NOTES ON ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

1.0 INTRODUCTION

This report has been prepared as part of the Indian Village Archaeological Project. The purpose of this report is to provide an ethnographic and ethnohistoric context that will assist in the interpretation of the archaeological excavations at Departure Bay. The following introductory section discusses the terminology and format used in the present report, outlines the study schedule, and reviews the sources of Nanaimo ethnographic data.

1.1 Terminology and Format

"Ethnography" is a description of a particular culture based on observation, participation, and interviews with members of that culture. "Ethnohistory" describes Native life and events in early historic times, based on written records. "Archival" documents deposited in various institutions are sources of both ethnohistoric and ethnographic data. Examples of this documentary material include fieldnotes compiled by past ethnographers and observations by such people as explorers, missionaries and local pioneers. other archival sources include newspapers, the voluminous files of government agencies, and nonprinted materials such as maps, paintings, photographs and sound tapes.

The data presented here have been obtained both from published and unpublished sources (see the References section) and from the author's interviews of Nanaimo Indian people. Wherever information from these ethnographic interviews is cited, the Native contributor's initials are provided. These Native consultants are identified in the Acknowledgements section.

Native terms appearing here have been transcribed by the present writer using the Halkomelem version (Bouchard and Paul 1973; ) of his practical orthography that has been put into use for numerous Indian languages. Those Indian terms that it has not been possible to re-elicit are transcribed using the original writing system in which each appeared. Such terms are indicated with quotation marks. Translations of Native words are given in single quotation marks.

1.2 Study Schedule

This study began with a search of both published and unpublished sources relating to Nanaimo ethnography and ethnohistory. The literature search was undertaken on March 18th-20th, 27th- 30th, and April 6th, 1992, mostly in the files of the B.C. Indian Language Project. Between April 7th-10th, interviews of Nanaimo Band members were conducted by the author. Some interviews were conducted in the Nanaimo Band Cultural Centre; others were undertaken while traveling by car to locate specific named sites throughout Nanaimo territory; and still others were conducted at the home of one of the interviewees. A further interview on April 13th, 1992 was undertaken jointly by the author and Dorothy Kennedy of the B.C. Indian Language Project. On this same date, a brief review was made of pertinent materials held by the Nanaimo Community Archives.

Archival research was conducted on April 15th, 20th and 21st, 1992, at the British Columbia Archives and Records Service in Victoria and at the Surveyor General Branch of the B.C. Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, also in Victoria.

1 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

The present report was written between April 22nd-May 11 th., 1992. Because of the limited time available to the author to undertake this study, the research results presented here should be considered as preliminary.

1.3 Sources of Nanaimo Ethnographic Data

Very little has been published concerning the culture of the Nanaimo Indians. France Boas, on the basis of his November 1886 ethnographic and linguistic fieldwork at Nanaimo, published a brief overview of Nanaimo ethnography (Boas 1889) as well as several Nanaimo legends which were part of a much larger collection (Boas 1895:54-56). The Nanaimo were included in the ethnological article and map published as a result of Boas' 1886 field research (Boas 1887). Boas' Nanaimo linguistic work, also based on data collected in 1886, remains unpublished (Boas n.d.a; n.d.b).

It was not until the 1930s that further ethnographic research was undertaken among the Nanaimo people. Both Homer Barnett and Diamond Jenness conducted fieldwork here in the mid1930s. The results of Barnett's Nanaimo research were published as part of his larger study of Coast Salish (Barnett 1938; 1939; 1955). Jenness' study also involved other Coast Salish groups in addition to the Nanaimo. But with the exception of one published article (Jenness 1955) relating to the Katzie, a lower Fraser River Coast Salish group, Jenness' work remains unpublished (Jenness n.d.; 1934-1936a; 1934-1936b). It was likely throughout the 1930s that Beryl Cryer made numerous visits to elderly Island Halkomelem-speaking Indians to collect "stories" for newspaper publication. In the course of these visits, Cryer recorded a substantial amount of ethnographic data, including information specific to the Nanaimo. Although it has not been determined just how many of these "stories" were actually published, undated typescripts of the newspaper articles, themselves, exist (Cryer n.d.a-n.d.o).

Wayne Suttles briefly undertook ethnographic research at Nanaimo in 1949 (Suttles 1992:pers. comm.). Some of the data that Suttles gathered at this time were incorporated into several subsequent publications (eg. Suttles 1987; 1990). Wilson Duff collected some Nanaimo ethnographic notes in the 1950s; these data remain unpublished (Duff n.d.; 1953-1956).

Sarah Robinson's fieldwork among the Nanaimo between 19571959 resulted in her unpublished doctoral dissertation concerning social history and spirit dancing (Robinson 1963). In the 1970s, David Rozen collected place names and site utilization data from Nanaimo people. This information was included in Rozen's larger study of Halkomelem place names completed as his unpublished Master's thesis (Rozen 1985). Similar data gathered from the Nanaimo by school teacher Ted Little around 1980 were incorporated into his unpublished Master's thesis which was an educational resource unit on the Nanaimo Indians (Nanaimo 1981).

In addition to these above-noted works, there have been several other published and unpublished studies relating to various aspects of Halkomelem ethnography. These include published works concerning the Mainland Halkomelem along the lower Fraser River: Suttles (1955) on the Katzie; Duff (1952) on the Upper Stalo; Hill-Tout (1903) on the Kwantlen and Chilliwack; Hill-Tout (1904) on the Chehalis and Scowlitz; and Maud, Galloway and Weeden (1987) focusing on the Chilliwack. Turner and Bell's (1971) published ethnobotanical study contains Vancouver Island Halkomelem data. Other studies include: Lane's (1953) unpublished doctoral dissertation focusing on Cowichan religion; Bouchard and Kennedy's recent (1991) report on Tsawwassen (Mainland Halkomelem) ethnography and ethnohistory; Rozen's (1978) report on Cowichan ethnozoology;

2 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

and Kew's (1970) unpublished doctoral dissertation centered on the social and ceremonial life of the Musqueam (Mainland Halkomelem).

2.0 THE NANAIMO PEOPLE

This section discusses the linguistic and ethnic affiliations of the Nanaimo, defines their territory, outlines their social composition, identifies the local groups and the villages they occupied on the lower Nanaimo River, summarizes their seasonal movements and subsistence activities, and describes Nanaimo houses.

2.1 Linguistic and Ethnic Affiliations

"Nanaimo is an Anglicization of the term Sneneymexw, the name by which the Nanaimo Indian people are known collectively. The Nanaimo, together with the Nanoose, Chemainus and Cowichan, speak the Island dialect of the Halkomelem language. Another dialect of this same language is spoken along the lower Fraser ,from the river mouth up to the vicinity of Yale. The Halkomelem language comprises part of the Coast Salish division of the Salishan Language Family. Speakers of Halkomelem, together with those of Squamish, Nooksack, Northern Straits and Clallam comprise the Central Coast Salish. Across the from the Nanaimo are the Sechelt who comprise part of the Northern Coast Salish (Suttles 1990; Thompson and Kinkade 1990; Kennedy and Bouchard 1990).

2.2 Territory

According to Boas (1887: map; 1889:321), Nanaimo territory extended from Five Finger Island and Horswell Bluff in the north to the vicinity of Dodd Narrows in the south, including and other adjacent islands and reaching west as far as the inland mountains. This inland boundary, more specifically in the Nanaimo Lakes area, had earlier been indicated on Trutch's (1872) ethnological map. Both Duff (1953-1956) and Rozen (1985) placed the southern boundary of the Nanaimo at Boat Harbour which is about three miles south from Dodd Narrows.

Independently, the Nanaimo people interviewed for this report also identified Boat Harbour as the southern extent of Nanaimo territory. They placed the northern boundary in the vicinity of Neck Point (MJ; EM) which is about two miles northwest from Horswell Bluff, the place that Boas (1887: map; 1889:321) had given as the boundary. One of those interviewed, CT, specified this northern boundary is at a place called sk’olem which is about a mile and a half west from Neck Point. According to those who were interviewed, Gabriola Island and the other islands adjacent to Nanaimo are part of their territory.

CT denoted the Nanaimo Lakes area as the inland extent of Nanaimo territory.

2.3 Component Groups and Villages

The Nanaimo were comprised of at least five named groups which have been consistently identified in the literature (Boas n.d.a; 1889:321; Walbran 1909:348; Jenness n.d.; 1934-1936b; Barnett 1935-1936; 1955:22-23). Blenkinsop (1876-1877) stated that there were four named Nanaimo groups, but in fact he identified the same five groups as the other sources. Heaton (1860) identified only four of these named groups, as did Cryer (n.d.c), although the latter source provided these group names in relation to specific named portions of the winter village at Departure Bay (see below).

3 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

These Nanaimo groups have been identified as "families" (Heaton 1860), "septs" (Boas n.d.a), "clans" or "gentes" (Boas 1889:321, 324), "bands" (Walbran 1907:348), "tribes" (Cryer n.d.c.; n.d.g; n.d.n; Barnett 1935-1936), or "communities" (Jenness n.d.). However, as Wayne Suttles has pointed out, these are best described as "local groups" consisting of the household of an established kin group and several dependent households. Those identified as "chiefs" of these local groups were likely heads of leading households or kin groups (Suttles 1990:464).

According to Barnett (1955:22), all five local groups had houses on the lower Nanaimo River where they resided during the fall and part of the summer. Jenness (1934-1936b) stated that only four local groups had houses on the Nanaimo River. These same four local groups wintered together at Departure Bay; the fifth wintered in (Barnett 1955:22-23; Jenness 1934-1936b) (see section 2.4). Both Boas (1889:324) and Barnett (1955:22-23; 89-91) suggest there was ranking among these five groups. According to Barnett (1955:22), the xwsolexwel (see local group/village no. 5 below), the group that wintered separately from the others, was the highest ranked.

Suttles (1992: pers. comm.) has noted that several of these local group names are translatable as directional terms ('north;' 'middle;' 'south'), probably with reference to the position of each local group's houses at the Departure Bay winter village. These local group name/directional distinctions at the Departure Bay village are confirmed by Cryer (n.d.c). The work of Little (1981) and of the present author has indicated that in more recent times, after the amalgamation of the various local groups at Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 1 (the "Town I.R.1), group name/directional distinctions were also made in the main village. Thus, local group name/directional distinctions have been made on the Nanaimo River, at Departure Bay, at the "Town" Indian Reserve and, according to Heaton (1860) (see below), even beyond this "Town" Indian Reserve.

The five named local groups and the villages they occupied on the lower Nanaimo River were as follows:

1. kwelsi’welh [?] - it has not been possible to re-elicit this word. "Kwelsi’welh" is the author's estimated transcription of the term that has been variously transcribed by other sources (Heaton 1860; Blenkinsop 1876-1877; Boas n.d.a; 1889:321; Walbran 1907:348; Jenness 1934- 1936b), none of whom has provided a translation. "Kwels’iwelh" is the name of the local group and village closest to the mouth of the Nanaimo River. This village was located on the east side of the lower Nanaimo River near the northwest corner of Indian Reserve No. 3, near where Chester and Eva Thomas live today and the Nanaimo River splits into two channels. Barnett’s (1935- 1936) Nanaimo consultant recalled observing the frames of four plank houses, likely in the 1860s- 1870s, at kwelsiwelh. The same location of this village site is indicated on various early maps (eg. Hudson's Bay Company 1855; Nanaimo District Official Map 1859; D'Heureuse 1860; Pemberton 1860; Hudson's Bay Company 1862-1864; Green 1878; Nanaimo Indian Reserves n.d.a). This village was said to have been occupied in 1860 by 56 people including their chief, "Shil.chay.lum" (Heaton 1860);

2. teytexen 'going up' - this is the name of the local group and village that Jenness (1934- 1936 n.d.b) and Barnett (1955:22) identified as the next village encountered while proceeding up the Nanaimo River. Teytexen has also been translated as 'north point' (Heaton 1860) or 'village to the north' (Jenness 1934-1936 n.d.b). The 1855 map (Hudson's Bay Company 1855) indicates the location of this second village on the east bank of the Nanaimo River, not far upstream from kwelsi’welh" (local group/village no. 1 above). This second village site was near what is now the

4 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

southwestern corner of Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 3. CT recalled seeing the remains of an "old house" here. The same location for this second village has been indicated on several other early maps (Nanaimo District Official Map 1859; D'Heureuse 1860; Pemberton 1860; Hudson's Bay Company 1862-1864). However, George Heaton reported that in June 1860 the teytexen occupied two villages, neither of which was on the lower Nanaimo River. The location of the first of these villages, said to have a population of 93 and two chiefs, C’ho-shin" and an old man named "Che.wheet.in," was described as "outside and to the south of the town of Nanaimo (Heaton 1860). Very likely this was in the vicinity of what is now Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 1. The second teytexen village, with a population of 22 and a chief named "Quee.at.sum," was identified as a "small place" on the "Mill [Millstone] River" with a chief named "Quee.at.sum" (Heaton 1860);

3. yeshexen - Jenness (1934-1936b) translated this term as lend village;' Heaton (1860) gave the translation 'waste tribe.' According to Barnett (1955:22), this local group's village was the third one encountered while proceeding up the Nanaimo River. Undoubtedly yeshexen is the same village indicated on the 1855 map a very short distance upriver from teytexen (local group/village no. 2 above), and on the west bank of the river (Hudson's Bay Company 1855), near the northeast end of what is today known as Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 2. This same location is given on other early maps (Nanaimo District Official Map 1859; D'Heureuse 1860; Pemberton 1860; Hudson's Bay Company 1862-1864). George Heaton stated that in June 1860, there were two yeshexen villages, both of which were "in close proximity to town" (Heaton 1860). No further description was provided. Heaton's census of these villages was 93 and 33 respectively; he reported that "Quhts.a.natsum" (who was also known as "See.well") was chief of both yeshexen villages (Heaton 1860);

4. enwines 'middle' - Barnett (1955:22) stated that enwines, the fourth village encountered while proceeding up the Nanaimo River, was located "a few hundred yards downstream" from the 1935-1936 highway bridge site (known locally today as the "Cedar Bridge" as it is now the road going to the community of Cedar). Very likely this is the same village whose location on the 1855 map is shown on the west bank of the Nanaimo River, upstream from yeshexen (local group/village site no. 3 above) (Hudson's Bay Company 1855), near the southeast end of what is today Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 2. This same village location is confirmed on other early maps (Nanaimo District Official Map 1859; D'Heureuse 1860; Pemberton 1860; Hudson's Bay Company 1862-1864);

5. xwso’l’exwel 'place of grass' - identified by Barnett (1955:22) as occupying both banks of the Nanaimo River "just upstream" from the mid-1930s "highway bridge" (today's "Cedar bridge"- ;-see discussion above). Very likely the western portion of xwsol’exwel was in the "Riverside" area in the vicinity of the southeasternmost corner of Nanaimo Indian Reserve No. 2, near the intersection of Wilkinson Road and Aros Road. CT recalled that there was a "campground" here on the west bank and that there were Indian cabins here around 1915-1920. The early maps of this region that have been reviewed by the present writer do not identify an Indian village on the east bank of the Nanaimo River in the "Riverside" area. Indeed, these same maps do not show two different Indian villages on the west bank of the river in this area, i.e. no distinction on these maps is made between the village sites identified as enwi’nes (local group/village site no. 4 above) and xwsol’exwel. In June of 1860, however, George Heaton provided this same term as the name of a village (with a population of 102) on Nanaimo Harbour "about half a mile" south of the townsite. The chief of this village was "Squanestin" (Heaton 1860). Heaton's description suggests a site near the northern end of what is now Nanaimo Indian Reserve No.,I. This same place, identified as the winter home of the xwsol’exwel local group, was said by Barnett (1955:22-23) to be located

5 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

"near the coal mine" and by Jenness (1934-1936b) to be "at No. 1 [coal] shaft in Nanaimo town." EB said that xwol’exwel was located in the general area of what is today the "Assembly Wharf," north from the northern end of I.R. No. 1.

In addition to these five named groups, one source has identified still another Nanaimo local group. According to Cryer (n.d.c; n.d.f), this additional local group was a "large, strong tribe" who formerly lived on Gabriola Island and were called the "Cly-Altw But after a battle with the "Ukul-Tahs" (the Lekwiltok, a non-Salishan, Kwakwala-speaking group from the north),, the "Cly-Altw went to live at Nanaimo, near "Soch-Whol" (xwsol’exwel--see above). Information provided in Cryer's battle account, and from other sources, suggests this incident may have occurred around 1840. The term that Cryer transcribed as "ClyAltw is tl’aaltxw--CT pointed out that tllaaltxw is the name given to the important resource site on southeastern Gabriola Island, on the north side of False Narrows (see section 2.4).

2.4 Seasonal Movements and Subsistence Activities

The local groups comprising the Nanaimo (see section 2.3) traveled on a seasonal basis to food-gathering areas throughout Nanaimo territory. Barnett (1955:22) has pointed opt that most of these people stayed together, although the xwsol’exwel, the highest-ranked local group "held aloof from the other four" and appeared to have been "the most self-sufficient and dominant group." Barnett's (1935-1936) Nanaimo consultant said that the Nanaimo "tribes" (local groups) had permanent house frames at sites along the Nanaimo River, at False Narrows (between Gabriola Island and Mudge Island), and at Departure Bay. They transported the house boards by canoe to each site. In 1913, Dick Whoahkum, a Nanaimo Indian, also identified these three sites as being of important to his people. Part of Whoahkum's address to the Royal commission on Indian Affairs on May 28th, 1913 was as follows:

... When the fishing season came we used all to go up the River to live. The Indians that used to live here, their main home was at Departure Bay, at other times they lived on the Island [Gabriola Island], and on Nanaimo River. The Indians of this band have three homes...I told Sir James Douglas that these three places were our land... (Canada and British Columbia 1913).

All of the Nanaimo local groups except the xwsol’exwel moved to Departure Bay, their winter village site--described as their "real home"--where they spayed from approximately late December through March. The xwsol’exwel wintered at their village in Nanaimo harbour but joined the other local groups in the spring (Barnett 1935-1936; 1955:22-23; Jenness n.d.; 1934- 1936b).

In March, the herring arrived. According to Nanaimo Indian Dick Whoahkum, his people caught and cured herring at Departure Bay (Canada and British Columbia 1913). Apparently herring were very abundant throughout the Nanaimo area. In March of 1856 and 1857 it was observed by the Hudson's Bay Company men at Nanaimo that the local Indian people were catching large quantities of herring; some of these fish were being traded for blankets (Anon. 1855-1857). Herring in former times were said to be so thick at Departure Bay that sometimes they would be piled up a foot deep along the beach after whales chased them ashore (Anon. 1924). CT pointed out that Nanaimo people also caught herring at a place called sk’olem (known locally as "the Brickyard") which is about three and, a half miles northwest along the coast from Departure Bay Sk’ol’em, CT added, was especially important because it was the earliest herring- spawning area in Nanaimo territory. Herring spawned at sk’ol’em in early March (CT).

6 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

Around April, the Nanaimo moved to the False Narrows area and other sites on Gabriola Island to dig clams and fish for cod, salmon and other species, and to hunt seals and sea-lions. Here they stayed until July-August (Jenness n.d.; 1934-1936b; Barnett 1935-1936; 1955:22-23). Another resource obtained from Gabriola Island was camas (Camassia quamash). Each Nanaimo family had its own bed of camas in the vicinity of a bluff on Gabriola Island (Jenness n.d.; 1934- 1936b). The False Narrows clam beds were especially rich, CT noted. This same richness was commented upon in a 1912 report to the B.C. Commissioner of Fisheries where it was noted in this report that clams were obtained from False Narrows "from September to May" and that "as many as a hundred Indians are digging at one time during the good tides" (Thompson 1913:I55- I56)

Around August, the Nanaimo crossed to the Fraser River for the salmon runs; they had their own camp there on the river (Jenness 1934-1936b; Suttles 1952; CT). On the Fraser, just upriver from the east end of Barnston Island, a Nanaimo fishing village was identified as early as 1827 (MacMillan and McDonald 1827-1830; Simpson 1858). One source that provided the Nanaimo term approximating the month(s) of July-August also noted the importance of the Fraser River salmon runs to the Nanaimo people:

"Schyl-Tahl - 'Moon when the salmon are ready' ... the time when all went to the Fraser River for the fishing... 11 (Cryer n.d.1).

During the fall, all the Nanaimo people returned to the Nanaimo River in time for the chum salmon harvest. They stayed there approximately from September through until late December (Barnett 1955:22-23; Jenness 1934-1936b). One source has stated that the Nanaimo term for the time approximating the month of October was: "Qts-Say-Num - 'Dog salmon go up the rivers' 11 (Cryer n.d.1). As early in the ethnohistorical record as midOctober, 1852, a Hudson's Bay Company employee at Nanaimo observed that "most of the Indians [had) left for their Fisheries up the Nanaimo River" (McKay 1852c). The xwsol’exwel, according to Barnett, controlled the chum salmon fishery on the Nanaimo River. The headman of this local group conducted a first salmon ceremony which included marking a male and female chum salmon with paint and down feathers and singing a special song, after which the people were permitted to smoke-dry salmon. This man also possessed the knowledge to paint special designs on rocks that induced the salmon to come to the river (Barnett 1935-1936). Barnett (1955:22) stated there was only one salmon weir on the Nanaimo River. A weir in use on the Nanaimo River in the 1860s has been described (Lord 1866:76-77), but it is not known when salmon weirs were last used on this river. Apparently weirs were being used here as recently as 1887--a non-Indian "Fishery Guardian" made the following entry on October 6th, 1887: "Nanaimo River - weirs & nets at work" (Fishery Guardian Notes 1886-1887).

Barnett has provided further information about Nanaimo subsistence practices. His information about fishing implements that were used by the Nanaimo includes the following: weirs with upright stakes that were pounded into place with flat and circular river stones; basketry traps; 2-pronged fish harpoons with fixed foreshafts utilizing 3-piece toggle heads of bone or hardhack (Spiraea douglasii); 2-pronged and 3-pronged spears; salmon gaffs with detachable heads; wooden halibut hooks; herring rakes; fish clubs; and fish nets made of bark or nettle (Barnett 1939:229-231,279-280).

Nanaimo hunting technology included the following: use of nets for deer and possibly elk; use of dogs to drive game; duck nets attached to poles; snares for deer and for birds; use of deadfalls and

7 NOTES ON NANAIMO ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY

pitfalls; multiple-pronged duck spears; seal/porpoise harpoons with fixed double foreshafts and 3- piece heads (Barnett 1939:231-233,280-281).

2.5 Houses

The information provided by Barnett about Nanaimo plank houses includes the following: they were rectangular and they had corner posts and sometimes central posts but none of the posts were carved or painted; they were shed houses but there were also some gabled types (although Barnett also quoted his Nanaimo consultant's statement that most if not all of the older Nanaimo houses were gabled); the houses were not excavated and there were no storage pits inside and there were no semi-subterranean structures; the houses had single ridgepoles supported by long end posts; there were rafters with longitudinal poles resting on them; the house planks were horizontal and supported by vertical binding poles; and the walls were lined with mats. The shed houses, built in sections, could be very long--long enough to accommodate all the members of the village. As sections were added, they were separated from the adjoining ones by mat or plank partitions. Doors were on the high side of each house unit. Inside, there were firepits around the sides and a storage shelf/bed platform along the walls, with further storage underneath this platform. The Nanaimo also had summer lean-to structures that were covered with mats (Barnett 1939:242-243,285286; 1955:42-43) (see also section 2.4).

In October 1858, artist James Alden painted a water-colour of a Nanaimo village (Stenzel 1975:110,112). The village was located on Nanaimo’s waterfront on a narrow neck of land that used to extend out from the vicinity of today's Harbour Park mall, terminating at what used to be Cameron Island. A close examination of the original water-colour (Alden 1858) suggests that about ten shed-roofed houses were located here in 1858. Vertical binding poles on the outer side of the house walls are clearly depicted, as are some of the horizontal house boards attached to them. It also appears there was one gabled house here, located at the end of the peninsula closest to Cameron Island. There appears to be no painting or carving on the external portions of the houses. Mark Bate, who first came to Nanaimo in the late 1850s and became the town's first mayor, recalled that about 250 Nanaimo Indians lived in this village (Bate 1922a). A composite photograph of this same village, said to have been taken in 1858, is published in Barnett (1955:322). EN pointed out that the Nanaimo name of this village was skwi’kwmi7 which means I little dog. I

3.0 THE INDIAN VILLAGE AT DEPARTURE BAY

The village of stl’ilep at Departure Bay has been described as the "main home" of the Nanaimo people (see section 2.4). In the following section the mythological origins of the Departure Bay village are summarized and early observations of this village are presented.

3.1 Origin of the Departure Bay Village

Several versions of a mythical "first ancestor" story associated with the Departure Bay village have been recorded. These are typical of similar stories which account for the origin of local groups among the Coast Salish of this region (Kennedy and Bouchard 1990:447; Suttles 1990:466). Variants of the first ancestor story associated with Departure Bay are condensed and summarized as follows; these have been told by a man named "QuilKay-Milth" and his mother

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"Tse-Um-Tenard" (Cryer n.d.i), by Wilkes James (Planta n.d.), and by Joe Wyess and his wife (Cryer n.d.c.; n.d.g):

(First Variant]: A long, long time ago, a man named Tusk-Al-Run landed on this shore, bringing with him only some arrows and two slaves. Eventually he and his slaves made a home near Tat-Ouch-Tun (ta’7texwten], Mount Benson. And finally Tusk-Al-Hun had three sons: the eldest was named Squal-H’noe; the next, Hoch-UtShun; and the youngest, Schuy-At-Hut. One day the boys set out to see the world. They arrived at Staly-Up [stl’ilep, Departure Bay]. Here they found a man named Sil-Ka-Malth who was carving a schy-Why [sxwa’yxwi] mask. These three boys married the three daughters of Sil-ka- Malth but after awhile the youngest brother and his new wife went back to their father at Mount Benson. The other two brothers, Squal-H’noe and Hoch-Ut-Shun, made their homes at Departure Bay, and soon their descendants became a great and powerful tribe (Cryer n.d.i).

(Second Variant]: Soc-o-thock was the first man in this part of the country. He descended from the sky and landed at the foot of Mount Benson. Soc-o-thock appeared on earth armed with bows and arrow, and kneeling on two men, his slaves. He had three sons: Swy-a-lana, Hoc-a-chin, and Skia-a-set. For years and years, Soc-o-thock waited and waited for signs of other people. He spent much of his time sitting on a huge rock at Solo- quon [xwol’exwel, near the north end of Nanaimo I.R. 1), looking in all directions. But it was not until Soc-o-thock’s sons grew up and the two eldest, Swy-a-lana and Hoc-a-chin, took over their father's watching that they finally saw smoke rising. It came from Departure Bay. When Swy-a-lana and Hoc-achin arrived at Skie-lups (stl’ilep, Departure Bay], they came across a cedar house in which an old man named Kal-a-malt and his wife and three daughters lived. Kal-a-malt said that he was the First Man, but the two brothers insisted it was their father, Soc-o-thock, who was really the First Man. Despite this disagreement, Swy-a-lana and Hoc-a-chin soon married the two oldest daughters of Kal- a-malt. When Skia-aset, the youngest of the three sons, came to ask his two brothers to return home, only Swy-a-lana and his wife went with him. Upon his sons' return, Soc-o- thock left the base of Mount Benson and they all settled at Solo-quon [xwol’exwel], where Swy-a-lana became the ancestor of the Solo-quon tribe. Hoc-a-chin remained at Departure Bay and became the ancestor of the Skie-lups stl’ilep, Departure Bay] tribe (Planta n.d.).

[Third Variant]: In the beginning, the Sun, Sum-ShalThot (sem’ho’thet), made people, sometimes one and sometimes two, in different places. At the foot of TatOuch-Tun [ta’7texwten), Mount Benson, the Sun made a man and his wife. Eventually they had three sons. At about the same time, the Sun made another man and his wife at Staly-Up [stl’ilep], Departure Bay, and they had three daughters and lived in a cedar cabin. When the girls were nearly grown up, the man was told by a voice in the air to make a Schy-Why [sxwa’yxwi] mask. Meanwhile the boys at Mount Benson were growing up. They wanted to find out if there were other people in the world. So the three boys started traveling and they came upon the man making his mask in the cedar cabin at Departure Bay. The boys said their father was older than this man, and was the head of all, but the man carving the mask disagreed. He said he was the eldest. Because the boys had seen the mask, they were required to stay there. The man at Departure Bay gave the boys his three daughters in marriage and they all lived together there. But one day these three brothers wanted to take their wives and go for a visit to Mount Benson. On the way, they came across still another man who had also been created by the Sun. This man was living with another man and woman who he had caused to be created from a pile of shavings. The youngest of the three

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brothers, as well as his wife, stopped to watch the unusual dance these strangers were doing. Because of this, the boy's father at Mount Benson would not allow his youngest son to come back home. The older brothers and their wives, after visiting their father and mother for awhile, went back to Departure Bay. But they took their parents with them, leaving no one at Mount Benson. Eventually the tribe at Departure Bay became so big that they had to build three rows of houses there. The man and woman and their sons at Mount Benson, as well as the man and woman and their daughters at Departure Bay, were the very first of those who are now called the Nanaimo (Cryer n.d.c.; n.d.g).

Thus, according to Native tradition, Departure Bay is one of the sites associated with the origins of those Indian people who subsequently became known as the Nanaimo. Still another, much briefer variant of this same origin story was given by Jenness' Nanaimo consultant who was born in the 1860s and whose mother, according to one source (Planta n.d.), was born at Departure Bay. In this version, the "first man, 11 whose name was slhdmexw ('rain'), was said to have "appeared at a hole in the ground at a bluff near Wellington, and from there went down to Departure Bay, where he started a village" (Jenness 1934-1936a).

3.2 Early observations Relating to Departure Bay Village

Cryer (n.d.n) recorded a story in which it was stated that all the Nanaimo "tribes" (local groups) were living at Departure Bay when the people saw their first "white man's ship."

Departure Bay was first named in English in 1852. Surveyor J.D. Pemberton reported that he personally gave the name "Departure Harbour" to the place now known as Departure Bay when he was in this area in August-September 1852. In a letter to James Douglas, Pemberton stated that he called this place "Departure Harbour" because of "the circumstances of a large tribe of Indians having lately abandoned it & from the probability of its affording a good exit to vessels bound outwards... 11 (Pemberton 1852). Undoubtedly Pemberton's description of this site as "abandoned" was a reflection of the Nanaimo’s practice of removing the house boards and transporting them to other sites beginning in the spring. Survey notes that are likely Pemberton's and probably made in August-September 1852, indicate the location of an Indian village on the west side of Departure Bay (Pemberton 1852]. Nanaimo Indian Dick Whoahkum stated that when J.W. McKay was in the Nanaimo area [in 1852] investigating the coal seams, he (Whoahkum) was one of those who told McKay that there was coal at Departure Bay, as well as Nanaimo (Canada and British Columbia 1913).

A water-colour painting of Departure Bay that is attributed to the artist William B. McMurtrie and said to have been made in "July 185011 is held by the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, Massachusetts (McMurtrie 1850; Monroe 1960:12) (apparently the date of "July 185011 for this painting was provided on the basis of Monroe's research (Chvostal 1992:pers. comm.)]. Indian houses on the west side of Departure Bay are depicted in this McMurtrie painting, as are two Indian canoes off the northern entrance to Newcastle Island Passage A close examination of this painting indicates that the artist's perspective was from the vicinity of the south end of the bay located immediately south of Shaft Point on Newcastle Island. It is the present author's opinion, however, that McMurtrie's Departure Bay scene was actually painted in July 1857, and not July 1850 as Monroe has suggested. The reasons for drawing this conclusion are as follows: the painting's title is "Departure Bay" whereas the name "Departure Harbour" (see above) was used from 1852 until the mid-1850s; the painting depicts a clearing containing a non-Indian dwelling on Shaft Point--it is doubtful there would have been non-Indians here in 1850; and, according to a

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study by Stenzel (1975:69), McMurtrie in 1857 was on the same ship carrying fellow artist James M. Alden, who himself painted grave figures at Departure Bay in July 1857 (see below).

An Indian village located on the west side of "Departure Harbour" is indicated on a map accompanying an 1855 Hudson's Bay Company document. On the B.C. Archives version of the map, this site is indicated as a "Village;" on the Hudson's Bay Company Archives version, the same site is identified as a "Deserted Village" (Hudson's Bay Company 1855). Probably both versions were derived from Pemberton's 1853 and 1854 maps. The former map was transmitted to HBC headquarters in September 1853, and the latter, in June 1854 (Douglas 1853a; Pemberton 1854). But as has been noted above, identifying this site as a "Deserted Village" in 1852-1855 was likely due to the fact that the moveable house boards had been taken away from this winter village.

The cemetery at the Departure Bay Indian village was depicted by artist James M. Alden in two water-colour paintings made at this site on July 17th, 1857 (Alden 1857a; 1857b) (although Franz Stenzel (1975:70) incorrectly identified Alden's painting of Indian graves at Laurel Point, Victoria, as being the grave figures at Departure Bay]. Alden's main Departure Bay painting depicts the following: a standing human figure (possibly European) holding a rifle and supporting on its head a grave box decorated with carved mink or otter or fisher-like animals as well as a seated human figure with outstretched arms; beside this is a grave box (grave house?) sitting on the ground and possibly decorated with paintings or carvings; adjacent to this are two similar posts (carved and/or painted?), in the center of which is a carved post comprised of an owl-like bird on top and a human figure underneath--possibly all three posts are situated in front of a grave house; adjacent to this is a canoe (Alden 1857a). The second painting (Alden 1857b), actually sketched on the back of the first painting, is a close-up view of the same human figure (in Alden 1857a) supporting the grave box. Undoubtedly Mark Bate's (1922b) recollection of "several totem poles, rather elaborately carved" here at the Departure Bay village was actually a reference to these same grave figures.

Alden's (1857a; 1857b) paintings of Indian grave figures at Departure Bay provide useful information for cross-checking the available ethnographic data on Nanaimo burial practices. For example, Boas reported that among the Nanaimo, corpses were put into boxes which were placed on four posts about five feet above ground. Sometimes the grave boxes were placed in small houses. A chief's body was placed in a carved box and the grave posts supporting the grave were carved. The grave of a great warrior was marked by a statue representing a warrior with a war- club (Boas 1889:323). According to Barnett, Nanaimo cemeteries were on the beach, near the village, and occasionally on islands. The usual method of burial was to place the body in a chest above ground, either on a scaffold, or with a shed over the body (or bodies). Nanaimo burial practices for wealthy men occasionally included disposal of the corpse in a canoe which was placed either in a shed or on a scaffold. Barnett's Nanaimo consultant, who was born in the 1860s, did not know if there were figures carved on the grave structure. However, the existence of mortuary carvings of a "half-mythical minklike animal" were noted in this general area (Barnett 1939:227,263,264,290).

Surveyor B.W. Pearse in 1859 was the first to transcribe the Indian name for Departure Bay- -he transcribed it as "Tslalup" (Pearse 1859) which was his rendering of stl’ilep. On a map made in 1859, two rows of houses were indicated at the Indian village site on the west side of Departure Bay (James 1859).

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It has not been determined exactly when the Departure Bay village site ceased being used as a village by the Nanaimo Indians. The northern boundary of the lands purchased from the Colony in 1855 by the Hudson's Bay Company appears to have extended to the vicinity of the southern tip of the Departure Bay village, but this village was not part of these purchased lands. Possibly this is why, when provisions were made in 1855 for a certain amount of these purchased lands to be set aside "for the future benefit of the Indians," the Departure Bay village was not included (Hudson's Bay Company 1855). The Departure Bay village does not appear on J.D. Pemberton's 1860 plan of proposed "Land Reserves" which included three proposed Indian Reserves within the Nanaimo region. Nor was the Departure Bay village amongst those sites confirmed or established as Nanaimo Indian Reserves in 1876 by the Indian Reserve Commission (Pemberton 1860; Anderson, McKinlay and Sproat 1877).

A story recorded by Cryer (n.d.a) suggests the Nanaimo were still living at the Departure Bay village around 1860. On the other hand, an 1859 map and an 1860 map both identify the Indian village at Departure Bay as "deserted" (Nanaimo District Official Map 1859; D'Heureuse 1860). Whether or not these maps were prepared during the time of seasonal abandonment of the village site, is not known (see also the discussion below). In May 1861, however, a non- Indian named John Christie preempted 114 acres, including much of the Indian village site, in the southern half of the west side of Departure Bay. The remaining portion of the village site was within the 129.50 acres preempted by another non-Indian, William Hughes, in October 1861. The Hughes preemption, which comprised most of the north half of the west side of Departure Bay, was adjacent to the Christie pre-emption. Both pre-emption’s were surveyed in 1870 and crown-granted in 1871 (Wellington District Register n.d.; Wellington District Crown Grants n.d.; Mohun 1870).

Information recorded in 1864 and 1913 suggests the Nanaimo Indians were dissatisfied with the circumstances under which their people left the Departure Bay village site. On May 30th, 1864, Wesleyan Minister E. White wrote to Governor Kennedy and noted that Reverend E. Evans, Chairman of the Wesleyan Missions on the Coast, was familiar with how the Nanaimo Indians obtained certain Reserve lands "after yielding up, for a small trifle, their Valuable land at Departure Bay and in this [Nanaimo) town..." (White 1864a). This land matter was raised at a "Council meeting of the Chiefs of the Nanaimo Indians" on May 31st, 1864, in the presence of another minister, Thomas Crosby. A report of this meeting was prepared by Reverend White. In this report, one of the Nanaimo Indian Chiefs, identified as "Que.a.man," was quoted as follows: "Look at the way they told us to leave our land at Departure Bay and at Nanaimo... 11 (White 1864b). Several months later, on November 15th, 1864, the Nanaimo Indians addressed Governor Kennedy. Their speech was translated by Thomas Crosby. The portion of their address in which their land grievances were raised was as follows:

We, the Nanaimo Indians, have long wanted to see you and speak our hearts to you ... We want to keep our land here and up the river. Some white men tell us we shall soon have to remove again; but we don't want to lose these reserves. All our other land is gone, and we have been paid very little for it... [we] do not know where our homes will be if we leave this... (Nanaimo Indians 1864) Although Departure Bay was not mentioned specifically in this speech, the previously-cited materials (White 1864; 1864b) make it clear that this village site was among the lost lands referred to in November 1864. Almost 50 years later, the matter of Departure Bay was again raised with government officials. On May 28th, 1913, Nanaimo Indian Eli Turlochqult addressed the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs. Part of his address was as follows:

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... We had all kinds of land before. We had a place at Departure Bay. There were all kinds of houses and people used to live here all the time. The place is now very small for our people, and we never see any money for our Departure Bay Reserve... (Canada and British Columbia 1913) .

The extensive midden at Departure Bay was commented on by archaeologist Harlan I. Smith who visited this site in 1898. He referred to the "shell-heap of considerable length" here (Smith 1907:323). Many years later, Smith (1930) referred to artifacts from Departure Bay and noted they were held by the American Museum of Natural History in New York and by the Provincial Museum in Victoria. Grant Keddie (1992:pers. comm.) has confirmed that numerous artifacts from the Departure Bay site are held by the Royal British Columbia Museum.

4.0 INDIAN PLACE NAMES AND SITE UTILIZATION IN THE DEPARTURE BAY REGION This section, based primarily on the present author's ethnographic interviews with Nanaimo Indian people in April 1992, focuses on the Native names and uses known for the Departure Bay area and for areas both north and south of Departure Bay.

4.1 Departure Bay

The Nanaimo term for the Departure Bay village site is stl’ilep (possibly stl’ilep), although EM provided the pronunciation stl’iilnep. The translation of stl’ilep was not clearly understood by those who were interviewed. Suttles' (1990:455) transcription was equivalent to stl’ilep but he noted that he was unable to obtain a translation for this term when he interviewed Nanaimo people in 1949 (Suttles 1992:pers. comm.). Rozen (1985) provided the term "stl’etl’iinep" and the translation 'deep ground' or 'tide goes out a long way.' Another translation, 'shallow upper part of bay,' was suggested by Little (1981).

Accounts of the "first ancestor" stories associated with the Departure Bay village and Mount Benson (see section 3.1) are still known today. In this regard, EM was told that the name of one of those who "dropped down" from the sky was "swetst’es CT recalled hearing an old Nanaimo man named Jimmy Peanuts telling how the "first man" at Departure Bay had a paddle and how this man's use of his paddle in the water here caused herring to be created (EM had also heard this). As well, CT had been told about one man "dropping down" at Mount Benson and then getting together with a woman from the first man's family at Departure Bay.

EM pointed out that Departure Bay was the "main home" of the Nanaimo and that people were living here when the first nonIndians arrived. A story related by EB (as told to her by the late Ed Brown, her father-in-law) explained how a supposedly-dead man predicted the coming of the Whiteman: two young men, it was said, were near a place in Departure Bay where corpses were placed in rock crevices. One of these "corpses" spoke out to the two young men and told them to place his body up higher as he wanted people to hear what he had to say. This "dead" man predicted the future. He spoke out, saying "Watch out, the White people, the Whiteskins are coming. You must pray to xaals (the Transformer) for help." And then he died.

Asked if they knew why their people stopped living at Departure Bay, those interviewed by the author gave several responses. EB was told they moved away because a "powderhouse for explosives had been built at or near Departure Bay and the people were told it could blow up at any time. CT was told they moved away from Departure Bay because ships began loading coal here.

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Departure Bay was rich in resources. For this reason, CT described it as one of the food "cupboards" for the Nanaimo people. This was a well known place to dig clams and to obtain herring and herring eggs in great quantities. A 1912 fisheries report identified Departure Bay as a place where Nanaimo Indians dug butter and littleneck clams (Thompson 1913:I51). But as EM noted, it has not been possible to dig clams here since the late 1930s.

EM was born at Departure Bay in 1915 when her parents were staying there at a site along the north shore of the bay. She pointed out this site to the author; it is situated about 2,000 feet west from the Biological Station. This appears to be the same site where surveyor E. Mohun's 1870 fieldnotes indicated the location of two houses (Mohun 1870). No separate Indian name was known for this site. EM did not know for how long people had been living at this site, nor was she aware of any relationship between this site and the main Departure Bay village. There were four "shacks" at this place, CT and EM noted, around 1920: in one of them lived EM's father, Johnny Fraser (a Songhees Coast Salish Indian whose mother was a Nanaimo woman), and EM's -mother, Annie Frenchie (a Chemainus Indian from Kulleet Bay), and their three children--EM and an older brother and older sister. In another shack lived Harry Smith, a Chemainus Indian from Kulleet Bay, and his wife, Louise, a Nanoose Indian, and their son, Arthur. A man named Andy Malcolm, who was part-Nanaimo, lived in the third shack. Who lived in the fourth shack is not known (CT; EM). EM recalled finding artifacts where these shacks were located. People were not living here year-round when EM was a child. Rather, this was a seasonally-used site. The Indian people would stay here while they went out in their canoes hand-trolling for salmon, EM noted; they sold some of their catch to a Japanese fish-buyer at nearby Breckin Point (Pimbury Point).

After EM's father died on the beach at this fishing-shack site in 1921, EM never did go back here. As far as she knew, these shacks were not used much after the late 1920s.

The islands in Departure Bay were also utilized. For example, EM recalled digging clams in the area between the two Brandon Islands. And according to one source, Jesse Island, located east from the Brandon Islands, was once a burial site:

On Jesse Island, under a bluff on the Northern side there was an ancient Indian Necropolis. Dozens of boxes were piled, one above another, moldering with age, containing the remains of Natives, there deposited (Bate 1922b).

Snake Island, located in Rainbow Channel northeast from the entrance to Departure Bay, is well known as xw7elhkeyem which means 'place having snakes.' Its name is explained in a legend: a teenage boy who was eating fern-roots got sick. Snakes were coming out of him. So he went out to this island, but still snakes came out of him. He cut some snakes in half with his paddle. It is said there are still snakes on this island, and some of them still appear as if they have been cut in half (Paul 1971). EM, who has dug clams on Snake Island, noted there is a reef in its vicinity where the lingcod are said to have "snakes" inside them. This was confirmed by CT, who added that oldtimers would not fish for lingcod here because of this.

4.2 The Area ]North From Departure Bay

As has been discussed (see sections 2.2 and 2.4), CT identified sk’ol’em as the northern boundary of Nanaimo territory. Sk’olem, known locally as the "Brickyard" area, is located just east from Icarus Point; this is about three and a half miles northwest from Horswell Bluff, which itself is located at the northern entrance to Departure Bay. Sk’olem was described by CT as

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another of the food "cupboards" (see section 4.1) ;for the Nanaimo people. Not only were herring obtained from sk’ol’em by raking, and herring eggs by placing cedar boughs in the water during spawning time, but also ducks and spring salmon were taken here (CT).

Located about one and a half miles west from sk’’ol’em, the Neck Point and Hammond Bay area was used extensively by the Nanaimo people. Tse’lexw (MJ; CT; EM), the name given to a bluff on the western portion of Neck Point, was considered by some (MJ; EM) to be the northern boundary of the Nanaimo. EM stated there was a legend about a loon associated with this bluff. In the 1930s, a Nanaimo man named Moses Ward had a shack at Neck Point (CT).

Hammond Bay, well-known as xwtol’ew’nets ('creek-on-back-end place'), is located immediately southeast from Neck Point. Its name is taken from the creek which enters into the northwest end of the bay. This was a seasonally-used camping area by the Nanaimo who stayed here while obtaining herring eggs and herring, and while hand-trolling for salmon. In the 1920s- 1930s, the Nanaimo people had several shacks on the south side of the creek

at Hammond Bay, CT recalled. He added there were also shacks in the little bay just north of the point on the north side of this creek. Nanaimo Indians were still using shacks and lean-tos at Hammond Bay in the 1930s, and were continuing to put down boughs here to collect herring eggs in the 1950s. The oldtimers dried the eggs on racks here at Hammond Bay. This was also a good clam-digging area. As well, a type of seaweed called lhek’es (Porphyry perforate, red lava) was gathered along the beach at Hammond Bay (EM; MJ; HG; CT).

The Indian name for Five Finger Island was not recalled; CT stated that he camped in the little bay here on this island in the 1930s when he was obtaining herring for bait fishing. EM also noted that the Nanaimo used to camp here.

4.3 The Area South From Departure Bay

Both CT and EM had heard the place name tl’elpoles (derived from tl’ep 'deep') used with reference to some portion of Newcastle Island, but they did not know just where. EM recalled digging clams on the northwest end of Newcastle Island, between Tyne Point and Nares Point (CT confirmed this as a good clam digging site). Presumably this is within the same area referred to in a 1912 fisheries report as a place where Nanaimo Indians dug butter and littleneck clams (Thompson 1913:I51).

Mark Bay at the south end of Newcastle Island, and specifically a site on the west side of Mark Bay, are known as kelosten ('facing the other direction') (HG; EM). EM stated that oldtimers used to go here to dig clams and dry them. This was also a hunting area; deer were still being obtained here in the early 1970s. At this same time, salal was being obtained for commercial purposes from this area (CT).

One source, only (Little 1981), provided the term "putquam" as the Nanaimo name for a former village site on the west side of Newcastle Island Passage (the exact location of "putquam" is not known). Little (1981) also provided the translation inner channel' for "putquam. However, it has not been possible to confirm either this translation, or the term "putquam," itself. EM was of the opinion that "putquam" sounded similar to a word she pronounced as kwetxwom" which she had heard mentioned as a place name but did not recall which site this term referred to.

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The location of a former village site in the general area of what is now the Newcastle Marina was pointed out to the author by CT in April 1992. It was Albert Wesley, who was born in the 1860s and was the Nanaimo consultant for both Jenness and Barnett, who had pointed out this village's location, CT noted. CT did not know the Native name of this village site; he did not recognize the term transcribed by Little (1981) as "putquam;" nor did he recognize Kwetxwom" as a place name. In the May 1992 draft of the present report, this writer had concluded that the village site pointed out by CT was the identical site marked on several historic maps: it is marked as "Indians" on an 1859 map (Nanaimo District Official Map 1859); it is identified as a 79-acre Indian Reserve on the map transmitted by Pemberton to Douglas on March 28th, 1860 (Pemberton 1860); and it is also identified as an Indian Reserve on an 1862-1864 map (Hudson's Bay Company 1862-1864). However, this conclusion was not correct. it was based on the present author’s incorrect marking (on a 1:20,000 map) of the location of the site pointed out to him by CT in April 1992.

The writer and CT again visited this site on June 26th, 1993. At this time, CT identified the site's location exactly as he had done the previous year. But by cross-checking the site location with other maps and with street names, it was determined that where the present author had marked the site on the map in April 1992, was in fact about 600 metres too far south.

The exact location of the village site known to CT is midway between the foot of Larch and Juniper Streets, immediately south of the "Newcastle Marina Yacht Sales" building and immediately east of Stewart Avenue.

According to researcher Norm Pearson (1993:pers. comm.), the location of the above- discussed 1859 village was at the foot of Cypress Street, which is also where archaeological site DhRx 66 is located (Stryd 1993:pers. comm). Thus, the site pointed out by CT is about 500 metres north from the foot of Cypress.

In April 1992 and again on June 26th, 1993, CT pointed out a second village site. It is on the west side of Newcastle Island and on the east side of Newcastle Island Passage, across from the Newcastle Marina. This second site is east and slightly north from the above-mentioned village site on the west side of this same Passage. CT did not recall the Native name of the village site on the east side of Newcastle Island Passage. Concerning these two villages, CT had been told (by Wesley) a story about a girl and a boy each living on the opposite shore from one another here. When the boy swam across the channel to see the girl, he was attacked and killed by a stl’alekem ('something ferocious or unusual') that was known as a th’exta’alhts’a, said to be "like a sting-ray" (CT).

Not far south from here is the Millstone River. Its Indian name was not recalled by those who were interviewed, although an early surveyor identified this river as "Tlelsleltsa (Pearse 1859). At one time, EM pointed out, this was a place where the Nanaimo people obtained fish; as well, there was once a village here. CT recalled Albert Wesley saying that the village site here was a small one. There was one longhouse located on the south side of the river mouth (in the vicinity of today's arena), Wesley told CT. He also told CT that particularly good coho were once obtained from this river.

Protection Island, located immediately southeast of Newcastle Island, was a place where deer were hunted. This was still being done in the 1960s; the type of hunting done here was called stsa’atsew 'hunting by canoe' (CT).

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5.0 THE HISTORICAL PERIOD

This section describes the first recorded contacts between the Nanaimo and non-Indians in the early 1790s, discusses briefly the Nanaimo people's involvement with the wage labour economy in the 1850s, and provides estimates of the Nanaimo Indian population between 1830-1876.

5.1 First Contacts

Jose M. Narvaez, commanding a small sailing ship with the Eliza expedition from Spain, visited the Nanaimo area in July 1791. Members of this expedition identified the Nanaimo harbour area as "Bocas de Winthuysen," the northeast end of Gabriola Island as "Casatilli and the southeast end of this same island as "Gaviota (Wagner 1933:33,40). Few records exist from this expedition, so it is not known to what extent the Spanish had contacts with Indian people in the Nanaimo area at this time.

Better documentation exists for the 1792 Spanish expedition of Alcala Galiano and Cayetano Valdes. In mid-June 1792 their ships, the Sutil and Mexicana, anchored for several days off the northwest end of Gabriola Island in a bay they named "Cala del Descanso (now called Descanso Bay). Several Spanish manuscripts exist which contain ethnographic observations of the Indian people they encountered here. According to these accounts, the Indians in the vicinity of Nanaimo in June 1792 had "great quantities of sardines [herring] sun-dried and smoked" which they offered to the Spanish in exchange for beads, "Monterey shells," and pieces of rough iron. As many as 39 canoes of Indians congregated around the Spanish ships while they were at Descanso Bay. It was noted that four canoes loaded with house planks came by during one of the evenings the ships were here. Consequently several of the Spanish crew members traveled a short distance southwards (exactly where they went was not indicated) and discovered the frames of the houses whose boards had been removed (Wagner 1933:254-258; Kendrick 1991:118-123). While the ships were in this area, artist Jose Cardero made three drawings: a "Chief of "Wentuisen Entrance" (Nanaimo harbour); a "Chief of the Port of Descanso (Descanso Bay, Gabriola Island); and a "View of a Natural (Rock] Gallery" on Malaspina Point near Descanso Bay. Reproductions of these paintings appear in two recent publications (Cutter 1991:126,128,131; Kendrick 1991:117).

The Nanaimo were first identified by name in 1827. A map made in June 1827, when the Hudson's Bay Company ship Cadboro brought men to establish Fort Langley on the lower Fraser River, indicates a "Ninimuch [Sneneymexw, Nanaimo] Village" on the south side of the Fraser, just upriver from the east end of Barnston Island (Simpson 1858) (see section 2.4). As well, the Nanaimo are mentioned in the 1827-1830 Fort Langley Journals as one of the groups fishing on the Fraser River during the salmon season (MacMillan and McDonald 1827-1830).

5.2 Nanaimo Indians in the 1850s

Nanaimo was brought most prominently to the attention of colonial authorities through the discovery of coal. Apparently it first became known in 1849 that there was coal here. At that time, a Nanaimo Indian man, upon seeing coal used in a forge at Fort Victoria, was said to have commented that there was plenty of that sort of stone where he came from. In April 1850, this Nanaimo man brought a canoeload of coal to Victoria (Walbran 1909:349; Akrigg and Akrigg 1977:35-36). It appears the official announcement of coal was not until June 1852 when it was reported that J.W. McKay of the Hudson' Bay Company had discovered a seam of coal at Nanaimo (Douglas 1852a). James Douglas, himself, went to Nanaimo in August 1852 (Douglas 1854). Subsequently he issued instructions to McKay to proceed to Nanaimo and, in the name of

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the Hudson's Bay Company, to "formally take possession of the Coal beds" (Douglas 1852b). Many years later, in May 1913, Nanaimo Indian Dick Whoahkum told the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs that he (Whoahkum) was "amongst the first people who found coal in Nanaimo (Canada and British Columbia 1913).

James Douglas observed in August 1852 that although the Nanaimo Indians lived "chiefly by fishing," they were also growing large quantities of potatoes in fields near their villages, most of which he noted were on the Nanaimo River (Douglas 1854:246-247).

By September 1852 the Nanaimo Indians were already very much involved with working the coal seams in the vicinity of Nanaimo. The coal mines attracted large numbers of Indians from different tribes, both Coast Salish and other groups. It is reported that the non-Nanaimo Indians had to obtain the Nanaimo people's permission before working in the coal pits, and that the Nanaimo did not allow some groups to work here, at all (McKay 1852a; 1852b; Inskip 1853).

The Nanaimo Indians and others not only worked in the coal mines but also assisted in loading the coal onto the many ships that began stopping here in the 1850s. Not only Indian men but also women and girls were o ' observed transporting coal in canoes to the waiting ships (Inskip 1853; Trevan 1852-1854). Referring to the late 1850s, Bate (1922a) recalled that Indian women, as a rule, earned more wages or goods for transporting coal than Indian men did.

5.3 Nanaimo Population Estimates 1830-1876

Several early estimates of the Nanaimo Indian population have been made. The first was in 1830, at which time it was noted the "Nanemoos" (Nanaimo) were comprised of 11100 men" but the numbers of women and children were not given (Hudson's Bay Company 1830). A census of the "Nannimoes" made in the winter of 1838-1839 at Fort Langley identified a total population of 477, comprised of 23 leading men who among them had a total of 148 canoes, 56 guns, 37 wives, 35 sons, and 27 daughters, in addition to 355 "followers" (Hudson's Bay Company 1838-1839) Around 1853, James Douglas enumerated the "Saulequun" [xwo’lexwel] or Nanaimo Indians as follows: 159 "men with beards;" 160 women; 300 boys; and 324 girls (Douglas 1853b), giving a total population of 943. A partial estimate of population was provided in 1854 when about 160 men signed the treaty between the "Sarlequun (xwsol’exwel] Tribe" and the Hudson's Bay Company in December 1854 (Hudson's Bay Company 1854a; 1854b) (presumably all these signers were Nanaimo Indians). George Heaton's Nanaimo census of June 1860 enumerated a total population of 399, comprised of 50 "old" men and women, 211 "young" men and women, and 138 children (Heaton 1860). In November 1864, two years after the smallpox epidemic of 1862, Nanaimo Indians addressing Governor Kennedy told him: "We have over 300 people in our tribe" (Nanaimo Indians 1864). Twelve years later, when members of the Indian Reserve Commission visited Nanaimo in December 1876, they undertook a census which enumerated a population of 223 consisting of 160 adults, 12 youths, and 51 children (Blenkinsop 1876-1877).

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