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Bengali Muslims- Social and Political Thought (1918-1947), Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2019, Pages Ix + 344, Price: TK

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Bengali Muslims- Social and Political Thought (1918-1947), Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2019, Pages Ix + 344, Price: TK Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 65(1), 2020, pp. 89-96 Book review Rana Razzaque, Bengali Muslims- Social and Political Thought (1918-1947), Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2019, Pages ix + 344, Price: TK. 500, ISBN: 978-984-34-7539-8 The above-titled book is divided into three broad chapters in which social and political ideas of a total of 13 Bengali Muslim Social and Political thinkers have been dealt with extensive research. The selection of these thinkers is made in light of their significant contributions which had long remained ‘subdued or sidelined’. In the introductory chapter the author set the discussion within the context of a host of socio- political and economic differences of Bengali Muslims. The year 1918 has been mentioned as the starting point for this study. It is significant due to the following factors such as growing politicization of the Bengali Muslim middle-class, end of World War 1, and the changing dimensions in socio-political and economic spheres. This study focuses on the formation of thought process and influencing factors shaping the diverse religious, social and political trends existing in the Bengali Muslim community. This is a qualitative historical research. The use of primary sources for collecting information includes official records and reports, newspapers, periodicals and interviews. The Bengali Muslims were a heterogeneous community in terms of socio-economic criteria such as urban-rural, ashraf-atrap, Bengali speaking and Urdu speaking, etc. Most of the Zamindars and landlords in Bengal were Hindus; they even largely controlled trade and commerce. Muslims lagged behind the Hindus in Bengal in their socioeconomic status as the Hindus were benefitted by the Permanent Settlement of 1793, the acceptance of English language and the establishment of the Hindu College in 1817 in Calcutta. The development of a Hindu middle class in Bengal further boosted up the position of the Hindus. Unlike the Hindus, the Muslims fell into 90 Sabbir Ahmed disadvantaged position for their negligence of accepting English. Therefore, the Bengali Muslims suffered a psychological barrier resulting in their economic impoverishment and social and political backwardness (Razzaque 2019, p.3). Illiteracy and poverty were two notable features of the Muslims in Bengal. The irrational and conservative aspects of Hindu religions underwent reforms under the influence of western ideas of liberalism and humanism in the mid-nineteenth century led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833). As opposed to the Hindus, the Muslims were engaged in backward-looking reformist movements such as the Wahabi, the Faraizi and the Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah in the early decades of the nineteenth century advocating strict adherence to Islamic Shariah and were directed particularly to purge Islam of all Hindu influences. This reformist attitude was confined to a small section of rural Muslims. By the early decades of the twentieth century social and political leadership shifted to the emerging Muslim middle-class in Bengal. The English-educated Bengali Muslim social and political thinkers of this period had their origin mostly in rural Bengal. Influence of indigenous culture and syncretic beliefs were present in them. They developed a comparatively rationalist and liberal approach to religious and social issues. They also stressed the need for adopting Bengali as the vernacular of the Muslims. Intellectual debates and controversies on religious, social and political issues in Bengal reflected, first, a separatist and a communal trend, second, there were humanist and syncretistic trends representing secular views. With the emergence of the English-educated Muslim middle-class in Bengal, a shift in the political perspective took place in the early twentieth century. It was the Muslim middle-class in Eastern Bengal which resented the annulment of Bengal partition in 1911and soon began to take an anti-British stand. Politics in Eastern Bengal after this event came under the control of the Bengali-speaking professional middle-class who now preferred to adopt politics of agitation and collaboration with the Congress. However, the western-influenced youths of Bengal in the 1920s believed in liberalism and preferred to retain syncretistic and eclectic views. The issues on that the Bengali speaking Muslims asserted their opinions and suggestions included agrarian question, education, language, nationhood, communal relations, politics of unity and separatism. Orthodoxy and legalistic Islam and the syncretistic, eclectics and folk Islam formed the basis of two broad categories of thoughts among Muslim intellectuals in Bengal. The significant feature of Bengali Muslim thoughts particularly during the two Book review 91 decades before partition of 1947 was separatism and the demand for separate state for Muslims. Since 1920s, the major crisis the Bengali Muslims lived with their ambivalence centered predominantly around the question whether they were Muslims first and Bengali second or vice versa. The author classifies the social and political trends of thought in Bengal into three categories, such as 1) Conservative-Orthodox; 2) Moderate-Liberal; 3) Radical- Humanist which had their respective variations, sub-trends, divergences and contradictions. The bases of this classification –lie in religious orientations of the families, their educational background (religious and secular), learning of English language and acceptance of ideologies of European liberalism and Socialism by the thinkers under study. The first chapter presents the discussion on the thoughts of Abul Mansur Ahmad (1898-1979), Mohammad Akram Khan (1868-1968), Mohammad Moniruzzaman Islamabadi (1875-1950), Syed Ismail Hossain Shiraji (1880-1931). They were all opposed to reforms either social or political. They rejected rationalist mode of thought, strongly believed in the Islamic Shariah. All of them received both madrassah and English education. Privately they believed in Islamic Shariah, opposed the mix of syncretic beliefs with Islam. At one stage they believed in Pan-Islamism, then all stood for the separate Muslim state with some divergences in their views. All have identified themselves Muslim first, then Bengali. The above personalities wanted the abolition of the Zamindari. Even though personally religious they were, politically they maintained a secular approach. Despite their ambivalence about the acceptance of the Bengali language, in course of time they developed liking for Bengali language. Politically it was not a matter of surprise as these four thinkers involved in the Congress, the Muslim League and the Krishak Proja Party (KPP) in different stages of their lives. The then political opportunity structure allowed them to do so. Abul Mansur Ahmad and Syed Ismail Hossain Shiraji through their literary works addressed the social and religious dogmatism prevailing in the Muslim society. Abul Mansur Ahmad’s Aina and Food Conference; and Shiraji’s Anal Prabaha and Ray Nandini (1915) are important examples in this case. Abul Mansur Ahmad considered the Muslims as a cultural minority of India who formed a separate nation. He rejected religion as the basis for nationalist movement. These positions contest the classification offered by the author that Abul Mansur Ahmed is a Conservative Orthodox thinker. 92 Sabbir Ahmed Despite his support for the Muslin League, the Lahore Resolution and the move for a United Independent Bengal, he was one of those who believed that Bengali was the language of the Hindus. A mixture of religious and secular education may have prompted him to think like this. Mohammad Akram Khan underlined the importance of learning Bengali for Madarssah students. He brought out a daily in Bengali which acted as a mouthpiece of the Muslim League. In 1937 elections, the Azad contributed greatly to wooing the support of Muslims in Bengal for the Muslim League. Being a Muslim League politician, he supported the demand for a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. He considered himself a Muslim first, was opposed to any move for an independent Bengal. As a fundamentalist but non-communal, he shows a paradox in his character. He hated English education and supported music and painting, but opposed to the excess of music practiced by the sufis and the mystics. Although educated at Madrassah, Mohammad Moniruzzaman Islamabadi was not an orthodox or a dogmatic person. He was secular and rationalist all through his life and a liberal thinker with progressive social views. This statement contradicts with the labeling him as a conservative-orthodox thinker by the author. Never had he believed in parliamentary politics but contested elections in 1937 as KPP candidate from Southern Chittagong constituency, as the author claims (p.136). He believed in extra-parliamentary politics but he participated in parliamentary politics (p.137). These two statements could have merged in one avoiding repetition. To him, education at madrassah is incomplete without the inclusion in its curriculum subjects such as English, Bengali, History, Philosophy, Chemistry, Geography, Sociology and Anthropology. He was against maulvis and mullahs, pir and pirism. Syed Ismail Hossain Shiraji advocated social enlightenment and female education. He was against Child marriage, polygamy, against extravagance and the practice of dowry. He supported purdah (use of veil) but he was in favour of lifting aborodh (seclusion). Both Shiraji and Islamabadi were intellectually very modern but emotionally
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