^American Influence in Ireland, 1760 to 1800 p until the time of the , British expan- sion had largely been concerned with the American colonies U and Ireland. These two possessions differed greatly in two respects—namely, geography and the length of time each had been under English control. As Ireland was geographically a part of the British Isles, distance in no way lessened supervision of the English over this neighboring island. On the other hand, the American colonies were separated from the homeland by a wide expanse of ocean which increased the difficulty of any close direction of activi- ties. As for the length of time each had been under, or considered under, English jurisdiction, Ireland had been regarded as a possession of Great Britain more than four times as long as the oldest of the American plantations. In spite of these two differences, there were many similarities in the positions held by Ireland and America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Both were considered as markets for English manufactured goods and as sources of raw materials and products of which there was a shortage in England. Neither was permitted eco- nomic development except in so far as it could be co-ordinated with English plans. The Acts of Navigation, Acts of Trade, and other legislation applied equally to both. Both countries were thought of as colonies or plantations; in each the administrative personnel was English appointed. Legislative bodies were elected to handle domes- tic matters, but they met at the desire of the governors who had been named by the*British. Neither country had representation in the British parliament, and thus had no voice in matters of taxation. In the case of both countries England expressly reserved the right to legislate for her dependencies.1 1 The reservation of the right to legislate is contained in 6 Geo. I, c. 5, "An Act for the better securing the Dependency of the upon the Crown of Great Britain," and 6 Geo. Ill, c. 12, "An Act for the securing the Dependency of his Majesty's Dominions in America upon the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain." 103 IO4 HOMER L. CALKIN April Before the American Revolution there seems to have been little actual attempt by either Ireland or America actively to champion the cause of the other. However, the two countries had a common basis for friendship. Their relative positions in the were so nearly alike that whatever might be done in regard to one might very well be expected for the other. With the development of opposition in America toward England, an increasing interest arose in Ireland regarding American events. In the latter part of the eighteenth century, Ireland, influenced by these American attempts, was to try to better her own position under England. The American Revolution and the events occurring from 1765 to the end of the century affected Ireland both materially and ideologi- cally. As is usually the case, the materialistic impacts were evident much sooner and at the same time more quickly forgotten than were the ideas which were developed by the colonists and accepted by many of the Irish. The tangible phases felt in Ireland as the war progressed centered chiefly around trade and the raising of Irish troops to participate in battles across the Atlantic or as home de- fenses against both external and internal enemies. Economics and man power usually play the obvious roles in international conflict; political and philosophical ideas must of necessity take secondary places for a while, and it is only eventually that they exert their full force. Ireland early felt the brunt of the American Revolution com- mercially. The chief exports of Ireland were linen goods, wool, glass, hops and provisions such as cattle, beef, hogs, butter and cheese. A great amount of linen was sent to America while foodstuffs were exported to Continental countries. The chief imports from America consisted of pearl, potash, flaxseed, oil of turpentine, rice, tobacco, wood, staves and cotton wool.2 Newspaper accounts, which gave the number of ships arriving from, or sailing to? Ireland in the ports of New York and Philadelphia, listed 576 ships from 1771 to 1774.3 In 1773, at a single time, seven "North American ships, laden with wheat and flour, were arrived at Dublin/'4 Nor were the north-

2 Edward Wakefield, An Account of Ireland, Statistical and Political (London, 1812), II 3O-3I- 3 M. J. O'Brien, Hidden Phase of American History (New York, 1921), 287. 4 Newport (Rhode Island) Mercury, No. 765, May 3, 1773. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, I760 TO l8oO IO5 ern and middle colonies the only ones to carry on trade with Ireland. Silas Deane, in a memoir written in 1776, said that "Virginia & Maryland export One Hundred Thousand Hogshead of this Article [tobacco] annually, of this about Twenty Thousand are consumed in Great Britain & Ireland."5 Manufacturing in Ulster, as well as the number of Irish imports and exports, had been on the increase during the middle of the eighteenth century. As a result, trade and prosper- ity in general had swung upward. The American colonies, becoming more and more antagonistic to English measures, decided in 1774 to Put restrictions on British goods, including Irish products. Benjamin Franklin was apprehensive of the harm that non-importation and non-exportation would do to Ireland. He wrote to his son, William Franklin, I should be sorry if Ireland is included in your agreement, because that country is much our friend, and the want of flax-seed may distress them exceedingly, but your merchants can best judge. It can only be meant against England, to insure a change of measures, and not to hurt Ireland, with whom we have no quarrel.6 However, this was of no immediate avail. On September 17, 1774, the Suffolk Resolves were read before the Continental Congress. One of the points which formed the basis of the program was: That until our rights are fully restored to us, we will, to the utmost of our power, and we recommend the same to the other counties, to withhold all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, Ireland, and the West-Indies, and abstain from the consumption of British merchandise and manufactures.7 In February, 1775, the merchants, linen drapers, and principal inhabitants of Belfast petitioned Great Britain, saying they were apprehensive of the results which would come from the differences between Great Britain and the American colonies. If the colonists' demands were not met, the Irish were certain to suffer. The non- importation agreement excluded Irish linen; if linen manufacturing decayed, emigration would increase, the value of lands would go down, and all trade would lessen. Non-exportation from America

5 Silas Deane's Memoir, Aug. 15, 1776. Contained in Benjamin Franklin Stevens, B. F. Stevens* facsimiles of manuscripts in European Archives relating to America, 1773-1783 (London, 1889-1895), No. 577. 6 Benjamin Franklin, Writings, Smyth Ed. (New York, 1907), X, 274. 7 Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-178% edited by W. C. Ford and others (Wash- ington, 1904-37), I, 35- IO6 HOMER L. CALKIN April would deprive Ireland of flaxseed, lumber, wheat and flour and like- wise be destructive to Irish landed property.8 However, it was the colonies rather than Great Britain who made the first move to eliminate these restrictions. Even then it was not until the fall of 1775 that the Committee of Trade of the Continental Congress acted to alleviate the hardships which the Association of 1774 exerted on Ireland. At that time they reported that the distress in Ireland, caused by the non-importation and non-exportation re- strictions set up by the Americans, was great; they urged that the Irish be permitted to have American flaxseed in return for whatever military stores and wool they might bring to America.9 America was not the only country to place restrictions on Irish trade. England also restrained the shipping of products from Irish ports. An order in council in 1776 placed an embargo on vessels that were loaded with cattle, hogs, beef, pork, butter and cheese.10 Various ports in America were also closed by the British so that goods could be neither exported nor imported by Ireland or any other country. In 1778, with France entering the war on the American side, trade between Ireland and France was also prohibited. As a result, Irish export trade fell to a low point during the war. Ireland became dependent upon some other source than France and the colonies in North America. With a decrease in trade, there came a decrease in manufacturing. Living conditions, finances, the state debt—all became worse as the war proceeded. Although the adoption of non-importation and non-exportation agreements by the American colonies caused a curtailment of Irish trade, there was little indication of a rising antagonism toward the Americans on the part of the Irish. Only in a single instance did a member of the Irish Parliament stress this factor as an argument in the debates on raising troops to send to America. Captain Jephson said that: We have no reason to be so tender to the Americans, who had treated us ill; they had resolved in their Congress to receive no commodities from, nor have any com- merce with Ireland; and this declaration not only set us at defiance, but fully proves they do not think us so infatuated as to take their parts.11

8 American Archives, edited by Peter Force (Washington, 1837-46), ser. 4, II, 1631. 9 Journals of Continental Congress, III, 269. !0 American Archives, ser. 5, II, 1233-1234. U/#

12 7**7/., i79. IS Ibid., II, 1672; Newport Mercury, No. 898, Nov. 20, 1775. 14 Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth, Dec. 11, 1776. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 1387. 15 Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), March 5, 1777. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 67. 16 O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 63. IO8 HOMER L. CALKIN April the exportation of Goods directly from Ireland'' was passed.17 In the following year it was "agreed that Lord North do propose to Parlia- ment to grant to Ireland the Exportation of Woolen Manufactures, Glass and Hops, and to open the Trade of Ireland to and from the British Colonies in America and Settlements in Africa/'18 Another matter of importance in Ireland from the very beginning of the American Revolution was that of furnishing troops for American use. As early as 1773 it was reported from Dublin that "orders are come over here from London for some land forces to be embarked from this kingdom immediately for New-England."19 In May of 1774 six regiments were to be ready to leave on a week's notice; four more were to hold themselves ready to be sent to Boston in August.20 Lord Harcourt had been informed by Rochford of the urgent need of troops to be sent to America.21 On November 23, 1775, the Irish Parliament was called upon to vote the necessary troops to be sent to America and Sir John Blaquiere presented a message from Harcourt, Lord Lieutenant, to the Irish . This message stated that it was neces- sary to send more troops to America: "He [Harcourt] had the firmest reliance on the loyalty of his faithful Commons of Ireland, to admit his sending abroad a number of the Troops of this establishment, not exceeding four thousand men." They were to be in the pay of Great Britain; furthermore, the British would replace them with four thousand foreign Protestants, also in the pay of Great Britain.22 On November 25, two resolutions were presented to the House of Commons to carry out the desires of Harcourt. To the first of these, which provided for the recruiting and payment of the troops, Sir Archibald Acheson moved that the House agree. Colonel Ross, who seconded the motion, said it would save Ireland £85,000 a year. Ponsonby opposed the measure: "To take a part against America would be contrary to prudence; for if we assist to punish them for

17 Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 527. 18 George III, The Correspondence of King George the Third from 1780 to December 1783, edited by Sir John Fortescue (London, 1928), IV, 509. 19 Newport Mercury, No. 763, April 19, 1773. 20 Ibid., No. 818 and No. 834, May 9 and Aug. 29, 1774. 21 Rochford to Harcourt, Aug. 1, 1775. Calendar of Home Office Papers of the Reign of George HI (London, 1878-1899), IV, 379. 22 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1641-1642. 1,947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o TO 18OO IO9 resisting being taxed by the British parliament, we furnish a prec- edent against ourselves, if ever the like occasion should happen." Fitzgibbon said that Ireland had no reason for being a party of the war that seemed to him unjust. Sir Edward Newenham said "the sending of our troops to the butchery of our fellow-subjects in America, or bringing over foreign mercenaries, equally militated against true reason and sound policy." Yelverton, Gardiner, and Burgh likewise opposed the measure, thinking that it was foolish to leave Ireland defenseless. There was always the possibility of insur- rections by the Whiteboys and Steelboys, or an invasion by France. After extensive debating, the measure was passed, 121 to y6.23 How- ever, this was an indication that there was in the Irish Parliament a strong opposition to English domination. The whip hand that the British had been exerting was not so potent as formerly. Already the possibility of an increasing defiance toward English policies was apparent. There was resistance not only in Parliament, but through the country as well. The Newport Mercury of 1775 declared that "the people of Ireland in general, we hear, are extremely out of temper, and displeased with the Court on many accounts; but no one so much as the arming of 5000 Irish Papists, for the purpose of subduing their fellow Protestant subjects in America." The same issue, under a heading from Dublin, reported almost complete lack of success in recruiting for the fighting in America; indeed, it was thought that in all Ireland not more than twenty men would be willing to enlist.24 "An Occasional Remarker" wrote in Hugh Gaine's paper in New York that "the service is so disagreeable to the people of Ireland, in general, that few of the recruiting officers can prevail upon a man to enlist and fight against their American brethren."25 The Roman Catholics used the opportunity to seek a repeal of the . Several important Catholic landlords were actively negotiating with the government for this revocation in return for troops for Amer- ica.26 England, pressed for troops, considered the measure and sent

Mlbid., 1641-1648. 24 Newport Mercury, No. 899, Nov. 27, 1775. 25 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1553.

26 Marq. de Noailles to Count Vergennes, Dec. 12, 1777. Stevens, Facsimilesy No. 1772. IIO HOMER L. CALKIN April Lord Hervey to Rome to discuss the matter of oaths to be taken by the bishops and officers.27 In spite of opposition, troops were finally raised and sent to America. It is interesting to note the method of recruiting em- ployed by Major , M.P. for Tralee. Upon reaching a town he would form a procession, leading it himself with a large purse of gold. Then followed "an elegant Band of Musick, consisting of French Hautboys, Clarionets, and Bassoons, playing 'God save the King.'" This was followed by a large brewer's dray with five barrels of beer to serve to the public. Recruiting sergeants, soldiers, recruits and spectators made up the remainder of the procession. Following the parade Roche made a speech: His Majesty's deluded subjects in America are in open rebellion, and like un- natural children, would destroy their over indulgent parent, forgetting the torrents of blood spilt, and heaps of treasure expended for their preservation. His sacred Majesty now calls us, and our fidelity obliges us, and I hope your inclinations prompt you to obey the dictates of so good and lenient a master. Let us, then, my brave and loyal countrymen, join hearts and hands, and cheerfully step forth in the glorious cause of our Creator, our King, and our Country. We have it in our power, by unanimity and inexhaustible resources, to reduce those Rebels to a due obedience to their Sovereign, and submission to the laws of their Country, which will give a fresh conviction to all Europe that Hibernian laurels have not faded by time, but, on the contrary, are increasing in bloom and verdure.28 The troops which were recruited in Ireland were not always loyal to the British cause. Upon reaching America they often deserted. Joseph Galloway gives an account of 649 Irish soldiers and galley- men deserting and coming to Philadelphia to take the oath of allegiance to America.29 The question of replacements was vital to Ireland. As has been mentioned, a resolution was presented in Parliament to accept foreign troops paid by British money. The measure was supported in debate by Attorney General Tisdall, General Cunningham, Mr. Forster, Colonel Burton and Barry Bary. They argued it would save £85,000 per year. The Hessian and Brunswick forces were composed of industrious, docile men, many of whom would probably settle in Ireland and add to the Protestant strength. Opposing the measure were Redmond Morres, Vice-Treasurer , Hussey Burgh,

27 Vergennes to de Noailles, Dec. 20, 1777. Ibid.y No. 1778. 28 American Archives^ ser. 4, III, 148. 29 Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 2094. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o TO l8oO III Yelverton, Bushe, Boyle Roche and George Ogle. It was thought that foreign troops were dangerous, "pregnant with ruin to the liberty of this country." To offset the argument of the saving of money, it was stated that the money for 12,000 troops was already voted. The government, even with its placemen and close adherents, was unable to carry the bill, which was rejected 68 to 106.30 As the American Revolution proceeded, the need for a military force in Ireland became more apparent. In 1775 "insurrections of a very alarming and dangerous nature are dreaded in Ireland in the course of the ensuing spring, if troops be not sent over from this country [England] to replace the Irish regiments serving in Amer- ica."31 An unsuccessful attempt was made to raise a militia of two hundred men per county in Ireland. In 1777 de Noailles wrote to Vergennes that Ireland had no more than three thousand men for defense.32 Lafayette thought that French forces returning home from Newfoundland would find a chance to alarm the coasts of Ireland.33 With the definite coalition of France and the American colonies, it became more evident that steps must be taken to provide a defensive force for Ireland. In 1778 and 1779, under the leadership of such men as Charlemont and the Duke of Leinster, a volunteer force was started, which, as its num- bers increased, was armed by government appropriation. Belfast and Wexford set the example and others soon followed. Before long more than 40,000 men were armed.34 "This domestic force felt proud of the confidence reposed in them to an unlimited degree, and the national vanity was gratified by the splendour of their costume, and the martial precision of their evolution."35 How the materialistic aspects of the American Revolution— namely, problems of trade and man power—affected Ireland and the Irish people has already been indicated. More important was the re- action of various classes in Ireland to the American Revolution as a whole. For any nation to be able to form opinions of a conflict and the

30 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1648-1649. 31 Pennsylvania Gazette, Nov. 15, 1775. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase•, 9. 32 Marq. de Noailles to Vergennes, Nov. 21, 1777. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 860. 33 Lafayette to Vergennes, July 18, 1779. Ibid., No. 1609. 34 Thomas Reynolds, The Life of Thomas Reynolds (London, 1839), I, 21-22. 35 Warden Flood, Memoirs of the Life and Correspondence of the Right Hon. Henry Flood, M.P. (Dublin, 1838), 150. 112 HOMER L. CALKIN April ideological progress in another country, knowledge of what is going on is a requisite. The Irish of the eighteenth century were not too well informed concerning events in America. Newspapers were high-priced and limited in circulation. In this way, the common people were kept from a knowledge of public affairs. "They knew nothing but what the great people please to let them.'' In the newspapers that were circulated during the period of the Revolution itself there was "not a word of anything spirited on your [America's] part, so that our [the Irish] people are altogether ignorant of the true state of affairs."36 Although the general mass of Irishmen were not always aware of what was happening in America, the leaders in political thought were in a position to know. A number of revolutionary pamphlets—such as Dr. Price's Observations on Civil /liberty?1 John Dickinson's jQetters from a farmer in 'Pennsylvania?* and Plain Fruth?9—were reprinted in Dublin. These and other pamphlets were important for presenting the arguments favoring separation of the colonies from Great Britain. Connections between Irish leaders and English leaders who sup- ported the American cause helped to keep the liberal Irish politicians informed concerning American politics. Furthermore, newspapers advocating Irish independence during the latter part of the century improved their reporting of American events. One of the aims of the Northern Star of Belfast, when founded, was to print the "proceed- ings of the American Congress."40 This it did at all times; one number—that for September, 1792—summarized the complete American system and discussed Congress, representation, the Con- stitution and other phases of American government. References were also made to the financial system in America. The Northern Star stated that the estimates for governmental services in one year, 1791, in the United States were $740,232.15, or £166,555

36 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 619-620. 37 Dr. Richard Price, Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Govern- ment, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America (Dublin, 1776). 38 John Dickinson, Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania, to the inhabitants of the British Colonies (Dublin, 1768). 39 Plain Truth: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America (Dublin, 1776). 40 Northern Star (Belfast, Ireland), No. 1, Jan. 4, 1792. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o TO I8OO 113 4s. 8d. "Compare this with the estimate for the Irish Government"41 State governments were likewise mentioned. For example, the fact that Pennsylvania was out of debt spurred with the idea that a similar system would be ideal for Ireland.42 Through these allusions, the Irish were kept aware of what was happening across the sea. The attitude of the merchant class has already been discussed in connection with the curtailment of Irish trade. There are other indications of how the general populace viewed the conflict. For instance, the repeal of the Stamp Act was received with great re- joicing in Dublin. "These glad Tidings spread a general Joy all over the City, our Bells were set a ringing, at Night Bonfires were lighted and the Evening was spent most agreeably by the Inhabitants."43 Other sections of Ireland likewise rejoiced. The many toasts offered to Americans at meetings of the Volun- teers, the Merchant Guild, and at other gatherings further indicated the feeling toward America. Typical of these toasts are the following: "Lasting Freedom and prosperity to the United States of Amer- ica." "President Washington." "The memory of Dr. Franklin." "AMERICA—The Asylum of Liberty."44 During the last half of the eighteenth century, a number of mem- bers of the who were anxious to secure greater rights for Ireland took a very favorable attitude toward the colonists. Some of them opposed the raising of troops for the use of Great Britain in putting down the rebellion. Other friendly opinions were expressed in the Irish Parliament as early as 1775 when the Parliament met to consider a message from the Earl of Harcourt. In the address to the King a portion was included to express abhorrence and indignation toward the American rebellion. Immediately, a number of the members voiced disapproval. Hussey Burgh stated if

41 Ibid., No. 27, Mar. 30-April 4, 1792. 42 Theobald Wolfe Tone, The Letters of Wolfe Tone, edited by Bulmer Hobson (Dublin, 1920), 48. 43 New York Mercury, April 21, 1766. Quoted in M. J. O'Brien, Hercules Mulligan (New York, 1937), 30. 44 Northern Star, passim. 114 HOMER L. CALKIN April the Americans were brought to their knees, "they [the Irish] could expect nothing but slavery." Yelverton believed that the ministry "had cut off the rights of thirteen or fourteen colonies at once; Ireland would be next, and then when liberty had but one neck, that too would be lopped off at one stroke." He also thought that "no slavery can be more perfect than to be taxed where men are not represented."45 Perhaps one of the best ways of determining the importance of this Irish sympathy is to note British opinion on the matter. Some Englishmen were well aware of the necessity of handling the Irish question carefully even before the end of the war, although, at first, there was no great apprehension of danger. In 1775 a letter from Ireland said, "it is the prevailing opinion, especially among the friends of Government (so-called), that you will be at last frightened into submission to ministerial measures."46 However, the next year, "it is to be feared that Ireland will follow in the steps of America."47 Alexander Wedderburn, Solicitor General, in his instructions to the American Commission, wrote, "It becomes the interest of Gt. Britain to promote their industry their trade or their population instead of retarding their progress in any of these respects." He went on to say that "tho' the right of Gt. Brit, to tax Ireld. is the same in Theory as to tax America, yet habit has fixed the minds of all Men in a decisive opinion ag1 the exercise of that Right, the ability of an established & fixed advantage in the proposition born by Ireld of gen1, expense in the most ample and permanent Security to the Irish against any Innovation." Hewondered if "it not be adviseableto keep clear in the Instructions of naming Ireland; for as this . . . must probably come before Parl*. it will be used as a handle to inflame & to prove that Ireland had a common cause."48 Amherst, in his History of Catholic Emancipation, declared that during this period Lord North was especially anxious to foster good feelings with the Irish in order that a united attack might be made on the American problem.49 Burke realized that the revolt of the 45 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 993-1001. 46 Ibid., 619. 47 Beaumarchais, in a letter to Vergennes, speaking of a conversation with Rochford, April 16, 1776. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 1322. &Ibid., March, 1778, No. 382. 49 52. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 54-55. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, I760 TO I 8OO 115 American colonies had accustomed English statesmen to the possible loss of Ireland—indeed, to the possible breakdown of the empire.50 Fox was another British statesman aware of the results that might be expected. In November, 1779, while discussing the address on the King's speech on the opening of the House of Commons, he said:

England must resist altogether the demands of Ireland, or she must grant them in part or in the whole. ... He desired administration would draw from it this lesson, not to adopt the same little line of conduct that they had pursued with respect to America, and not deny in one session what they offer with additions the year following, yet still continuing to make little bargains, until they had nothing left to bargain for. . . . What stripped Ireland of her troops? . . . Was it not the American war? What gave Ireland the opportunity of establishing a powerful and illegal army? Certainly the American war.51

Others expressed similar ideas. Lord Camden wrote to Charlemont that "America had been lost by bad governors, and the fate of Ireland might be the same."52 Conyngham thought the request of the Volunteers should not be ignored. "Think of the consequences of that kind of treatment of the American petitions!"53 It is impossible to state conclusively how many of the Irish were in favor of America's stand against Great Britain. A number of claims have been made, but these are most certainly exaggerations. For example, Lord Chatham said, "Ireland is with them to a man."54 Governor Johnstone thought that "three to one in Ireland are on their side."55 John Mitchel, in his , claimed that as many as "nine-tenths of the people of Ireland . . . regarded the American cause to be Ireland's own cause."56 The people of Ireland may be grouped into a number of classes: (a) those who sanctioned the American Revolution outright; (b)

50 William Cobbett, The Parliamentary History of England from the earliest period to the year 1803 (London, 1807-1820), XXI, 1292-1293. 51 , The Speeches of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox in the House of Commons (London, 1815), I, 211-212. 52 , Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Rt. Hon. Henry Grattan (London, 1839-1846), II, 30. 53 Burton Conyngham to John Beresford, Jan. 13, 1784. John Beresford, The Corre- spondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, Illustrative of the last thirty years of the Irish Parlia- ment, edited by William Beresford (London, 1854), I, 247-248. 54 Pennsylvania Gazette, April 12, 1775. 55 American Archives, ser. 4, VI, 31. 56 112. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 63. Il6 HOMER L. CALKIN April those who favored it, but took no active part in helping; (c) those who were in sympathy with the mother country and expressed her viewpoints in the Irish Parliament; (d) those who quietly opposed rebellion on the part of the colonies; and (e) the large group who knew too little to be able to take sides. What percentage would be found in each class cannot be said. However, Irish society, considered from different aspects—social, economic, religious and political—offered numerous examples of groups which favored or opposed the conflict. Those people who suffered most from the existing rule of Great Britain could naturally be expected to think kindly of the rebelling colonists and to hope for independence for themselves. Included were the struggling manufac- turing class who were held down by English trade restrictions and the small land operators who suffered from absenteeism. This would in- clude a large majority of those in the lower and middle classes. Among religious groups a large number of the Catholics and dis- senting Presbyterians endorsed the American Revolution. They had undergone severe hardships since only the established Anglican church was recognized. Many politicians, who were becoming more liberal and who were seeking privileges for the Irish, were, as might be expected, also critical toward England. On the other hand, the large landowning group, the English ap- pointed officialdom, the Anglicans and any others who were per- sonally profiting under existing conditions were likely to justify Great Britain's measures against the thirteen colonies. The Americans were ready to cultivate these feelings of kinship which were apparent among the Irish. Benjamin Franklin, the versatile ambassador-at-large of the eighteenth century, made per- sonal visits to Ireland in 1769 and 1771. During his second trip he was desirous of seeing some of the important Irish patriots. Consider- ing the possible mutual advantages of Irish-American co-operation, he encouraged the Irish in their disposition to be friendly to Amer- ica.57 In 1778 Franklin, taking advantage of this attitude, wrote "An Address to the Good People of Ireland on behalf of America," which began by remarking upon American concern over Irish misery and distress. He explained that America was fighting for commercial 57 Benjamin Franklin, Works, Sparks Ed. (Boston, 1836-1840), VII, 556-558. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o TO I8OO 117 freedom as well as for constitutional liberty. He showed the analogy between Ireland and America. He went on to say: But as for you, our dear and good friends of Ireland, we must cordially recom- mend to you to continue peaceable and quiet in every possible situation of your affairs, and endeavour by mutual good will to supply the defects of administration. But if the government, whom you at this time acknowledge, does not, in conformity to her own true interest, take off and remove every restraint on your trade, com- merce and manufactures, I am charged to assure you, that means will be found to establish your freedom in this respect, in the fullest and amplest manner.58 The Continental Congress appointed a committee of correspond- ence composed of Benjamin Harrison, Benjamin Franklin, William Samuel Johnson, John Dickinson and John Jay; among other places, they were to correspond with Ireland.59 Earlier in the year, James Duane, Will Livingston, Samuel Adams and John Adams had been appointed to draw up an address to the people of Ireland.60 This document thanked the Irish for their friendly attitude, recognized their grievances, and spoke hopefully of a more relaxed English policy.61 After the close of the war, the new American states continued to take an interest in Irish trade. Benjamin Franklin wrote to Thomas Mifflin that the Volunteers of Ireland seemed to want a separate commercial treaty between their country and America.62 Very shortly after the establishment of the federal Union, it was con- sidered of importance to send consuls to Dublin and Cork to look after American interests there and to develop the connections be- tween the two countries. The best indication of the great impact these events of the Amer- ican Revolutionary period had in Ireland may be found in the various attempts by the Irish to secure greater political and economic inde- pendence for their own country. Spokesmen of the Irish first de- manded that Great Britain lessen the trade restrictions that had been imposed on them. Consequently, Lord North in 1779 introduced resolutions in connection with the budget to repeal the restrictions 58 Published in Hibernian Journal, Nov. 2-4,1778. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 30-31. 58 Secret Journals of the Acts and Proceedings of Congress (Boston, 1820-1821), II, 5. 60 Journal of the Continental Congress, II, 79-80. 61 American Archives, ser. 4, II, 1894-1897. 62 Franklin, Writings, Smyth Ed., IX, 130. I I 8 HOMER L. CALKIN April placed on the export of glass and woolens.63 Although these resolu- tions, subsequently passed, were of little material importance to Ireland, they marked the first step in following the example of the American colonists. An irritating British act, passed in 1720 for "the better govern- ment of Ireland," stipulated that the British Parliament had full power and authority to make laws of sufficient force to bind the Irish. A number of Irish leaders were coming to the fore in an attempt to change this situation. Among these were Henry Grattan and Henry Flood who argued repeatedly for redress. In 1782 an act which theoretically gave Ireland the right to legislate as she saw fit was passed by the Irish and the English Parliaments. No longer could the British Parliament dictate directly what measures should be passed in Ireland. In discussion of the act, both before and after its passage, there were many references to freedom and the rights of men, parliamentary reform, and other terms common to the Amer- ican Revolution. The "independence" gained by the Irish in 1782 was such only in name. Great Britain continued to exercise considerable control over Irish affairs. Irish leaders like Grattan and Flood felt that the situation did not give the Irish all the freedom they should have; they favored complete separation from Great Britain. During the remainder of the eighteenth century, various attempts were made to increase the rights of the Irish. In addition to the inspiration offered by the American Revolution there were the similar ideas developed during the French Revolution. Many organ- izations, such as the United Irishmen, were formed to act against British restrictions. Resistance reached its height during 1798 with a full-sized insurrection. As events in Ireland seemed to be approaching an extremely dangerous condition, British officials began to work for a union of Great Britain and Ireland under a single Parliament instead of the divided control adopted in 1782. From 1798 to 1800 in the discussion of the proposed legislation many references were made to conditions in the United States. Pamphleteers, parliamentary orators and newspaper writers drew repeatedly on America for illustrations with which to bolster their

63 Allan to Beresford, Dec. 9, 1779. Beresford, Correspondence, I, no; George Tomline, Memoirs of the life of the Right Honourable William Pitt (London, 1821), I, 460. 1947 AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o TO l8oO I I9 arguments. However, in spite of all efforts of Irish liberals and their friends in the British Parliament, the Act of Union was passed in 1800. This form of government, to be used until Irish home rule was finally secured in the twentieth century, was never accepted by the Irish as a satisfactory arrangement. The influence on Ireland of events in America during the latter part of the eighteenth century may be divided into three groups: first, the result on relationships between Ireland and America; second, the effect within Ireland itself; third, developments in British-Irish connections. The first development in the connection between Ireland and America was to provide a feeling of kinship against Great Britain. As has been pointed out, the two possessions had a number of things in common in regard to their relative positions in the British Empire. Therefore, they were drawn closer together in political and philo- sophical thinking as the Irish proceeded to adopt for their own the ideas which played such a prominent part in the American Revolu- tion. This bond was not confined to the eighteenth century but saw its fruition during the nineteenth century. Increased emigration to the United States during the middle of the century became common, and the Irish looked to America for the expression of the rights and privileges they had been unable to gain for themselves. Independence, the rights of man, and other revolutionary ideas received a warm reception among the Irish. During the French Revolution, fresh impetus was given to these same ideas. As a result, under the leadership of Grattan and others, Ireland was ready to have a revolution of her own. These liberals hoped to apply the principles advanced in the American and French Revolutions to their own problems. For a while it appeared likely that the Irish Revolution might succeed, but the British became apprehensive and started what may properly be called a "counterrevolutionary move- ment." Not even the insurrection of 1798 and the aid which seemed forthcoming from the French were enough to complete the revolu- tionary movement. Instead, as has been indicated, British opposition was so strengthened that the Irish Revolution proved to be only an abortive attempt. Because of this failure the Irish were to be deprived for more than a century of many rights they desired. As is apparent now, any chance for amicable relationships between Great I2O HOMER L. CALKIN April Britain and Ireland was removed. Friction and constant bickering over desired reforms was the outcome. As a result, the bitterness became more acute and has been ever present. To understand Irish-American friendship and the failure of the British and Irish to get along during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the history of Ireland from 1780 to 1800 must be considered as the history of a revolution, with English reactionaries doing all they could to prevent the fulfillment of a desire for greater freedom. With this background in mind it is easier to comprehend, at least from Ireland's viewpoint, her present-day position. ^Arlington, Virginia HOMER L. CALKIN