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The Influence of Geopolitical Affiliations on Newspapers' Coverage of National Issues

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The Influence of Geopolitical Affiliations on Newspapers' Coverage of National Issues THE INFLUENCE OF GEOPOLITICAL AFFILIATIONS ON NEWSPAPERS' COVERAGE OF NATIONAL ISSUES ETIM ANIM ABSTRACT Many scholars have asserted that societies greatly influence the operations and functions of the media that operate within those societies. On the basis of the postulations, critical theory of mass communication holds that such media operations and functions would indeed reflect the agenda of the power elite in any society. These postulations formed the basis of this study. Five Nigerian national newspapers (The Guardian, The PUNCH, the Daily Trust, the Daily Times and the Daily Champion) were content analysed tofind out if their coverage of the decision by Nigeria's President Obasanjo to contest the 2003 presidential election was influenced by their relationships with the six geopolitical zones of the country. The study showed that the coverage by these newspapers was significantly influenced by their geopolitical affiliations. INTRODUCTION These scholars indeed point to the Critical theorists of mass agenda-setting function of the mass communication have asserted that a media as being consistent with this nation's mass media generally reflect viewpoint because "the so-called the views of those who hold economic agenda consist of the dominant and political power. Berkowitz (1997), perspectives, which, in practical terms, for instance, argues that when media translate to the agenda of the ruling communication is viewed as the elite" (Griffin, 2000, p. 377). product of unspoken cultural values Contemporary agenda-setting theorists and beliefs by which a people manage seem, in fact, to have come round to their lives, it is plausible to conclude this position. No longer do they posit that journalistic products such as that the press is only "stunningly news, features, opinions, and successful in telling its readers what to investigative reports tend to reflect the think about," now they agree that it has preferences of the dominant power become successful in telling people structures of the particular society. what to think. They assert that through According to Hall (cited by Griffin, the process offraming: 2000), The media not only set The mass media in their the agenda for what practices and functions impose this issues, events, or dominant ideology on the rest of candidates are most society. important, but they An interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies 2 Etim Anim also transfer the effects are not total. The salience of specific broadcast and print media attributes belonging to present a variety of ideas, those potential objects but then they tend to prop of interest (Griffin, up the status quo by 2000: 366). privileging the already He defmes a media frame as "the accepted interpretation of central organising idea for news reality. The result is that content that supplies a context and the role of mass media suggests what the issue is through the turns out to be the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion, "production of consent" and elaboration" (p.366). rather than a "reflection of In other words, there is a clear consensus" that already interactive relationship between the exists (Griffin, 2000, p. mass media and their operational 340). environment. McQuail (2005) reviews a number of models that point to the This is to say that though there inter-twining relationship between might not always be a determined, mass communication and the total life policy-based decision to serve the of a national society. He places them agenda of the power elite, the modus under the rubric of the "dominant operandi and the ingredients of media media" model, which suggests that operations inexorably lead the media mass functions and output are strongly into functioning to promote these influenced by the immediate powerful segments of every national circumstances of political culture and community. The choice of content historical events. The dominant media analysis as the research method for model "rests very much on the idea that this study was partly informed by this the media offer a view of the world, a concept of hegemony, for, as Babbie substitute or pseudo-environment, (1992, p. 312) observes, it helps us "to which is a potent manipulation of learn about human behaviour by people, but also an aid to their psychic observing what people inadvertently survival under difficult conditions" leave behind" through writing and (McQuail,2005, p. 94). other documents. The Critical Theory, based on THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK the dominant media model, was, These assertions informed the therefore, chosen for this study theoretical framework for this study. because, as will be shown in the next Hall (1973, 1977, 1989) characterises section, the views of the dominant media functions in these power structure (the elites) almost circumstances as hegemony. always passes for the views of the people, especially in the political Hegemony is not a domain. Though the theory goes back conscious plot, it is not to the Frankfurt School, spearheaded overtly coercive, and the by Theodor Ardono and Max International Journal of Communication No. 6 May, 2007 3 ETlMANIM Horkheimer, it has been most forcefully the press pre-dated British colonialism promoted by Stuart Hall, the and, therefore, the nation-state itself. arrowhead of the Birmingham School. After all, Iwe lrohin, generally accepted The work of the Birmingham School as the first secular Nigerian has been "a major influence firstly in newspaper, began publication in 1859, the study of popular culture and about two years before the annexation secondly in the development of critical of Lagos by the British (Hachten, 1971; cultural studies" McQuail, 2005, p. Uya, 1991). Many newspapers were to 549). follow, founded on an agenda that established the reputation for BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY nationalistic and uncompromising The media in a multi-ethnic journalism. This nationalist press society like Nigeria would most likely agitated for the improvement of the lot reflect the views and ideologies of the of the Africans by publicising African dominant power elites in the various grievances and criticising the colonial ethnic formations. Nigeria's social, rulers. Then, it became embroiled in economic and political environments the struggle for independence are particularly intriguing for the (Coleman, 1958; Hachten, 1971; functions of the press. As any nation Ekwelie, 1985). plagued by nationality and language Press historians thus usually divisions will testify, the functions of attribute the strength of the pre- the mass media are constrained, independence press to the struggle inhibited or encouraged by the against British colonialism. As parameters of political and economic Ugboajah (1980, p. 16) notes, "Press decision-making. Opubor (1985, p. history in Nigeria also serves as a 192)has observed that: history of Nigerian nationalism. The editor and the nationalist were one and The fortunes of the mass the same." However, once media and the uses to which independence was assured, a subtle they are employed, their shift began from militant nationalism behaviour and achievement to internal political struggles among are intimately bound up with rival regional groups. This tendency to social issues, political and defend sectional interests has more or legislative considerations and less continued to be a feature of the factors of human psychology press community though in a different quite outside the confines of garb. To put it another way, the the normal conception of what national and cultural diversity of the the mass media are. country impinges greatly on the operations and performance of the It is historically accurate to state print media as on most areas of that generally, the Nigerian press has national life served the country well. In the colonial Like many a national press, the days, it championed the cause of Nigerian press has the desire to guide national self-determination. Indeed, people, consciously or unconsciously, An interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies 4 ETIMANIM into seeing national issues from There were different views on the perspectives that are beneficial not President's performance in his first only to the nation but also to specific term (1999 2003). In the build-up to interests within the nation, among the 2003 presidential election, an them, the interests of the geopolitical increasingly loud collective voice had groups with which the newspapers are arisen, even within the People's associated. In other words, national Democratic Party, which said he had newspapers will most likely report and failed the country and should not seek present issues and arguments in a way another term. The threat by the that is favourable to the geopolitical National Assembly, in which the PDP region from which they derive their had a vast majority, to impeach the legitimacy. Ugboajah (1980) shows, for President in early 2003, came hard on example, how, in covering the the heels of his decision to run for a controversial 1973 national census, second term, and provided even more "the Nigerian Tribune, representing the opportunities for opponents of his southern constituency whose second-term bid to voice their views population decreased, manifested anti- with impunity. government behaviour on the issue; whereas the New Nigerian, PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF THE representing the northern states whose STUDY population increased, was neutral, editorially speaking" (1980, p. 37). The purpose of the study was to This study examined five major find out to what extent geopolitical Nigerian newspapers, namely, The affiliations influenced the five national Guardian, the Daily Times, The Punch, newspapers in their coverage of that the Champion, and the Daily Trust, and decision by President Obasanjo to seek how they covered a major national re-election on the PDP ticket. The issue. The issue chosen for study was concept of geopolitical affiliation in the the decision of President Olusegun study was based on the grouping of the Obasanjo in 2002 to seek the ticket of country into six geopolitical zones: the People's Democratic Party (PDP)to South-East, South-South, South- contest the 2003 presidential election.
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