DOCSLIB.ORG

General Will Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected]

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
General Will Richard Dagger University of Richmond, Rdagger@Richmond.Edu University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2001 General Will Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the Ethics and Political Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Dagger, Richard. "General Will." In Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences, edited by Jonathan Michie, 647-48. Vol. 1. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GENERAL WILL 647 Copyright 2001 From Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences by Jonathan Michie. Reproduced by permission of Taylor and Francis Group, LLC, a divison of Informa plc. General will Barry, Brian, "The Public Interest" in Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, supplementary vol. 3 8 ( 1964): l-18 Bosanquet, Bernard, The Philosophical Theory of the State, 4th edition, London and New York: Macmillan, 19 51 (1st edition 1899) Dent, N.J.H., Rousseau: An Introduction to His Psychological, Social, and Political Theory, Oxford and New York: Blackwell, 1988 Held, Virginia, The Public Interest and Individual Interests, New York and London: Basic Books, 1970 Jones, W.T., "Rousseau's General Will and the Problem of Consent", Journal of the History of Philosophy, 25/r ( 1987): IO 5-30 Masters, Roger D., The Political Philosophy of Rousseau, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1968 Riley, Patrick, The General Will before Rousseau: The Transformation of the Divine into the Civic, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986 Runciman, W.G. and A.K. Sen, "Games, Justice and the General Will", Mind, 74 (1965): 554-62 Shklar, Judith N., General Will entry in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal Ideas, edited by Philip P. Wiener, New York: Scribner, 1973-74: vol. 2 Talmon, J.L., The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, London: Secker and Warburg, r 9 5 2; New York: Praeger, 1960 Trachtenberg, Zev M., Making Citizens: Rousseau's Political Theory of Culture, London and New York: Routledge, 1993 648 GENERAL WILL Although he was hardly the first to employ it, the concept of Understanding how this oppos1t1on developed and how it the general will is inextricably linked to Jean-Jacques Rousseau. informed Rousseau's thinking thus enables us to see how In Du Contrat Social (The Social Contract, 1762) Rousseau Rousseau could be both an advocate of the general will and draws a fundamental distinction between man and citizen. a champion of individuality: "Generality rules out particu­ That is, we may think of every person as a unique individual larism, not individualism; in Rousseau, an individual can and with a particular set of interests and as a member of the public should have a general will" (p.249). who shares a common interest in the welfare of the body Other scholars have turned to philosophical analysis rather politic. As a man, everyone has a private will that aims at his than history to make sense of the general will. The two particular good or personal interests; as a citizen, everyone has approaches are not mutually exclusive, as Masters demon­ a general will that aims at the common good or public interest. strates, but the commentators who take the analytical path This general will, Rousseau insists, is different from "the will typically prefer a close scrutiny of Rousseau's texts to the inves­ of all"; it is always right; it is to be found on the side of the tigation of the context in which he wrote. For these commen­ majority when votes are cast (presuming that "the character­ tators, the task is to show how those aspects of the general istics of the general will are still in the majority"); and those will that seem paradoxical, contradictory, or nonsensical are who refuse to follow it must be "forced to be free". really insightful and coherent, if not necessarily complete or Rousseau's enigmatic account of the general will has persuasive. DENT, for instance, provides an analysis of provoked a remarkable range of reactions. As SHKLAR's useful Rousseau's claim that the general will "must 'both come from survey indicates, philosophers such as G.W.F. Hegel, T.H. all and apply to all"' (p.175) that meticulously sets out the Green, and Bernard Bosanquet followed Immanuel Kant in relationship between individual volition and the public interest regarding the general will as a "higher will" that is somehow in Rousseau's compressed argument. more real than the actual wills of individual men and women. This philosophical analysis of the general will often has On BOSANQUET's interpretation, the "indestructible impulse proceeded by way of concepts drawn from economics and towards the Good, which is necessarily a common good, the game theory. Thus BARRY draws on Condorcet's jury theorem substantial unity and filling of life by the interests through to defend Rousseau's insistence that majority-rule voting is, in which man is human, is what Rousseau plainly has before him the right circumstances, the best way to declare or express the in his account of the General Will" (p.ro3). The general will general will. In similar fashion RUNCIMAN & SEN explain is thus a "Real Will'', according to Bosanquet, and this Real the general will in terms of game theory's "prisoners' Will is the foundation and justification of all "State" action. dilemma", in which individuals would do better, individually Such "metaphysical" readings of Rousseau, however, seem as well as collectively, to pursue their common interest than to have given many of Rousseau's 20th-century critics addi­ their self-interests. The Pareto principle, which holds that a tional reason to dismiss the general will as either vacuous or policy is in the common interest if it makes some member of incoherent nonsense. Other critics have deemed it downright a group better off without worsening the condition of any dangerous. TALMON, writing shortly after World War II, other member, provides the basis for a rival explanation in combined both views when he charged Rousseau with HELD. "dangerous ambiguity" (p.40). The general will is ambiguous JONES also believes that Rousseau's general will is similar because it points toward both democracy, in its attention to to the Pareto principle, but he argues, with particular refer­ the will of the people, and totalitarianism, for it "gives those ence to Runciman & Sen, that "such readings of The Social who claim to know and to represent the real and ultimate will Contract go astray if they also read Rousseau as a rational­ of the nation ... a blank cheque to act on behalf of the people, choice theonst" (p.rr8). His essay includes a brief response to without reference to the people's actual will" (p.48). Rousseau's "metaphysical" or "Hegelian" readings of Rousseau and a ambiguity thus contributes to the danger of "totalitarian helpful explication of the five procedures Rousseau relies on democracy". "to permit the general will of the assembly to emerge" More sympathetic readings have predominated in recent (pp.rro-12). years as scholars have looked for ways to make sense of Despite their differences, commentators sympathetic to Rousseau's discussion of the general will. One way to do this Rousseau typically agree that the general will is not simply the is to try to recapture Rousseau's intentions by examining his sum of individual wills. If it were, why would Rousseau distin­ use of the term in light of its use by his predecessors and guish "citizen" from "man" and "the general will" from "the contemporaries. Thus MASTERS (pp.323-34) and Shklar will of all"? According to TRACHTENBERG, however, the explain what the term meant for such thinkers as Montesquieu, general will ts the aggregation of individual wills: "the 'ingre­ Diderot, and Pufendorf in order to establish the problems dients' of the general will ... are the individual members of Rousseau was addressing and to highlight the distinctiveness society's conceptions of their own welfare" (p.9). His defence of his conception of the general will. RILEY takes this of this claim may not be persuasive, but it is subtle, sophisti­ approach further and deeper by tracing the concept to a theo­ cated, and an original contribution to the continuing effort to logical debate in the 17th century that centred on the ques­ make sense of the general will. tion, does God "have a general will that produces universal RICHARD DAGGER salvation? And if he does not, why does he will particularly See also Jean-Jacques Rousseau that some men not be saved?" (pp.4-5). By way of Pascal, Malebranche, and others, these questions entered social and political thought in the form of an opposition between the general, or the impartial, and the particular, or the selfish. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The General Will: the Evolution of a Concept Edited by James Farr and David Lay Williams Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-05701-2 - The General Will: The Evolution of a Concept Edited by James Farr and David Lay Williams Frontmatter More information The General Will Although it originated in theological debates, the general will ultimately became one of the most celebrated and denigrated concepts emerging from early modern political thought. Jean-Jacques Rousseau made it the central element of his political theory, and it took on a life of its own during the French Revolution, before being subjected to generations of embrace or opprobrium. James Farr and David Lay Williams have collected for the first time a set of essays that track the evolving history of the general will from its origins to recent times. The General Will: The Evolution of a Concept discusses the general will’s theological, political, formal, and substantive dimensions with a careful eye toward the con- cept’s virtues and limitations as understood by its expositors and critics, among them Arnauld, Pascal, Malebranche, Leibniz, Locke, Spinoza, Montesquieu, Kant, Constant, Tocqueville, Adam Smith, and John Rawls. James Farr is Professor of Political Science and Director of the Chicago Field Studies Program at Northwestern University. He is the author of numerous essays on Locke and on the history of political thought. He is also the editor of, among other volumes, Political Innovation and Conceptual Change (Cambridge, 1989) and Political Science in History (Cambridge, 1995). David Lay Williams is Associate Professor of Political Science at DePaul University and the author of several essays on the history of political thought, as well as of Rousseau’s Platonic Enlightenment (2007) and Rousseau’s Social Contract: An Introduction (Cambridge, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Plausibility of the “General Will” ______1
    Plausibility of the “General Will” By: Nemanja Todorovic Submitted to: Central European University, Department of Philosophy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Philosophy Supervisor: Andres Moles CEU eTD Collection Hungary, Budapest, 2011 1 Abstract: Rousseau’s influence on social and political philosophy has been formidable, and yet throughout his life and to this day his theoretical effort was constantly re-evaluated. Due to lack of clarity in his writings, his commitment to democratic ideals that seemed obscure and outdated for much of the 20 th century, and especially due to misunderstandings that accompanied his concept of the general will, Rousseau’s conception of legitimate society has received some serious and seemingly devastated criticisms. In this paper I will address myself with the most important question that seems to underline all those criticisms, namely : is the idea of the society regulated by a general ill a consistent political ideal, or does it necessarily conflate with the ‘will of all’ (will of the majority)? I address this concern, first by providing a conceptual background to Rousseau’s ideal society, specifying normative constraints that determine its subsequent framework. Second, I test the plausibility of the idea of the general will, in principle, by questioning its role in as a solution to the ‘fundamental problem’ – the possibility of reconciliation of political authority and personal autonomy. Although, I recognize that this idea has some plausibility, I conclude that it rests on some contentious epistemic considerations that need to be accounted for. I introduce these epistemic considerations in the last chapter, and I argue that Rousseau’s ideal society can in fact generate appropriate epistemic support, under the assumptions that a set of normative constraints has been satisfied.
    [Show full text]
  • Rousseau and the Social Contract
    In Dialogue with Humanity Rousseau and The Social Contract by Leung Mei Yee Ho Wai Ming Yeung Yang Part I Rousseau‟s life and works Part II The Discourses – Critique of society and civilization Part III The Social Contract Part 1 Rousseau‟s life and works… and the people who influenced him 3 Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) One of the most influential yet controversial figures of the Enlightenment 4 He was the most portrayed character of the 18th century apart from Napoleon. (Jean-Jacques Monney) 5 Best known to the world by his political theory, he was also a well admired composer, and author of important works in very different fields. 6 Major works Novels Julie: or the New Héloïse (1761) Emile: or, on Education (1762) Autobiographical works The Reveries of the Solitary Walker (1782) The Confessions (1782-89) Essays Discourse on the Sciences and Arts (1750) Discourse on Inequality (1755) Discourse on Political Economy (1755-56) The Social Contract (1762) 7 Major Works Letters Letters on French Music (1753) Letters on the Elements of Botany (1780) Letter to M. d’Alembert on the Theatre (1758) Letters written from the Mountain (1764) Music Opera: Le devin du village (1752) Dictionary of Music (1767) 8 Born in 1712 in Geneva Small Calvinist city-state surrounded by large, predominately Catholic nations; Republic in the midst of duchies and monarchies Was brought up by his father The house where Rousseau since his mother died in was born at number 40, place du Bourg-de-Four childbirth 9 Left Geneva at the
    [Show full text]
  • Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected]
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2002 Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Dagger, Richard. "Republican Citizenship." In Handbook of Citizenship Studies, edited by Engin F. Isin and Bryan S. Turner, 145-57. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2002. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 9 Republican Citizenship RICHARD DAGGER To speak of republican citizenship is to risk There might also be no need for this confusion, at least in the United States, chapter if it were not for the revival of where it is often necessary to explain that scholarly interest in republicanism in recent one is referring to 'small-r' republicanism years. Such a revival has definitely rather than a position taken by the Republi­ occurred, though, and occurred simultane­ can Party. But just as one may be a democrat ously with a renewed interest in citizenship. without being a Democrat, so one may be a This coincidence suggests that republican republican without being a Republican. The citizenship is well worth our attention, not ideas of democracy and the republic are far only for purposes of historical understand­ older than any political party and far richer ing but also as a way of thinking about than any partisan label can convey - rich citizenship in the twenty-first century.
    [Show full text]
  • What Was 'The Enlightenment'? We Hear About It All the Time. It Was A
    What Was ‘The Enlightenment’? We hear about it all the time. It was a pivotal point in European history, paving the way for centuries of history afterward, but what was ‘The Enlightenment’? Why is it called ‘The Enlightenment’? Why did the period end? The Enlightenment Period is also referred to as the Age of Reason and the “long 18th century”. It stretched from 1685 to 1815. The period is characterized by thinkers and philosophers throughout Europe and the United States that believed that humanity could be changed and improved through science and reason. Thinkers looked back to the Classical period, and forward to the future, to try and create a trajectory for Europe and America during the 18th century. It was a volatile time marked by art, scientific discoveries, reformation, essays, and poetry. It begun with the American War for Independence and ended with a bang when the French Revolution shook the world, causing many to question whether ideas of egalitarianism and pure reason were at all safe or beneficial for society. Opposing schools of thought, new doctrines and scientific theories, and a belief in the good of humankind would eventually give way the Romantic Period in the 19th century. What is Enlightenment? Philosopher Immanuel Kant asked the self-same question in his essay of the same name. In the end, he came to the conclusion: “Dare to know! Have courage to use your own reason!” This was an immensely radical statement for this time period. Previously, ideas like philosophy, reason, and science – these belonged to the higher social classes, to kings and princes and clergymen.
    [Show full text]
  • Age of Enlightenment Overview Students Will Explore the Age of Enlightenment Through a Power Point Presentation and Class Discussion
    The Age of Enlightenment Overview Students will explore the Age of Enlightenment through a Power Point presentation and class discussion. Students will then further explore this period of history and its prominent figures by designing a dinner party for 12 Enlightenment thinkers. This project will encourage students to learn more about the period and the philosophers associated with it, as well as synthesize what they have learned while utilizing higher order thinking, group work skills, and creativity. Essential Questions • What was the Age of Enlightenment/Age of Reason and what led to this shift in thought? • Who were the prominent historical figures during the Age of Enlightenment and in what ways were they similar and/or different in their philosophies? • What impact did the Age of Enlightenment have throughout various countries on society, culture, politics, etc.? • How did the Enlightenment philosophers influence American government? Materials • The Age of Enlightenment Power Point, available in the Database of K-12 Resources (in PDF format): https://k12database.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/31/2014/03/EnlightenmentPPT.pdf o To view this PDF as a projectable presentation, save the file, click “View” in the top menu bar of the file, and select “Full Screen Mode” o To request an editable PPT version of this presentation, send a request to [email protected] • Notes for the Age of Enlightenment, handout attached • An Evening of Enlightenment assignment sheet, attached • An Evening of Enlightenment Guest List, attached • Sample Items for Party Planning, attached • Internet, textbooks, library access, and/or other research materials • Optional: Enlightenment Essay Assignment & Rubric, attached Duration • At least one class period for PowerPoint presentation and discussion • Additional class and homework time (teacher’s discretion) will be needed for the completion and presentation of the “An Evening of Enlightenment” project.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of the General Will in the Writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre
    Technological University Dublin ARROW@TU Dublin Articles Law 2008-01-01 The Concept of the General Will in the Writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre Stephen Carruthers Technological University Dublin, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/aaschlawart Part of the European History Commons, and the Intellectual History Commons Recommended Citation Carruthers, Stephen, "The Concept of the General Will in the Writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre" (2008). Articles. 9. https://arrow.tudublin.ie/aaschlawart/9 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Law at ARROW@TU Dublin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of ARROW@TU Dublin. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License Dublin Institute of Technology ARROW@DIT Articles Social Sciences 1-1-2008 The Concept of the General Wll in the Writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre Stephen Carruthers Dublin Institute of Technology, [email protected] Recommended Citation Carruthers, Stephen, "The Concept of the General Wll in the Writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre" (2008). Articles. Paper 22. http://arrow.dit.ie/aaschsslarts/22 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Social Sciences at ARROW@DIT. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of ARROW@DIT. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The concept of the General Will in the writings of Rousseau, Sièyes, and Robespierre By Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Locke Vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property Stephen Pierce La Salle University, [email protected]
    The Histories Volume 15 | Issue 1 Article 7 2019 Locke vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property Stephen Pierce La Salle University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Pierce, Stephen (2019) "Locke vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property," The Histories: Vol. 15 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol15/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Locke vs Rousseau: Revolutions in Property By Stephen Pierce The writings of 18th-century political theorists John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau were critical to the Age of Enlightenment period of the 18th century. These writings influenced two of the significant Atlantic Revolutions in both America and France especially when it came to the topic of property. This paper will talk about the differences between both theorists when it comes to property, along with government structures. It will start with John Locke’s theories on property and how property influenced the actions of the American Revolution. Then how Rousseau’s ideas on property influenced the French Revolution. Finally, what both theorists agree/disagree on. John Locke writes in the Second Treatise of Government that in the state of nature man is in perfect freedom to do whatever they want. It is anarchic, but it has some sense of morality, unlike Thomas Hobbes state of nature depicted in his work Leviathan.
    [Show full text]
  • A Methodological Criticism of Rousseau's Discourse on Inequality Michael Makovi*
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Do Economic Models Have to be Realistic?: A Methodological Criticism of Rousseau’s Discourse on Inequality Makovi, Michael July 2015 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/65790/ MPRA Paper No. 65790, posted 28 Jul 2015 20:26 UTC Do Economic Models Have to be Realistic?: A Methodological Criticism of Rousseau's Discourse on Inequality Michael Makovi* Abstract: In the Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality, Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1754) sketches a hypothetical illegitimate social contract to explain the origin of socioeconomic inequality. Rousseau himself notes that his illegitimate social contract is not intended to be historically accurate. But this casts doubt on the methodological validity of his argument. According to Ronald Coase's (1981) criticism of Milton Friedman (1953) statements on the methodology of positive economics, theoretical models, to be valid, must possess a certain degree of realism which Rousseau's does not. This same criticism applies to Carole Pateman's adaptation of Rousseau in her Sexual Contract (1988). Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) is most famous for his work On the Social Contract (Du Contrat Social) (1762), where he expounds his theory of the General Will and its crucial role in the establishment of a social contract for legitimate government. However, Rousseau has another theory of the social contract as well, put forth in his “Second Discourse”, the Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality (Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes) (1754). The two social contracts are very different and they play quite different roles in Rousseau's thought.
    [Show full text]
  • ROUSSEAU on CITIZENSHIP Christophe Salvat
    INDIVIDUAL DELIBERATION, MORAL AUTONOMY AND EMOTIONS : ROUSSEAU ON CITIZENSHIP Christophe Salvat To cite this version: Christophe Salvat. INDIVIDUAL DELIBERATION, MORAL AUTONOMY AND EMOTIONS : ROUSSEAU ON CITIZENSHIP. 2007. halshs-00353301 HAL Id: halshs-00353301 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00353301 Preprint submitted on 15 Jan 2009 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Document de Travail GREQAM n°2007-15 Groupement de Recherche en Economie Quantitative d'Aix-Marseille - UMR-CNRS 6579 Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales Universités d'Aix-Marseille II et III INDIVIDUAL DELIBERATION, MORAL AUTONOMY AND EMOTIONS!: ROUSSEAU ON CITIZENSHIP Christophe Salvat July 2007 INDIVIDUAL DELIBERATION, MORAL AUTONOMY AND EMOTIONS ROUSSEAU ON CITIZENSHIP Christophe Salvat Greqam-CNRS Robinson College, Cambridge SUMMARY The present study addresses the question of uncertainty in individual deliberation in Rousseau’s philosophy. Accordingly, it intends to consider in a new light his account of virtue and citizenship which cannot possibly be defined as systematic obedience to the general will. Weakness of the will, indeterminacy and prudence have not yet been adequately emphasized, despite some convincing evidence. Chapter XI, book III, of the Social Contract on the death of the body politic, for example, prompts us to reconsider the individuals’ allegiance to the general will.
    [Show full text]
  • 200 Plato, Benjamin Constant and John Stuart Mill on Justice As a Political Virtue and on Political Conformity Platon, Benjamin
    ELIOPOULOS, P. EDEBİYAT FAKÜLTESİ (2019) PLATO, BENJAMIN CONSTANT AND JOHN STUART MILL ON JUSTICE AS A POLITICAL VIRTUE AND ON POLITICAL CONFORMITY Panos ELIOPOULOS ABSTRACT Most often political conformity is taken as a prerequisite for the establishment and implementation of justice, even in the most democratic of states. Nonetheless, it remains as a question whether the particular conformity meddles positively or negatively with the way individuals realize their political goals within a Polity. In our analysis, we attempt to explore how three different thinkers conceive of this necessity of the political conformity and to what degree. On the one hand, John Stuart Mill sides with a conception of justice that defends individual freedom and prevents a great deal of political conformity, whereas he wishes this freedom to be exercised along with reason. Like Plato, he defends the admission that a person’s character is paramount in social progress but also in the pursuit for human happiness. Constant, on the other hand, declines ancient theories of political participation and sovereignty as outdated, claiming that individual rights and the pursuit of personal interests are highly significant. As Constant risks a higher degree of conformity, with the further risk of abolishing justice under the rule of a demagogic government, Plato states as a necessity the hierarchical precedence of the Polis to the person but with an eye to the self-fulfillment of the individual, without disregarding the political basis. Keywords: Mill, Plato, Constant, Conformity, Justice, Political PLATON, BENJAMİN CONSTANT VE JOHN STUART MILL'İN, POLİTİK BİR DEĞER OLARAK ADALET VE POLİTİK UYGUNLUK ÜZERİNE GÖRÜŞLERİ ÖZET Çoğu zaman politik uygunluk, en demokratik devletlerde bile adaletin kurulması ve uygulanması için ön şart olarak kabul edilir.
    [Show full text]
  • Governing a Republic: Rousseau's General Will and the Problem Of
    Governing a Republic: Rousseau’s General Will and the Problem of Government Luc Foisneau Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris ROUSSEAU REVEALED HOW THE POLITICAL RELATIONSHIP on which a republic is founded is typically different from the religious, economic, ethnic, and domestic links that connect men and women in society to one another, but he did so by exacerbating the contrast between commerce and virtue. In his sharp critique of political representation, he utters some of the harshest words ever pronounced against commerce and finance: “Give money and you soon will have chains. That word finance is a slave’s word; it is unknown among citizens. In a country that is really free, the citizens do everything with their hands and nothing with their money.”1 In the tradition be- gun by Rousseau and illustrated by French republicanism, Republican politics is thus opposed to commerce: the citizen’s dependence on all citizens is opposed to dependence on particular men and women who are linked by commercial exchange. That opposition, amongst others, would have fully justified Rousseau’s inclusion in Pocock’s Atlantic Republican tradition.2 A first version of this article was published as “Gouverner selon la volonté générale: la souveraineté selon Rousseau et les théories de la raison d’État,” Les Études philosophiques 3 (2007): 463–79. The present version, partially translated by Aron Freeman, whom I would like to thank, has been much transformed after the discussion that followed its presentation at the Clark Memorial Library on April 10, 2009. For their stimulating suggestions and questions, my thanks also go to Margaret Jacob, Wijnand Mijnhardt, and Catherine Secretan.
    [Show full text]