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So That's How Life Abroad Made Me

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So That's How Life Abroad Made Me “SO THAT’S HOW LIFE ABROAD MADE ME LOOK AT THINGS DIFFERENTLY” TRANSYLVANIAN VILLAGERS AND THE DOMESTICATION OF EUROPEAN DEVELOPMENT By Bridget Kelly Submitted to Central European University Department of Nationalism Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Michael Miller Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2020 Abstract Since 1989, scholars and politicians have touted so-called East-West migration as a means of “Europeanizing” the former socialist states on the assumption that migrants will become accustomed to “Western” and “liberal” social, political, and economic cultures and transmit that knowledge back to “develop” their native communities. Through multi-sited ethnography following the transnational networks between Bistrița-Năsăud county, Romania, southern Spain, and Vienna, Austria, I test this assumption by investigating how circular and return migrants from rural Transylvania judge the “development” of their communities after three decades of “transition” and migration. I argue that the things they bring back (their “social and economic remittances”; Levitt 1998) paint a mixed picture of “European integration,” as villagers embrace both positive and negative ideas from the “West” while also rejecting or reinterpreting others. Applying Garapich and Grabowska’s (2016) processual typology of remittances (“imitation, resistance, and innovation”), I show how acts of imitating the West (ranging from the adoption of “modern” infrastructure to embracing norms about entrepreneurship, professionalism, and racial hierarchies) are countered by attempts to resist Western values in favor of “traditional Romanian” (or rural, religious, and peasant) lifestyles. I argue that villagers recast this backward-looking romanticization of pre-socialist history into forward-oriented strategies of getting by and finding pride in their peripheralized region by vernacularizing Western concepts to transform ancestral practices (like peasant farming) into modern amenities (like organic agriculture). These findings, which emphasize how CEU eTD Collection “transnationalism and nationalism, or globalizing and localizing processes,…shape one another both simultaneously and sequentially” (Verdery 1998, 292), sometimes contradict earlier studies of middle-class migrants in different Western cities and thus imply the need for i more research into the ways social class, religious socialization, and sending-and-receiving- locality dynamics affect the transfer of ideas back and forth across the continent. CEU eTD Collection ii Acknowledgements The dictionary on my computer lists at least eight definitions of “development,” none of which unpacks the term’s weighted connotations or its endlessly variant material incarnations. And so, I am grateful to the individuals from Bistrița-Năsăud county who, by virtue of their patience, curiosity, and hospitality, entertained my questioning presence and offered me their own thoughts on what this prickly idea (and contested material process) might mean. If nothing else, my exploration of their statements and actions confirms that the results of development and developmental discourses—from becoming European to awakening traditions or doing both at once while going green—are manifold and polysemous. Their thoughts also signal that while only my fingers typed the following pages—and only I am to blame for any errors or lapses in judgement they contain—the ideas that fill them have never been mine alone. I have learned that writing as a process of developing ideas on a page (or across many pages), is an act of extended (re-)thinking and, like the social and material changes my writing charts, it can never be carried out single-handedly. I would like to extend my thanks to the many others who ruminated on these ideas with me, who inspired me to engage with them more creatively, and who listened to their many revisions. I have already mentioned the foremost of these people, the Transylvanian villagers who took time out of their busy summers to appease an American visitor. Thank you for adding to my own development as an anthropologist-in- training, and I hope I can return the favor someday as our collaboration continues into the future. The next set of thanks goes to my guides and gatekeepers Domnul Mircea Chira and CEU eTD Collection Radu Pavela and my drivers and friends Tudorel and Radu, who kept me housed, fed, and well- connected throughout all my stays in Bistrița-Năsăud county (often with the help of the kind ladies at the Petru and Pavel monastery). I am indebted to Professor Dumitru Sandu for introducing me to these gentlemen and for laying the groundwork for my inquiries into the iii sociology of Romanian Migration. Likewise, Remus Gabriel Anghel deserves mention for his own inspiring contributions to this field and for coming through for me with the texts at the last minute after a global pandemic closed me out of the library. I could not have developed my arguments over these last two years without the guidance and encouragement of several people in the CEU community. First and foremost, I am grateful for my many long conversations with Professors Michael Miller, Margit Feischmidt, and Szabolcs Pogonyi, whose attention to detail and incisive questions have helped me write this text with more clarity and depth. I am similarly thankful for Vlad Naumescu, Jakob Rigi, and Sanjay Kumar’s feedback on earlier drafts (including pieces that let me fulfill a much older dream of securing a spot in a PhD program). There are many friends, including Réka, Lili, Cheyenne, Nina, Elizabeth, Deborah, and Sayed, whose gifts of relevant literature, laughter, and long conversations (in person and online), made this prolonged thinking process more joyful. Although this is an incomplete list of the friends, peers, and mentors in my various “homes” across the world who grounded me while writing this thesis in a global pandemic, I will end with a last set of thanks to my family, most of whom are separated from me by thousands of miles but still manage to make their love and support felt. I have been blessed with grandparents, parents, sisters, and friends close enough to be sisters who have been my first and chief inspirations to learn and strongest examples of the value of perseverance and hard work. Thank you, Bill and Pat, Rosalie and Denis Sr., MaryAnn and Denis Jr., and Clare, Eve, and Rachel (and my “son” Zach too). I am also grateful for my future family, Sharon and CEU eTD Collection Dale, who among other things managed to bring me a new (functioning) computer just in time to type these pages. Finally, to Jason, who stood with me through the gălăgie of the Monastery and the ricsaj of Mikszáth Kálmán tér, who heard all my complaints and withstood all my worries, thank you. You provided the crucial insights and uplift (not to mention the many iv meals—and cookies) I needed to get these thoughts out on time and with, I hope, more than a semblance of sense. Mulțumesc frumos, dragul meu. CEU eTD Collection v Table of contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... i Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. iii Table of contents ....................................................................................................................... vi List of Maps and Tables ......................................................................................................... viii Chapter 1. An Introduction to Lived Experience Acasă and Afară (at home and abroad) ........ 1 1.1 Historicizing Contemporary “Romanian” Migration....................................................... 7 1.2 God, the Nation, and the Peasantry: Constructing Romanian Identities in Transylvania 9 Chapter 2. Theories about Practical Essentialisms and Social Remittances ............................ 18 2.1 “The Development of Underdevelopment:” Questions of Easts, Wests, and Countrysides .............................................................................................................................................. 18 2.2 Social Remittances, Long-Distance Nationalism, and Social Change .......................... 22 Chapter 3. Methodological Notes on Ethnographies in Three Homes .................................... 27 3.1 Multi-sited Qualitative Methods and the Demographics of Rebra and Feldru .............. 27 3.2 Fieldwork and Interviews .............................................................................................. 30 3.3 Grounded Theory and Inductive Analysis ..................................................................... 32 Chapter 4. Imitating “Europe:” Infrastructures, Entrepreneurship, Professionalism, and CEU eTD Collection Racialized Hierarchies ............................................................................................................. 33 4.1 “Europeanized” Development: Social, Political, and Economic Expectations ............. 35 4.1.1 “Objective” Development: Infrastructure “Modernization” and Consumer Culture .......................................................................................................................................... 35 vi 4.1.2 State-Sponsored Entrepreneurship: A Revisionist Entrepreneurial Returnee ........ 37 4.1.3 Civility and Professionalism: Corruption as Civilizational Decay ........................
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