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UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Weak Crossover and the Syntax-Phonology Interface Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/51f5h9t3 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 40(40) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Agüero Bautista, Calixto Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE FORTIETH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 7-9, 2014 General Session Special Session Approaches to the Syntax-Phonology Interface Parasessions Semantic Theory in Underdescribed Languages Language, Inequality, and Globalization Editors Herman Leung Zachary O'Hagan Sarah Bakst Auburn Lutzross Jonathan Manker Nicholas Rolle Katie Sardinha Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2014 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Weak Crossover and the Syntax-Phonology Interface Calixto Ag¨ueroBautista . 1 Irrealis as verbal non-specificity in Koro (Oceanic) Jessica Cleary-Kemp . 20 Subjectification in the Development of Clitic Doubling: A Diachronic Study of Romanian and Spanish Oana A. David . 42 Reportativity, (not-)at-issueness, and assertion Martina Faller . 62 When Phonology Undergenerates: Evidence from Asturian Enclitic Structures Francisco J. Fern´andez-Rubiera. 85 Contour Tones and Prosodic Structure in Med0mba Kathryn H. Franich . 102 Asymmetric Correlations between English Verb Transitivity and Stress Michelle A. Fullwood . 125 Micro-Variation within Bizkaiera Basque: Evidence from RCs Ager Gondra . 139 Scandinavian Object Shift: The Interface between Syntax, Phonology, and Information Structure Mayumi Hosono . 159 The Unit Phrase in Mandarin Yu-Yin Hsu . 182 i On the Category of Speaker Expectation of Interlocutor Knowledge in Kurt¨op Gwendolyn Hyslop . 201 The Effect of Duration and Glottalization on the Perception of Rhythm Niamh Kelly, Megan Crowhurst, and Crystal Cobb . 215 The Syntax of Tone in Guinean Kpelle Maria Konoshenko . 233 The Three Degrees of Definiteness Maria Kyriakaki . 253 Possessive Structures as Evidence for DP in West Greenlandic Kathleen Langr . 270 The Pragmatics and Syntax of German Inalienable Possession Constructions Vera Lee-Schoenfeld and Gabriele Diewald . 286 Case and agreement in Cupe~no:Morphology obscures a simple syntax Theodore Levin and Ryo Masuda . 311 Revisiting the Phonology and Morphosyntax of Chechen and Ingush Verb Doubling Ryo Masuda . 336 The role of morphological markedness in inclusive/exclusive pronouns Beata Moskal . 354 Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization Justyna Olko and John Sullivan . 369 More learnable than thou? Testing metrical phonology representations with child- directed speech Lisa Pearl, Timothy Ho, and Zephyr Detrano . 398 The Rhetorics of Urban Aboriginal Place-Making: Studying Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal Relationship Building in the Intercultural Speaking Event Stephen K.H. Peters . 423 Encoding Contrast, Inviting Disapproval: The Place of Ata in Belizean Kriol William Salmon . 437 Whose Kriol is Moa Beta? Prestige and Dialects of Kriol in Belize William Salmon and Jennifer G´omezMenj´ıvar . 456 Implicative organization facilitates morphological learning Scott Seyfarth, Farrell Ackerman, and Robert Malouf . 480 ii The Prosody of Split and Glued Verb Constructions in Ch´acobo (Pano) Adam J. Tallman . 495 Only and Focus in Imbabura Quichua Jos Tellings . 523 Stative versus Eventive Predicates and vP-internal Structure Jozina Vander Klok and Rose-Marie D´echaine . 545 iii iv Acknowledgments The Executive Committee of the 40th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society is grateful to conference participants, our volunteers, session chairs, and the faculty, all of whom made the event an intellectually stimulating and enriching event. Special thanks go to Paula Floro and Bel´enFlores, without whose grace and administrative dexterity BLS40 would not have been possible. Financial support came from the following funders at the University of California, Berkeley. Department of Linguistics Student Opportunity Fund Graduate Assembly Department of Psychology Department of Spanish & Portuguese Center for African Studies Department of Philosophy Anthropology Department Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures Department of German Berkeley Language Center v vi Foreword This monograph contains 28 of the 51 talks given at the 40th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, held in Berkeley, California, February 7-9, 2014. The conference included a General Session, one Special Session entitled Approaches to the Syntax-Phonology Interface, and two Parasessions entitled Semantic Theory in Underdescribed Languages and Language, Inequality, and Globalization. It was planned and run by all then second-year graduate students in the Department of Linguistics at the University of California, Berkeley. The members of the Executive Committee were Sarah Bakst, Herman Leung, Auburn Lutzross, Jonathan Manker, Zachary O'Hagan, Orchid Pusey, Nicholas Rolle, and Katie Sardinha. The papers contained herein were, upon first submission, edited principally for style by members of the Executive Committee. These edited versions were incorporated by Herman Leung and Zachary O'Hagan into a draft manuscript that was circulated among authors either for their approval or for further editing. Following resubmission, final versions of papers were incorporated by Zachary O'Hagan into the monograph found here. Our goal has been the speedy publication of these proceedings, and as such, certain aspects { e.g., the complete unification of formatting { have been sacrificed. It is our belief that this does not detract from the final publication in any way. The Executive Committee October 2014 vii viii Weak Crossover and the Syntax-Phonology Interface CALIXTO AGÜERO BAUTISTA Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières1 1 Introduction Postal (1971) shows that when a wh-operator is fronted over a position containing a pronoun, the pronoun cannot be understood as a variable bound by the crossing operator. Consider the contrast in (1). (1) a. Who1 does his ?*1/2 mother love t1? b. Who1 t1 loves his1 mother? In languages like English, a subject wh-phrase cannot possibly cross over a pronoun inside an object DP, when fronted, as subjects are structurally higher than objects to begin with. Thus, in (1b) who has not crossed over the object DP containing the pronoun his. (1b) can be understood as a question about the identity of the person x, such that x loves x’s mother. In that reading of the sentence, the pronoun is undeniably interpreted as a bound variable, given that its value covaries with that of the wh-phrase. Postal’s observation is that whereas the bound variable interpretation (BVI) of the pronoun is available in examples like (1b), the pronoun cannot be so interpreted in (1a). That the BVI of the pronoun is the problem in (1a) is shown by the fact that the sentence is acceptable under a deictic interpretation of the pronoun. Postal (1971) refers to the data exemplified in (1) as crossover phenomena. Later, Wasow 1979 shows that the deviance found in crossover sentences is greater when the pronoun c- commands the gap than when it doesn’t. This is shown in (2). (2) a. *Who1 does he1 love t1? b. ?*Who1 does his1 mother love t1? (2a) is worse than (2b). Wasow used the terms strong crossover (SCO) and weak crossover (WCO) as mnemonic terms for the greater deviance of sentences like (2a) with respect to examples like (2b). Since SCO phenomena has been shown in various analyses to violate the intersection of the crossover principle (whatever it is) and other principles of grammar (e.g., Binding Condition C), in the remaining of this article I will only discus WCO phenomena. 1 I thank the audience at the 40th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society for their questions and comments. 1 2 Previous Accounts Chomsky (1976), assuming a rule of Quantifier Raising (QR), later defended in May 1977, points out that the structures of sentences like (1) are entirely parallel to the structure of examples like (3), once the quantifier is raised by QR at the linguistic level of Logical Form (LF), as shown in (4). (3) a. ?*His mother1 loves every boy1. b. Every boy1 loves his1 mother. (4) a. [Every boy1 [[his1 mother2] [ t2 loves t1]]] b. [Every boy1 [ t1 loves [his1 mother]]] (4a-b) are respectively parallel to (1a-b). Given such parallelism, Chomsky (1976) proposes that the impossibility of the bound variable interpretation of the pronoun in examples like (3a) should follow from whatever principle bans that interpretation in examples like (1a), since both types of examples have essentially the same LFs, namely those in 4, once irrelevant factors are ignored. He proposes the Leftness Condition, which can be stated as in (5). (5) Leftness Condition (LC): A pronoun cannot be linked to a variable to its right. According to the LC, the problem in structures like (4a) is that the pronoun is linked (coindexed) with the trace t1, the variable bound by the operator. Since the trace (i.e. the variable) is to the right of the pronoun, the LC prevents the pronoun from depending of the operator associated with the variable. The LC account of
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