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©2010 Fidaa Ibrahim Mustafa Araj ©2010 Fidaa Ibrahim Mustafa Araj PLANNING UNDER DEEP POLITICAL CONFLICT: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AFFORESTATION PLANNING AND THE STRUGGLE OVER SPACE IN THE PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES BY FIDAA IBRAHIM MUSTAFA ARAJ DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Regional Planning in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Faranak Miraftab, Chair Associate Professor Stacy Harwood Professor D. Fairchild Ruggles Professor Colin Flint ABSTRACT Struggle over space is at the core of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict. Different actors are involved in this struggle. The Israeli occupation with its planning system, and the Israeli settlers, since the beginning of the occupation, has been enforcing different policies of using space to achieve control over the Palestinians. The Palestinian authority with its planning system under the Israeli policies of control does not have enough power to deal with the different spatial problems that face planning endeavor. Palestinian planners find their autonomy challenged and abilities limited under Israeli policies of control. Among different actors in the spatial struggle in the Palestinian Territories (PT) are Palestinian people who despite their deep suffering from the Israeli policies of control continue making claim to their rights to use space through their spatial practices. Within this complexity of struggle over space in the context of occupation, between actors seeking control and those who resist that control and groups claiming their conflicting rights to the same space, I aim to understand whether and how spatial planning could play a role by understanding the relationship between space, power, and planning. Existing literature is limited in its ability to explain this role. For example, post colonial planning literature, theoretically, addresses the problem of planning as becoming a tool to achieve control. Additionally, radical planning and insurgent planning approaches discuss how in authoritarian political contexts, transformation can be achieved by the engagement of populace in a kind of covert radical or insurgent planning. However, existing literature is mostly focused on conflict between authoritarian state and its citizens, not a state of occupation that involves an occupation of indigenous state and citizens. ii In order to achieve its goal, the research asks this main question: what is the role of spatial planning in the struggle over space (control and resistance) in the complex context of occupation, and what are the probabilities and the constraints of professional planners’ intervention in such complex context? Since Palestine has a long history of occupation and domination and the phenomenon of the use of planning in the struggle over space in the Palestinian areas is historically rooted, the research takes an historical approach and examines this relationship in two distinct historical colonial periods: the British Mandate in Palestine and the current Israeli occupation. The study hopes to result into conceptual contributions for spatial planning in the PT. The conceptualization of this research will provide an understanding for future studies about planning in cities under deep political conflict such as occupation. It will develop the idea of planning as a form of resistance. The significance of this research lies in its addressing lack of knowledge about planning within the complex context of colonial/occupational areas. It has practical and conceptual contributions. Practically, it documents processes and decisions of planning under occupation. Conceptually, the study contributes to scholarship in planning and political geography by illuminating the spatial practices of different actors in their spatial struggle. To planning scholarship it adds voice to those who have called for an expanded definition of planning. That is planning is not limited to practices of trained professionals. Rather it includes everyday spatial practices of people that are powerful in shaping the space and its territorial control. iii To my Father’s Soul iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study would not have been possible without direct or indirect support of many people. It is difficult to mention each by name, some, however, need special mention. First of all, I would like to express my grateful thanks to my supervisor, Prof. Faranak Miraftab, for her guidance, understanding and patience. She helped me very much in managing the process, and in lending her experiential and intellectual insights. My great thanks to my committee members: Prof. Stacy Harwood, Prof. D. Fairchild Ruggles and Prof. Colin Flint. They were source of great assistance and valuable contribution. They were always ready and never hesitate for any help. I was lucky to work with them all. I will never forget my friends and colleagues back home in Palestine especially Fadwa Azem from the Ministry of Planning. She provided me the necessary information and documents and connected me with the right persons in other Palestinian ministries for further needed data. Great thanks to Dr. Ali Abdelhamid from An-Najah University for his help. I should never forget to thank my colleagues and friends in the Department of Urban and Regional planning at University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Finally, I owe my respect and appreciation to my family back in Palestine: my mother, sisters and brothers. They were the support from abroad that helps me reach to this point. At last, my deepest gratitude must go to my husband, Mahmoud, who shared me the hopes, the dreams and the fears during the period of my study. His understanding, encouragement and companionship made the boring and tiring time, enjoyable. All my love to my kids: Zaid, Dana and Zeinah whom were forced to undergo my stress and fatigue through the whole period of my study. v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………1 1.1 Background: The Complexity of the Struggle over Space in the OPT……………………5 1.2 Afforestation Planning and the Struggle over Space in Palestine………………………..16 1.3 Aims and Significance of the Study……………………………………………………...21 1.4 Structure of the Study……………………………………………………………………23 CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY…………………………..25 2.1 Theoretical Review………………………………………………………………………25 2.2 Methodology……………………………………………………………………………..38 2.3 Research Difficulties……………………………………………………………………..46 CHAPTER 3: POLICIES PERTAINING TO LAND AND TREES IN THE BRITISH MANDATE PERIOD, 1917-1948………………………………………………..48 3.1 Existing Conditions during the Late Ottoman Period, Late 19th Century-Late 20th Century…………………………………………………………………………………...52 3.2 Land and Planning Laws…………………………………………………………………54 3.3 Afforestation Policies and Their Use in Spatial Struggle in Mandatory Palestine………73 CHAPTER 4: AFFORESTATION PLANNING UNDER ISRAELI DOMINATION, 1948- PRESENT, AND CONTEMPORARY CONTROL OF MOVEMENT………..106 4.1 Land and Planning Laws………………………………………………………………..108 4.2 Afforestation Planning and its Use in the Israeli/Palestinian Spatial Struggle…………130 4.3 Internal Closure Policy: The Theft of Space and Time…………………...……………157 CHAPTER 5: PLANNING IN THE FACE OF OCCUPATION………………………………171 5.1 Analytical Review………………………………………………………………………171 5.2 Conclusion and Recommendations: Planning in the Face of Occupation……………...179 MAPS………………..………………………………………………………………………….186 TABLES………………………………………………………………………………………..216 APPENDIX A: Summary of Tear’s Forestry Policy in 1933…………………………………..224 APPENDIX B: Summary of sale’s Forest and Land policies, 1936……………………………225 APPENDIX C: Article Six of the British Mandate…………………………………………….227 APPENDIX D: The Palestinian NGOs Participate in PNRMP………………………………...228 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………229 vi CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In the Palestinian/Israeli conflict, power and space have been in an intense and mutual relationship. Space has been used in the exercise of power, and it also has been used to release and display power. In this context, power does not only mean the power from above: the power to dominate, to control, to impose order from top downwards. It is also the power from below: the bottom-up power, the power to resist. That is, control is in a “dyadic” relationship with resistance, and space is the main arena of the practices of this dichotomy in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). In this struggle of control and resistance over space in the OPT, different actors are involved using both built and open spaces: the Israeli state with its planning system; the Palestinian Authority with its planning system; the Israeli settlers1; and the Palestinian people2. Since the beginning of the Israeli occupation3, the Israeli system has been enforcing different policies of using space (built and open) to achieve control over the Palestinians. The Palestinian authority with its planning system under the Israeli policies of control faces multiple constraints. It does not have enough power to deal with the spatial problems that face planning endeavors, and it needs to operate under the Israeli policies of control. The Palestinian planners, therefore, find themselves limited as their work is affected for the most part by their compromised position under the Israeli planning system, of which the main objective is to achieve control over the Palestinians. 1 The Israelis who live in the Israeli settlements that have been built on the Palestinian land in the OPT. 2 The Palestinians who
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