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A Demographic Analysis of the North Carolina Prison Population

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A Demographic Analysis of the North Carolina Prison Population Aging in Place in the Big House: A Demographic Analysis of the North Carolina Prison Population Frank R. Baumgartner1 Sydney Johnson2 October 11, 2020 Introduction As in other states, North Carolina increased the severity of punishment for many crimes in the 1990s. Sentencing reforms effective in 1994 eliminated the traditional concept of parole from the state’s prison system and enhanced the length of punishment for the most serious crimes. The felony punishment chart laid out in the “structured sentencing” system enacted in 1993 provides for the punishment of LWOP sentences for all level A felonies as well as B1 felonies committed by those with significant numbers of prior points, and a decision by the judge to assign the “aggravated” sentence in the case. Level A felonies are limited to first-degree murder, which may also carry the sentence of death; LWOP here is the lesser sentence. Level B1 crimes include second-degree murder and 18 other crimes, mostly rape and sexual offenses3 (see NC Sentencing and Policy Advisory Commission 2014). One obvious consequence of a reform that increases the number of individuals serving prison terms that provide no opportunity of parole is that they will “age in place” within the prison system until they die. Since these reforms were effective in 1994, as of 2020 we have had 1 Richard J. Richardson Distinguished Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, [email protected], corresponding author. 2 2020 Graduate, UNC-Chapel Hill, Political Science. 3 The list also includes terrorist killings with chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons, but no one listed in the NC DPS database is associated with this crime. See Table A-1 for a list of all crimes associated with those currently serving death, life without parole, or term sentences of longer than 50 years. 1 26 years of experience with them. If an individual committed a crime at age 24 in 1994, they would be 50 in 2020. In what follows we track the number of older prisoners in the North Carolina prison system. The reforms of 1993 should not be expected to have an immediate impact on the age-distribution of those incarcerated by the state, but rather it would imply a slow build-up of ever-increasing numbers of older prisoners, shifting the distribution towards older prisoners. We show that this is precisely the case, and we discuss some of the implications of these changes. We should note that the 1993 reforms reduced sentencing levels for some crimes at the same time as they mandated longer sentences for a small number of crimes. The result, perhaps unintended, is to create a prison system with large numbers of individuals “churning” through the system, with relatively short sentences, and simultaneously with a small but growing share of individuals serving extremely long sentences. Slowly, as time goes by, this group will represent a larger and larger part of the overall prison population. Documenting these trends is our goal here. Data and Methods We make use of publicly available data from the NC Department of Public Safety. The DPS Offender Public Information website, https://webapps.doc.state.nc.us/opi/downloads, provides a wealth of information about North Carolina prisoners. We use the “Inmate Profile (INMT4AA1)” set of files. This large database contains information on all individuals having served in North Carolina prisons for many decades, including those who have since been released. By filtering on the variable showing whether the person is currently “active” in the system, we can limit our analysis to those currently incarcerated. By using the “date received” 2 and the “date released” variables, we can generate statistics for any given day in history.4 We generate annual files based on the prison population on December 31 of each year from 1975 through 2019, and for the last date available in 2020. The file consists of a total of 458,976 individuals, of whom 31,749 were active as of August 7, 2020, when we last retrieved the data.5 The Growth in Long Prison Sentences In 1975, 140 individuals were serving sentences of over 50 years; by 2020 this number had increased to 3,820. Figure 1 shows the numbers of individuals serving terms of 50 years or more. The figure includes those with terms of more than 50 years, natural life, life without the possibility of parole, and death. 4 Admission date: CIRADMDTY, CIRADMDTM, CIRADMDTY; date released: CILAMVDTY, CILAMVDTM, CILAMVDTD; “active”: INMRCDSTA=="ACTIVE". 5 Our numbers generally correspond with, but are not identical to, those of the NC DPS through the “Offender Search” query system (https://webapps.doc.state.nc.us/opi/offendersearch.do?method=view), allowing such things as searches for all individuals in the prison system who are of a certain age range. We are not aware of the reason for these disparities. 3 Figure 1. Number of Individuals Serving Terms of 50 Years or Longer. This group represented less than two percent of the prison population in 1975, but over 12 percent in 2020. No other group showed a similar increase. Table 1 shows the crimes associated with those serving these long sentences. It shows the number of and percent of Black, White, Other race, and the Total number of individuals serving long prison terms for each type of crime. 4 Table 1. Crimes of those Serving a 50+ Year Prison Sentence. Black White Other Total Category N % N % N % N % Murder, 1st deg. 1,345 61.16 699 31.79 155 7.05 2,199 100.00 Murder, 2nd deg. 291 65.54 141 31.76 12 2.70 444 100.00 Rape and Sexual Assault 511 51.77 428 43.36 48 4.86 987 100.00 Drug-Related 6 66.67 1 11.11 2 22.22 9 100.00 Habitual Felon 25 78.13 7 21.88 - - 32 100.00 Violent Habitual Felon 32 80.00 6 15.00 2 5.00 40 100.00 Other and Lesser Crimes 84 77.06 24 22.02 1 0.92 109 100.00 - Total 2,294 60.05 1,306 34.19 220 5.76 3,820 100.00 Overall, 69 percent or the crimes associated with those serving very long prison sentences relate to homicide (2,199 first degree and 444 second degree constitute 69 percent of the total of 3,820 individuals listed), but large numbers relate to lower-level offenses. In fact, the full list of crimes includes some individuals serving more than 50 years for robbery, burglary, breaking and entering, assault on a female, assaults with intent to inflict serious injury, and possession of a firearm by a felon. Appendix Table A-1 shows the full set of crimes included in the database and how we combined them for the table above. We are not certain of the methodology that the Department of Public Safety uses in listing the crimes associated with each individual; some of the lesser crimes listed in Table A-1 do not appear to merit such long prison terms. Table 1 illustrates a number of important racial factors associated with long prison sentences. Black individuals constitute 60 percent of all those serving terms of more than 50 years. That number, however, is starkly different among women, who constitute 124 of the 3,820 individuals serving long terms. Among women, 58 percent (72 of 124) are white. Among male prisoners serving these long sentences, blacks are 52 percent of those serving for sex-related crimes, 61 percent for first-degree murder, 66 percent for second-degree murder, 67 percent for drug-related crimes, 77 percent for other and lesser crimes, 78 percent for those serving for the 5 designation of habitual felon, and 80 percent (32 of 40 individuals) serving for the designation of “violent habitual felon.” Black men, of course, represent approximately 11 percent of the North Carolina population. Year of Imprisonment, Age at Crime, and Current Age of Long-Term Prisoners Figure 2 shows when these long prison sentences were imposed (note that it is limited to those currently incarcerated). Figure 2. Year of Imprisonment for NC Prisoners Serving more than 50-Year Sentences. Figure 2 makes clear a spike in long prison sentences around the time of the 1993 reform and a steady number of just under 100 individuals per year being so sentenced in the period since then. Figure 3 shows the age at the time of incarceration as well as the current age of these individuals. 6 Figure 3. Age at Incarceration and Current Age, for Long-Term Prisoners. The median age at the time of incarceration for individuals currently incarcerated for these long terms is 29 (and therefore they were slightly younger at the time of the crime), and their median age as of 2020 is 52. One-quarter of those serving these long sentences is 60 years old or older. It is in the nature of such long prison terms that individuals do not “churn” through the prison system as may be the case with those serving shorter terms. Rather, they will most likely remain in prison until they die. If we look at all 31,749 individuals serving active prison time in 2020, their median age at entry into the prison system was 33, and their median age as of 2020 is 39. The long-termers were slightly younger than the others when they entered the system; they committed their crimes, on average, almost 20 years earlier; and they are much older today as a group. Recall from Figure 2 that fewer than 100 individuals enter the system each year with a long prison term, but, barring a change in their sentence based on appeals, no 7 one leaves other than by natural death.
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