Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction John J

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Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction John J University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series Linguistics January 1993 Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts, Amherst, [email protected] Alan Prince Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs Part of the Morphology Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Phonetics and Phonology Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, John J. and Prince, Alan, "Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction" (1993). Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series. 14. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/14 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Linguistics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Prosodic Morphology Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction John J. McCarthy Alan Prince University of Massachusetts, Amherst Rutgers University Copyright © 1993, 2001 by John J. McCarthy and Alan Prince. Permission is hereby granted by the authors to reproduce this document, in whole or in part, for personal use, for instruction, or for any other non-commercial purpose. Table of Contents Acknowledgments ......................................................... v Introduction to ROA Version, November 2001 .................................. vii 1. Introduction ............................................................ 1 2. Optimality Theory ....................................................... 5 2.1 Ranking ........................................................ 7 2.2 Syllable Theory ................................................. 14 2.3 Gen and Linguistic Structural Assumptions ........................... 21 3. The Stratal Organization of Axininca Campa Morphology ....................... 25 4. The Prosodic Phonology of Axininca Campa ................................. 29 4.1 Basic Syllable Structure I: CODA-COND .............................. 29 4.2 Syllable Structure II: ONSET, ALIGN-L, and ALIGN ...................... 32 4.3 Augmentation and Alignment ...................................... 45 4.3.1 The Prosodic Theory of Minimality .......................... 45 4.3.2 ALIGN and ALIGN-L...................................... 48 4.3.3 SFX-TO-PRWD: The Source of Augmentation .................. 53 4.4 Summary of Prosodic Phonology .................................... 59 5. The Prosodic Morphology of Axininca Campa ................................ 63 5.1 Overview ...................................................... 63 5.2 General Properties of Reduplication: Unprefixed Roots .................. 65 5.3 Morphological Integrity and Phonological Size: Prefixed Stems ........... 80 5.4 Reduplicative Compounding ....................................... 89 5.5 Constraints on the Reduplicant ..................................... 98 6. Comparison with Other Analyses of Axininca Campa Reduplication ............. 101 7. Prosody >> Morphology: Constraint Interaction in Prosodic Morphology .......... 109 7.1 Introduction ................................................... 109 7.2 Standard Prosodic Morphology Revisited ............................ 111 7.3 Prosodic Morphology Without Circumscription or Templates ............ 123 7.4 Templates and Template Satisfaction ............................... 145 8. Conclusion........................................................... 153 Appendix: Stress and Velar Glide Loss....................................... 155 A.1. Word-level Phonology .......................................... 155 A.2. Stress and Related Phenomena ................................... 159 A.3. Velar Glide Loss .............................................. 170 References ............................................................. 185 Acknowledgments We are grateful to Paul Smolensky for wide-ranging discussion of many key theoretical points; to Robert Kirchner and Lisa Selkirk for discussion of related issues; to Henrietta Hung and Suzanne Urbanczyk for a thorough reading of an early draft of this work, and to Laura Walsh and Zvi Gilbert for an equally thorough reading of the final draft; to Vieri Samek-Lodovici and Cheryl Zoll and to Paula Baird, Mary Clark, Amalia Gnanadesikan, Jóhannes Jónsson, Sam Rosenthall, Tim Sherer, Laura Walsh, and Draga Zec for comments on preliminary versions of the analysis; and to Junko Ito, Armin Mester, and Jaye Padgett for a careful critique of an oral presentation. We are also indebted to audiences at Brandeis University, Cornell University, Harvard University, Rutgers University, the University of Pennsylvania, UC Santa Cruz, and University of Wisconsin, especially to Akin Akinlabi, Andy Black, Jonathan Bobaljik, Gene Buckley, Tony Bures, Andrea Calabrese, Jill Carrier-Duncan, Abby Cohn, Beverley Goodman, Tom Green, Jane Grimshaw, Morris Halle, Bill Idsardi, Greg Iverson, Michael Kenstowicz, Paul Kiparsky, Tony Kroch, William Labov, Mark Liberman, Brian McHugh, Marcy Macken, Ad Neeleman, Rolf Noyer, Mark Steedman, and Irene Vogel. Neither jointly nor severally should these individuals be held responsible for our errors. We welcome correspondence on all matters related to this work, which we request be addressed to both authors: John J. McCarthy Dept. of Linguistics UMass Amherst, MA 01003 USA [email protected] Alan Prince Dept. of Linguistics Rutgers University 18 Seminary Place New Brunswick NJ 08901 [email protected] v Introduction to ROA Version, November 2001 This document was originally circulated in April 1993 and has been available as Technical Report #3 of the Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science. The current version is essentially identical to RuCCS-TR-3, with a few minor corrections. These prefatory remarks offer a brief orientation to the principal themes of the work and pointers to some of the literature that carries them forward. A central formal development is the notion of correspondence (see page 67). Originally proposed as a relation between a stem and the reduplicative affix attached to it, correspondence has been extended to provide a general basis for faithfulness theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995, 1999). Other works containing significant applications or extensions of correspondence theory include — but are by no means limited to — Alderete (1998, 2001a, 2001b), Beckman (1995, 1997, 1998), Benua (1997), Bresnan (to appear), Broselow (2001), Burzio (1997), Casali (1996, 1997), Causley (1997, 1999), Crosswhite (1998), de Lacy (1999b, 1999c), de Lacy and Kitto (1999), Hume (1998), Ito, Kitagawa, and Mester (1996), Ito and Mester (1997, 1999), Keer (1999), Lamontagne and Rice (1995), Orgun (1996a), Rose and Walker (2001), Spaelti (1997), Struijke (1998, 2000a, 2000b), Urbanczyk (1996), Woolford (2001a), and Zoll (1996). Another theme is the importance of constraints on the alignment of prosodic and morphological constituents (see §§4.2, 4.3). The original idea comes from Prince and Smolensky (1991), building on the edge-based theory of Chen (1987) and Selkirk (1986). Alignment is formalized and various applications are presented in McCarthy and Prince (1993). Further applications and refinements in phonology have been numerous; Kager (1999: 117-124) provides a useful and accessible overview. Outside phonology proper, alignment has also been applied to the phonology/syntax interface (Selkirk 1995, Truckenbrodt 1995), to focus (Choi 1996, 2001, Costa 1998, 2001, Grimshaw and Samek-Lodovici 1995, Samek-Lodovici 1996, 1998), and to various syntactic phenomena, especially the basic theory of phrase structure (Grimshaw 2001b) and clitics (Anderson 1996a, 1996b, 2000, Grimshaw 2001a, Legendre 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, Peperkamp 1997, van der Leeuw 1997, Woolford 2001b). Chapter 3 and the Appendix introduce the idea of stratal organization in OT. Each stratum is a distinct OT grammar — that is, it is a distinct ranking of the constraints of UG. (See pp. 167ff. for discussion of some possible limits on how strata can differ.) Like the strata of Lexical Phonology, these strata are linked to the morphological system, but the OT strata consist of constraint hierarchies rather than rules, with the output of one stratum submitted as input to the next. Stratal OT receives further study in the following works, among others: Black (1993), Bermúdez-Otero (1999), Cohn and McCarthy (1994/1998), Hale and Kissock (1998), Hale, Kissock, and Reiss (1998), Ito and Mester (2002), Kenstowicz (1995), Kiparsky (2002a, 2002b), McCarthy (2000b), Potter (1994), Rubach (2000), and many of the contributions to Hermans and van Oostendorp (1999) and Roca (1997). For alternative approaches to some of the phenomena taken to motivate stratal OT, see Archangeli and Suzuki (1997), Benua (1997), Burzio (1994), Crosswhite (1998), Ito, Kitagawa, and Mester (1996), Ito and Mester (1997), Kager (1997), Kenstowicz (1996, 1997), Kraska-Szlenk (1995), McCarthy (1999, 2002), and Orgun (1996). Chapters 5 and 7 work deal primarily with the theory of templates. The theme here is using the interactive character of Optimality Theory, rather than parochial stipulation, to derive predictions about the range of possible linguistic patterns. These chapters present our initial efforts toward the elimination of prosodic templates as primitives
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