DOCSLIB.ORG

Feminist Environmental Justice

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Feminist Environmental Justice FEMINIST ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE: CONFRONTING LEGACIES OF RACIAL SEGREGATION IN JUPITER, FLORIDA by Britni M Hiatt A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Wilkes Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences with a Concentration in Women’s Studies Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Jupiter, Florida April 2013 FEMINIST ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE: CONFRONTING LEGACIES OF RACIAL SEGREGATION IN JUPITER, FLORIDA by Britni M Hiatt This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s thesis advisor, Dr. Wairimũ Njambi, and has been approved by the members of her supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of The Honors College and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEEE: _____________________________ Dr. Wairimũ Njambi _____________________________ Dr. William O’Brien _____________________________ Dean Jeffrey Buller, Wilkes Honors College __________________ Date ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is dedicated to the brave and vibrant Limestone Creek community. Dr. Wairimũ Njambi—thank you for your leadership, wisdom, book lists, high standards, and everything I’ve learned about social justice with you in Women’s Studies. I am forever grateful and humbled. My Women’s Studies classmates—thank you. I treasure the academic triumphs and personal revelations we share. My family—thank you for supporting and inspiring my greatest accomplishments. Dr. William O’Brien—thank you for your dedicated second readership and for everything I’ve learned in your classes. Shout-outs: Professor Dorotha Lemeh, Lake Worth activists, Feminist Student Union, Stop Owlcatraz! Coalition, FAU community, and my cat Linus. iii ABSTRACT Author: Britni M Hiatt Title: Feminist Environmental Justice: Confronting Legacies of Racial Segregation in Jupiter, Florida Institution: Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Wairimũ Njambi Degree: Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences Concentration: Women’s Studies Year: 2013 Despite pervasive claims that the United States is a ‘post-racial’ society, racial segregation did not end after Jim Crow and the Civil Rights movement. Today, environmentally hazardous zoning and biotechnology land developments continue to determine which families are most exposed to risks of pollution and displacement, and which families are not. Utilizing documentation of local history and research in Women’s Studies, Eco-Feminism, and Critical Race Studies, I examine the legacy of racial segregation in Jupiter, Florida, by charting the biotechnology ‘cluster’ encroaching upon the historical Limestone Creek community. In this feminist analysis are challenges to assumptions about race, gender, class, and the environment. In solidarity with residents of color, I emphasize accountability on the part of those who have benefited from unjust racial legacies in order to prevent further racial segregation and land exploitation of the Limestone Creek community. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION…………………………………….……………................ 1 CHAPTER 1: HISTORIES AND LEGACIES I ENVIRONMENTALISM…………………………………….…...….. 4 II ECO-FEMINISM………………………………………….…..…...…. 5 III RACE AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE………..………....….… 9 IV CONFRONTING WHITE PRIVILEGE IN ACTIVISM...…….....… 18 CHAPTER 2: LIMESTONE CREEK I HISTORY…………………………………………..........…........…... 21 II BIOTECHNOLOGY EXPANSION INTO LIMESTONE CREEK… 23 CONCLUSION………………………………..….…………………....…..… 29 BIBLOGRAPHY……………………………………….…………....……..... 30 v INTRODUCTION My implications within power/privilege dynamics act as a conduit for historical oppressive systems. These systems include but are never limited to capitalism, racism, patriarchy, white supremacy, imperialism, ableism, homophobia and heteronormativity. My actions within systems of hierarchical oppression are always ‘aware/unaware,’ ‘covert/blatant,’ and ‘unintentional/self-righteous’ in varying combinations therein (Yamato 1990, 20). While I critique and actively engage in organizing against exploitations including environmental racism in Palm Beach County, I am living out and often perpetuating the privileges of capitalist white supremacist structures because I am white. I am a white heterosexual woman by standards I did not set and privileging I did not earn. None of us are so pure as to escape implication within these systems, and I embrace these complexities. Yes, I am oppressed as a womb-wielding woman within the patriarchy. No, I won’t stop there as many liberal white feminists have. Beautifully, I am not alone in mobilization toward justice. My implication with the Limestone Creek community is that I share a town with the residents. My involvement began when Palm Beach County environmentalists and I joined the community in solidarity to fight a proposed road extending into the Limestone Creek community’s historic land dating back over one hundred years, and biotechnology development in Jupiter’s Briger Forest. Though I am not an authority on the Limestone Creek community, nor do I claim a part in it, I have done due diligence by researching the history, attending Palm Beach County commission meetings, and communicating with residents. The road would link the Hawkeye property slated for biotechnology 1 development to Indiantown Road, providing relatively easy automobile access to the site from the nearby exit from Interstate 95. Located on both the north and south side of Indiantown Road, the Limestone Creek community is connected ‘socially, culturally, historically, and by blood relation, the two neighborhoods are one and consider themselves so” (Fire Ant 2012). The main neighborhoods that make up the historic community are called Limestone Creek on the north side of Indiantown Road, and Kennedy Estates and Baker’s Park on the south. Island Way Road is proposed to run adjacent to Kennedy Estates—directly through the neighborhood of Baker’s Park—to the Hawkeye property. The proposed road had three alternatives, and “all four of the alternate road plans presented to the County include increasing traffic exponentially—in [Kennedy Estates and Baker’s Park] which currently has no through-traffic—within 50 feet of a park and playground” (Stop Scripps in Palm Beach County 2012). Allen Ciklin, the attorney for Hawkeye Unlimited, which plans to construct the biotech facility, “said the road would not run through Limestone Creek but would be ‘built adjacent to Kennedy Estates’” (Fire Ant 2012). Residents at the September 11, 2012, Palm Beach County Commission hearing “responded loud and clear that the Kennedy Estates neighborhood is part of the 100+ year old Limestone Creek community. It has only become so severed from the northern remnant of this historic community as a result of the racist road-building plans and real estate speculation schemes that now define modern Jupiter” (Stop Scripps in Palm Beach County 2012). Through the years, “white Jupiter's luxurious homes and gated communities sprang up,” along with a recent multi-million dollar investment in biotechnology expansion (Fire Ant 2012). 2 The Scripps Research Institute is located on the Florida Atlantic University MacArthur Campus in Jupiter, Florida. The subsequent biotech developments such as the neighboring research facility, the Max Planck Institute, are accredited to Scripps’ arrival in Palm Beach County. As a “consequence of the arrival of Scripps Research Institute in northern Palm Beach County, a line of development dominoes threatens to collapse on Kennedy Estates” (Fire Ant 2012). I study at the Honors College at Florida Atlantic University in Jupiter. My dorm room looked out to the tall, spiraling Scripps Research Institute building, and I would fall asleep to the sound of its generator churning from across the student parking lot and an empty field. My university has a vested interest in the expansion of biotechnology facilities onto the Hawkeye property across from Indiantown Road because of its affiliation with Scripps. For my Environmental Art class during the fall semester in 2012, I produced a short documentary of my walk through the Kennedy Estates and Baker’s Park, which I transposed with audio and video footage from the Palm Beach County Commission meetings (Hiatt 2012, Part I-III). I met community members at Palm Beach County Commission meetings regarding the proposed road and listened to their testimonies of ongoing resistance. I am taking my initiative with the documentary a step forward with this thesis. Utilizing documentation of local history and research in Women’s Studies, Eco-Feminism, and Critical Race Studies, I examine one legacy of white privilege in Jupiter, Florida by charting biotechnology development encroaching upon the historical Limestone Creek community. 3 CHAPTER ONE: HISTORIES AND LEGACIES In a few decades, the relationship between the environment, resources and conflict may seem almost as obvious as the connection we see today between human rights, democracy and peace. -Wangari Maathai I. ENVIRONMENTALISM The Island Way road expansion through the Limestone Creek community is focally about the families directly impacted and it is simultaneously an environmental concern. Environmental justice maintains that people and environment are integral. Environmental movements in the U.S., however, have never been a unified cause. In 1913, conservationists such as Gifford Pinchot, who advocated for more careful resource use, were pitted
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Black Seminoles Vs. Red Seminoles
    Black Seminoles vs. Red Seminoles Indian tribes across the country are reaping windfall profits these days, usually from gambling operations. But some, like the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma, are getting rich from belated government payouts for lands taken hundreds of years ago. What makes the Seminoles unique is that this tribe, unlike any other, has existed for nearly three centuries as a mixture of Indians and blacks, runaway slaves who joined the Indians as warriors in Florida. Together, they fought government troops in some of the bloodiest wars in U.S. history. In the late 1830s, they lost their land, and were forced to a new Indian home in present-day Oklahoma. Over the years, some tribe members have intermarried, blurring the color lines even further. Now the government is paying the tribe $56 million for those lost Florida lands, and the money is threatening to divide a nation. Seminole Chief Jerry Haney says the black members of the tribe are no longer welcome. After 300 years together, the chief says the tribe wants them to either prove they're Indian, or get out. Harsh words from the Seminole chief for the 2,000 black members of this mixed Indian tribe. In response, the black members say they're just as much a Seminole as Haney is. www.jupiter.fl.us/history On any given Sunday, go with Loretta Guess to the Indian Baptist church in Seminole County, Okla., and you'll find red and black Seminoles praying together, singing hymns in Seminole, sharing meals, and catching up on tribal news.
    [Show full text]
  • Slavery in the United States - Wikipedia Page 1 of 25
    Slavery in the United States - Wikipedia Page 1 of 25 Slavery in the United States Slavery in the United States was the legal institution of human chattel enslavement, primarily of Africans and African Americans, that existed in the United States of America in the 18th and 19th centuries. Slavery had been practiced by Americans under British rule from early colonial days, and was legal in all Thirteen Colonies at the time of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It lasted until the end of the American Civil War. By the time of the American Revolution (1775–1783), the status of slave had been institutionalized as a racial caste associated with African ancestry.[1] When the United States Constitution was ratified (1789), a relatively small number of free people of color were among the voting citizens (male property owners).[2] During and immediately following the Revolutionary War, abolitionist laws were passed in most Northern states and a movement developed to abolish slavery. Most of these states had a higher proportion of free labor than in the South and economies based on different industries. They abolished slavery by the end of the 18th century, some with gradual systems that kept adults as slaves for two decades. However, the rapid expansion of the cotton industry in the Deep South after the invention of the cotton gin greatly increased demand for slave labor, and the An animation showing when United States territories and states Southern states continued as slave societies. Those states attempted to extend slavery into the new Western forbade or allowed slavery, 1789–1861.
    [Show full text]
  • Atlantic Slavery and the Making of the Modern World Wenner-Gren Symposium Supplement 22
    T HE WENNER-GREN SYMPOSIUM SERIES CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY A TLANTIC SLAVERY AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERN WORLD I BRAHIMA THIAW AND DEBORAH L. MACK, GUEST EDITORS A tlantic Slavery and the Making of the Modern World: Wenner-Gren Symposium Supplement 22 Atlantic Slavery and the Making of the Modern World: Experiences, Representations, and Legacies An Introduction to Supplement 22 Atlantic Slavery and the Rise of the Capitalist Global Economy V The Slavery Business and the Making of “Race” in Britain OLUME 61 and the Caribbean Archaeology under the Blinding Light of Race OCTOBER 2020 VOLUME SUPPLEMENT 61 22 From Country Marks to DNA Markers: The Genomic Turn S UPPLEMENT 22 in the Reconstruction of African Identities Diasporic Citizenship under Debate: Law, Body, and Soul Slavery, Anthropological Knowledge, and the Racialization of Africans Sovereignty after Slavery: Universal Liberty and the Practice of Authority in Postrevolutionary Haiti O CTOBER 2020 From the Transatlantic Slave Trade to Contemporary Ethnoracial Law in Multicultural Ecuador: The “Changing Same” of Anti-Black Racism as Revealed by Two Lawsuits Filed by Afrodescendants Serving Status on the Gambia River Before and After Abolition The Problem: Religion within the World of Slaves The Crying Child: On Colonial Archives, Digitization, and Ethics of Care in the Cultural Commons A “tone of voice peculiar to New-England”: Fugitive Slave Advertisements and the Heterogeneity of Enslaved People of African Descent in Eighteenth-Century Quebec Valongo: An Uncomfortable Legacy Raising
    [Show full text]
  • Trade and Plunder Networks in the Second Seminole War in Florida, 1835-1842
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2005 Trade and Plunder Networks in the Second Seminole War in Florida, 1835-1842 Toni Carrier University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Carrier, Toni, "Trade and Plunder Networks in the Second Seminole War in Florida, 1835-1842" (2005). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/2811 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Trade and Plunder Networks in the Second Seminole War in Florida, 1835-1842 by Toni Carrier A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Brent R. Weisman, Ph.D. Robert H. Tykot, Ph.D. Trevor R. Purcell, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 14, 2005 Keywords: Social Capital, Political Economy, Black Seminoles, Illicit Trade, Slaves, Ranchos, Wreckers, Slave Resistance, Free Blacks, Indian Wars, Indian Negroes, Maroons © Copyright 2005, Toni Carrier Dedication To my baby sister Heather, 1987-2001. You were my heart, which now has wings. Acknowledgments I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to the many people who mentored, guided, supported and otherwise put up with me throughout the preparation of this manuscript. To Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • African Americans Reclaiming the Indigenous Past RUTH MATHIS and TERRY WEIK
    15 Not just Black and White: African Americans reclaiming the Indigenous past RUTH MATHIS AND TERRY WEIK GOING BACK TO FETCH IT In the last four decades, archaeologists have actively addressed the history of the African Diaspora but now the time has come to broaden the scope of inquiry to include their Indigenous heritage and relationships with other Indigenous peoples. The cultural identity of the people of the African Diaspora throughout the Americas will not be fully understood until their own cultural beliefs and interchanges with Indigenous Americans are given full consideration. Africans were forcibly brought to the Americas, and, like other Indigenous folks, displaced from their homelands. If we determine that people removed from their land are no longer Indigenous, then many present-day American Indians would not qualify as such. Clearly, ‘Indigenous’ should be defined to include the geography and context of each population’s historical trajectory Further, Indigenous peoples in the Americas, displaced and otherwise, are reclaiming their heritage in a way that illuminates forgotten social and political linkages, while seeking redress for historic injustices committed against them. This reclamation moves beyond white scholars’ Eurocentric expectations of marginalized historical identities. Archaeology will play an important role in this rebirth of African American and Native American agency in theory and practice. In what follows, we outline a perspective on archaeology that accounts for this African-Amerindian interaction and that re-categorizes the racial and ethnic terminology of Black, Indian, mestizo, mulatto, slave, etc. toward one of cultural interchange and genesis. At the same time, we critique the modern practice of archaeology as a profession that defines cultural identity and often ignores the political consequences of such redefinitions for living descendants.
    [Show full text]
  • Precarious Lives: Black Seminoles and Other Freedom Seekers in Florida
    Precarious lives Black Seminoles and other freedom seekers in Florida before the US civil war A. A. Morgan Copyright 2020 A. A. Morgan This work is licensed under the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. You are welcome to share it, within a few basic limits stated in the license, as long as you credit the author and do not alter the work. To view a copy of the license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0. I gratefully acknowledge the insightful and constructive feedback received from Cheryl Nicchitta and Donna Stokes. All remaining mistakes and infelicities are my own. This work is offered free of charge. If you enjoy reading it, please consider making a small donation to the charity of your choice. i Dedication Sandy Perryman ? – 1839 warrior, diplomat, linguist ii Contents 1 Introduction 3 Seeking freedom in the Americas 18 Florida — a precarious haven 19 Seeking freedom in Florida 27 A fragile freedom 41 War 75 After Florida 78 Notes 95 Sources iii Introduction Florida was once a place where people in bondage came to be free. For generations, fugitives from the slave plantations of Alabama, the Carolinas, and Georgia crossed the border into Spanish Florida, where they sought official sanctuary or disappeared into the peninsula’s uncharted forests, swamps, and savannas. There, many of them fell in with American Indians, also relatively new to the region, who would become known as Seminoles. Their relationships with the Indians took many forms and have been described over the years in many ways — from slavery (similar to the Euro-American version but less brutal), to a form of vassalage in which they owed an annual tribute but were otherwise left to their own devices, to alliances between equals in which they served as trusted advisors, interpreters, and military allies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Whiteman's Seminole White Manhood, Indians and Slaves, and the Second Seminole War
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2011 The Whiteman's Seminole White Manhood, Indians And Slaves, And The Second Seminole War Francis Mahan IV University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Mahan, Francis IV, "The Whiteman's Seminole White Manhood, Indians And Slaves, And The Second Seminole War" (2011). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2078. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2078 THE WHITEMAN‟S SEMINOLE: White Manhood, Indians and Slaves, and the Second Seminole War by FRANCIS E. MAHAN IV B.A. Pennsylvania State University, 2005 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2011 © 2011 Francis E. Mahan IV ii ABSTRACT This study demonstrates that both government officials‟ and the settlers‟ perceptions of the Seminoles and Black Seminoles in Florida were highly influenced by their paternalistic and Jeffersonian world views. These perceptions also informed their policies concerning the Seminoles and Black Seminoles. The study is separated into three sections. The first chapter covers the years of 1820-1823.
    [Show full text]
  • Alcione M. Amos
    Alcione M. Amos THE LIFE OF LUIS FATIO PACHECO LAST SURVIVOR OF DADE’S BATTLE SEMINOLE WARS FOUNDATION, INC. Founded 1992 Pamphlet Series Vol. I, No. 1 2006 THE LIFE OF LUIS FATIO PACHECO LAST SURVIVOR OF DADE’S BATTLE By Alcione M. Amos Copyright © 2006 By Alcione M. Amos Frank Laumer Series Editor Seminole Wars Foundation, Inc. 35247 Reynolds St. Dade City, FL 33523 www.seminolewars.us Luis Fatio Pacheco Florida Times Union October 1892 Courtesy of the Library of Congress INTRODUCTION In the course of research on the Seminole Wars, a great deal of information can be found that has not seen the light of day for a century or two. While probing the records in an effort to recreate this period of Florida’s past in all its glory and shame, searching for clarification about an individual or a particular event, it is both rewarding and frustrating to find tantalizing hints of other information relating to the search, information that is pertinent to the subject but the very existence of which was unknown. Frustrating because following every lead would take a lifetime, yet there is no way of knowing where the trails might lead, what treasures of information might be found. As a case in point, this writer, searching the letter book of Captain Francis Belton (in command at Ft. Brooke in December, 1835) for the specific order that sent Major Dade on his doomed march, found a letter from Belton to General Clinch written at 9:00 A.M. on the 23rd, “...two companies have been put in motion this morning at reveille under the command of Bt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Race Ideology in Constructing Native American Identity
    Tribal Kulturkampf: The Role of Race Ideology in Constructing Native American Identity Carla D. Pratt∗ I. INTRODUCTION “Law is embroiled in the politics of identity. It names parties, defines their speech and conduct, and assigns their rights and duties. Its judgments declare, enjoin, and award the tangible and intangible benefits of race and racial privilege.”1 Law has been deeply involved in the politics of defining racial identity. The rule of hypo-descent,2 also known as the “one-drop rule,” was codified as law in many states in an effort to define the group of people who were black and therefore subject to the deprivation of liberty through the institution of slavery and later subject to social, economic, and educational subjugation through Jim Crow. Although the rule has been repealed from the statutory compilations of law in those states that once had such a rule, it continues to operate on a cognitive and cultural level in American law and society. On a social and cultural level, most Americans still perceive anyone with known African ancestry and the skin coloration, hair texture, or facial features that serve as evidence ∗ Assistant Professor of Law, Pennsylvania State University, Dickinson School of Law. This Essay was inspired by many of the presentations at the Ninth Annual LatCrit Conference, Villanova University School of Law, Villanova, Pa., Apr. 29, 2004–May 2, 2004, with particular inspiration being derived from the comments and writings of Professor Tanya Hernandez whose work in the area of Latina-Latino identity demonstrates how a race ideology that esteems whiteness and denigrates blackness has operated to construct Latina-Latino identity in a way that ultimately serves to advance the interests of white supremacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Oregon Historical Quarterly | Winter 2019 "White Supremacy
    Oregon Historical Quarterly Winter 2019 SPECIAL ISSUE White Supremacy & Resistance in this issue Violence on Tribal Peoples of the Oregon Coast; Settler Sovereignty Formation in Oregon; White Egalitarianism and the Oregon Donation Land Claim Act; George Williams’s Anti-Slavery Letter; Abolitionists in Oregon; Labor and White Right; Liberty Ships and Jim Crow Shipyards; Struggle to Admit African Americans into ILWU, Local 8; Nativism to White Power; The Murder of Mulugeta Seraw THIS PROGRAM, from the St. Rose Church Men’s Club’s ninth annual minstrel show, is an example of how OHS Research Library, Coll. 835 Library, OHS Research racism and White supremacy can take many forms that are accepted in mainstream society. As detailed in the program, participants dressed in blackface and performed skits for audiences in Portland, Oregon. Programs in the OHS Research Library collection indicate the church performed minstrel shows from the 1940s until at least 1950. During that time, the church moved the show from a single performance at Grant High School to two performances at Civic Auditorium. ON THE COVER: On May 26, 2017, White supremacist Jeremy Christian verbally attacked two young women, one wearing a hijab, on a light-rail train in Portland, Oregon. Three men intervened, and Christian killed Ricky Best and Taliesin Namkai-Meche, while severely injuring Micah Fletcher. In the days following the attack, a powerful, tangible response from the community developed at the Hollywood MAX station — a memorial to the victims that included chalk messages, photographs, candles, and flowers. Jackie Labrecque, then a reporter for KATU News, took this photograph at dawn after someone wrote, in pink chalk, Taliesin Namkai-Meche’s final words: “Please tell everyone on this train I love them.” The memorial, a response to tragedy, also provided hope through a resounding denouncement of hate.
    [Show full text]
  • Denying Voting Rights to the Cherokee Freedmen?
    ShouldShould thethe UnitedUnited StatesStates bebe FightingFighting forfor JimJim Crow’sCrow’s SurvivalSurvival byby ItsIts ComplicityComplicity inin DenyingDenying VotingVoting RightsRights toto thethe CherokeeCherokee Freedmen?Freedmen? When an Indian tribe decides to deny its citizens voting rights that have been guaranteed by a treaty with the United States and are protected by the U.S. Constitution, can tribal sovereignty allow Indian nations to extinguish voting rights and the citizenship of its citizens where the basis for their exclusion is race? By Jon Velie Imagine today if Mississippi—or some other former That hope would turn to dismay, however, if—instead slave-holding state with a history of disenfranchising its cit- of overturning the new discriminatory state government’s izens—should decide to hold an election to change the action—the citizens saw the federal government issue a state’s constitution to deny the state’s African-American cit- statement that the Department of Justice will not intervene izens the right to vote. Because § 5 of the Voting Rights Act, because the state of Mississippi is sovereign and the 42 U.S.C. § 1971 (1965) (as amended), mandates that for state’s exclusion of African-American voters is clearly a Mississippi, which is covered by the act’s special provi- matter of states’ rights. The United States, of course, sions, changes in qualifications or practices that have an would sincerely regret the negative impact on the voting impact on voting rights must pass the scrutiny of the U.S. rights of Mississippi’s African-Americans. Not only would attorney general (through the Civil Rights Division of the the federal approval of Mississippi’s new constitution en- U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Freedom Seeker
    Underground Railroad History Project of the Capital Region, Inc. The Freedom Seeker Volume Vl, No. 2 Summer 2009 The Seminole UGR By: Andor Skotnes erhaps the most successful episode of mass P escape from slavery in North America occurred, not along the well-known routes from South to North, but on a route from South to further south, into Florida. Those who escaped along this route, along with their allies, built the largest and most resilient independent community of former slaves in what became the US. And they mounted the most protracted and effective armed resistance ever against the British/US Slavocracy. This story of escape and resistance is the story of the Seminole people. The Seminoles first emerged as a distinct people in Spanish Florida during the mid 1700s, formed by groups from several Native American tribes and by fugitive Abraham, a Black Seminole leader slaves of African descent who were all refugees from from N. Orr's engraving published in 1848 in The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War by John T. Sprague, 1848 European colonialism. From their very beginnings, the http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Abraham-black-sem.jpg Seminoles were a bi-racial/ethnic people who war on the Seminoles, and the Seminoles again intermarried across lines of descent and blended African prevailed. and Indian cultures. The name Seminole was probably However, in the 1830s, a decade after Spain derived from the Spanish word cimarron (in English, seceded Florida to the US, the federal government maroon) which denotes a community of escaped slaves.
    [Show full text]