"Animal in the Mycenaean World," Journal of Prehistoric 15 (2001) 32-38. 4 5

7

Fig. 4. Seal impressionfrom showinga pre- motif. Fig. 5. Lentoid sealfeaturing a pre­ potnia scene. Fig. 6. Ivory plaquefrom with possiblepotnios theme. Fig. 7. Jasper ringfrom Mycenaefeaturing a potnios theron scene.

10 Animal Sacrifice in the Mycenaean World.* Stephie Nikoloudis Introduction Animal sacrifice is attested, directly and 16) and enhances community spirit indirectly, in the textual, iconographical through an associated celebration and and archaeological remains of the feast (Killen 1994: 70). Interestingly, by Mycenaean . The following serving to intensify group identity, synthesis of the current evidence sacrifice may deliberately exclude (archaeological, iconographical, anthro­ outsiders (Seaford 1994: xii). At the same pological and textual) is presented in the time, it articulates status and role hope that it may help to generate new divisions, thereby reinforcing the internal insights into this topic. Much new social structure of a given community evidence has appeared in the last decade (Seaford 1994: xii). in all four categories of specialized study. A predominantly synchronic approach It is examined, here, in a combinatory is adopted in comparing the information way. The aim is to ascertain, as far as retrievable from the administrative possible, the identity of the sacrificers and records (tablets and sealings), seals and the receivers, the animals sacrificed and seal-rings, frescoes and archaeological the occasion(s) and place(s) at which this remains from the Mycenaean palatial was carried out, the procedure(s) and centres of Thebes, Pylos and paraphernalia involved, and the under­ dating from the LH/LM ill period. It lying reasons for the fulfilment of this should also be underlined that as sacrifice practice. constitutes an example of religious Preliminary answers to these questions practice, definitive conclusions cannot be are offered by ethnographic studies, drawn about its associated belief system, which highlight the link between religion especially given the secular nature of the and society. Sacrifice itself effects textual evidence and the difficulties communion between the mortal and inherent in decoding (and reconstructing) divine spheres and involves the the iconographical remains. Furthermore, expectation of resulting well-being for the while different levels/strata may well have givers. It resolves the human conflict been operating in the Mycenaean world, between the need to kill (for food) and the e.g. officiaVstate and popular cult, guilt associated with killing by probably with some overlap and levels in constituting a means through which part between (Hagg 1996: 601), the current of the kill is offered to the gods (Burkert project is concerned with the level(s) 1983: 38; Dietrich 1988: 36). It enforces attested in the texts (i.e. community solidarity by channelling palatially-connected sacrifice). Nor is the aggression away from the human issue of explored here. members of a society (Marinatos 1988:

11 The Linear B Texts 1 to the payment of a religious fine, derived from the verb 'ttVCOand meaning 'due to Thebes. Sixty sealings (nodules) have be paid' (Hutton 1990-91: 125-6). The been recovered from Building III, a term a-ko-ra (e.g. TI-I Wu 49, 50), from complex resembling a workshop, at the verb a')'Etpco, is relatively more Thebes (Piteros, Olivier and Melena: intelligible to us, referring to 'a passim). Each sealing has three faces and, collection' or 'gathering together' of in general, bears a seal impression on side animals. The verb a-pu-do-ke (3rd sing. a and an animal ideogram usually on top Aor. of a1t'l){)tOcoµt)on TI-I Wu 89 of this, accompanied by a Linear B implies a transaction: the 'handing over' inscription on sides ~ and y. Each sealing of something (* 190) to someone. Killen is thought to have represented a single alleviates the difficulty in determining animal and twenty-three seal or ring whether this particular sealing impressions have been identified, authenticates 'entry' into or 'exit' from interpreted as the personal authentication the by noting that the verb a-pu­ marks of twenty-three individual seal­ do-ke (='he paid') regularly appears users. elsewhere on the Linear B records in Several toponyms occur on the Theban relation to the payment of taxes and, thus, sealings, including the Euboean a-ma-ru­ most likely concerns incoming supplies at to (f\µapuv0oc;) on TI-I Wu 58 and ka-ru­ Thebes (Killen 1994: 71). to (Kapucr'toc;) on TI-I Wu 55. The The animals on the Thebes sealings allative-form te-qa-de, 'to Thebes,' on TH include numerous pigs, ovids and caprids Wu 51, 65 and 96 implies the movement but only two bovids (one of each sex, as of from outlying districts to indicated by the ideograms on TI-I Wu 53 Thebes. The formula 'pa-ro + personal and 76). The sealing inscriptions betray a name' (= from/in the care of 'Name') on variety of other characteristics of the TH Wu 47, 59 and 60 tends to strengthen animals. For example, the adjective this hypothesis referring, as it seems 'sacred' occurs as i-je-ra (neut. pl.) on TH likely, to the person (official or herdsman) Wu 44 (probably meant as a collective of in charge of the animals or other items in origin, but potentially problematic as such question. since it does not reflect the 1:1 The economic vocabulary appear-ing correspondence attested elsewhere in on the sealings includes the problematic support of the theory that one sealing term qe-te-o (e.g. TI-I Wu 49, 50) which represents one animal) and as i-je-ro occurs in other contexts, too, with animals (neut. sing.) on TI-I Wu 66, 86 and 87, and products, including oil and textiles, in referring to , and a pig (all which the palatial administration has a males). The abbreviation SJ, for si-a2-ro certain interest, e.g. PY Fr 1206, Fr 1241; (crta,11,oc;),describes the pigs on TI-I Wu KN Fh 348, Fp 363 (Piteros et al. 1990: 52 and 68 as 'fattened'. Both words, 152-3). Hutton suggests that it may refer 'sacred' and 'fattened', are suggestive in

12 terms of animals which may be int ended guarantees for, delivery and constituted for sacrifice or slaughter. So, too, is the primary information documents from term o-pa (taken to be an action noun which palatial tablets could be compiled. from the verb ercro), which is found on The three bone styluses found in the room TII Wu 46, 56, 58, 64, 76 and 88 in in which the sealings were discovered association with male and female animals may have been intended for such a of all sorts and which, as Killen suggests, transfer of information. may refer to a 'finishing' process to be Pylos. Turning to the textual evidence understood as 'fattening' in the case of from Pylos, Piteros, Olivier and Melena livestock (Killen 1999: 332, 336). (1990) have pointed to the similarities The abbreviation we, for wetalon between the number and type of animals (=yearling) on TII Wu 74 and 78, the recorded on the Thebes Wu sealings and word po-ro-e-ko-to 'superior' (from rcpo those listed as 'due(?)' from Dunios on PY Un 138. They propose that these two + exro on TII Wu 67 and 92, and the sets of animals were destined for a similar form e-qi-ti-wo-e (Perf. participle of fate, consumption at a ceremonial cp0ivro-'to decay, perish'- in the plural or banquet. According to their calculations, dual) further reflect the effort made to each group of livestock would have record accurately the sex, age and other provided roughly the same quantity of characteristics of these animals. This may meat. In terms of recorded details, the have been required by the Palace as a 'yearlings' and 'fattened' pigs are precaution against fraud and welcomed by reminiscent of those on the Thebes the men responsible for the deliveries as nodules, as is the significantly small security against unfair retribution for the number of bovids (here, two bulls and one untimely, natural or deterioration of cow), which is understandable given the inferior animals (Piteros et al. 1990: 157; higher worth and maintenance cost of Killen 1992-93: 102). Additionally, the such creatures in relation to sheep, goats sealings contain a number of problematic and pigs. ideograms which have been variously Other familiar vocabulary includes the associated with fodder or other 2 term qe-te-a 2 and 'pa-ro + personal commodities. name,' leading to the proposal that PY Un Overall, the sealings from Thebes 138 may itself have been compiled from suggest the transfer of animals from information derived from similar sealings. outlying districts/centres of production to One obvious difference between the two Thebes itself, either to the palace proper sets of data is the mention of a single or to some nearby pastures, at which time person (Dunios) as responsible for they were physically separated from the roughly the same number of animals as sealings which accompanied them. opposed to at least 23 individuals (as · Alternatively, the sealings may have presumed) in the Theban case .. This may preceded the arrival of the animals. They simply be the result of two distinct stages would have acted as certificates of, or of information processing, with a single

13 official assuming complete responsibility equipment compiled when Phygebris once he had been handed the nodules and carried out an inspection on the occasion perhaps even personally inspected the when the wanax appointed Aukewas to the delivery. The and wine noted on office of da-mo-ko-ro. Of interest in terms PY Un 138 would have complemented the of the evidence for sacrifice is PY Ta 716 menu for a large banquet, with enough which appears to list two gold chains (or fo?d and drink to sustain 1000 people pegs?) pa-sa-ro (from \j/CXAtoV),two (P1terosetal 1990: 179-181). 'stunning-axes' wa-o (from aop) with a What might have constituted the corresponding ideogram, and two swords occasion for such a banquet? PY Un 2 qz-sz-pe-we (from ~(¢a<;) with an provides a clue. The text is a list of edible ideogram. The association between the items at the disposal of 'the overseer of gold chains/pegs and the associated te-u-ke-a' at Pakijane 'at the time of the throne is unclear: were they to be placed initiation of the king.' One bull is on/around the throne? (Sacconi 1999: recorded among numerous sheep, goats 288; Speciale 1999: 292-3). The stunning­ and pigs. Again, the amount of food and axes were probably functional (see drink recorded would amply nourish 1000 below). The swords may have been people and it seems fitting that the functional or decorative, as one could inauguration of a Mycenaean king would perhaps also argue for the gold chains. be celebrated with communal feasting Might this equipment have served as (Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 222; Piteros cultic paraphernalia intended to be used - et al 1990: 179; Killen 1994: 70~71). functionally or symbolically - along with While PY Un 718 is considered to be a the . seats, tables, vessels and cooking completely different type of text, eqmpment of the Ta series at a sacrificial recording the anticipated contributions of banquet of the sort proposed in the case of animals and foodstuffs by various sectors the Thebes seatings, PY Un 138 and PY of the society (wanax, lawagetas, damos, Un 2? If so, this inventory may have been worgioneion) to , it contains an compiled as an audit of the palace's important and potentially fruitful detail: banqueting equipment required upon an while sheep, cheese, wine, honey and administrative change of office and in grain are to contributed by all these preparation for an associated, or groups, sometimes in overlapping fashion, unrelated, communal banquet (Gallavotti only one bull is mentioned and it is to be in Speciale 1999: 296; Killen 1998: 421- given by the wanax (Ekhelawon or 422). *Egkhes-lauwon). Thus, the importance Knossos. In his appraisal of the tablets of the bull is emphasized by its exclusive from Knossos, Killen has identified a association with the chief figure in number of similarities in terminology and Mycenaean society (Palaima 1995: 132- format with the material from the 3). mainland: the word a-ko-ra-ja (nom. neut. The Ta series from Pylos is an pl.) on the KN Co texts appears with inventory of furniture, vessels and other

14 bulls, sheep, goats and pigs; bulls are to The general similarities between the be transferred to Knossos, ko-no-so-de, on terminology and format of these texts and KN C(l) 5753+7046+7630; and the the material from Thebes and Pylos would formulaic 'pa-ro + personal name' occurs seem to reflect a similarity of practice in on KN C(2) 913. Killen has also the herding and movement of livestock, contemplated the possibility of the texts its destination for sacrificial slaughter of such C(2) tablets having been and, potentially, consumption. "transcribed, direct and unmodified, from sealings" (Killen 1994: 74). The Iconographical and Archaeological The extraordinary number of bulls Evidence intended for a festival, e-wo-ta-de, on KN C (1) 901+ 7661+8049 probably reflects Sealings. The evidence of sealings (seal the grandeur attached to Knossian-related impressions) is extremely problematic, palatial activities/concerns, while the owing to the difficulty of dating these adjective sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja (sphakteria artifacts and their inherent (often =victims, from the verb crcpa~co)on KN impenetrable) symbolism. Distinguishing C(2) 941, C 1561 and X 9191 securely between Minoan and Mycenaean labels these animals (sheep, here) as scenes is an added problem. Nevertheless, destined for slaughter (or sacrifice).3 as products of the Bronze Age they Abbreviated descriptions of these sheep warrant consideration and the selected occur on KN 394 and U 7063+fr.: sa (for examples from in Fig. 1 offer us sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja) and pa (for pa-ra-jo glimpses of what might have taken place =old). during (and after) some forms of Aegean Religious associations may be applied Bronze Age animal sacrifice. to the animals by the occurrence of (i)-je­ In Fig. la, a sword pierces/points to a re-u in KN C 7048 (although it should be stag's neck, while blood drips from its noted that priests are not necessarily mouth. Fig. lb may represent a post-kill barred from participating in purely secular ritual, with a male figure with livestock management) and, more outstretched arms standing to the left of justifiably, by the name pa-de in KN C the seemingly unconscious bull 394 which seems to be a divinity's name (Marinatos 1988: 15). Fig. le features a given its appearance in KN Pp (1) which wooden . In Sakellarakis' view, the lists wine offerings to a number of intricate carving of tables on seals is more divinities. The small numbers of animals akin to wooden than marble manufacture in KN C 394 and U 7063 might further (in Marinatos 1986: 15). The issue of suggest that they have been raised for a fixed/portable /sacrificial tables is special putpose. In C 394, only male discussed below. Interestingly, as animals are noted, which may be of Marinatos remarks, both · males and significance. females are depicted as officiating in sacrifice, but never together in this capacity: "either sex could be in charge of

15 sacrifice singly but not together" one. Behind, follow a woman carrying (Marinatos 1986: 13, original italics). two more buckets4 slung on a pole and a Finally, Late Bronze Age representations male -player. On the right, the scene of sacrifice appear mainly on seals, which faces the opposite direction: three men were the possessions of an elite class appear to be carrying votive gifts - models (Marinatos 1988: 9). This might indicate (?) of two calves and a boat (or shallow that animal sacrifice was a practice basin) - towards a dead man standing restricted to a relative minority of outside his tomb (thus identified due to privileged members, whether it was his stiff, armless pose), or perhaps a carried out for personal or wider xoanon draped with a sacred robe. community benefit. On the 'back', a male pipe-player and The Aghia Triadha Sarcophagus. The three or - to judge from the number of feet Aghia Triadha sarcophagus, of LM ill - more women approach a table, date, found in a tomb near , Crete reminiscent of those seen in the sealings (Long 1974), constitutes an invaluable (Marinatos 1986: 15). On the table lies a source of evidence for animal sacrifice, trussed, dappled bull with blood dripping even if some of the features depicted on it from it into another bucket-like may be specific to the funerary context to receptacle. Beneath the table sit two which it owes its existence. Also, as a calves. In front, a woman makes an product of an era in which the offering (note the bowl) on an altar (a Mycenaeans had established themselves ?). Beyond the altar stands a on Crete, its intermingling of Minoan and double-axe on a stand with a bird perched Mycenaean detaiis, e.g. agrimia and on it and behind it is a shrine surmounted griffins, respectively, on its short ends by Minoan horns of consecration. It is (Long 1974: 44-53), may derive either tempting to assume that the similar from artistic licence or from real overlap decoration of the altar and shrine point to in beliefs and/or ritual practices, the their similar, presumably fixed, nature. nature and degree of which presently Long views the altar as being of wooden elude us. construction, Yavis as of monolithic slab One long end of the limestone coffin, construction (Both in Long 1974: 65). the so-called 'front' (thus named by Long In terms of the sacrifice depicted on the owing to its better quality of coffin, it is important to note the elements workmanship and its relative positioning of procession, and musical accompani­ in the tomb which made it visible from ment, the portable (?) table and fixed (?) the doorway), is divided into two sections altar, the blood dripping from the bull into (fig. 2). On the left, a woman (the a receptacle, the Minoan horns of officiating priestess?) empties the consecration and the double-axes with contents of a bucket (wine or the blood of birds resting on them, the fruit (?) basket the bull pictured on the back?) into a and the 'libation jug' (of *226 type /bucket set between two double­ according to the Linear B ideographic axes on stands, with a bird on top of each evidence) shown above the altar,

16 suggesting an important function for these later Greek . Of particular two containers in the rite. interest is the Odyssean passage Birds are often associated with female recounting Nestor's bull sacrifice to the divinities in Minoan scenes and might, goddess (Od. 3.418-463). fu it are here, symbolize the presence of the mentioned: a bowl (of lustral water), a divinity (Long 1974: 31, 36). The poles sharp axe (to cut down the animal), a dish on which the double-axes are attached are for the blood, the preparation of a coloured green suggesting that foliage banquet, the symbolic presence of the was wrapped around them, while the axes goddess and the participation of women in and their hafts are yellow, perhaps the ceremony. This observation is not indicative of originals in gold or polished intended as a retrojection of Homeric bronze (Long 1974: 35), calling to mind practice on to the Bronze Age, although some of the items encountered in PY Ta Cook and Palaima have recently argued 716. that does preserve real information The three scenes on the sarcophagus about palatial ritual in the territory of (pouring, presentation, bull sacrifice) Mycenaean Pylos (Cook and Palaima appear to be set outdoors. fu discussing 2001: 192). fu any case, the text brings to their narrative connections, Long life certain, common and independently comments that a real bull sacrifice would identified, aspects of the act of sacrifice. likewise probably entail a banquet for which the preparation of wine (pouring Pictorial Programmes of the . scene) would be required (Long 1974: Bronze Age Aegean palatial iconography, 36). Marinatos interprets the sacrifice of like Near Eastern official art, most the bull, with the libation of its blood in probably served a functional purpose, the vicinity of a tree-shrine (note the conveying the power of the ruling foliage issuing from the structure), as a administration to its audiences (those ritual of renewal, pointing to the link visiting the palace on local or foreign which exists between Death and renewal business) (Hagg 1985: 209). This could world-wide (Marinatos 1986: 27). be achieved by means. of heraldic Finally, it is unclear if the prominence of symbolism, scenes of military conquest, women here (pouring scene, bull depictions of prestige items of sacrifice) is reflective· of their age-old manufacture - alluding to restriction of dominant role in Greek mortuary practice access and associated power - and or if it relates to their Bronze Age role as wealthy ceremonial displays. Often, the 'priestesses' for which there is strong wall-paintings may have acted as 'sign­ evidence in the Linear B texts. These posts' (Hagg 1985: 210-11) for certain options are not mutually exclusive. activities, directing participants from one A number of the elements of sacrifice place to another, or even perpetuating implied by the scenes on the Aghia activities during the period when they Triadha sarcophagus and on the were not actually being performed. aforementioned sealings find parallels in

17 An example is offered by the 'Grand The 'Bull Sacrifice and Banquet Scene' Staircase' fresco from the East Wing of in the Throne Room itself, Rm 6, features the Palace at Knossos (fig. 3a). It shows a a lyre-player seated on a rock outdoors, a procession of men moving upwards in the large bird nearby, seated banqueters, direction of the East Hall, believed to whose raised cups have been have been an important cult area (Hagg reconstructed on the basis of the 1985: 211). Intriguingly, the group is 'Campstool Fresco' from the Palace at headed by a pipe-player, the second Knossos (Wright 1995: 292-3), and a 'moving' figure holds the head of a bull sacrificed bull (fig. 3b). In this case, as (or, perhaps more likely, a bull's head Palaima explains, it seems that "the ), the third a conical rhyton, the purpose of the ceremonial scenes in the fourth a bowl/dish and the fifth a spouted complex is to remind one of the jug, most of · these items having been ritual actions that have taken place en encountered already in the sacrificial plein air,"(original italics) allowing for iconography of the sealings and the Aghia the possibility of a symbolic ritual Triadha sarcophagus. enactment of these events indoors The 'Procession' fresco on the (Palaima 1995: 133 n. 47; also McCallum northeast wall of the vestibule, Rm 5, of 1987: 140). the central megaron at the Palace of Pylos The outdoor setting for the actual (fig. 3b) also depicts some offering­ slaughter and ensuing banquet may have bearers, this time behind a huge bull in a been in some outlying field/sanctuary or procession making its way to an open-air perhaps closer at hand, in one or more of shrine (Palaima 1995: 133). At the block the outdoor courts of the palace. altar stands a figure taken, by some, to be Shelmerdine has proposed that Court 88, the wanax himself (e.g. Kilian cited in with access to the pantries of the main Palaima 1995: 133). Of course, the building of the Palace, may have been a surviving depiction is itself minute. The site of feasting (in Davis and Bennet posture of this figure's arms on the 1999: 110). Davis and Bennet also point monolithic slab altar - which is so to Court 63 as a location "in which reminiscent of the female's on the Aghia crowds could be gathered on ceremonial Triadha sarcophagus - is not (necessarily) occasions," especially since nearby real but reconstructed. In· any case, the Rooms 60, 67 and 68 were found packed singularity of the bull portrayed on the with vessels for eating . and drinking wall of the official seat of authority of the (Davis and Bennet 1999: 110 and n. 21) wanax is significant and brings to mind (fig. 4). the correspondence in PY Un 718 where Geherally, the identification of the wanax alone, of all the elements that sanctuaries corresponding to the many make up the community of the Pylian mentioned in the Linear B tablets from kingdom, offers a bull to the commensual Pylos and Knossos has been problematic banquet (Palaima 1995: 132). (Palaima forthcoming). Nevertheless, a fixed altar of squared , coated with a

18 number of layers of plaster bearing be used in ceremonies and then returned frescoed decoration - such as the one (Palaima 1999: 451). indicated in the vestibule 'Procession' fu McCallum's view, the frescoes at fresco (fig. 3b) and on the Aghia Triadha Pylos reflect "a symbolic assurance of the sarcophagus - was discovered in Court 92 kingdom's prosperity through adequate of the Northeast Building at Pylos (fig. 4), provisioning of the gods" (McCallum suggesting that such altars may well have 1987: 149). Political strength and stability been the focal point of some open-air itself depended on sound rule. This may religious activity (Blegen and Rawson have entailed the ruling administration's 1966: 301-302). adherence to certain ritual observances, It is tempting, then, to contemplate including the performance of sacrifice, whether the 'Grand Staircase' fresco from perhaps in accordance with a festival Knossos - which admittedly works better calendar (Chadwick 1988: 201), all of as a 'sign-post' than does the Pylos which would have been equally important 'Procession' fresco with its super-scale in the endeavour to win divine favour and bull and apparent outdoor setting - may in to secure popular support. fact reflect the post-kill phase of a bull sacrifice in which the bull's head (or a Cultic Paraphernalia. bull's head rhyton), the bull's blood (?) Altars. The iconographical evidence and other offerings/paraphernalia are considered suggests the use of both fixed returned to the palace-proper - and, altars and portable wooden sacrificial specifically, to the interior of the complex tables in the ritual of animal sacrifice, - for display, storage and/or further ritual both of which are attested treatment. (The separation of the cranium archaeologically. For example, in addition from the body of the slaughtered bull to the altar base of Court 92 at Pylos, a depicted on the sealing in Fig. ld is fixed stone altar was found · in the suggestive). northwest comer of the central court of When considered in this light, the the Palace at Phaistos and a stepped altar 'intricacies' of Tablet PY To 316 are, to at the peak sanctuary of Mt. Juktas some extent, untangled. The (Marinatos 1988:15). As for wooden iconographical evidence adds weight to tables, a great deal of burnt wood has the theory that those mentioned as being occasionally been found with surviving sent to the individual sanctuaries listed on stone slabs, suggesting ··stone table-tops the tablet in the fonnulaic phrase do-ra-qe supported by wooden legs (Marinatos pe-re po-re-na-qe a-ke are not human 1988: 15; Long 1974: 62). sacrificial victims but gift-bearers/carriers The problem lies in trying to (Palaima 1996-97). As Palaima has distinguish between burnt and unburnt observed, these vessels need not have offerings. As Hagg concludes: "The constituted 'permanent' gifts to the comparatively few structures that have but, instead, might have been taken from been interpreted as built altars are not of the palatial treasuries at different times to types that could have served for burnt

19 animal sacrifice" (Hagg 1998: 101). That by J. L. Melena of a new join at Pylos is, their plastered decoration argues which seems to specify an altar for burnt against offerings of the burnt variety. sacrifice. And, in fact, traces of fire on the upper Fixed altars, where they existed, surfaces of these structures are rare or certainly would have provided a focus for insignificant (Hagg 1998: 101). This cult activity. In Marinatos' view, trees corresponds well with the picture of may also have served as important animal consumption following the markers of ritual space, either in the sacrificial ritual. As Hagg comments: vicinity of such altars or alone (Marinatos 1986: 15). The trees on sealings and on There is definitely no the Aghia Triadha sarcophagus may thus indication that the be more than decorative. Mycenaean animal sacrifice was of the Greek [burnt] type Libation. A close ritual connection exists - the animals were only in many cultures between sacrifice and slaughtered and afterwards libation (Hagg 1998: 104). The custom of consumed. If any parts were libation, "the pouring of a liquid as a saved as "the gods' portion," drink offering to a divine recipient" (Hagg there is no evidence that 1996: 610), seems to have been well these parts were burnt (Hagg established in Mycenaean times 1998:101; See also Bergquist (Bergquist 1988: 32). (possibly 1988: 21, 32). of wine, oil and/or animal blood) were poured from vessels, e.g. conical-shaped In relation to the ambiguous nature of the rhyta and 'libation jugs' of the· type ash layers at the early Mycenaean depicted on the famous gold ring from Maleatas shrine in the Argolid, the in which a procession of genii take possibility is noted that these may have part in a libation ceremony (the mythical resulted from a general cleaning nature of the creatures alluding to the (involving burning) of the sacred area divine sphere [Rehak 1995: 224]). Both rather than from actual burnt sacrifice vessel shapes are encountered in the (Hagg 1998: 100-101; Bergquist 1988: Linear B texts and iconography of the 30). Thus, on the basis of the current period. evidence, it would appear that animals Libations were received either by fixed were slaughtered on portable wooden installations, like the libation channel cut tables, and portions thereof and/or other into the plaster floor next to the throne in offerings simply 'deposited' on altars the megaron at Pylos (with a libation jug (Marinatos 1986: 15). The animals could painted on a nearby wall, perhaps then-be cooked for consumption. perpetuating the activity) or by movable tripod offering tables, such as that found NOTE: Views of this evidence may by the central hearth of the Throne Room change with the forthcoming publication at Pylos (Hagg 1996: 607; Hagg 1998:

20 104-5; for photos of the finds, see Hagg the double-axes on stands shown on the 1990, 179 and 182). As noted by Hagg, Aghia Triadha Sarcophagus seem to serve both the rhyton and offering table were a symbolic purpose. Meanwhile, stone Minoan inventions (or at least they were mace-heads were probably used to stun attested earlier on Crete) adopted early on the animals and swords/daggers/knives to by the Mycenaeans on the mainland carve them (Hagg 1998: 102; Marinatos (Hagg 1998: 105). 1986: 22). fudeed, the ideogram for the fu her noteworthy discussion on animal axes on PY Ta 716 does not reflect a true sacrifice, Long points to a seal from Minoan double-axe but, instead, what as featuring the whole 'set' of looks like a 'stunning-axe' with one side equipment which the procedure would 'bladed' and the other side 'hammer have entailed: a sword/dagger, a blunt' (Speciale 1999: 294; Sacconi 1999: sacrificial table,5 a rhyton, a spouted 286-89) (fig. 6). libation jug, a krater/jar, and a (palm) tree Homs of Consecration, such as those (-marker) (Long 1974: 62) (fig. 5). depicted on the Aghia Triadha sarcophagus, typically adorned the wall­ Double-axes and Horns of Consecration. tops of Minoan palaces and shrines, but Both of these are accepted as 'Minoan' have rarely turned up at excavations on symbols of religion (Marinatos 1993: 5). the mainland. Three large, but The double-axe, as Dietrich explains, may fragmentary, stone examples are known: have been viewed as a symbol of renewal: from Gia, Pylos and Mycenae (Hagg "The flow of the animal's blood released 1996: 612). its vital force which was a potent agent to ensure renewal, and in some form the Minoan/Mycenaean Distinctions promise of rebirth" (Dietrich 1988: 36). Niemeier' s useful observation that the The textual, iconographical and Minoan double-axe was appropriated by archaeological evidence examined in this the Mycenaeans but used differently in study from Thebes, Pylos and Knossos their own representations of it on seals, and attributed to the 'Mycenaeans' as the i.e. as a symbolic emblem, but never users of the Linear B script, supports the carried as a real object in the Minoan way view of a "relatively homogeneous (Niemeier 1990: 167), is supported by the cultural koine that covered most of the archaeological discoveries of double-axes southern Aegean at the end of the Late on the mainland: most of these are made Bronze Age"(Davis and Bennet 1999: of bronze sheet.and were, therefore, most 113). At the same time, Mycenaean likely intended only for display. At the syncretism does not seem to have been early Mycenaean Maleatas sanctuary, for absolute, even in the late palace period. instance, one double-axe was rather solid Whether it is appropriate to speak .of and capable of being used as a sacrificial distinct 'Mainland Mycenaean' and implement, while the rest were non­ 'Knossian Mycenaean' (Hagg functional (Hagg 1998: 102). Similarly, 1988a: 204) cannot be determined on the

21 basis of the sacrificial evidence alone. destined for sacrificial slaughter and (as Yet, there are certain peculiarities in other seems likely) human consumption. The aspects of the religious record which TH Wu sealings, and tablets PY Un 2 and suggest the need to distinguish between Un 138 are particularly instructive. This Minoan and Helladic cult practice, both evidence is supplemented by the spatially and temporally. An example is iconographical and archaeological the contrast in religious architecture remains which support that the offerings between the un-Minoan hearths of the dedicated to the gods included animals Mycenaean and the typically such as sheep, goats, pigs and bulls and a Minoan pillar crypts, pier-and-door variety of foodstuffs like cheese, oil, partitions and lustral basins which are honey, wine, wheat and barley. These missing from the mainland (Hagg 1988a: were 'given' as tokens of worship by 205-6, 212-13). various sectors of the society, the gift In the arena of sacrifice, Hagg rules out often commensurate to the giver's or even the blood libation for the Mycenaean the divinity's status (e.g. PY Un 718 and mainland, no doubt due to the lack of PY Tn 316 respectively) but not so, it supporting evidence (Hagg 1998: 113; Cf. would seem, in the case of the other his earlier view in Hagg 1990: 183). If not individuals named in association with merely due to the accidents of discovery, these special, sacrificial animals (e.g. might this feature have been the Dunios on PY Un 138). They seem to culturally-differentiating one between have been 'instruments' of the palatial mainlanders and Minoans in an otherwise establishment in its undertaking to fulfill apparently similar sacrificial ritual? It its sacrificial obligations. would be worthwhile to explore this issue The overall picture is one of state­ further. Is blood libation attested organized banquets in the Mycenaean anywhere in the palatial iconography of world, in which the elite and the common the Mycenaean period in Crete? If so, is it people (?) were invited to partake of the to be interpreted as an adoption of a local kingdom's produce. The amount of food Minoan practice by the incoming recorded on the texts suggests that these Mycenaeans? Might this line of reasoning were community-wide events, but perhaps account for the blood libation precisely how community-inclusive· they alluded to on the Aghia Triadha were is debatable. Was everyone sarcophagus? welcome or were only the upper echelons of society invited as representatives of Concluding Remarks their respective communities (villages)? Either way, these gatherings could The textual evidence for sacrifice from certainly be used by Mycenaean leaders Thebes, Pylos and Knossos in the Late to consolidate their power by periodically Bronze Age provides information about assembling their followers and the herding and transfer, from outlying reinforcing, in a friendly atmosphere, the districts to palatial centres, of animals internal social hierarchy of their society.

22 Likely occasions for such celebrations splendour which the bull seems to have would have probably included.a change of been accorded. What is comforting, office, especially the inauguration of a though, is that the information new king or other state official (PY Un 2, extrapolated from · the administrative Ta 711). documents complements and occasionally As for the ritual of animal sacrifice corroborates, but never contradicts, the itself, the evidence suggests unburnt iconographical and archaeological record.. sacrifice, probably outdoors, on portable Divorced from the social context of the tables, possibly in the vicinity of a fixed period under consideration, it is perhaps altar or other marker, accompanied by a unlikely that our understanding of its libation, outdoors and/or inside. As ritual of sacrifice will ever be satisfyingly mentioned, the publication of . a likely complete. With added discoveries and Linear B reference to an altar for burnt further research, however, it is expected sacrifice is awaited. The procedure that we may indeed come closer to involved procession, with musical distinguishing more satisfactorily, accompaniment, the sacrificial act, and synchronically and diachronically, communal feasting. between Minoan and Mycenaean Admittedly, specific details are lacking, elements, and to exploring the possibility but this is not surprising given the secular of distinct public and private nature of the textual evidence. Details manifestations of the practice. Such which elude us include the identities and avenues of investigation will help to particular duties of those officiating, the refine our present picture of animal (and prayers which may have been uttered and other?) sacrifice in the Aegean Bronze clarification on whether all the animals Age. consumed were sacrificed with the

* I thank Professor Thomas Palaima for 2. Killen discusses the unlikelihood of assigning to me the topic of Sacrifice in *1341*190 (some foodstufl;), *PYC + 0 his Linear B seminar a year ago, for his (regularly recorded in small amounts) and helpful guidance throughout that project, *171 (a relatively rare commodity) being and for reading a draft of the .present fodder intended for consumption by the paper and offering further advice. Any animals (Killen 1992: passim). His view shortcomings remain my own. that the regular appearance of 30 as the number in *171 entries represents not the NOTES number of days in a month but a standard­ sized contribution is supported by the 1. Discussion of word forms is based on tantalizing evidence from a modem Greek information derived from Aura Jorro folk custom during the festival of Saint (1985; 1993) and from Ventris and Marina in Demati, , which involves Chadwick (1973). a religious ceremony followed by the

23 sacrifice of a bull which is carved up into invisible) running from the overturned 30-32 portions, distributed to the 30-32 bucket into the krater, which he leading families of the village (Megas interpreted as blood (in Long 1974: 36). 1957: 222). [While such information must Marinatos follows his interpretation not be projected on to the Bronze Age, it (Marinatos 1986: 26). In Long's opinion, demonstrates how ethnographic evidence however, such a line would rather helps to elucidate the range of represent wine as opposed to the "thick possibilities.] Admittedly, the numbers 30 globs" of blood dripping from the bull and 36 (the latter appearing on TH Wu slaughtered on the back. According to her, 59) are also suggestive of month the pouring scene on the front could divisions, and the fact that *171 occurs represent the mixing of wine and water in mainly on o-pa texts lends itself to the a krater (Long 1974: 36, 39). equally viable alternative that it may indeed represent fodder used to 'finish', 5. Hagg prefers to see this as a tripod or fatten, the animals concerned (Killen 'offering table' intended to receive 1999: 337-8). libations (Hagg 1998: 105). For the difference between wooden sacrificial 3. The spelling of sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja is tables on which animals seem to have compared to wa-na-ka-te-ro and its been slaughtered and tripod offering occurrence with the toponym u-ta-no in tables, see Marinatos 1993: 7. Note also KN X 9191 makes it unlikely that it is a her seemingly sound distinction - a source toponym (classical :E

24 REFERENCES

Aura Jorro, F., 1985; 1983. Diccionario Deger-Jalkotzy, S., Hiller S. and Panagl, Micenico I and II. Madrid. 0. (eds.). 1999. Floreant Studia Bergquist, B., 1988. "The Archaeology of Mycenaea. (Akten des X. lntemationalen Sacrifice: Minoan-Mycenaean versus Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Greek. A Brief Query into Two Sites with Salzburg vom 1- 5 Mai 1995). Vienna: Contrary Evidence", in Hligg, Marinatos Osterreichischen Akadernie der and Nordquist (eds.) 1988: 21-34. Wissenschaften. Blegen, C. W. and Rawson, M., 1966. Detienne, M. and Vemant, J.-P., 1989. The at Pylos in Western The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the I. The Buildings and their . (Transl. by P.Wissing). Chicago: Contents. Princeton University Press. The University of Chicago Press. Burkert, W., 1983. Homo Necans. The Dietrich, B.C., 1988. The Instrument of of Sacrificial Sacrifice", in Hagg, Marinatos and Ritual and Myth. (Transl. by Peter Bing). Nordquist (eds.) 1988: 35-40. Berkeley: University of California Press. Goodison, L., 1989. Death, Women and Burkert, W., 1985. Greek Religion. the Sun. (Bulletin Supplement 53). (Transl. by J. Kaffan). Cambridge, London: Institute of Classical Studies. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Hagg, R., 1981. "Official and Popular Chadwick, J., 1988. "What do we know Cults in Mycenaean ", in R. Hagg about ?", in A. and N. Marinatos (eds.) 1981: 35-40. Morpurgo-Davies and Y. Duhoux (eds.) Hagg, R., 1985. "Pictorial Programmes in 1988: 191-202. Minoan Palaces and Villas?", in P. Cook, E. and Palairna, Th. G., 2001. Darcque and J.-C. Poursat, (eds.), L' icon­ "New Perspectives on Pylian Cults: ographie minoenne. (BCH Supplement Sacrifice and Society in the , in XI). : Ecole fran9aise d' Athenes: Abstracts of Papers of the 132nd Annual 209-217. Meeting of the American Philological Hagg, R., 1988a. "Mycenaean Religion: Association: 192. The Helladic and the Minoan Davis, J. L. and J. Bennet, J., 1999. Components", in A. Morpurgo-Davies "Making Mycenaeans: Warfare, and Y. Duhoux (eds.) 1988: 203-225. Territorial Expansion and Representations Hagg, R., 1988b. "The Last Ceremony in of the Other in the Pylian Kingdom", in the Throne Room at Knossos" OpAth R. Laffineur (ed.) 1999. . Le 17.6: 99-105. Contexte guerrier en Egee a l'Age du Hagg, R., 1990. "The Role of Libations in Bronze. (Aegaeum 19). Liege-Austin: Mycenaean Ceremony and Cult", in Hagg Universite de Liege and UT-PASP: 105- and Nordquist (eds.) 1990: 177-184. 120. Hagg, R., 1996. "The Religion of the Mycenaeans Twenty-Four Years after the 1967 Mycenological Congress in Rome",

25 in E. De Miro, G. Louis, and A. Sacconi Killen, J. T., 1992-93. "The Oxen's (eds.) Atti e Memorie del Secondo Names on the Knossos Ch Tablets", Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia. 27-28: 101-107. (Roma-Napoli, 14-20 ottobre 1991). Killen, J. T., 1994. "Thebes Sealings, Rome: GEi: 599-612. Knossos Tablets and Mycenaean State Hagg, R., 1998. "Ritual in Mycenaean Banquets", BICS 39: 67-84. Greece", in F. Graf (ed.). Ansichten Killen, J. T., 1998. "The Pylos Ta Tablets griechischer Rituale. Stuttgart und Revisited", BCH 122: 421-422. Leipzig, Teubner: 99-113. Killen, J. T., 1999. "Mycenaean 'o-pa', in Hagg, R. and Marinatos, N., (eds.). 1981. Deger-Jalkotzy, Hiller and Panagl (eds.) Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean 1999: 325-341. Bronze Age. (Proceedings of the First Lambrinudakis, V. 1981. "Remains of the International Symposium at the Swedish Mycenaean Period in the Sanctuary of Institute at Athens, 12-13 May, 1980). Apollon Maleatas", in R. Hagg and N. Stockholm: Paul Astroms Forlag. Marinatos (eds.) 1981: 58-65. Hagg, R., Marinatos, N. and Nordquist, Long, C., 1974. The Ayia Triadha G., (eds.). 1988. Early Greek Cult Sarcophagus: A Study of Late Minoan Practice. (Proceedings of the Fifth and Mycenaean Funerary Practices and International Symposium at the Swedish Beliefs. Goteborg: Paul Astroms Forlag. Institute at Athens, 26-29 June, 1986). McCallum, L., 1987. Decorative Program Stockholm: Paul Astroms Forlag. in the Mycenaean Palace of Pylos: The Hagg, R. and Nordquist, G. (eds.). 1990. Megaron Frescoes. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the U.M.I. Bronze Age Argolid . .(Proceedings of the Marinatos, N., 1986. Minoan Sacrificial Sixth International Symposium at the Ritual: Cult Practice and Symbolism. Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, Stockholm: Paul Astroms Forlag. 1988). Stockholm: Paul Astroms Forlag. Marinatos, N., 1988. "The Imagery of Higgins, R., 1997. Minoan and Sacrifice: Minoan and Greek", in Hagg, Mycenaean Art. (rev. ed.) London: Marinatos and Nordquist (eds.) 1988: 9- Thames and Hudson. 20. Hutton, W. F., 1990-91. "The Meaning of Marinatos, N., 1993. . 'qe-te-o' in Linear B", Minos 25-26: 105- Ritual Image and Symbol. South Carolina: 131. University of South Carolina Press. Karageorghis, V., 1971. "Notes on Some Megas, G.A., 1957. 'EJ,.,J,.,1711ucazeop-r:az Cypriote Priests Wearing Bull-masks", Kai e0zµa -r:fjr:;J,.,abdjr; J,.,a-r:pdac;. Harvard Theological Review 64: 261-270. Athens: S.D. Spyropoulou. Killen, J. T., 1992. "Observations on the Morpurgo-Davies, A. and Duhoux, Y., Thebes Sealings", in J.-P. Olivier (ed.). (eds.). 1988. Linear B: A 1984 Survey. 1992. Mykenaika (BCH Supplement Louvain-La-Neuve: Peeters. XXV). Athens: Ecole fran~aise d' Athenes: 365-380.

26 Niemeier, W.-D. 1990. "Cult Scenes on Piteros, Chr., Olivier, J.-P. and Melena, Gold Rings from the Argolid", in Hagg J.L., 1990. "Les inscriptions en Lineaire and Nordquist (eds.) 1990: 165-170. B des nodules de Thebes (1982): La Nikolidaki, K. and Owens, G., 1994. "The fouille, les documents, les possibilites Minoan Libation Formula - Practical d'inteipretation",BCH 114: 103-184. Considerations", Cretan Studies 4: 149- Rehak, P., 1995. "The '' in Late 155. Bronze Age Glyptic: The Later Evolution Olsen, B. A., 1998. "Women, Children of an Aegean Cult Figure", in I. Pini and and the Family in the Late Aegean Bronze J.-C. Poursat (eds.) 1995. Sceaux Minoens Age: Differences in Minoan and et Myceniens (CMS 5). Berlin: Gehr. Mycenaean Constructions of Gender, Mann. Verlag: 215-231. World Archaeology 29:3: 380-392. Renfrew, C., 1985. The Archaeology of Palaima, Th. G., 1995. "The Nature of the Cult: The Sanctuary of . Mycenaean Wanax: Non-Indo-European London: Thames and Hudson. Origins and Priestly Functions", in P. Roach, M. E. and J. Bubolz Eicher, J., Rehak (ed.). 1995. The Role of the Ruler (eds.) 1965. Dress, Adornment, and in the Prehistoric Aegean. (Aegaeum 11): Social Order. New York: John Wiley and 119-139. Sons Inc. Palaima, Th. G., 1996-97. "po-re-na: A Sacconi, A., 1999. "La tavoletta PY Ta Mycenaean Reflex in Homer? An I-E 716 e le armi di rappresentanza nel Figure in Mycenaean?", Minos 31-32: mondo egeo", in V. La Rosa, D. Palermo 303-312. and L. Vagnetti (eds.). 1999. brr. 1r6vrov Palaima, Th. G., 1999. "Kn02-Tn 316", in 1r2al;6µevoi. Simposio italiano di Studi Deger-Jalkotzy, Hiller and Panagl (eds.) Egei. Rome: Scuola Archeologia Italiana 1999: 437-460. di Atene: 285-289. Palaima, Th.G., forthcoming. "Assessing Seaford, R., 1994. Reciprocity and Ritual. the Linear B Evidence for Continuity Homer and in the Developing from the Mycenaean Period in the City-State. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Boeotian Cults of Poseidon (and Erinys) Sourvinou-Inwood, Chr., 1993. "Early at Onchestos (Telephousa - Haliartos)", in Sanctuaries, the Eighth Century and J.M. Fossey, and M. B. Cosmopoulos Ritual Space. Fragments of a Discourse", (eds.), Boiotia Antiqua VII - VIII: Studies in N. Marinatos and R. Hagg (eds.). 1993. in Boiotian Archaeology, History, and Greek Sanctuaries. New Approaches. Institutions (including Papers Presented at London: Routledge. the IX International Conference on Speciale, M.-S., 1999. "La tavoletta PY Boiotian Antiquities, Winnipeg 29-31 Ta 716 e i sacrifici di animali", in V. La October 1998). Chicago: . Rosa, D. Palermo and L. Vagnetti (eds.). Peatfield, A. D., 1990. "Minoan Peak 1999. em 1r6vro11 1r2a!;6µevoz. Sanctuaries: History and Society", OpAth Simposio italiano di Studi Egei. Rome: 18:8: 117-131.

27 Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene: Watrous, L.V., 1991. "The Origin and 291-297. Iconography of the Late Minoan Painted Ventris, M. and Chadwick, J., 1973. Lamax", Hesperia 60: 285-307. Documents in . (2nd Wright, J. C., 1995. "Empty Cups and ed.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Empty Jugs: The Social Role of Wine in Press. Minoan and Mycenaean Societies", in P. Warren, P., 1995. "Minoan Crete and E. McGovern, S. J. Stuart and S. H. Katz Pharaonic ", in W. Davies and L. (eds.) 1995. The Origins and Ancient Schofield (eds.) 1995. Egypt, the Aegean . Amsterdam: Gordon and and the : Interconnections in the Breach Publishers: 287-309. Second Millennium BC. London: Trustees of the : 1-18.

a b

Fig. I (a, b, c). Sealingsfrom Crete: Scenes of Slaughtered Animals (after Speciale 1999: Fig. 1 [for a, b] and Marinatos 1988: Fig. 8[for c]).

28 Fig. 2. The two long sides of the Aghia Triadha Sarcophagus.

29 ., "

Fig. 3a. Reconstruction of Grand Staircase Fresco from Knossos (after Cameron in Marinatos 1993: Fig. 56). Fig. 3b. Frescoes from Palace at Pylos (after McCallum in Palaima.1995: Pl. XLI).

30 4

6

Fig. 4. Plan of Palace at Pylos (after Davis and Bennet 1999: Pl. X11la). Fig. 5. Seal from Na.xos featuring the 'kit' of sacrificial paraphernalia (after CMS V, 608. Courtesy I. Pini). Fig. 6. The stunning-axe ideogram from PY Ta 716 (after Sacconi 1999: Fig. 2).

31