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DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING in TANZANIA 1962-1982: a CRITIQUE of SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS Jeannette Hartmann

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DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING in TANZANIA 1962-1982: a CRITIQUE of SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS Jeannette Hartmann DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING IN TANZANIA 1962-1982: A CRITIQUE OF SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS Jeannette Hartmann To cite this version: Jeannette Hartmann. DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING IN TANZANIA 1962-1982: A CRITIQUE OF SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS . Philosophy. University of Hull, 1983. English. <tel-01266236> HAL Id: tel-01266236 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01266236 Submitted on 2 Feb 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING IN TANZANIA 1962-1982: A CRITIQUE OF SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of Hull by 4., Jeannette Hartmann, B.A. (Hons) Hull; M.A. London FRA F RAcXJ3 7 April 1983 Acknowledgements A work of this nature would not have been possible without the full support I received from both institutions and individuals. I am indebted to the University of Dar es Salaam, the Tanzanian Government and the Party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, for having allowed me to conduct this research. Without their support the thesis would not have been written. I therefore hope that my findings will contribute towards a better understanding of the problems of development and development policy-making in Tanzania. I am particularly grateful to the Tanzanian Government and Party officials, who though hard pressed, took valuable time to see me. Promises of confidentiality forbid me from mentioning individual names. I reserve my personal gratitude for the following persons who have shown continuous support towards my endeavours. Special mention should be made of my supervisor, David Booth. I am very grateful to him. I am indebted to Gary Littlejohn for his critical coments. To Sister Maria de Loretto, Dorothy Clayton, Lucy Lameck, Martin Mclean, Njeri Murai, Mervin Spearing, Amandina Lihamba, Bill Sutherland, Lameen Metteden, my mother, brother and sister, I am grateful for their support, which sustained me over the years. I am very obliged to the staff of the Brynmor Jones Library at the University of Hull and to the staff at the East Africana section, University of Dar es Salaam Library, for the assistance they rendered. To Cindy Humplick, my research assistant, Stella Rhind, for having typed the thesis with such great skill and patience, and to Patrick Jennings and Josette Servette, for their kind hospitality in Hull - thank you. I am grateful for financial support to the University of Hull, the Inter-University Council, the British Council and the University of Dar es Salaam's Research and Publication Department. Without the I 11 continuous support of the Universities of Dar es Salaam and Hull, this work would not have been completed. Particular mention should be made of Professor Ian Cunninson, Head of the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology in Hull, and Dr. Benson Nindi, Head of the Department of Sociology in Dar es Salaam. To all, named and unnamed, who have assisted me in one way or another I express my deepest gratitude. I hope that the work is worthy of their assistance. None of these individuals or institutions share any responsibility for the content of the thesis or for any errors or misinterpretations of the facts it may contain. That responsibility is mine alone. Jeannette Hartmann Hull, April, 1983 CONTENTS page LIST OF TABLES x INTRODUCTION TANZANIA 1962-1982: RISE AND DECLINE OFAN AFRICAN MECCA SOME LEADING INTEPRETATIONS 8 Development as class struggle under conditions 9 of dependency. Reginald Green: pragmatic dependence 17 The contribution from political science 21 THE CASE FOR A FRESH APPROACH 27 Crises of dependency theory and the inadequacies 27 of class analysis. Reginald Green: analysis as apologia 38 From political institutions to development problems 42 Conclusion 47 THE THESIS: ORIENTATION, SOURCES AND STRUCTURE Orientation 49 Sources 52 Structure 53 PART ONE PARTY AND GOVERNMENT ROLES AND CONCEPTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT BEFORE THE ARUSHA DECLARATION 58 CHAPTER ONE COLONIAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICIES 59 German colonial economic policies 61 British colonial economic policies 64 Colonial social policies 70 Conclusion 73 11 page CHAPTER TWO POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND CONCEPTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT 1961 - 1963 75 THREE POLITICAL ORGANS INVOLVED IN POLICY-MAKING 75 The position of Tanu in policy-making 76 The Government 80 Conflict between the Party and Government and the 81 emergence of an Executive President CONCEPTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT 1961-1963 88 The Primacy of Economics in Government's 93 conception of development The Primacy of Economics in the Development Plan 97 1961/2 - 1963/4 Policy on agricultural growth and rural development 104 Policy on the manufacturing sector 107 The Party's view of development 109 Party activists' attitude towards the policy 112 of internal trade Party activists' attitude towards the policy 114 of private capital Party activists' attitude towards manpower policy 115 THE CREATION OF AN AMBIGUOUS SITUATION 117 Africanisation 121 Cooperatives, 1963 122 Foreign Investment (Protection) Bill, 1963 123 Conclusion 125 Footnotes 111 page CHAPTER THREE THE FIRST FIVE YEAR PLAN AND THE DEEPENING OF AN AMBIGUOUS SITUATION 129 GOVERNMENT: AFRICAN SOCIALISM WITHIN THE 130 CONTEXT OF PRIVATE CAPITAL Internal Trade 136 Emphasis on external trade 139 Agricultural policies: 1964-1969 140 Policy towards the manufacturing sector 142 Policy towards private capital 143 Policy on manpower 145 PARTY ACTIVISTS' CRITICISM OF THE 1964-1969 PLAN 149 Plan not Socialist 149 Party activists'attitude towards private capital 150 Party activists' criticisms against the policy 152 of internal trade THE 1965 INTERIM CONSTITUTION OF THE ONE PARTY STATE 155 Conclusion 162 Footnotes 164 CHAPTER FOUR OUTCOMES OF POLICIES BEFORE THE ARUSHA DECLARATION 165 SUCCESS OF ECONOMIC POLICIES'\ 166 Agricultural Production 167 Manufacturing sector 168 Foreign private capital 168 DIFFICULTIES IN IMPLEMENTING PARTY ACTIVISTS DEMANDS, 170 The failure of the Village Settlement Programme 170 Problems in the Cooperatives 172 Africanisation 175 CONCLUSION TO PART ONE 177 iv page PART TWO DEVELOPMENT POLICY-MAKING SINCE ARUSHA: PARTY ASCENDANCY AND CHRONIC ECONOMIC CRISIS 179 CHAPTER FIVE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF POLICY: THE ARUSHA 180 nrrl hnarta.I THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ARUSHA DECLARATION 181 The origins of the Declaration: Nyerere as an 181 independent organ of policy-making. President's Opening Speech and final Party 186 document The policy of socialism 190 The policy of self-reliance 193 Strengthening of the Party 194 The policy of Ujamaa 197 Debates over the Arusha Declaration in the 199 Party and the Government REASSERTION OF GOVERNMENT'S PRIORITIES OF 213 ECONOMIC GROWTH Nyerere's explanation and re-interpretation of . 216 the Arusha Declaration. CONCLUSION 223 Footnotes 227 CHAPTER SIX THE PRIMACY OF POLITICS IN DEVELOPMENT 1969-1974 228 POLITICAL-INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS AND THEIR 229 IMPLICATIONS The consolidation of the Party 1969-1974/75 231 The subordination of Government 234 Parliament 234 The Cabinet and its relationship to the Party 237 V page The Cabinet and its relationship to 239 Government agencies Sub-policies changed by Government to 243 accommodate Party's ideology Party's attitudes towards policy-making 244 Rapid Nationalisation 244 Mwongozo, 1971 245 Decentralisation, 1972 246 Politics is Agriculture, 1972 S 248 Relocation of the Capital from Dar es Salaarn 248 to Dodoma, 1973 The Musoma Declaration, 1974 249 Party resolutions 250 THE INFLUENCE OF DEPENDENCY THEORY ON GOVERNMENT 251 NYERERE'S CHANGED CONCEPTION OF DEVELOPMENT 256 Principles determining the second Five Year 261 Development Plan 1969 - 1974 Party's influence in the Second Five Year Plan 262 Nyerere's Influence on the Plan 264 Influence of Government proponents of the 266 underdevelopment thesis CONCLUSION 269 CHAPTER SEVEN THE FAILURE OF 'POLITICAL' POLICY-MAKING AND THE 272 ECONOMIC CRISIS OF 1974-5 POLICY FAILURE AND THE ECONOMIC CRISIS OF 1974-75 272 From Ujamaa to Villagisation 272 Mwongozo and its demise 274 Politics is Agriculture, 1972 275 Decentralisation, 1972 275 Parastatals 275 vi page Economic Performance 277 The Drought 280 Increase in petroleum prices 280 Crisis of 1974/75 280 ACADEMIC EXPLANATIONS FOR THE FAILUR OF 281 UJAMAA AND MWONGOZO -J Mwongozo 282 Parastatals 283 Failure to eliminate links with international 284 capital EXPLANATION OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS OF 1974/75 285 External constraints arguments 285 Internal constraints: poliy deficiencies 286 Evaluation of the Internal and External 292 Constraints Explanations CONCLUSION 295 CHAPTER EIGHT PARTY SUPREMACY AND CHRONIC ECONOMIC CRISES 297 1974-1982 INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR POLICY-MAKING, 298 1975-1982 GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES: EMPHASIS ON PRODUCTION 303 Encouragement of private capital 303 Labour discipline and monetary rewards 304 PARTY'S POLICIES - TRADE AND REDISTRIBUTIVE 305 MEASURES Dissolution of the cooperatives, 1976 306 Operation Maduka, 1976 306 ECONOMIC CRISIS II : FIRST REACTIONS 308 vii page Party's discussion of the problem
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