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Topics on Yoruba Nominal Expressions

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Topics on Yoruba Nominal Expressions TOPICS ON YORUBA NOMINAL EXPRESSIONS by OLADIIPO JACOB AJIBOYE B.A (1983), P.G.D.E (1988), MA (1992), University of florin A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Linguistics) THE UNIVERISTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 2005 © Oladiipo Jacob Ajiboye, 2005 ABSTRACT This thesis discusses four selected topics on Yoruba nominal expressions: the syntax of possessives, the construal of bare nouns, the marking of specificity and salience, and plural marking strategies. Regarding possessives, it is proposed that they have one base structure (a vP shell). The difference in surface linear order between verbal and nominal genitives is determined by which of the two arguments move. In nominal genitives, the possessum moves. In verbal genitives, it is the possessor that moves. Regarding the interpretation of Yoruba bare nouns, it is shown that they can be construed in one of three ways: as generics, as indefinites, or as definites. First, generics may be lexically conditioned (with permanent state predicates) or grammatically conditioned (with transitory predicates through the use of imperfective maa-n). Second, wherever a generic construal is illicit, an indefinite construal is licit. Third, definite construals are discourse-linked. Regarding specificity, it is shown that Yoruba overtly marks specificity on NPs with the element kan. Regarding salience, it is shown that definite DPs are morphologically marked as salient (by virtue of being unique, in an identity relation or additive) through the use of nda. Finally, regarding plural marking, it is shown that Yoruba uses three different strategies: contextually, semantically, or morphologically determined plurality. It is proposed that the deployment of the PLURAL feature is determined by feature percolation or feature matching. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of contents iii Acknowledgements... x Dedication xv Abbreviations xvi Chapter one: Introduction 1 1.1 Purpose and organization 1 1.1.1 Expression of possessive relation 1 1.1.2 Discourse related interpretation 3 1.1.2.1 Interpreting bare nouns 3 1.1.2.2 Marking nouns for specificity and salience 4 1.1.3 Plural strategies 4 1.2 Clause structure 6 1.2.1 Small clause 6 1.2.2 Relative clause 7 1.2.3 The Internal Structure of Yorilba DP 8 1.2.3.1 DP and the D position... : 12v 1.2.3.2 Genitive structure in DP 13 1.2.4 D(emonstrative) and NP 14 1.2.5 Modification 15 Chapter two: Yoruba Genitive constructions 21 2 Introduction 21 2.1 The semantics of the R relation 21 2.1.1 Three kinds of R-relation 22 2.1.2 "Possessive" versus "Genitive" 25 2.1.3 Possessor and Possessum 28 2.1.4 The three types of genitive constructions in Yoruba ; 29 2.2 The syntax of the R relation 30 2.2.1 Possessor-Possessum as a co-argument relation 30 2.2.1.1 Base structure for Yoruba genitives 32 2.2.1.2 Other languages with overt genitive morpheme 37 2.2.2 Possessor-Possessum as a Head-Complement relation 38 2.2.3 Parallels between V-syntax and N-syntax 39 2.2.3.1 Parallels between the verbal possessive and the nominal genitive 39 2.2.3.2 Parallels between IP-syntax and DP-syntax 42 2.3 The Yoruba nominal genitive: syntax 43 2.3.1 Yoruba genitive constructions involve a co-argument relation 44 2.3.2 Possessum raising in Yoruba genitive constructions 44 2.3.3 What moves: N or NP? 48 2.3.3.1 Evidence from modifier placement.. 49 2.3.3.2 Evidence from structural ambiguity 50 2.3.3.3 Evidence from selectional restrictions : 51 2.3.4 Genitive pronouns 53 2.4 The Yoruba nominal genitive: syntax-phonology interaction 56 2.4.1 Spelling out the genitive: cross-linguistic evidence .....51 2.4.2 The phonological distribution of the Mid Tone Syllable 61 2.4.3 Analysis I: the Mid Tone Syllable is an underlying mora \i 63 2.4.4 Analysis II: the Mid Tone Syllable as phonologically conditioned segment 68 2 AAA The Mid Tone Syllable is not a genitive morpheme 68 2.4.4.2 The Mid Tone Syllable as a prosthetic vowel 70 2.4.4.3 The Mid Tone Syllable as a mark of hesitation 74 2.4.5 Relating the Mid Tone Syllable to L-deletion 76 2.4.5.1 The necessary and sufficient conditions for L-deletion 83 2.4.5.2 MTS and L-deletion are in complementary distribution 84 2.5 Conclusion 85 Chapter 3: fr'-genitives as reduced relative clauses 86 3 Introduction 86 3.1 The parallel between ti genitives and ti relative clauses 89 3.1.1 Two structures for relative clauses '. 89 3.1.1.1 Relative clauses as complements to D 90 3.1.1.2 Relative clauses as adjuncts to NP 92 3.1.2 ti genitives are reduced relative clauses 94 3.1.2.1 M-tone ti and H-tone ti 100 3.1.2.2 MTS andHTS 103 3.1.2.3 M-tone ni and H-tone ni 104 3.1.2.4 The significance of H-tone/M-tone alternations 105 3.1.3 The ti N construction 106 3.1.3.1 ti as Complementizer analysis 107 3.1.3.2 ti as N analysis: Awobuluyi (2004)...... 109 3.1.4 Assigning genitive case to the possessor 115 3.1.4.1 The co-argument analysis: exceptional case marking 116 3.1.4.2 The Head-Complement analysis: case under government 117 3.1.5 Assigning structural case to the raised possessum 118 3.1.5.1 The problem '. .....118 3.1.5.2 Assigning Structural case to the raised possessum I: Nominative.... 119 3.1.5.3 Assigning Structural case to the raised possessum II: Accusative.... 120 3.2 Genitive Case assignment and co-occurrence of the MTS with genitive ti 121 3.2.1 Case alternations: the Mid Tone Syllable or ti 121 3.2.2 Case stacking: the Mid Tone Syllable and ti 123 3.2.3 Interpretive effects of Case stacking 125 3.3 The co-occurrence of the copula je with genitive ti 127 3.4 Other syntactic contexts for the R-relation: prepositional uses of ti 130 3.4.1 lati as a locative P at the right edge of vP 131 3.4.2 ti as a locative P at the left edge of the vP 132 3.4.3 ti as a marker of adjunct extraction 134 3.5 Conclusion 135 Chapter four: Interpreting Yoruba bare nouns 136 4 Introduction 136 4.1 The determinants for interpreting Yoruba bare nouns 137 4.1.1 Verb classes 137 4.1.1.1 Permanent states 138 4.1.1.2 Temporary states 139 4.1.1.3 Events 140 4.1.1.4 Distinguishing "temporary-state-events" and "permanent states".... 141 4.1.2 Subject versus object position 143 4.1.3 Discourse-linking 144 4.2 What conditions the generic construal of bare nouns? 146 4.2.1 P(ermanent)-states have a lexical GEN operator 146 4.2.1.1 Bare noun object of transitive P-states 149 4.2.1.2 Bare noun subject of transitive P-states 150 4.2.1.3 Bare noun subject of intransitive Permanent-states 153 4.2.2 T(emporary)-states require a grammatical GEN operator 154 4.2.2.1 Bare noun object of transitive T-state 155 4.2.2.2 Bare noun subject of transitive T-state 155 4.2.2.3 On the absence of intransitive T-state in Yoruba 156 4.2.3 Events require a grammatical GEN operator 157 4.2.3.1 Bare noun object of transitive event 158 4.2.3.2 Bare noun subject of transitive event 158 4.2.3.3 Bare noun subject of intransitive event 159 4.2.4 Analysis of grammatically conditioned genericity 160 4.2.5 Extending grammatically conditioned genericity to Permanent State verbs.... 163 4.2.6 Contrast between English and Yoruba genericity: evidence for default aspectl66 4.3 What conditions the indefinite construal of Yoruba bare nouns? 168 4.3.1 Defining indefiniteness ••• 168 4.3.2 Generic and indefinite construals are in complementary distribution 169 4.3.3 Elsewhere case: indefinite bare nouns are bound by existential operator 171 4.4 What conditions the definite construal of Yoruba bare nouns 174 4.4.1 Defining Definiteness 174 4.4.2 Definite construal is unavailable in out-of-the-blue contexts 175 4.4.3 Definite construal arises from Discourse linking 176 4.5 Consequences of the analysis 179 4.5.1 Bare nouns are structurally ambiguous 179 4.5.1.1 Bare nouns can be NP or DP 179 4.5.1.2 Critique of previous analysis (Ajiboye 2001) 180 4.5.2 Implication for the analysis of genitive construction 182 4.6 Conclusion 183 Chapter five: Marking specificity and salience in nominal expressions 184 5 Introduction 184 5.1 Specificity in Yoruba: kan.'. 186 5.1.1 Defining specificity 186 5.1.2 Marking specificity 187 5.1.2.1 Yoruba 187 5.1.2.2 English 189 5.1.2.3 Turkish 190 5.1.2.4 Gungbe 191 5.1.3 Testing for specificity I: Speaker knowledge Ludlow and Neale (1991) 193 5.1.4 Testing for specificity II: the subset relation En? (1991) 195 5.1.4.1 Yoruba 195 5.1.4.2 English 197 5.1.4.3 Turkish 199 5.2 Salience in Yoruba: nda 200 5.2.1 Defining Salience 201 5.2.1.1 Uniqueness 201 5.2.1.2Additivity 202 5.2.1.3 Identity : 202 5.2.2 Marking salience in Yoruba 203 5.2.2.1 Focused naa-arguments: uniqueness or identity function 204 5.2.2.2 Nad marks additivity or identity with (non-focused) arguments 207 5.2.3 Testing for salience 210 5.2.3.1 Yoruba salient nominals can't be indefinite 210 5.2.3.2 Yoruba salient nominals can be "free choice" 212 5.2.3.3 No dedicated marking for salience in English 213 5.2.4 nda combines with other functional elements within the DP 214 5.3 The syntax of kan and nda 216 5.4 The number interpretation of nda 218 5.5 Conclusion 219 Chapter six: Plural strategies in Yoruba 220 6 Introduction 220 6.1 Contextually determined plurality 221 6.1.1 The General number analysis 222 6.1.2 Unspecified for number resulting in ambiguity 223 6.1.3 Unspecified for number with obligatory singular interpretation 225 6.2 Semantically determined plurality 226 6.2.1 The feature percolation analysis 227 6.2.2 Inherently plural Quantifiers 231 6.2.3 Inherently plural numerals 233 6.2.3.1 Accounting for the floating tone of the m-numerals 236 6.2.3.2 Other languages that pattern with Yoruba 238 6.3 Morphologically determined plurality 239 6.3.1 awgn marks plural on nouns ' 241 6.3.1.1 awgn as a pronoun 242 6.3.1.2 Appositive analysis of PL-NP 243 6.3.1.3 Internal structure of awgn 245 6.3.2 won- marks plural on demonstratives 248 6.3.3 Reduplication marks plural on modifiers 251 6.3.3.1 What prevents N copy: blocking? 258 6.3.3.2 The emergence of the unmarked 260 6.3.4.
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