The Romney Marsh Irregular

Registered Charity No. 297736 THE ROMNEY MARSH IRREGULAR

The Newsletter of the Romney Marsh Research Trust

St Mary, Kenardington St Dunstan, Snargate

St Nicholas, New Romney St Peter & St Paul, Dymchurch No. 31 Spring 2008

Statement of Aims The Romney Marsh Research Trust exists to promote, co-ordinate and disseminate research into the historical, social and physical development of Romney and Walland Marshes and their immediate hinterlands. The Trust invites individuals to become, on payment of a subscription, a Friend of the Romney Marsh Research Trust and to participate in lectures, conferences, field visits and research projects. The Friends receive a biannual publication, The Irregular, which publishes research notes and provides a forum for debate. The Trust receives, raises and holds funds to meet grant applications from academic and other researchers, in order to support credible academic research into the Marsh, of a high standard, which can subsequently form the basis for a wider publication to the local communities. The Trust produces monographs containing the most recent high quality research papers. To date, four such monographs have been published, to high academic acclaim. Adopted by the Trustees of the Romney Marsh Research Trust 31st October 2005

Contents The Editor’s bit ...... 1 The Secretary writes ...... 2 Corrections...... 3 References received ...... 3 The Objectives and Activities of the Trust ...... 4 Churches in a Maritime Landscape: An examination of ecclesiastical activity on the Romney Marsh ……………………… 5 Study Day: Broomhill-Midley Sands area ...... 20 The Isle of Rye? ...... 22 The Grove ‘causeway’ across St Mary’s Marsh, Rye, between the 13th and 16th centuries ...... 26

The Editor’s bit Having finally moved house this Irregular comes to you from Malvern, Worcestershire, where, like Rye, few of the streets are on the level. There is the usual interesting mix of papers. David Starkie makes a plea for the study of near contemporary economic history to be included in the Objectives of the Trust. What do others think? The editor will be only too happy to publish any rejoiners. Nathalie Cohen, whose MA thesis looked at various aspects of the churches on Romney Marsh has kindly produced a much condensed version for this edition, while Martyn Waller and Michael Grant report on their work to date the origins of the causeway that links Rye to the ‘mainland’. Gill Draper’s paper compliments this work by looking at the historical evidence for the Grove causeway and St Mary’s Marsh. This being the first Irregular of 2008 it includes, as usual, the booking forms for the events that are being organised through to September. Alan Tyler

The Secretary writes ..... This year's AGM at Tenterden was much improved by adding a social element. Roger Nixon, Membership Secretary, organised a pay-bar for an hour before Casper Johnson's excellent talk on landscape. Everyone appeared to feel that this went well - so thank-you to Roger and those who helped him. We plan to run a similar social hour before this year's AGM at New Romney Assembly Rooms, when your editor, archaeologist Dr Alan Tyler, will talk on the theme of Monuments of the Marsh from Domesday to D-Day. Bar volunteers needed. We are very lucky that once again Lympne Castle has invited us to hold our Spring Lecture there - again we have planned for a pre-lecture social hour. I know a lot members will be delighted to welcome back Sheila Sweetinburgh, a former RMRT Secretary, who, in her talk, will bring a historian's perspective to the lives of the medieval fishermen of the Marsh. We have two other events planned - the Winchelsea Archaeological Society will take us, in April on a tour of possibly the best set of (normally locked) medieval cellars in the country, while, in May, we are arranging an important study day at Bodiam Castle. The focus will be on Bodiam as the 'head-port' of the Rother and its relationship to its immediate landscape. For those who wish there will be time to visit the castle itself. The Rye Project goes well and it is time to start working on the publication phase. And this is where we need a team member to focus on funding this final phase. We need someone who can act as an administrator, assessing more precisely what needs to be done by way of publication, identifying sources of funding, filling in grant application forms and, we hope, writing some thank-you letters. The project is directed by Dr Gill Draper, who has the backing of an experienced steering committee. We have an outline publication plan in place and a good idea of possible funding sources; what is missing is someone to make it all happen. If this looks like an interesting way of contributing, as a non-specialist, to a major academic and popular research project, why not email me and I can explain what is involved in greater detail. Terry Burke

Corrections Irregular 30 page 14, the date of the ¼d token of ‘William Keye at the Sheepe (Ship) in Rye’ is 1652, not 1692 as stated. References received Herewith a few references to publications relevant to the Marsh and its hinterlands that have been drawn to the attention of the editor. Cohen, N. (2007) Churches in a Maritime Landscape: An examination of ecclesiastical activity on Romn ey Marsh [Unpublished MA thesis, Univ. London] Draper, G.M. (2007) ‘There hath not bene any gramar scole kepte, preacher maytened or pore people releved, other then ... by the same chauntreye’ educational provision and piety in Kent, c.1400-1640, In: Lutton, R. & Salter, E. (eds) Pieties in Transition: Religious practices and experiences, c.1400-1640 [Ashgate Press] Draper, G.M. (2007) Writing English, French and Latin in the Fifteenth Century: A regional perspective, The Fifteenth Century, VII, [Boydell Press] Hope, A. (2007) Martyrs of the Marsh, In: Lutton, R. & Salter, E. (eds) Pieties in Transition: Religious practices and experiences, c.1400-1640 [Ashgate Press] Hutchinson, J.N. (1965) A Survey of the Coastal Landslides of Kent, Note EN 35/65 Watford; Building Research Station Hutchinson, J.N. (1968) Field meeting on the coastal landslides of Kent, 1-3 July 1966, Proc. Geol. Assoc., 79, 227-237 Hutchinson, J.N. (1998) The abandoned cliff of Weald Clay backing Romney Marsh at Lympne, Kent, In: Murton, J. et al (eds) The Quaternary of Kent and Sussex: Field Guide, 65-69 [London; Quaternary Res. Assoc.] Hutchinson, J.N., Poole, C., Lambert, N. & Bromhead, E.N. (1985) Combined Archaeological and Geotechnical Investigations of the Roman Fort at Lympne, Kent, Britannia, 16, 209-236 Long, A.J., Waller, M.P. & Plater, A.J. (eds)(2007) The Late Holocene Evolution of the Romney Marsh/Dungeness Foreland Depositional Complex, UK. [Oxford: Oxbow Books] Lutton, R. (2007) Geographies and Materialities of Piety: Reconciling competing narratives of religious change in pre-Reformation and Reformation England, In: Lutton, R. & Salter, E. (eds) Pieties in Transition: Religious practices and experiences, c.1400-1640 [Ashgate Press] Simpson, P. (2007) The Continuum of Resistance to Tithe, c.1400-1600, In: Lutton, R. & Salter, E. (eds) Pieties in Transition: Religious practices and experiences, c.1400-1640 [Ashgate Press]

The Objectives and Activities of the Trust The Autumn 2007 Irregular included the Annual Report of the Trustees and the Objectives and Activities of the Trust. Being a fairly new member I read the Objectives with great interest and saw that the Trust exists “to promote, coordinate and disseminate research into the historical, social and physical development of Romney and Walland Marshes and their immediate hinterlands”. The essential characteristic of the intended research seems to be historical. If this is the case, why do the objectives of the Trust, as currently written, imply that the social development of the Marshes is an appropriate subject (note that historical precedes social in the list of adjectives conditioned by the noun ‘development’). I am being pedantic; I am sure most members will recognise that the intended context is social history. But why not also include in the objectives ‘economic’ history, which has its own distinct way of looking at the world? There are, it would seem to me, a number of interesting topics of contemporary economic history that are worthy of study and could be promoted by the Trust. Let me give two examples. I have on my shelves a dissertation on Romney Marsh written by Mary Roberts in 1956. I am not sure of its precise context but might have been a thesis contributing to a degree. Chapter 5 deals with land use and population, including farming, industry, settlement and communications. The piece on farming for example is most interesting and includes statistics and maps showing how farming patterns on the Marsh changed between 1937 and 1955. Might this not form the basis for a more extensive piece of work on the evolution of the agricultural industry on the Marsh during the last century? Also on my shelves is ‘New Romney: An historical and socio-economic survey and analysis of the community’, a report of nearly 100 pages prepared by students at Leeds School of Town Planning in the summer of 1968. Two of the chapters therein deal with the economic base of New Romney at that time and another chapter deals with the social profile. For example, there is extensive data on the employment structure of the New Romney residents in the 1960s, their place of work, the activity rates of the population and the general employment structure.

Much of the material was based on a sample survey of over 300 households. I for one would love to see this work up-dated so that we have a better understanding of how the socio-economic profile of the community has changed since the Second World War. Do others share this view and if so do the Objectives of the Trust allow for such research aims to be supported? David Starkie

Churches in a Maritime Landscape: An examination of ecclesiastical activity on the Romney Marsh

Fig. 1: St Clement, Old Romney: view from the south © N. Cohen Introduction This paper, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA in Maritime Archaeology (University of London) in 2007, presented an examination of the surviving and ruined medieval religious structures of the Romney Marsh, within the wider context of the

maritime landscape of this dynamic coastal environment (Cohen 2007). The story of scholarly investigation of the Romney Marsh introduced the text, the geology, formation and topography of the marshlands was described, together with the results of archaeological, historical and environmental investigations into the exploitation and occupation of the area. A gazetteer provided descriptions of the fourteen surviving parish churches and considered the evidence for a further sixteen ecclesiastical structures, forming the basis for a detailed discussion of the origins, symbolic meaning and use of the churches as 'maritime structures' during the early medieval period (c. AD 700 to 1150). An abridged version of this discussion is presented here. Discussion "The world, according to the best geographers, is divided into Europe, Asia, Africa, America and Romney Marsh. In this last-named, and fifth quarter of the globe, a Witch may still be discovered in favourable, i.e. stormy seasons, weathering Dungeness Point in an egg-shell, or careering on her broomstick over Dymchurch wall. " (from R. Barham's 'The Leech of Folkestone', c. 1840) Perceptions of landscape Fear and loathing? A number of writers have recently explored Anglo-Saxon attitudes to the landscape, examining aspects such as the reuse of prehistoric burial mounds (Semple 1998), execution cemeteries (Reynolds 1998) and assembly sites (Pantos 2003); and attention has been drawn to the significance and symbolic meaning of waterways, marshlands and the sea itself (Cooney 2003, 324-325; Siewers 2003, 28-36). Roman writers observed of the punishment traditions among Germanic tribes that "sentences were administered by the landscape itself: ...... the more infamous 'cowards and poor fighters and sexual deviants' are 'plunged in the mud of marshes with a hurdle on their heads' so that the vileness of their transgression will be swallowed in the morass" (Schama 1995, 86). Marshlands have been identified as landscapes of superstitious fear in descriptions of Grendel and his mother's lair in Beowulf, and of the Wash fenland in the 8th century Life of St Guthlac. Coastal locations and islands, at the interface of the land and water, are also important liminal areas (Cooney 2003, 324-326; Westerdahl 2005, 10-11) a perception

again apparent in Beowulf with regard to the dragon's mound and Beowulf s burial mound (Semple 1998; Reynolds 1998; Siewers 2003). In this context, the local tradition recording the presence of two large mounds at Wayesend / Jury's Gap, apparently containing the bones of Viking warriors, is particularly intriguing (Eddison 1983, 44). A discussion of boundaries, both geographical and spiritual, is particularly relevant. The area has been described as a 'frontier' zone; first, and most obviously, it lies at the constantly changing frontier between the land and the sea, as Cunliffe has noted "the power of the boundary.....must always have been very real in the consciousness of those who inhabited the maritime regions" (Cunliffe 2001, 9). Then, there is the information provided by the name 'Limen' and the area's strategic importance: the Historia Brittonum places a decisive battle between the British and Saxon invaders on the marshlands (Brooks 1989, 61-63) and the 9th century burghal defensive network extends to its western extremities, with the fort at Eorpeburnan (Davison 1972). Between 1216 and 1457 there were eight French raids on the Cinque Ports (Brookes & Milne 2006, 7-8). Also interesting is the definition of territorial boundaries, i.e. the dividing line between Kent and Sussex. Charters of the 8th and 9th century make reference to land bounded ad terminos Suthsaxoniae, near Lydd, and Seaxna mearc, near Snave / Snargate, (Wallenberg 1931, 37- 38 and 165-166) demonstrating an early awareness and differentiation between the two territories; despite this the precise definition of the boundary was still unclear during the late 11th century (Welch 1989, 78). The principal reason for this appears to be that the county boundary follows a series of watercourses, culminating with the Limen/Rother and the course of this waterway has changed enormously over time. There are also distinct differences in the pace of development on either side of the county divide; one of the main reasons could be the lack of a major Anglo-Saxon monastic centre in Sussex (Gardiner 2003, 154-159); the important role played by the Kentish monastic centres in encouraging (and profiting from) reclamations has been noted (Rippon 2002, 97). The association between boundaries, places of execution and assembly sites may also be significant. The marshlands, which are characterised by well defined boundaries, and a hundred system established by the mid 10th century, must have had locations for these activities; is it possible

that, following Germanic tradition, marshes were used for punishment? A cluster of possible 'judicial' place-names near the county boundary, and the record of a gallows at Newchurch, where the bodies of felons were buried in the middle of the road, (Newchurch History Project 2003, 5) suggests this as a possible area for future enquiry. Archaeological evidence for burial on the Romney Marsh is very limited; comprising the antiquarian records of a possible cemetery near Hythe (Brookes 2007, 220), the excavations at Sandtun (Gardiner et al 2001, 170) and the investigations at the deserted church sites. The burials from Sandtun could perhaps be contrasted with a number of inhumations of Mid-Saxon date from foreshore / inter-tidal contexts in Greater London (Cohen 2003, 17-18). It has been suggested that these burials represent activity in a liminal area (punishment, sacrifice, death in battle, murder or the burial of a foreigner). It is not known whether a phase of lay cemetery use preceded churchyard burial on the Romney Marsh, but if this is the case, island sites may have provided a focus for ritual activity. The circular shape of many of the churchyards is notable. Place-Names Examination of the place-names reveals valuable information regarding the topography, and the use of that landscape. The origins of the river- name (recorded as Limenea in AD 697) may lie in the pre-Roman period, from the Celtic word for 'elm' found in Old Irish lem and Welsh llwyf. The Old British Lemana became OE Limene (Ekwall 1936, 294) 'the river in the elm wood'. It has been noted that Celtic or pre-Celtic names are most likely to be those of the greatest rivers (Gelling 1997, 90). A second suggested origin is equally interesting; in Latin limen means 'threshold' or 'at the border'. Fascinatingly, the related Greek word ? ??µ?? in its masculine form, means salt marsh and estuaries, but ? ??µ??, feminine, means 'harbour' (Westerdahl 2005, 11). The river-name is ultimately used to denote the region Limenwaralæð 'the lathe of the men of Lympne/Lyminge' in which the Marsh lies. However, the late 8th century reference to the devastation of the Merscware ('the people of the Marsh') by Cenwulf of Mercia indicates the early importance of the regione merscuuariorum; it may even have been regarded as a lathe in its own right (Brooks 1989, 69-72). The place-name 'Romney' may also derive from a word of Celtic origin. It has been suggested that Ruminingseta in the charter of c. AD 700

derives from rumin, a Celtic word for marsh with the suffix -ingeseta denoting 'meadow dwellers' (Scott Robertson 1880a, 359-361). Other writers have proposed that the later formation of the place-name Rumenea refers to the river name (OE ea 'river'). The first element may be derived from OE rum, 'wide, broad or spacious', presumably referring to the character of the waterway (Wallenberg 1931, 236; Ekwall 1936, 373). There are a number of other place-names which describe topographic features. Lydd, first recorded in a late 8th century charter (ad Hlidum), is from OE hlid 'slope' (Ekwall 1936, 293), while the origins of Snave, can be traced through Old High German snabul, Middle Low German snavel, and Norwegian snav: the meaning is 'spit of land' (Ekwall 1936, 408). Further descriptions may be preserved within place-names such as Hafmgseota (possibly Haffenden Farm) with a stem in OE haef 'sea', haefen 'harbour' (Wallenberg 1931, 81-82); Hremping wic; MLG rimpen 'to bend, wrinkle'; Bobingseota OE bob 'a protuberance'; Genlida (?near Snargate) OE gægnlad 'watercourse, inlet, arm of the sea' or possibly OE lid, 'ship'(Wallenberg 1931, 165-166) and the intriguing, but unidentified, Alhfleot OE ealh 'sheltering place, temple' (Wallenberg 1931, 125). Numerous place-names contain the suffix -hamm 'place hemmed in by some feature of the topography, often by water or marsh' (Gelling 1997, 112-117), and indications of the activity taking place there. Gelling has noted that habitative place-names are not necessarily earlier than topographic ones; with reference to Berkshire, she notes that "the emphasis is on the drainage - water-supply, water-control, crossing places and dry sites for villages" (Gelling 1997, 118-119). Ham Lees Farm, near Snave (Cealfhammas 'calf + hamm) and the unidentified Lambaham (OE lamba pl. 'lamb' + hamm (Wallenberg 1931, 165-167) record pasture as does Hope, OE hop - 'dry/enclosed land in a fen' (Ekwall 1936, 237; Everitt 1986, 143), while the -wic names (Orgarswick, Bishop's wic - near Lydd - and Hremping wic), also indicate dairying (Ward 1952, 16). The origins of Snargate may also relate to drainage, 'sluice gates' (Scott Robertson 1880b, 418). Ships and boats There has been little examination of route-ways, which is interesting given the variable nature of the landscape. The importance of transhumance with regard to the early development of the area and its

economic value has been discussed (Witney 1984, 28; Morris 1997, 347), but the patterns of possible land routes, including the locations of bridges, ferry and fording points, have not been explored in detail (Lawson & Killingray 2004, 50). Similarly, the methods and routes used in travelling, and transporting materials, by water are also unclear (Pearson & Potter 2002, 106-107). This is in direct contrast to the detailed work undertaken on routes of communication in north-east Kent, which have proposed a definition of space "wherein conceptions of the landscape coincided with the hierarchical nature of the social order. The sea, the road and the drove are envisaged within a stratified concept of geographical movements, schematically relating to the tiers of society, and it is as a reflection of this, that they embody crucial issues of ideology, power and identity" (Brookes 2007, 74). While this work has considered long-distance sea journeys undertaken by the elite, it would be interesting to further examine both the inland and coastal route-ways used by the maritime communities of the Romney Marsh, to understand if they can be defined according this hierarchical construct, especially given the early liberties enjoyed by the port settlements (Witney 1984, 31; Brookes & Milne 2006, 7-8). Space precludes a detailed discussion of the numerous bridges and crossing points; key points are highlighted here. The influence of the church may again be significant as many ferries (and later bridges) had ecclesiastical origins, and sometimes overt religious symbolism as well as commercial utility (Morriss 2005, 138-148). Also, the maintenance of bridges requires communal effort and this positive conception of communality means they are often chosen as meeting places (Pantos 2003, 47); for example Sumnerhouse Bridge near Brenzett was the meeting place for Aloesbridge Hundred (Brookes 2007, 207). Bridges present an obstacle to water-borne transport, as do fish traps, another key structure of the maritime landscape for which evidence is lacking on the Romney Marsh. Almost nothing is known however of the kinds of craft in use on the Marsh during the early medieval period. Finds of boats themselves are extraordinarily rare; there were two antiquarian finds of log boats (both now lost) near Bodiam and Icklesham, which may be medieval (Tyler 2004, 8); these types of boats were widely used all over England for a variety of activities (Cohen 2003, 18). It seems likely that shallow flat-bottomed planked craft with square ends, such as those recorded in European estuaries (Goodburn 2005) might also have been

used. Reconstructions of the 10th century Graveney boat have demonstrated her manoeuvrability in estuarine and confined waters as well as a capability for cross-Channel voyages (Gifford & Gifford 2002, 22). Also to be considered is the theoretical concept of the 'ship-as-symbol’ (Flatman 2003, 143). The powerful metaphor of the boat as a liminal agent (Westerdahl 2005, 3) is clearly demonstrated in the phenomenon of boat-burial, a highly symbolic pre-Christian tradition observed at a number of cemeteries of late 6th/7th century date in Kent (Carver 1995). In common with many other pagan traditions, the concept of the sacred stream (which came to represent rebirth through baptism), and the symbol of the boat became a part of Christian iconography (Schama 1995, 265; Thye 1995, 186-196); the use of ship motifs on medieval town seals, such as the 13th century example from Winchelsea, highlights the importance of boats in both daily and religious life, symbolising wealth, prosperity, adventure and also the community's Christian beliefs (Thye 1995,192). Churches as 'maritime structures' Examination of different aspects of the churches, with regard to the buildings themselves and their symbolism, means that they can be described as 'maritime structures'; a key part of their landscape, their construction and use is intimately entwined with the communities they serve. Fabric The fabric itself links the churches to both the local and regional maritime regimes. Analysis of the building materials used in their construction has shown that the coast was the major resource at all times, with opportunistic collection of beach boulders gradually succeeded by a sophisticated cliff quarrying industry, at sites near Sandgate and Hastings. It may be that this removal of foreshore stone contributed to long shore drift and consequently in part to the dramatic coastal changes (Pearson & Potter 2002, 89-107). The main results are summarised below: • The Hythe Beds (lower greensand) are the most extensively used, with beach boulders entering the Marsh from the north-east during the Anglo-Saxon and Norman periods. The Hythe tidal inlet may

have remained a viable waterway, with material then shipped through the reclaimed marshland via a network of inland waterways. Alternatively, some material could have been brought along the coast and distributed via the Romney inlet. • Use of Ashdown sandstone beach boulders is concentrated along the central NE-SW strip of marshlands between Appledore and Romney, in walls of late 11th-late 13th century date, with quarried stones used in later construction phases. Stones were probably shipped along the Limen from the Romney inlet, (later along the Rhee), although a route utilising the Wainway inlet could also be proposed. • The presence of Purbeck marble (noted at Lydd, New and Old Romney) and Caen stone (at most of the churches) implies sea borne trade. • The presence of far-travelled imports of igneous and metamorphic boulders could indicate dumped ships' ballast on the foreshore nearby. Other studies of the origins of ballast material found reused in structures have provided information regarding northern European trading connections (Hoare et al 2002). Use Many writers have noted the use of church towers as seamarks (Naish 1985, 12-13); their height and distinctive profile enables them to be used as navigational aids from up to 8 nautical miles away, depending on the height of the masthead observation point (Hutchinson 1994, 164-171). It has also been suggested that church towers were used as beacon sites, not only for navigational purposes but also for signalling (Hague & Christie 1975, 95), and as part of a wider defensive arrangement (Shapland 2005, 3-5). It was recorded that "in Saxon times, one of the duties of the cottager, who dwelt by the sea, was to keep the 'sea-watch'; and, to signal the approach of an enemy by lighting a fire upon the nearest hill" (White 1934, 78), and Anglo-Saxon defensive networks have been studied in different parts of the country through the examination of place-names and view sheds (Hill 1981; Pepper 1996, Gower 2002; Shapland 2005). The early medieval beacon system may have been the direct ancestor of the late 16th century signalling arrangement (Hill 1981, 92); by this date there were over fifty beacon

sites in Kent. "South of Dover, the evidence for the existence of [an Anglo-Saxon] signalling system is less secure in place-name evidence, although there are burhs and ports enough there to have merited [one]" (Shapland 2005, 18). Documentary references from the 14th century onwards certainly indicate the provision of such a system, whilst later material also refers to the use of alarm bells (White 1934, 79-86). The coastal beacons could be seen as having a dual function: as a vital part of the land-based signalling system and as 'light-houses', warning mariners of landfall. In England, the setting of lights seems to have been an ecclesiastical role, originating at monastic sites and hermitages. As well as providing prayers for the wellbeing of mariners and succour for shipwrecked sailors, there was also a financial imperative for the Church in ensuring the safe passage of mariners; given the ecclesiastical investment in trade and the consequent shortfall in revenue if cargoes were lost. Votive lights in coastal churches may also have fulfilled a similar function while church bells could provide guidance in foggy conditions. Secular bodies also controlled some fire towers; 13th century documentary evidence records the maintenance of lights near Rye and Winchelsea, and collection of tolls for their upkeep, by the Barons of the Cinque Ports (Hague & Christie 1975; Naish 1985, 84; Hutchinson 1994). While many of the Marsh church towers would have been suitable for signalling purposes, they appear not to have been defensible structures. There is a possible exception to this: St Clement, Old Romney. The tower meets most of the criteria as outlined by Shapland (2005, 8-9) with regard to the identification of defensive watch-towers and the supposition could be strengthened by the possible place-name identification of Kenardington as cyne-weard-ing-tun or "royal-watch- place" (Ekwall 1936). Symbolism The church building represents a place of refuge in a dangerous world, symbolised in the body of the church, the nave, from navis, 'ship'; early Christian congregations called themselves fishermen (as the crew of St Peter) (Thye 1995, 187). The dedication of a church also carries symbolic meaning, and those of a number of the Romney Marsh churches can be seen to be indicative of maritime links, with commemorations to St Nicholas, St Clement, St Michael and St Peter. It 13

is interesting that there are no churches honouring St Christopher, the patron saint of travellers, who was also associated with rivers or St James, similarly associated with voyaging. However, many of the churches had altars to them, and to other saints invoked as a protection against sudden death, such as St Barbara and St Catherine. Altars and chapels were also instituted by guilds or fraternities, and it has been noted that those of mariners and pilots, such as the Guild of Holy Trinity and St Clement - believed to have its origins in the 12th century - were often formed under ecclesiastical guidance and protection (Hague & Christie 1975, 27; Naish 1985, 40-41). In addition to altars and votive lights, the intercessionary power ascribed to these saints would also have been described in sculpture, stained glass and wall paintings. Much of the medieval symbolic decoration in the Romney churches has been removed, or is obscured by later paint and whitewash; however, there are occasional survivals representing maritime associations in the form of pictorial representations of ships, such as those at St Dunstan, Snargate and the ship graffito at Broomhill. However, both of these representations are not necessarily to be interpreted in a religious context; rather the former may be informative, and the latter an expression of interest in, and awareness of local activities (Christensen 1995, 182-184). Conclusions "Perhaps it was anxiety, as well as wealth, which fuelled the compulsion of medieval fenlanders to provide themselves with such splendid churches and to spear each others' horizons with lofty steeples. If the prospect of disaster could never be entirely dismissed, did this place some extra weight upon minds already burdened with concern about the fate of souls?" (Morris 1997, 349) The central theme of this paper concerned an analysis of the evidence for religious activity in a maritime context, through a discussion of the fabric, use and symbolism of the churches and the marshland/coastal landscape. Through this, a number of topics can be highlighted as areas for future research. In 1989, Tatton-Brown emphasised the need for detailed recording and excavation of the churches, a research aim that has not yet been far advanced. The structural surveys undertaken at Hope and Ivychurch, together with the excavation at Broomhill, have demonstrated the merit of site-specific studies; full survey, plus 14

excavation at the deserted churches, would obviously add greatly to our understanding of the churches' origins and development within a regional context, especially when coupled with the information already provided by the geological survey (Pearson & Potter 2002, 105). A project of this nature could address a range of themes, from the elucidation of architectural details (such as the lack of chancel arches), through an examination of churchyard layout and shapes, to an investigation of the mounds noted at many of the sites. The significance of salt-making as a prelude to reclamation and extension of settlement has been noted, and it would be interesting to know whether obsolete salterns have been used as sites for churches, as has been recorded in Norfolk, Holland and Lindsey (Morris 1997, 346; Sawyer 1998, 15). Viewshed analysis, as undertaken on the settlements along the Wantsum Channel (Brookes 2007), would also facilitate a greater understanding of the churches as navigation and pilotage points, and as a part of a possible defensive landscape (Shapland 2005). A study of the economic background of church development is also needed (Hutchinson 1994, 171; Pearson & Potter 2002, 90), particularly with regard to the key role played by the Church during the 7th to 8th centuries in consolidating its control over a landscape of superstitious fear, and the further improvement of the marshland areas through reclamation; the accurate dating of the Rumensea Wall is of vital importance (Allen 1999, 13). Also significant is the relationship of the parish churches to the wider framework of ecclesiastical organisation in Kent: further work could be undertaken regarding the relationship of the minster at Appledore, with the Romney Marsh churches (Tatton-Brown 1988, 107). An examination of the economy of the area should also discuss the 'black market', and the role of the Church in relation to this activity, in particular examining the use of church buildings as places to store contraband (Newchurch History Project 2003, 22-23). It has been noted that the historic landscape as a whole has not been studied in any great depth (Rippon 2002, 86) and clarification of the extent of, and exploitation within, the maritime cultural landscape is still required. For example, could the woodlands of the Weald be defined as part of the maritime landscape? This resource, vital for both nautical and land-based constructions (Goodburn 2005), was accessible to coastal and marshland populations via the Rother waterway. Similarly, pastoral and

arable advances may also be linked to maritime activity: it has been noted that sails made of wool were still in use in Kent in the late 15th century (Hutchinson 1994, 57), and there is some evidence for hemp retting near Lydd (Coatts 2005, 15). Social aspects could be further explored. The many and varied occupations of the marshland and coastal areas could be examined with regard to the identification of zones of activity (Hutchinson 1994, 105; Brookes & Milne 2006), and the development of guilds and fraternities, particularly with regard to the dedication of lights and subsidiary chapels within the churches (Everitt 1986, 226). In conclusion, it is hoped that this short paper examining the Romney Marsh churches has provided an insight into the circumstances of their foundation and early development, and has demonstrated the intimate links with their landscape setting. Further research aims have also been identified, where the study of ecclesiastical activity forms an integral part of any wider archaeological survey. Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors Gustav Milne and Joe Flatman for all of their help and encouragement throughout this year. Thanks are also due to Stuart Brookes, Gillian Draper and Andrew Reynolds, for useful discussion and references; and to my family for their support. Nathalie Cohen References Allen, J.R.L. 1999 The Rumensea Wall and the early settled landscape of Romney Marsh (Kent), Landscape History, 21, 5-18 Brookes, S. 2007 Economics and Social Change in Anglo-Saxon Kent AD 400- 900: Landscapes, Communities and Exchange Oxford: BAR British Series 431 Brookes, S. & Milne, G. 2006 Towns and Trade on an Unkind Coast: Rewriting the history and maritime archaeology of the Cinque Ports, The Romney Marsh Irregular, 28, 5-13 Brooks, N.P. 1988 Romney Marsh in the Early Middle Ages, In: J. Eddison & C. Green (eds.) Romney Marsh: Evolution, Occupation, Reclamation 90-104 Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph No. 24 1989 The creation and early structure of the kingdom of Kent, In: S. Bassett (ed.) The Origins of Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms 55-74 Leicester: Leicester University Press

Carver, M. 1995 Boat Burial in Britain: Ancient Custom or Political Signal, In: O. Crumlin-Pedersen & B.M. Thye (eds.) The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia 111-124 Copenhagen: Publications from the National Museum, Studies in Archaeology and History Vol. 1 Christensen, A.E. 1995 Ship Graffiti, In: O. Crumlin-Pedersen & B.M. Thye (eds.) The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia 181-185 Copenhagen: Publications from the National Museum, Studies in Archaeology and History, 1 Coatts, B. 2005 Some Thoughts on the Harbours of Lydd, The Romney Marsh Irregular, 26, 15-20 Cohen, N. 2003 Boundaries and Settlement: The role of the River Thames, In: D. Griffiths, A. Reynolds & S. Semple (eds.) Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 12, 9-20 Oxford: Oxford University School of Archaeology 2007 Churches in a Maritime Landscape: An examination of ecclesiastical activity on the Romney Marsh Unpublished MA dissertation: University of London Cooney, G. 2003 Introduction: Seeing the Land from the Sea, World Archaeology, 35 (3), 323-328 Cunliffe, B. 2001 Facing the Ocean: The Atlantic and its Peoples 8000 BC - AD 1500 Oxford: Oxford University Press Eddison, J. 1983 The Evolution of the Barrier Beaches between Fairlight and Hythe, The Geographical Journal, 149 (1), 39-53 Ekwall, E. 1936 The concise Oxford dictionary of English place-names Oxford: Oxford University Press Everitt, A. 1986 Continuity and Colonization: the evolution of Kentish settlement Leicester: Leicester University Press Flatman, J.C. 2003 Cultural biographies, cognitive landscapes and dirty old bits of boat: 'Theory' in maritime archaeology, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 32 (2), 143-157 Gardiner, M 2003 Economy and Landscape Change in Post-Roman and Early Medieval Sussex, 450-1175, In: D. Rudling (ed.) The Archaeology of Sussex to AD2000 151-160 Kings Lynn: Heritage Marketing and Publications Ltd Gardiner, M.F., Cross, R., Macpherson-Grant, N. & Riddler, I. 2001 Continental trade and non-urban ports in Mid-Anglo-Saxon England: Excavations at Sandtun, West Hythe, Kent, Archaeological Journal, 158, 161-290 Gelling, M. 1997 Signposts to the Past: Place-Names and the History of England Chichester: Phillimore and Co. Ltd Gifford, E. & Gifford, J. 2002 Anglo Saxon Sailing Ships Suffolk: Sutton Hoo

Society Goodburn, D. 2005 Anglo-Saxon Boat and Ship Building Techniques: Were They Distinctive in the Early Medieval Period? Saxon, 43 Gower, G. 2002 A suggested Anglo-Saxon signalling system between Chichester and London, London Archaeologist, 10 (3), 59-63 Hague, D. & Christie, R. 1975 Lighthouses: Their architecture, history and archaeology Dyfed: Gomer Press Hill, D. 1981 An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England Oxford: Basil Blackwell Hoare, P.G., Vinx, R., Stevenson, C.R. & Ehlers, J. 2002 Re-used Bedrock Ballast in King's Lynn's 'Town Wall' and the Norfolk Port's Trading Links, Medieval Archaeology, XLVI, 91-105 Hutchinson, G. 1994 Medieval Ships and Shipping Leicester: Leicester University Press Lawson, T. & Killingray, D. 2004 An Historical Atlas of Kent Chichester: Phillimore and Co. Ltd Morris, R. 1997 Churches in the Landscape London: Phoenix Morriss, R.K. 2005 Roads: Archaeology and Architecture Stroud: Tempus Publishing Ltd Naish, J, 1985 Seamarks: Their history and development London: Stanford Maritime Newchurch History Project 2003 Newchurch: A history Village guide book Pantos, A. 2003 'On the edge of things': The boundary location of Anglo-Saxon assembly sites, In: D. Griffiths, A. Reynolds & S. Semple (eds.) Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 12, 38-49 Oxford: Oxford University School of Archaeology Pearson, A. & Potter, J.F. 2002 Church Building on Romney Marsh and the Marshland Fringe: A geological perspective, Landscape History, 24, 89-110 Pepper, G. 1996 Tothill Street Westminster, and Anglo-Saxon Civil Defence, London Archaeologist, 7 (16), 432-434 Reynolds, A.J. 1998 ‘Executions and hard Anglo-Saxon justice’, British Archaeology, 32, 8-9 Rippon, S. 2002 Romney Marsh: Evolution of the Historic Landscape and its Wider Significance, In: A. Long, S. Hipkin & H. Clarke (eds.) Romney Marsh: Coastal and Landscape Change through the Ages 84-100 Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph No. 56 Sawyer, P.H. 1968 Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society Schama, S. 1995 Landscape and Memory London: Harper Collins Publishers

Scott Robertson, W.A. 1880a Romney, Old and New, Archaeologia Cantiana, XIII, 349-373 1880b Churches in Romney Marsh, Archaeologia Cantiana, XIII, 408-487 Semple, S. 1998 A fear of the past: The place of the prehistoric burial mound in the ideology of middle and later Anglo-Saxon England, World Archaeology, 30 (1), 109-126 Shapland, M. 2005 Towers of Strength: The Role of Churches in the Defence of the Late Anglo-Saxon Landscape Unpublished BA dissertation: University of London Siewers, A. 2003 Landscapes of Conversion: Guthlac's Mound and Grendel’s Mere as expressions of Anglo-Saxon Nation-Building, Viator, 34, 1-39 Tatton-Brown, T. 1988 The Churches of Canterbury Diocese in the 11th Century, In: J. Blair (ed.) Minsters and Parish Churches: The Local Church in Transition 950-1200 105-118 Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph No. 17 1989 Church building on Romney Marsh in the Later Middle Ages, Archaeologia Cantiana, CVII, 253-265 Thye, B.M 1995 Early Christian Ship Symbols, In: O. Crumlin-Pedersen and B.M. Thye (eds.) The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia 186-196-124 Copenhagen: Publications from the National Museum, Studies in Archaeology and History 1 Tyler, A. 2004 Ships of the Marsh, The Romney Marsh Irregular, 24, 8-13 Wallenberg, J.K. 1931 Kentish Place-Names: A Topographical and Etymological Study of the Place-Name Material in Kentish Charters dated before the Conquest Uppsala: A.B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln Ward, G. 1952 The Saxon History of the Town and Port of Romney, Archaeologia Cantiana, LXV, 12-25 Welch, M. 1989 The kingdom of the South Saxons: the origins, In: S. Bassett (ed.) The Origins of Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms 75-83 Leicester: Leicester University Press Westerdahl, C. 2005 Seal on Land, Elk at Sea: Notes on and Applications of the Ritual Landscape at the Seaboard, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 34 (1), 2-23 White, H.T. 1934 The Beacon System in Kent, Archaeologia Cantiana, XLVI, 77-96 Witney, K.P. 1984 The Economic Position of Husbandmen at the Time of Domesday Book: A Kentish Perspective, The Economic History Review, New Series, 37 (1), 23-34

Study Day: Broomhill-Midley Sands area Jason Kirby and Martyn Waller, one of Liverpool John Moore’s, the other from Kingston University, shared some of their very extensive work on the physical evolution of the marsh with a dozen or so Trust members, at a Study Day, in the Broomhill-Midley Sands area, on a sunny Saturday 1 September. Jason has had a pair of his students working on the Marsh. One boring holes along a straight line to try and discover the origins of the sand which forms the upper soil which stretches from Midley Sands to Sandylands, at Broomhill. The other was tracing the peat deposits on either side of the Wainway. The group set out along a track past Broomhill Farm, where we met with the farmer on whose land much of the work had been done. One thing we learnt very early on was not to believe the evidence of our eyes. Older maps show a scour hole from an ancient breach in a sea wall, with a repair wall built out around the hole. The scour hole is still there – now a pond surrounded by shrubs, but the wall is standing straight several metres away. The explanation was that at some date the wall had been straightened to provide a trackway between fields. Jason used a hand auger to demonstrate how the students had collected their samples. In essence they had shown that the sand was relatively modern, so it could not be the remains of a Bronze Age sand bar, which marked the start of the great shingle ridge across Rye Bay and beyond to Hythe, as had been suggested in the 1960s. Nor could it be the remnants of a wind blown sand dune. What we appeared to be looking at was a sometime riverbed, which would have formed the western mouth of the Rother, exiting at Broomhill. There would have been another branch going to New Romney probably via Old Romney. Thus sometime pre-the great storms of the 13th century Lydd would have been an island, with sheltered water on the landward side. This branch of the river has been christened the ‘Midley Channel’. Traces of these two channels would have been lost before the Great Storm – they have pre-13th century walls on top of them. The Wainway is a slightly later tidal channel cutting through the adjacent marshlands, as was proved by the students identifying the remains of what would

have been a continuous layer of peat on both sides of the Wainway. Very intriguingly the group noticed a line of shingle pointing straight towards the Red House, Scotney Court Farm, which had to some extent been ploughed out, but could still just be seen a feature in the landscape. Something so straight surely had to be man-made. One person suggested this was a trace of a medieval trackway, another wondered if this could something left over from the war. It seemed to be too straight for a sea or reclamation wall. The Study Day concluded by tracing the final section of the Great Cordon, which stretches from near Appledore, past Fairlight and Brookland, to Midley and thence to Broomhill. Most of this stretch of the wall is now lost, although one good section remains. Here one could see clearly the difference in land levels on either side of the wall – lower, i.e. older, on the Lydd side, higher and newer on the Wainway side, which of course fits in with post-1287 conditions. The Study Day concluded with a visit to the site of Broomhill Church, which now, slightly worryingly, appears to be under an extension to the sewage works, near Jury’s Gap. Hopefully this only a temporary works area. Some of the party had been involved in the original dig by Dr Mark Gardiner and Professor Michael Tooley and were able to paint a word picture of what they had found. This latest thinking about the evolution of this part of the Marsh, raised some interesting discussion points concerning the line of the Rother from Appledore to Midley, possibly close to the line of the Great Cordon, skirting a large raised bog, which once, pre-storm covered the Cheyne Court Area. The other issue concerned the likely relationship of Broomhill to Old Winchelsea, which would have been on the other side of Midley Channel, presumably sheltering in a linked tidal creek, which might or might not have stretched to Rye. The study day group went home with certainly plenty of food for thought, with heartfelt thanks to Jason and Martyn for the work they had done in putting such an interesting day together. Terry Burke

The Isle of Rye? The old town of Rye stands on solid ground (the Wadhurst Clay, of the Hastings Beds) high (at a maximum altitude of +23 m OD - present sea- level) above the adjacent marshland (which today lies at approximately +3 m OD). Immediately to the south and west, strip away the alluvial deposits and the surface of the bedrock descends down to below -20 m OD (Waller & Kirby 2002). This marks the location of a former channel of the river Tillingham incised during the last glacial period when sea- levels were at least 100 m lower than at present.

Figure 1: The two Rye causeways showing the location of the boreholes To the north of the town, alluvium is shown on the map of the Geological Survey (Institute of Geological Sciences 1977) extending in an increasingly narrow strip from the Thomas Peacocke Community College through to the Middle Salts. Two former causeways linked Rye to the 'mainland' to the north (Figure 1). That leading out from Landgate, along what is now Bridge Place, appears to have been constructed over

the shortest possible route. The second, situated a few hundred metres to the west (The Grove) dates to the late 14th century AD and may have originated as a reclamation embankment (Draper 2008). Although the deposits around Rye have been investigated in some detail over the last 20 years, most recently as part of the Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund project (Long et al. 2007), there had been no surveys of the sediments of the area between Rye and the 'mainland'. In conjunction with the current historical research being undertaken by the Trust in Rye it was decide to undertake preliminary investigations to determine the depth of the bedrock surface and the nature of the deposits, in particular to establish whether the thicknesses of sediment on either- side of the causeways could provide any information on their relative age.

Figure 2: Rye Causeway Boreholes Boreholes were sunk using a gouge auger in a west-east transect from the Thomas Peacocke Community College to the Middle Salts (Figure 2). A borehole (1) immediately to the west of The Grove revealed (beneath the top soil/disturbed ground) over 2 m of silty clay. Shell remains indicate these were deposited under marine/brackish conditions. A distinct thin (27 cm) organic layer separated the silty clays from peat which extended for at least a further metre in depth. The boreholes to the east of The 23

Grove (2, 3, 4, 5) show a similar stratigraphy, though the thin organic layer is missing. The silt-clays are occasionally laminated but remain a substantial deposit (at least 2m thick). The peat, which was not bottomed but extends to a depth of at least -2.65 m OD, is increasingly woody and well-preserved with depth. To the east of the Landgate/Bridge Place causeway (borehole 6) marine/brackish sediments overlie the bedrock surface at +0.5m OD. The sediment sequence to the north of Rye is comparable to that recorded from the alluvium of the Brede Valley/Levels and the Tillingham Valley (Long et al. 2007; Waller & Kirby 2002) and it is possible to suggest a sequence of events, with a chronology based on the radiocarbon dates obtained from these areas. The bulk of the peat formed in a fen carr environment (hence the wood) from 4000 BC onwards. From about 1000 BC peat formation appears largely to have ceased and pollen studies (Waller & Schofield 2007) indicate vegetation indicative of more acidic and dry conditions. The marshlands would then almost certainly been used for grazing animals and may have been cropped for reed and sedges. At some sites this phase is represented by a 'buried soil', particularly adjacent to the upland where slope-wash resulted in material being deposited on top of the peat. The 27 cm organic layer recorded to the west of The Grove is a particularly well-preserved example of this layer (and is likely to represent the pre 13th storms reclaimed surface). At most sites around Rye the top of the peat is poorly-preserved, disturbed and shows signs of erosion. This has made dating the end of peat formation extremely problematic and it is unlikely that the radiocarbon dates from the top of the peat provide more than a maximum age for the deposition of the overlying sediment (Waller et al. 2006). The top of the peat to the north of Rye is typical in all respects and at approximately OD has been influenced by both erosion (the upper part of the peat is disturbed in all the boreholes to the east of The Grove) and compaction under the weight of the overlying silty clays (see Long et al. 2006). Long et al. (2007) have used a combination of radiocarbon and archaeological evidence to date the post-peat sediments (the silty-clays) around Rye. They are unlikely to date to before 800 AD and the bulk was probably deposited rapidly (based on determinations from tidal laminae, deposition rates may have been as high as 0.2 m/yr, see Long et al. 2007) following the breaching in the gravel barrier in the storms of the 13th century AD (Eddison 1998).

This investigation suggests a fairly deep channel separates Rye from the mainland to the north and that for most of the post-glacial this would have been distinctly boggy ground. However, Rye probably only became a true island following the 13th century AD storms, and there must remain some doubt as to whether the Landgate/Bridge Place causeway is built over post-glacial sediment or the bedrock. Unfortunately with the bridge and railway, access to this area is heavily restricted and, in the absence of further information, the answer to this question will have to await major engineering works. The Grove causeway is definitely not situated on a bedrock spur and there is no evidence of a build-up of sediment on either-side. On the borehole evidence, it appears unlikely therefore that this route pre-dates c. mid 14th century AD, by which time the bulk of the post-peat sediments are likely to have been deposited. There is clearly some scope for further investigations of deposits north of Rye. North-south borehole transects would be preferable as these would reveal the maximum thickness of the deposits and allow better comparison of the sediments of either-side of the causeways (though the access problems noted above make this challenging). Pollen/charcoal investigations from the peat adjacent to Rye 'island' have the potential to reveal woodland composition/prehistoric clearance phases, and while it is unlikely to reveal much information beyond c. 1000 BC and therefore on the history of the settlement, it would make a suitable undergraduate project. Acknowledgements We are grateful to Jo Kirkham, Alan Dickinson and Terry Burke for information on the causeways and arranging access to the sites visited and to the landowners for their permission to undertake the borings. References Draper, G. 2008. The Grove ‘causeway’ St Mary's Marsh, Rye, between the 13th and 16th centuries, Romney Marsh Irregular, 31, below Eddison, J. 1998. Catastrophic Changes: the evolution of the barrier beaches of Rye Bay, In: Eddison, J., Gardiner, M. & Long, A.J. (eds). Romney Marsh: Environmental change and human occupation in a coastal lowland. 65-88 Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph No. 46 Institute of Geological Sciences (1977). Classical areas of British Geology, Hastings-Rye 1:25 000.

Long A.J., Waller, M.P., & Plater, A.J. 2007. Dungeness and the Romney Marsh: Barrier dynamics and marshland evolution. Oxford: Oxbow Books Long, A.J., Waller, M.P. & Stupples, P. 2006. Driving mechanisms of coastal change: sediment autocompaction and the destruction of late Holocene coastal wetlands, Marine Geology, 225, 63-84. Waller, M.P. & Kirby, J. 2002. Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene Environmental Change in the Romney Marsh region: New evidence from Tilling Green, Rye, In: Long, A.J., Hipkin, S. & Clarke, H. (eds.) Romney Marsh: Coastal and Landscape Change through the Ages, 22-39 Oxford: Oxford University School of Archaeology Monograph No. 56 Waller, M.P., Long, A.J. & Schofield, J.E. 2006. The interpretation of radiocarbon dates from the upper surface of late Holocene peat layers in coastal lowlands, The Holocene, 16, 51-61. Waller, M.P. & Schofield, J.E. 2007. Mid to late Holocene vegetation and land- use history in the Weald of south-eastern England: multiple pollen profiles from the Rye area, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany, 16, 367-384. Martyn Waller and Michael Grant Kingston University

The Grove ‘causeway’ across St Mary’s Marsh, Rye between the 13th and 16th centuries Boreholes using a hand auger at the Landgate and the Grove causeway or embankment were carried out in August 2007 by Dr Martyn Waller and Dr Michael Grant, University of Kingston. They found a 2m layer of silty clays, above ancient peat, representing the occurrence of a period of marine or brackish conditions during the historical period. This was not precisely dateable, although they judged that it most probably occurred after c.700 AD and in fact probably as a result of the mid to late 13th century storms (between 1252 and 1288) with bulk of the silty clays being deposited quite rapidly after these storms. The silty clays were found on both the east and west sides of the Grove embankment.1 The presence of the silty clays on both sides indicates that the Grove embankment, i.e. the predecessor of the road now called the Grove, was constructed after this period of marine or brackish conditions. This fits with the extensive historical evidence about the marsh which the Grove causeway or embankment crossed. This evidence has been re- examined by the Rye and hinterlands project in the light of the findings

from the boreholes. The Grove embankment crosses the area generally known as St Mary's Marsh which lay immediately to the north of Rye town. Before 1247 this area can be identified with the marsh known as North Marys or Northmarays. At this time North Marys was a valuable marsh from which St Mary's church, Rye, received an income. After the period of marine/brackish conditions which the boreholes detected and induced by the late 13th century storms, deeds make clear that this marsh was reclaimed in, or before, the late 14th century. The marsh was reclaimed into smallish plots known as crofts held by individuals with channels of water between some crofts. This kind of reclamation is known from elsewhere on Romney Marsh at this period. The Grove causeway is best interpreted as reclamation embankment of this period, which was also used as a pedestrian route across St Mary's marsh by Rye inhabitants from the postern gate to the Blikewell (Dodeswell), one of the three medieval springs supplying the town. This reclamation and the route to Blikewell along the Grove embankment is well established in the deed material. There was also a highway called Blikelane running westwards towards Leasam from the northern end of the Grove embankment. Before the period of marine/brackish conditions of the later 13th century, Rye inhabitants would have crossed North Marys or Northmarays on a similar route. The borehole evidence indicates that from about 1000BC onwards the marshlands in this area would have been dry enough to 'almost certainly have been used for grazing animals and may have been cropped for reed and sedges'.2 This fits well with the documentary evidence of the value of North Marys or Northmarays to the town of Rye between the 11th or 12th centuries and the mid 13th centuries. North Marys or Northmarays North Marys or Northmarays was the name by which St Mary's Marsh was known in the mid 13th century. Although this area of marsh is on the north side of the town at some distance from the parish church of St Mary, Rye, it was an asset originally belonging to that church and its overlord the Abbey of Fécamp in Normandy. North Marys or Northmarays is referred to in the 1247 resumption of Fécamp's property and in a subsequent grant of 7 June 1247. Initially in 1247 the king, with the agreement of the Abbot of Fécamp, revoked 'the gift of these two towns [Winchelsea and Rye] with their advowsons and the fourth part of

the marsh of North Marys and the rent of 3s 9d receivable therefrom'.3 However in the grant of 7 June 1247, the Abbey was allowed to retain its income from St Mary's church including that which came from North Mary's, .ie. a pension of 13 marks, which the abbot and chapter of Fécamp formerly received from the church of La Rye, together with the tithe from North Marys: 'Whereas the king has resumed into his demesne: the towns of Winchelse and la Rye with their appurtenances according to metes and bounds made by his order, for suitable exchange which he made for them to the abbot and convent of Fécamp, he grants nevertheless that the abbot and convent shall possess for ever the yearly pension of 13 marks due of ancient time, which they used to receive from the church of La Rye which they called Northmarays, which is within the metes of the said town, as they used to do; provided that nothing further accrue to them on account of said pension and tithe'.4 It is clear from this that the pension income which the King decided to continue to allow Fécamp had been coming to the Abbey as an asset of St Mary's Church, probably from the 11th century. North Marys or Northmarays therefore appears to be the predecessor in name of St Mary's Marsh. At this period marys or marays would usually mean 'marsh', but in this case it may refer instead, or also, to St Mary's church, and clearly it refers to the land to the north of the town.5 It can therefore be taken as an early reference to what was later called St Mary's Marsh. In the mid 13th century North Marys or Northmarays was obviously valuable. Whether it had been reclaimed by human activity or natural processes at this period is not clear due to the later changes here, although the findings from the boreholes demonstrate that the Grove embankment did not come into existence until some time after the mid to later 13th century storms. In 1332/3 a commission of Edward III ordered an examination of the banks in Northmersh by Rye.6 This was part of the response to the late 13th storms which affected wide areas of Romney Marsh and the lower reaches of the River Rother.7 The Grove embankment The Grove embankment crossed St Mary's Marsh in the medieval period. In this period, St Mary's Marsh was described as St Mary's Croft, for example in 1391 as 1.5 acres of 'land in the liberty of Rye in a marsh called Seintmarie croft'.8 A croft always implies enclosed land used for agricultural purposes, that is, not open grazing marsh but more

intensively used land. The name St Mary's Croft continued in use until at least 1428. Furthermore, property here was still called 'croft' in the mid- 15th century. A 'croft' here, together with its associated house and garden, was described as bounded in 1442 on the east by the highway leading out of the Landgate, and on the west by a 'way leading from Rye to the spring called Blykewelle'.9 Three early-15th century deeds, the first dated 1411, make clear the nature of St Mary's Croft and the way in which it had been reclaimed.10 The details come from the abutments of the crofts or parcels into which it was divided. These abutments included a highway along the northern edge of St Mary's Croft, a wall, a way, and two parcels of land conveyed together with a 'parcel of water'.11 This parcel of water was a channel, more or less wide, described as between the two parcels of land.12 This type of reference is unusual in deeds of marshland or other land. However it strongly suggests that this marsh was reclaimed and divided into parcels of intensively-used land, perhaps arable, by making drainage channels and embankment walls, on which ways or lanes typically ran: exactly this method was used at Misleham on Walland Marsh between the 13th and 15th centuries, with routes subsequently running on the walls.13 In the 14th and 15th centuries the Grove 'causeway' was therefore an embankment which was part of the reclamation process of St Mary's Marsh, and which was used as a pedestrian route. There is no information as yet as to how soon the reclamation of St Mary's Croft began after the storms until the deed of 1391. It can however be noted that other marshes on the fringes of Rye were being reclaimed in the 13th and 14th centuries, notably by men of the town elite such as the Curboil and the Paulyn families. The Grove embankment was part of the way or route between the town of Rye and two of the three springs ('wells') which supplied the town with fresh water, as a reconstruction of the abutments in the deeds demonstrates. People collecting water from the medieval Blikewell, a spring known by 130514, which lay near the foot of Deadman's Lane, would have used this embankment as they crossed St Mary's Croft to reach the postern gate of Rye at the foot of what is now Conduit Hill; this was the route described as the 'way leading from Rye to the spring called Blykewelle'.15 The abutments of a deed of 1363 indicate that this way joined the highway called Blikelane which ran west along the north

side of St Mary's Croft from the Kingswish (to the west of Landgate) towards the spring at Blikewell and then on towards one of the other medieval springs under Leasam cliff.16 The postern gate was the ‘back door’ for Rye inhabitants, allowing them to access St Mary's Croft and the way to the springs of Blikewell and Leasam. The date of the postern's origin is unknown although it must have been an access point in 1305; however as a gate across the fosse it is very likely to have been in existence by, or soon after, 1378 when the Austin Friary was relocated to its second site fronting on Conduit Hill; a relocation apparently relating to the building of the town wall here. The postern led across the town fosse by what appears on John Prowze's map of the late 16th century to be a drawbridge. In the 16th century Rye's water supply was insufficient for its population. Over the course of the century conduits, cisterns, taps and pipes replaced the collection of water by hand from the springs at Blikewell, under Leasam Hill and also the cliffs to the north east, from the foot of Playden Hill to Saltcote, along what is now Military Road.17 The way across St Mary's Marsh, reclaimed before 1391, which had been used as the pedestrian route to access the springs at Blykewell and Leasam, was utilised for laying pipes from the springs to cisterns in the town. A brick cistern, which still exists, was also built at Blykewell, accounting for its post-medieval name, Brickwell, which was also later known as Queen's Well. The right of way from the postern gate to Brickwell continued to be preserved in 16th century deeds.18 North Marys, St Mary's Croft and later St Mary's Marsh were subject to some flooding at times of spring or extraordinary tides between the early 15th and the early 18th centuries.19 On 1 November 1570 this occurred 'after the extremytie of windes wether & tide' breached a curving reclamation wall erected by Robert and Alexander Shepherd in 1554-55; this wall and breach ('The Brache in to Mr Sheppardes marshes') is shown on the Prowze map and the wall can still be followed on the ground at the back of Tillingham Avenue.20 The wall was damaged by the laying of new pipes to bring water from Leasam to the Strand.21 It had previously protected a barn, and fifteen houses inhabited by fishermen, built in St Mary's Marsh.22 It was described as 'a decayed wall which at one time led from Dedmans Lane to the Strand' in 1596.23 Channels of water flowed in through the breach, which was not repaired

for several decades. In 1589 one of these channels allowed two small- time smugglers to sail up near to the postern gate at the foot of Conduit Hill in a tiny cock boat with a 'small bache of lether' worth 6s 8d. The town watchmen caught the smugglers, who were named as 'one Butler [living] in the Fryars' (the former Austin Friary) and 'another little fellow'. The watchmen reported that they had taken the leather, sold it to 'Old Scragge' and divided the proceeds between themselves.24 Nevertheless despite the historic record of periodic flooding and channels such as these in St Mary's Marsh, it is clear that the thick layer of silty clays deposited there which the boreholes detected is best interpreted as occurring at the time of the later 13th century storms. This short piece summarises a re-examination and discussion of the multitude of historical records on St Mary's Marsh and the results of two topographical walks there, for which many thanks are due to Terry Burke, Alan Dickinson and Jo Kirkham and the other members of the Rye and hinterlands project. The findings will be published in full as part of this project. Gill Draper University of Kent 1 The silty clays lay above a thick peat layer of about 4000 BC to 1000 BC, which may have been exploited later for fuel as suggested by the record of 'a saltmarsh called Colpit near the Wish in St. Mary's Marsh' in 1589, RYE/139/50, enrolled in RYE/33/16, f. 206. 'Col' was sometimes a general term for fuel, Middle English Dictionary, Michigan [MED]. 2 M. Waller & M. Grant 2008 The Isle of Rye?, Romney Marsh Irregular, 31, above 3 L. Vidler, A New History of Rye (1st ed. 1934,2"d ed. 1971) p.9. 4 Calendar of Patent Rolls 1232-47, p. 503. 5 Cf. early forms of the singular and plural noun in the MED: marais, maries, mareis, marreis, marise, marice, marace and moresse, all deriving from the Old French marois, mar(r)eis, marais, mares. 6 Cal. Pat. Rolls 1330-1334, p. 391. 7 This extensive flooding is confirmed in the archaeological record for New Romney (Draper and Meddens, New Romney, forthcoming) and for the River Rother around Appledore in the Patent Rolls, E. Vollans, 'New Romney and the "River of Newenden", In: J. Eddison and C. Green eds, Romney Marsh: evolution, occupation, reclamation, (OUCA 24, 1988), p. 135.

8 East Sussex Record Office RYE/136/137. Documents cited are at ESRO unless otherwise stated. 9 RYE/136/191. 10 RYE/136/168, 184; RYE/122/4. 11 RYE/136/184. 12 The deed reads 'duas parcellas terre cum suis pertinenciis una cum quadam parcella aque inter predictas duos parcellas terre existente inparochia de Rya'. I thank Christopher Whittick, senior archivist at East Sussex Record Office (ESRO), for checking the details of this deed for me and discussing the interpretation of parcella ague. 13 J. Eddison & G. Draper, 'A landscape of medieval reclamation: Walland Marsh, Kent', Landscape History 19 (1997) pp. 82-84. 14 RYE/136/22. 15 RYE/136/191. 16 RYE/136/107. This highway is also referred to in 1413 as abutting north on two acres in St Mary Croft, RYE/122/4. What were possibly the same two acres abutting north on the east-west highway Blikelane were described 1596 as two acres of salt marshes abutting north on a way from Leasam Manor to Rye, RYE/135/24. 17 A. Dickinson, Britain in Old Photographs: Rye and Winchelsea (Stroud: Sutton Publishing 2002), p. 64. 18 West Sussex Record Office WISTON 22 (1575); ESRO RYE/135/24 (1596). 19 RYE/122/85. 20 S. Bendall, 'Enquire "When the same platte was made and by whom and to what intent": Sixteen-century maps of Romney Marsh', Imago Mundi, 47 (1995) p. 44; TNA SP 12/254 75 and the records of the mayoralty of John Donnyng date this breach to 1570, not 1571, nor 1595 as the Calendar of State Papers gives it. 21 G. Mayhew, Tudor Rye (1989), p.29. 22 There were also two windmills on the wall, TNA SP 12/254 75.I thank Christopher Whittick for his transcription and discussion of this document. 23 RYE/135/24. 24 RYE/1/5, 13. Leather processing in this part of Rye is known from 1334, RYE 136/71.

Communications For those Friends with access to the internet, the website of the Trust is www.rmrt.org.uk. Via this it is possible to view information about the Trust, forthcoming events and the archaeological gazetteer of Romney Marsh and the river valleys to the west. There are also links to other relevant sites including that of the Romney Marsh on the Web project that has been developed at the University of Liverpool. The Executive appreciates that many Friends do not have access to computers and we will, of course, continue to communicate with them through the Irregular and the Annual Report. If however you are online it would be appreciated if would send details of your email address to org@,rmrt.org.uk. Contact details for administration members of the Executive are on the back cover.

ADMINISTRATION

Hon. Secretary Hon. Treasurer Terry Burke David Williams Court Hay Red Court, Woodland Rise 41 Mermaid Street Seal, Sevenoaks Rye Kent TN15 0JB East Sussex TN31 7EU email: [email protected] email: [email protected] Membership Secretary Roger Nixon Wyche House Members’ Representative Woodchurch Road Ray Huson Tenterden 3 Bodsham Crescent Kent TN30 7AE Bearsted email: [email protected] Maidstone Kent ME15 8NL Irregular Editor email: [email protected] Alan Tyler 39 Hayfield Road Orpington BR5 2DL email: [email protected]

TRUSTEES

Professor Caroline Barron; Dr Helen Clarke; Professor Antony Long; Gustav Milne; Sarah Pearson; Richard Stogdon; Dr John Williams; Dr Barry Yates