DOCSLIB.ORG

The Two Phases of Communism Weekly 2 August 15 2019 1264 Worker LETTERS

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Two Phases of Communism Weekly 2 August 15 2019 1264 Worker LETTERS A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity Fabian or anarchist? n Letters and debate n Hong Kong protest limits Mike Macnair on the US n Communist University left’s ‘Kautsky debate’ n US: decline and constitution No 1264 August 15 2019 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union £1/€1.10 The two phases of communism weekly 2 August 15 2019 1264 worker LETTERS has tried to maintain his position, taking Letters may have been true, but hardly constitutes a programmatic who wrote of the need for a revolutionary cases, throwing out bad cases and dodgy shortened because of entry. dictatorship. It was Lenin who defined evidence - not any more. Cases since forward the policy of last year’s conference space. Some names I have a copy of a more detailed version and defended the term in his battles with Savile show that the CPS works hand in and the Labour Party version (perhaps?) of may have been changed of ‘What we fight for’ (I don’t know how Kautsky. For Lenin, dictatorship means glove with police officers in preparing the class struggle - For the many, not the old it is, whether the detail is still valid or rule untrammelled by law. charges and evidence. Vital pieces of few. The class struggle is still the most why only a drastically shortened version is Lenin’s definition of dictatorship is evidence are lost in huge court bundles important political struggle in the UK and Revolution now published), which adds: “They will correct; but, unlike the Roman republicans marked ‘not of assistance’. the world; whatever one’s views on Brexit, I was curious reading the Weekly Worker resist using every means at their disposal. - who had the wisdom to place some What makes matters much worse is it is a secondary or tactical issue rather than group’s Draft programme (2010) to Communists favour using parliament and limitation on the exercise of dictatorial that innocent people have the allegations a strategic matter see very little discussion, if any, about winning the biggest possible working powers, which may in fact be necessary in against them splashed across the media After all, why did people vote for the main expected characteristics of the class representation. But workers must be certain situations - Marx and Lenin used and spread wholesale before any trial or Brexit? The majority of them, I imagine, socialist revolution, which will be required readied to make revolution - peacefully if the term to mean the rule of the working a shred of evidence is presented. Worse were Tory fantasists, dreaming their to end the rule of the capitalist class and we can, forcibly if we must.” This does class, with no limitations on the dictator again, when the police then launch local imperial delusions that normally only get start to establish socialism - this despite sound more like the start of a programmatic whatsoever. or even national media campaigns, urging an airing at the last night of the Proms. But Chapter 4 being headed ‘Character of the statement ... The point I am making is that the witnesses and ‘victims’ to come forward, large numbers of working class voters saw revolution’. I have noticed in recent years some of worship of dictatorship in Marxist theory in recent cases they have added, “You an opportunity to hit back at those who (I use the term ‘Weekly Worker group’ your leading articles in the Weekly Worker fosters an intolerant, anti-democratic will be believed”. They often accompany have been hitting them for the last 40 years not in order to irritate or annoy, but simply have started to become more specific attitude in some people. So when in power this with door-to-door investigations, - there have been plenty of vox-pops in the because I think it is inappropriate for you to about the nature and characteristics Marxism can facilitate the development telling whole neighbourhoods about the press and on TV along those lines. use the term ‘CPGB’. While I completely of socialist revolution. A good recent towards totalitarianism. John Pym, who accused person and asking if anyone has For Corbyn to go for ‘remain’, a agree with your strategic aim of forging example was James Marshall in ‘A led the parliamentary struggle against anything they want to say about them. ‘Peoples’ Vote’ and all the rest of it would a single, united Communist Party, which company union?’ (July 4 2019), including: royal dictatorship in 17th century England, This is not unbiased investigation: it is be a vicious kick in the teeth for those includes the great majority of Marxists “Marxists are convinced that the was more progressive than most Marxists institutionalised and biased canvassing. people who have suffered at the sharp and revolutionary organisations, and while bourgeois state machine must be broken on this question. The lack of democratic So, when Tommy Robinson end of neoliberalism for all these years. such an organisation may well include the apart, demolished, smashed up”; “with values in Marxism is what helps photographs and slags off people who It would be the traditional Labour Party words ‘Communist Party of Great Britain’ a genuinely powerful workers’ militia it totalitarianism in a socialist context. are accused of sexual crimes as they go swerve to the centre - ‘We mustn’t frighten in its title, it will be for that organisation becomes a realistic possibility to split the Comrade Maynard also speaks about into the court and before any trial can be the voters’ - and the same old, same old of to decide. The Communist Party of state’s armed forces”; “Engels concluded artificial intelligence, but this is only part of held, that is slander likely to result in a the Blair, Brown, Mandelson consensus/ Britain is the political and organisational that the key to revolution was mutiny in the transhumanist agenda to fuse humans miscarriage of justice, for which he was triangulation. Apart from anything else, continuation of the original Communist the armed forces” (also in ‘Abolish the with technology, via the microchip, jailed. Tom Watson did exactly the same it could mean the loss of 30-60 seats in Party of Great Britain, established in 1920, standing army, establish a citizen force’, bringing us all under totalitarian state thing, heroically wading in to advocate the ‘Labour heartlands’, repeating the and also has legal ownership of the title October 5 2017). control. If you are troublesome to the the case of a poor victim against men he Mandelson/Brown triumph in Scotland. CPGB). Other examples include: “How can system, click-click, you are gone. If the left charged as vile and inhuman, before any The Lib Dems are flavour of the Chapter 3 - ‘Immediate demands’ - is there be a revolution if you have not split was truly conscious it would be researching such charges had been made, let alone month for centrist remainers, but these are a very detailed section, setting out a wide the army?” (Eddie Ford, ‘A very British and alerting people to the totalitarian, Borg- proved. The truth is, he likes witch-hunts, the same Lib Dems who brought in the range of what appear to be ‘transitional cover-up, June 7 2018); “Revolutions like, transhumanist agenda to prevent the trial by media and distortion, but hates bedroom tax, universal credit, closed down demands’, which respond to many of do not happen because a lot of people socialist transformation of society. common justice and I’m surprised Peter the Sure Start children’s programme, etc, the issues facing the class today and are are unhappy or have gone on so many Tony Clark finds space to defend the rat. as well as raising student fees to unpayable technically deliverable and affordable marches - there needs to be a split within Labour supporter This is not a case of protecting levels, further privatising health and under capitalism. But, because the the ruling class and, crucially, the army” members of the establishment, who are education, etc, etc, etc. The Tories led it all, bourgeoisie can never concede these (Eddie Ford, ‘The royal wedding and Defending a rat just as likely or unlikely to be guilty of as but they couldn’t have done it without the without questioning the existence and platonic republicanism’, May 17 2018); It’s not so much that “fine, upstanding many crimes as the general public: it is a likes of Vince Cable and Jo Swinson. operation of said capitalism, they point to “The overthrow of a modern state will members of the establishment should case of basic human justice that a person Chukka Umunna and co have gone the need for capitalism to be replaced by require that the state’s armed forces are automatically be believed by the police”, is innocent until proved guilty and that is to their natural home and there are plenty socialism and communism. broken up along political lines. This was which Peter Manson sarcastically carried out through unbiased and balanced of Labour MPs who should join them, Chapter 4 opens with a brief section a point already argued by Friedrich Engels suggests, but that alleged ‘victims’ should investigation with no suppression of but, as Gerry says, “the most precious about the main classes in the revolution in his 1893 Can Europe disarm? and his not be automatically believed by the police evidence and witnesses. The truth is, commodity the working class possesses and the need for the working class to 1895 introduction to The class struggles (‘Abuse and cover-ups’, August 8). despite now being instructed that they is their class independence” - submerging prise the middle class away from capital, in France” (Mike Macnair, ‘Arms and the Ever since the hue and cry which have to approach all accusations in a that into a “popular front”, even for a few taking advantage of the dissolution of man’, March 1 2018).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • David Cameron and Greensill
    A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity David Cameron and Greensill: all n Letters and debate n Iran negotiations perfectly proper and above board n Royal family Nazis - according to the authorities n Nationalist nightmares No 1342 April 8 2021 Towards a mass Communist Party £1/€1.10 LOYAL SERVANTS OF LIBERAL BOURGEOISIE weekly 2 April 8 2021 1342 worker LETTERS Letters may have been This is a strange argument for agricultural commodities (wages) and extending them becomes manifest with the repeal of shortened because of space. Some names for a Marxist to make. Capitalist and so commodity production in back into history, rather than the Corn Laws. may have been changed production begins in the towns in agriculture. analysing each historical period Arthur Bough the 15th century, as the towns grow, Even, then, of course, as in its specificity. It is even more email creating the minimum size of market Marx describes - and Lenin also incongruous to do that at the same Blind alley required for capitalist production to establishes in ‘On the so-called time as trying to claim that the law Gramsci Writing in Weekly Worker, Ammar be able to undercut the independent market question’ - this commodity of value, as a natural law, only exists Debates over how Gramsci’s writings Kazmi asks me to “promptly handicraft producers. It’s why, as production in the countryside is not under capitalism, or indeed that the have been interpreted and deployed explain” and “correct” what I Marx describes, capitalism has capitalist production, unlike that concepts, value and surplus value, can be helpful in clarifying important wrote in my article, ‘Defend David to begin in the towns and such already established in the towns.
    [Show full text]
  • The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
    ‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour
    [Show full text]
  • The Absence of Protest,Who's Buried in the Graveyard of Empires?
    21st Century Internationalism of the Oppressed [We are re-posting this essay by Bill Fletcher because he offers a compelling response to an argument that has been circulating all too widely in left circles. We are using the version that appeared on ZNet, Sept. 17, 2021. — Eds.] The US Left has largely lost the ability and/or willingness to have serene debates and exchanges. All too quickly differences, sometimes negligible, are elevated into splits. And, worse, those holding opposing views are treated as ‘enemies of the people’ or simply soft-headed, recalling the danger of firing squads that have been frequently used against political opponents (note to reader: remember the end of the Grenadian Revolution in 1983). Keeping this in mind the following is offered as a response to a recent piece by Ajamu Baraka, “We Can No Longer Avoid Raising the Contradiction of the Western Imperial Left’s Collaboration with the Western Bourgeoisie,” in Black Agenda Report (1 September 2021). This response is offered carefully because this is not a personal debate, despite the condescending tone of Baraka’s piece. Our differences do not revolve around any question as to the Baraka’s dedication and commitment, nor his insight into many issues facing the globally oppressed. He and I have known each other for years and, despite differences, have had a comradely relationship. In the context of his recent essay, however, I respectfully believe that his framework is muddled, incorrect and stuck in a perverse version of a pre-1991 world. We will leave aside Baraka’s insults to Gilbert Achcar.
    [Show full text]
  • The (Not-So) Hidden Agenda of Charitable Choice
    THE JOURNAL FOR PEOPLE OF FAITH AND SOCIALISM Motivated by our different religious traditions, we believe that attitudes, The (Not-So) Hidden Agenda priorities, and institutions can be changed to reflect a of Charitable Choice just and democratic use of CATHLIN BAKER the universes bounty; we Our current presidential election will go down in history for its overwhelming focus believe in the value of work on religion. As the major candidates have tried to out-Christian each other, many of us that contributes to the wonder how it all relates to politics. They have gambled that wearing the Christian label gets votes, common good; and in the and as part of that strategy, they have embraced a healing influence of respect provision of the Personal Responsibility and Work for the differences as well as Reconciliation Act of 1996 (welfare reform) known as Charitable Choice. Both George W. and Al claim the commonness of human that the contributions of faith-based organizations experience. (FBOs) have been ignored for too long and that Chari- table Choice is the answer to our countrys social problems. But before religious organizations accept SPRING 2000 that rhetoric, they should seriously examine its im- plications Specifically, the Charitable Choice provision requires Inside. states, if they contract with non-profit organizations 2. .Editors Notes for social service delivery, to include religious organizations as eligible contractees. Many faith-based 501(c)(3) organizations, particularly in urban and rural impover- 2. R&S Commission at Conference ished areas, have received government funding for decades, whether for emergency food service, child care, youth programs, or housing.
    [Show full text]
  • Zombie Capitalism
    Zombie Capitalism Zombie Capitalism Global Crisis and the Relevance of Marx Chris Harman Haymarket Books Chicago, Illinois First published in July 2009 by Bookmarks Publications. Copyright © Bookmarks Publications. This edition published in 2010 by Haymarket Books P.O. Box 180165 Chicago, IL 60618 773-583-7884 www.haymarketbooks.org [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-60846-104-2 Trade distribution: In the U.S., Consortium Book Sales, www.cbsd.com In Canada, Publishers Group Canada, www.pgcbooks.ca In Australia, Palgrave MacMillan, www.palgravemacmillan.com.au All other countries, Publishers Group Worldwide, www.pgw.com Cover design by Josh On. This book was published with the generous support of Lannan Foundation and the Wallace Global Fund. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data is available. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents Introduction 7 Part One: Understanding the System: Marx and Beyond 1 Marx's Concepts 21 2 Marx and His Critics 41 3 The Dynamics of the System 55 4 Beyond Marx: Monopoly, War and the State 87 5 State Spending and the System 121 Part Two: Capitalism in the 20th Century 6 The Great Slump 143 7 The Long Boom 161 8 The End of the Golden Age 191 Part Three: The New Age of Global Instability 9 The Years of Delusion 229 10 Global Capital in the New Age 255 11 Financialisation and the Bubbles That Burst 277 Part Four: The Runaway System 12 The New Limits of Capital 307 13 The Runaway System and the Future for Humanity 325 14 Who Can Overcome? 329 Notes 353 Glossary 394 Index 403 About the Author Chris Harman is a leading member of the Socialist Workers Party (www.swp.org.uk).
    [Show full text]
  • "A Road to Peace and Freedom": the International Workers Order and The
    “ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” Robert M. Zecker “ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” The International Workers Order and the Struggle for Economic Justice and Civil Rights, 1930–1954 TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia • Rome • Tokyo TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright © 2018 by Temple University—Of The Commonwealth System of Higher Education All rights reserved Published 2018 All reasonable attempts were made to locate the copyright holders for the materials published in this book. If you believe you may be one of them, please contact Temple University Press, and the publisher will include appropriate acknowledgment in subsequent editions of the book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Zecker, Robert, 1962- author. Title: A road to peace and freedom : the International Workers Order and the struggle for economic justice and civil rights, 1930-1954 / Robert M. Zecker. Description: Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 2018. | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017035619| ISBN 9781439915158 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781439915165 (paper : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: International Workers Order. | International labor activities—History—20th century. | Labor unions—United States—History—20th century. | Working class—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Working class—United States—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Labor movement—United States—History—20th century. | Civil rights and socialism—United States—History—20th century. Classification: LCC HD6475.A2
    [Show full text]
  • The Secular Prophet of Religious Socialism the Erich Fromm’S Early Writings (1922-1930)
    The secular prophet of religious socialism The Erich Fromm’s early writings (1922-1930) Michael Löwy* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5679-0927 Dialectics of the secular and the sacred There exists a German-Jewish cultural discourse from the early 20th century that stands in dynamic tension between spiritual and material, sacred and secular, beyond the usual static dichotomies. Several key Jewish thinkers have sought to recover spiritual meaning, in direct interaction with the profane. Under different ways they developed a process of simultaneous secularization and sacralization, in a sort of “dialectic” combination of both. Among some examples: Franz Kafka, Walter Benjamin, Ernst Bloch, Erich Fromm, Gustav Landauer, Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Leo Löwenthal, Hans Kohn, Manes Sperber and others. This applies particularly to their early writings (until 1933) although in some cases it holds true during their entire life. The first common characteristic of these authors is their deep attachment to the German romantic culture, with its ambivalence towards modernity, and its desperate attempt at re-enchanting the world through a return to past spiritual forms. For the Jewish thinkers, this meant a rediscovery of the spiritual treasures of the less rational and less codified forms of Jewish religiosity, the “romantic” religious traditions of the past: the Prophets, Messianism, Mysticism, Kabballah, Sabbataism, Hassidism. * Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, Paris, França. The secular prophet of religious socialism, pp. 21-31 However, being modern subjects, they cannot return to the faith of their ancestors: their spirituality is intimately intertwined with secular aspirations. These aspirations lead them – and this is another common aspect of their writings – to support radical social/political utopias, such as socialism, communism or anarchism, which are in a relation of elective affinity with the Jewish Messianic heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • The Outlawed Party Social Democracy in Germany
    THE OUTLAWED PARTY SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN GERMANY Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 4/28/19 5:16 AM Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 4/28/19 5:16 AM THE OUTLAWED PARTY SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN GERMANY, 18 7 8- 1 8 9 0 VERNON L . LIDTKE PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 196 6 Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 4/28/19 5:16 AM Copyright © i960 by Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 66-14311 Publication of this book has been aided by the Whitney Darrow Publication Reserve Fund of Princeton University Press. The initials at the beginning of each chapter are adaptations from Feder und Stichel by Zapf and Rosenberger. Printed in the United States of America by Vail-Ballou Press, Inc., Binghamton, New York Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 4/28/19 5:16 AM CONTENTS PREFACE V I. THE EMERGENCE AND EARLY ORIENTATION OF WORKING-CLASS POLITICAL ACTION 3 The German Social and Political Context 3 Ferdinand Lassalle and the Socialist Movement: An Ambiguous Heritage 18 Political and Social Democracy in the Eisenacher Tradition: The "People's State" 27 Principles and Tactics: Parliamentarism as an Issue of Socialist Politics 32 II. THE MATURATION OF THE SOCIALIST MOVE­ MENT IN THE EIGHTEEN-SEVENTIES 39 The Quest for Revolutionary Identity and Organizational Unity 40 The Gotha Program as a Synthesis of Traditional Social Democratic Ideas 43 Unity between Social Democratic Theory and Practice in Politics 52 The Quest for Certainty in Economic Thought 59 On the Eve of Catastrophe: Social Democrats and German Society 66 III.
    [Show full text]
  • Bishop Ketteler and Ferdinand Lassalle
    CCHA Study Sessions, 34(1967), 47-56 Bishop Ketteler and Ferdinand Lassalle by Franklin A. WALKER, Ph.D. Loyola University, Chicago When Ferdinand Lassalle, during a triumphant speaking tour in 1864, cited the support of Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler of Mainz, both Roman Catholics and socialists were startled, and many were shocked. It was difficult to see in the same camp the promoter of a democratic, socialist revolution, and Germany’s most prominent “ ultramontane” clergyman. But there was a similarity in attitude between the brilliant agitator from the Jewish middle class and the pious divine from the Catholic aristocracy. The question whether the Lassalle- Ketteler combination represented a sincere merging of views in face of a new social situation, or a selfish and hypocritical manoeuvre on the part of two political manipulators puzzled contemporaries and has provided an inviting subject for historical speculation. Students of Lassalle have described his references to Ketteler as demagogery.1 Georges Brandes, an early biographer, was revolted at the scene of Lassalle attributing to the bishop a saintly reputation. “ It was ... hardly worthy of Lassalle,” Brandes wrote, “ to appeal to the innocent confidence of the ignorant mob, who were thereby induced to regard as a saint the well-paid Bishop, who in after years defended the syllabus and championed the Obscurantist party.”2 The Jesuit Father Pfülf, in his detailed study of Ketteler’s life, has shown that not only did socialists ridicule the Lassalle-Ketteler association, but both non-Catholic and Catholic opponents of Lassalle protested against the bishop ever having expressed himself in a way which they felt had intensified class animosity.3 The English historian, W.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright 2014 Janine Giordano Drake
    Copyright 2014 Janine Giordano Drake BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS: THE WORKING CLASS RELIGIOUS LEFT, 1880-1920 BY JANINE GIORDANO DRAKE DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2014 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee Professor James Barrett, Chair Professor David Roediger Associate Professor Kathryn Oberdeck Associate Professor Jonathan Ebel ABSTRACT Between Religion and Politics: The Working Class Religious Left, 1880-1920 makes two main arguments: First, through an analysis of socialist print culture and party meeting minutes, it argues that Christianity animated socialist culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Moreover, wage earners within socialist circles, and especially the emerging Socialist Party of America, used these working class spaces as their alternative to a church. They preached and prayed together, and developed a socialist Christian theology of cooperation, personal sacrifice, and a future “Christian Commonwealth.” While the Socialist Party of America was by no means a Christian Socialist movement, it served as a welcome spiritual home for the many working class Christians who melded their socialist convictions with their faith. Christian, Jewish, and agnostic socialists worked together under the banner of the emerging Socialist Party of America. By 1912, the number of socialist Christians outside the churches was so great that the new Protestant denominational federation, the Federal Council of Churches, organized a series of nationwide campaigns to root out socialists from industrial workforces and draw politically neutral Christians into the churches. Second, the project revises our understanding of the rise of Social Christianity.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Twelve Introduction to Ferdinand Lassalle's Speech to The
    Chapter Twelve Introduction to Ferdinand Lassalle’s Speech to the Jury (July 1905) Leon Trotsky The document translated here is Leon Trotsky’s introduction to one of the most famous of Social- Democratic speeches – written but never delivered – by Ferdinand Lassalle.1 In 1893, Eduard Bernstein’s biography of Lassalle2 portrayed a man of fl amboyant character, enormous self-regard, and powerful intellect. While Lassalle was never fully a Marxist – he was much too infl uenced by Hegel in his view of the state, and by Ricardo in his acceptance of ‘the iron law of wages’ – he was nevertheless one of the heroic fi gures of the revolutions of 1848–9. In 1863, Lassalle founded the Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein (General German Workers’ Association), which in 1875 joined with the Social-Democratic Workers’ Party, led by August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht, to create the Socialist Workers’ Party. In 1890, the Socialist Workers’ Party became the Social- Democratic Party of Germany. Lassalle’s biography is the remarkable story of a man who in the course of a single lifetime became 1 Lassalle 1905. 2 Bernstein 1893. Bernstein’s biography was a translation into English of his introduction to the complete German edition of Lassalle’s Speeches and Works. 410 • Leon Trotsky both revolutionary and reformer, at times a close associate of both Marx and Bismarck, a prodigious author, a playwright, and a hapless suitor who perished in 1864 in a duel over the affections of a young woman. Lassalle was also a self-taught lawyer. His adventures in the law courts began in 1846, when he met Countess Sophie Hatzfeld, who was seeking divorce from her husband.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialist Response to Antisemitism in Imperial Germany
    P1: KDA/OSZ P2:KDA/OSZ QC:KDA 0521875528pre CUNY754/Fischer 0 521 87552 8 January 19, 2007 15:50 The Socialist Response to Antisemitism in Imperial Germany What set antisemites apart from anti-antisemites in Imperial Germany was not so much what they thought about ‘the Jews’, but what they thought should be done about them. Like most anti-antisemites, German Social Democrats felt that the antisemites had a point but took matters too far. In fact, Socialist anti-antisemitism often did not hinge on the antisemites’ anti-Jewish orientation at all. Even when it did, the Socialists’ arguments generally did more to consolidate than subvert generally accepted notions regarding ‘the Jews’. By focusing on a broader set of perceptions accepted by both antisemites and anti-antisemites and drawing a variety of new sources into the debate, this study offers a startling reinterpretation of seemingly well-rehearsed issues, including the influence of Karl Marx’s ‘Zur Juden- frage’ and the positions of various leading Social Democrats (Franz Mehring, Eduard Bernstein, August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg) and their peers. Lars Fischer holds a BA in Modern History with First Class Honours (2000) from Queen Mary and Westfield College (University of London) and a PhD (2003) from University College London (UCL), where he is Lecturer in German History in the German Department and an Honorary Research Fellow in the Hebrew and Jewish Studies Department. He previously held a Lectureship in Modern European History at King’s College London. This is his first book. i Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core.
    [Show full text]