731, when privileges were granted on the archipelago to an entrepeneur, the sieur Haraneder Pontil, his concession document stated explicitly that "it is nevertheless His Majesty's intent that the savages may continue in all liberty to hunt and fish on those islands" (NAC 1731:751-753). This represents the first direct affirmation of Micmac hunting and fishing rights on the Magdalens and these stipulations were repeated in other concession deeds granted to merchants in 1742 and 1751 (Martijn 1986a: 179-180). A detailed report by the commissary Le Normant de Mezy, on Mirligueche Micmac activities during the summer of 1732, provides us with several in­ sights into their social and economic condition at the time (NAC 1733:11- 222 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

15) A series of new adaptations had been made. Whereas two centuries earlier an entire band might cross over to the Magdalens for the summer, this pattern had undergone a change. The trip was now made exclusively in European shallops. These were manned by only a select number of men, while old people, women and children remained behind at mainland mission sites to look after crops and garden plots. These seasonal hunting parties ventured out on their own account and not as hired help. They increasingly concentrated their efforts on the walrus hunt, clearly for commercial pur­ poses. The sea mammal oil obtained at various localities on the Magdalens was their own property and not that of any White merchants. When these native task-forces returned to the mainland, the proceeds of the hunt were distributed by the Elders and each family received its share. Some of the oil, as well as the hides and tusks, were bartered for trade goods at French settlements. The surrender of to the British, in 1763, brought an end to this state of affairs. The Magdalen Islands were granted to a new owner, Richard Gridley, who promptly started an extensive walrus fishery and brought in a number of Acadian families as hired help. There are no indi­ cations that he ever employed natives in his enterprise (Martijn 1986a:271, n. 112). Faced by the encroachment of Whites on their traditional walrus hunting locations, the Micmac do not seem to have pressed their established rights, and they soon abandoned the pattern of sending over task-force groups. On the mainland itself, the Micmac had to endure increasing hardship. An evergrowing number of settlers invaded their territories while the British authorities refused to provide the natives with clear title to large tracts of land where they would not be disturbed in their subsistence activities (McGee 1973:72-73). Game depletion worsened and this diminished not only their food supplies but also whatever income could be derived from fur trapping. The annual distribution of government presents ceased, bringing the natives close to complete destitution. In addition, with the death of Father Maillard in 1762, not a single Catholic priest was left in Acadia to look after their spiritual needs. British officials were disinclined to permit the entry of new missionaries in view of their former role in keeping the Micmac attached to the French regime. Beset by so many difficulties, and bereft of the Magdalen Islands, the last refuge of the Cape Breton Micmac lay across the Cabot Strait. The south coast of Newfoundland still offered good hunting, trapping and fishing opportunities and allowed for relative freedom to lead their own way of life. It was not a foreign country to these natives but part of their homeland. Many of them were familiar with it and had lived there for varying lengths of time. In addition some of their kinfolk were already established in that AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 223 region. Another important attraction was the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, France's last remaining possession in the Gulf of St. Lawrence area. The Micmac hoped that subsidies in the form of arms, ammunition, food sup­ plies and other necessities might still be obtained there from civil authorities as they had in the past. Equally crucial for the Micmac was the presence on those islands of a Catholic priest who could provide for their spiritual needs and perform baptisms, marriages, burials and other religious rites (Pastore 1977:10-11; 1978:12-13). In 1751, Jeannot Peguidalouet had become the new chief of the for­ mer Mirligueche Micmac band which had moved to Chapel Island on the south-east coast of Cape Breton. This was the group that in preceeding decades had been sending some of its members each year to the Magdalens for the walrus hunt. Whether Mirligueche hunting parties also frequented Newfoundland during that same time period has yet to be established. Between 1762 and 1768, however, there are repeated references in British colonial government files to Chief Jeannot who regularly traversed to New­ foundland where he sometimes overwintered with a group of as many as 200 persons (Bartels 1979a:14-15; Pastore 1977:13-14). Initially they seem to have crossed back to Cape Breton during the summers but eventually, according to oral tradition, they intermingled with Micmac already inhab­ iting Newfoundland (Speck 1922:124). Chief Jeannot and his people also made journeys to visit the parish priest at St. Pierre and Miquelon. These movements of the native population considerably alarmed the Governor of Newfoundland, Sir Hugh Palliser, who was not aware of the motivations underlying such trips. He regarded the natives as a possible threat to the security of the local fisheries, for the Micmac were still greatly dreaded by the English population. This situation even led to friction between Pal­ liser and the Government of Nova Scotia which supplied Chief Jeannot's band with official passes authorizing members to undertake such voyages (Pastore 1977:13-14). The French King, in 1763, had sent instructions to the Governor of St. Pierre and Miquelon not to extend hospitality to any of his former native allies for fear of offending the English (NAC 1763:3v). However, this policy was not adhered to very strictly by French representatives and they made such visitors welcome, providing them with gifts and foodstuffs. Archival records contain information on a number of trips by the Micmac throughout the period 1765 to 1865, in particular to Miquelon Island where grey seals in the Grand Barachois provided good hunting (Martijn and Lebailly n.d.). Caribou meat and firewood were also brought over from the mainland as trade items. The parish registers of those islands contain information on 22 baptisms, 6 marriages and 3 burials that relate to Micmac individuals 224 CHARLES A. MARTIJN

(Ribault 1962:29-32). By the late 1780s, the Newfoundland Micmac had begun to undergo a process of sedentarization. Jeannot may have been the same old chief who, at some point between 1783 and 1787, was granted a tract of land at St. George's Bay by the British Government, with permission to install his followers there (Chappell 1818:76-77). Seasonal settlements were even­ tually established at this locality, as well as at Codroy, White Bear Bay and Conne River (Usher 1980:57-58). Until the late 19th century, how­ ever, Newfoundland Micmac families still continued to traverse the Cabot Strait each year in order to attend the Saint Anne religious festivities at Chapel Island on Cape Breton (Bartels 1979a:18; Faucher de Saint Maurice 1888:93; Pastore 1978:24; Speck 1922:120; Upton 1979:158). In passing, it should also be noted that the firsthal f of the 19th cen­ tury provides a final glimpse of the Micmac on the Magdalen Islands. Single families, and on occasion several related ones, appear to have spent the sum­ mer months there, judging from entries in parish registers of 3 baptisms and 2 burials (Martijn 1986a:186-188). These visits, particularly towards the middle of that century, may be attributed to a period of famine and starva­ tion in the Maritime Provinces caused by droughts, potato crop disease and epidemics, as well as a continued drop in game animals (Miller 1982:112; Morgan 1986:92, 94; Razziloni 1979:202-215). This situation may have led to a heavier reliance on seafood as the Micmac were reduced to eating what­ ever nourishment was available and wherever it might be obtained (Nash and Miller 1987:52).

Conclusion

This paper has addressed the proposition that Cape Breton Island, southern Newfoundland, the Magdalen archipelago and the Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon constituted a single territorial range exploited by the Eastern Micmac over extensive periods of time. The subject is far from exhausted, and new avenues of research need to be explored. Cultural remains from a number of archaeological sites have provided strong evidence for a link between Cape Breton and the Magdalen Islands. perhaps throughout the course of several millenia. As a corollary, the tech­ nological capacity for crossing the Cabot Strait to Newfoundland, in the form of sea-going canoes, certainly existed during prehistoric times. A final answer in this regard can only be provided by more intensive archaeological research along the southern coast of Newfoundland. This same comment also holds true for the islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon. Documents relating to the early contact period, from 1500 to 1650, contain very few details that are relevant to the questions under discussion.' AN EASTERN MICMAC DOMAIN OF ISLANDS 225

While indicative of a Micmac presence in Newfoundland, they tend to be presumptive rather than conclusive in nature. Archival resources dealing with later historic times are much more abundant and explicit. They reveal that from the late 1600s onward, and during the greater part of the 18th and 19th centuries, the Eastern Micmac engaged in extensive subsistence activities throughout the entire region un­ der consideration. They also show that a variety of factors led to shifts in adaptation and to changes in exploitation techniques. Cape Breton and southern Newfoundland appear to have constituted a core area that was occupied concurrently, with intervals of rotational exploitation due to lo­ cal game depletion. The Magdalens and the Islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon were used in a more opportunistic fashion and served essentially as territorial extensions to help supplement a variety of needs. In the case of the Magdalens, the hunting of predominantly aquatic fauna was seasonal in nature and tended to be highly selective. While less richly endowed from this point of view, Saint-Pierre and Miquelon offered the compensation of a friendly White population, with opportunities for trade, government gratuities and the services of a priest. As exemplified by the Mirligueche band during the 18th century, whenever survival was affected by various circumstances, the Eastern Micmac responded by shifting their activities to different parts of this vast island domain.

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