DOCSLIB.ORG

The (Not-So) Hidden Agenda of Charitable Choice

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The (Not-So) Hidden Agenda of Charitable Choice THE JOURNAL FOR PEOPLE OF FAITH AND SOCIALISM Motivated by our different religious traditions, we believe that attitudes, The (Not-So) Hidden Agenda priorities, and institutions can be changed to reflect a of Charitable Choice just and democratic use of CATHLIN BAKER the universes bounty; we Our current presidential election will go down in history for its overwhelming focus believe in the value of work on religion. As the major candidates have tried to out-Christian each other, many of us that contributes to the wonder how it all relates to politics. They have gambled that wearing the Christian label gets votes, common good; and in the and as part of that strategy, they have embraced a healing influence of respect provision of the Personal Responsibility and Work for the differences as well as Reconciliation Act of 1996 (welfare reform) known as Charitable Choice. Both George W. and Al claim the commonness of human that the contributions of faith-based organizations experience. (FBOs) have been ignored for too long and that Chari- table Choice is the answer to our countrys social problems. But before religious organizations accept SPRING 2000 that rhetoric, they should seriously examine its im- plications Specifically, the Charitable Choice provision requires Inside. states, if they contract with non-profit organizations 2. .Editors Notes for social service delivery, to include religious organizations as eligible contractees. Many faith-based 501(c)(3) organizations, particularly in urban and rural impover- 2. R&S Commission at Conference ished areas, have received government funding for decades, whether for emergency food service, child care, youth programs, or housing. The difference in this legislation 3. Letters is that religious congregations, such as churches, synagogues, and mosques, no longer have to establish a separate 501(c)(3) non-profit organization in order to receive funds. 6 . Global Anti-capitalism Gone are the prohibitions regarding government funding of pervasively sectarian or- ganizations. Churches and other religious congregations that provide welfare services 7 . .Environmental Justice on behalf of the government can display religious symbols, use religious language, and use religious criteria in hiring and firing employees. Funds flow directly into the 9 . .The Future of the Protestant Left church budget; however, they must be used exclusively for the provision of social services and not for religious activities. 12. .Plowshares vs. Depleted Uranium Since 1996, Senator John Ashcroft (RMissouri) and such organizations as the Chris- tian Coalition, the Family Research Council, and the Christian Legal Society have 13. .Holy War against War on Drugs promoted the expansion of the Charitable Choice provision from welfare services to other public services, such as after-school programs, food aid, juvenile justice, sub- 15. .Healing the Wounds of Slavery stance abuse, and fatherhood initiatives (i.e., child-support enforcement). Some pre- dict that education is the next sector to be permeated by Charitable Choice provi- 19. .Unity on the Religious Left? contd on page 3 2 RELIGIOUS SOCIALISM SPRING 2000 editors notes Welcome to the Spring issue, which is probably arriving close to the dog days of summer, just in time for vacation reading. We apologize for the delay, and are happy to report that the Summer issue is being mailed within a few days of this one, putting us back on track. The underlying theme of this issue is coalition building. As democratic socialists and as people Religious Socialism of faith, we are committed to coalition work and coalition politics. Our socialist vision in- 1 Maolis Road forms our approach, but as the articles in this issue make clear, our class, race, and gender Nahant, MA biases can prevent us from building effective coalitions. As we formulate responses to the 01908 Charitable Choice provision of welfare reform, reach out to secular and religious leftists, [email protected] www.dsausa.org/rs forge alliances against global capitalism, highlight environmental injustice, oppose the war machine, expose the horrors of the war on drugs, or struggle with the legacy of slavery, we have to be open to the experiences and perceptions of those with whom we should be in Religious Socialism (ISSN 0278-7784) is coalition. We invite you to read these articles and respond, sending us examples from your published four times per year by the Re- ligion and Socialism Commission of the own areas of activism, challenging us to think more deeply. Democratic Socialists of America, and is produced by the Democratic Socialists of We welcome letters to the editor and reserve the right to edit for space. M.P. America Fund. Subscriptions at the basic rate are $10.00 per year. ©2000 Religion & Socialism Commission, Democratic Socialists of America the editors The Religion & Socialism Commission Co-Chairs: Rod Ryon, Juanita Webster Secretary: Maxine Phillips Treasurer: John Cort Executive Committee: Rev. Judith Deutsch Rev. John Endler Rev. Norm Faramelli Mark Finkel Andrew Hammer Andrew Hammer Maxine Phillips John Cort Norm Faramelli Tharen Robson Winter Issue Spring Issue Summer Issue Fall Issue Member, International League of Re- ligious Socialists ILRS (Socialist In- Socialist Scholars Meet Religion ternational) and Socialism Commission RS Contributing Editors: ROD RYON ought to prod people-of-faith-socialists to stay Jack Clark, Rev. Judith Deutsch, in dialogue with them. Then the 25 to 30 Harvey Cox, Michael Eric Dyson, Rev. Marcia L. Dyson, David It almost didnt happen. In the fall, the Reli- people (mostly Christians, Jews, and the pro- OBrien, Cornel West gion and Socialism Commission raised and then fessedly non-religious) engaged in a lively dropped the subject of having a session at the discussion, chaired by Juanita, about the Socialist Scholars Conference. Co-chairs Rod big issuesinstitutional religions short- Ryon and Juanita Webster decided to work on comings, being misunderstood by the secu- Articles in this issue express opinions it anyway, since the Commission had not spon- lar left, the role of people of faith. of the writers and not of DSA or the Reli- sored a session in at least five years. Despite gion & Socialism Commission or Reli- several setbacks and the illness of one of the The Commission also had a table at the con- gious Socialism. two panelists, Contemporary Religion and the ference that attracted many passers-by. The ses- Contributions to the Democratic Social- Secular Left drew much more than the ex- sion and dialogue at the table each fed the ists of America Fund are tax deductible. pected handful. Although tucked in the middle other. At the end, we thought, Well be back. of the three-day conference in late March-early Writers may submit manuscripts via April, the topic seemed to touch a chord: how postal mail, e-mail, or on a 3.5 computer Rod Ryon is co-chair of the Religion and disk formatted to text files and a hard do people of faith defining themselves as so- copy. Photos are encouraged. cialists relate to the secular left and to religious Socialism Commission. He invites readers organizations. Rod argued that the sheer num- of RS to send suggestions for future panels UNION MADE bers of the religiously affiliated in our culture at the Socialist Scholars Conference. PRINTED ON RECYCLED PAPER RELIGIOUS SOCIALISM SPRING 2000 3 Pitfalls of Charitable Choice contd from cover page sions, thereby smoothing the way for voucher programs and religious education, predominantly Christian education. Gen- erally speaking, this is the same coalition that created welfare reform as we know it, with its emphasis on personal responsi- bility and assertions about how single-parent families and out- During my time of waiting in the hospital for the death of my of-wedlock births are the root causes of poverty. beloved wife, Marcella, last December, I read the following quote from Reinhold Niebuhr, who was my professor of Chris- Even though there has been little public outcry about Chari- tian Ethics many years ago at Union Theological Seminary. I table Choice, many national denominational bodies, as well want to dedicate it to Marcellas memory and also share it with as secular advocacy groups, have strongly opposed the legisla- readers of Religious Socialism. tion. These groups have been primarily concerned about the erosion of the separation of church and state. They include Nothing that is worth doing can be achieved in our lifetime, there- American Baptist Churches, USA and the Baptist Joint Com- fore we must be saved by hope. Nothing that is true or beautiful or good makes complete sense in any context of history, therefore mittee; Central Conference of American Rabbis; Friends Com- we must be saved by faith. Nothing we do, however virtuous, can mittee on National Legislation; General Board of Church and be accomplished alone, therefore we must be saved by love. Society, United Methodist Church; Presbyterian Church, USA; Unitarian Universalist Association, Washington Office; United Bob Aldrich Church of Christ, Office for Church in Society; American Civil Las Vegas, NV Liberties Union; and Americans United for the Separation of Church and State. Ed. Note: We send our warmest sympathy and prayers to Bob Aldrich, a longtime reader and contributor to Religious Socialism. A Split with the Grassroots On the national policy level, conservatives have largely backed RS co-editor John Cort recently wrote about the Religion and Charitable Choice and liberals and progressives have expressed Socialism Commission in the millennium issue of Democratic deep concern about the provision. This is fairly predictable. Left, the newsletter of Democratic Socialists of America. He However, at the grassroots level, it is a different story, one that spoke of socialism as being a hard sell in these days. The reveals a confusing set of alliances. A 1998 study of more than article brought in several subscriptions and letters, from which 1,200 congregations by sociologist Mark Chaves of the Uni- some excerpts appear below.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
    ‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour
    [Show full text]
  • The Absence of Protest,Who's Buried in the Graveyard of Empires?
    21st Century Internationalism of the Oppressed [We are re-posting this essay by Bill Fletcher because he offers a compelling response to an argument that has been circulating all too widely in left circles. We are using the version that appeared on ZNet, Sept. 17, 2021. — Eds.] The US Left has largely lost the ability and/or willingness to have serene debates and exchanges. All too quickly differences, sometimes negligible, are elevated into splits. And, worse, those holding opposing views are treated as ‘enemies of the people’ or simply soft-headed, recalling the danger of firing squads that have been frequently used against political opponents (note to reader: remember the end of the Grenadian Revolution in 1983). Keeping this in mind the following is offered as a response to a recent piece by Ajamu Baraka, “We Can No Longer Avoid Raising the Contradiction of the Western Imperial Left’s Collaboration with the Western Bourgeoisie,” in Black Agenda Report (1 September 2021). This response is offered carefully because this is not a personal debate, despite the condescending tone of Baraka’s piece. Our differences do not revolve around any question as to the Baraka’s dedication and commitment, nor his insight into many issues facing the globally oppressed. He and I have known each other for years and, despite differences, have had a comradely relationship. In the context of his recent essay, however, I respectfully believe that his framework is muddled, incorrect and stuck in a perverse version of a pre-1991 world. We will leave aside Baraka’s insults to Gilbert Achcar.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Phases of Communism Weekly 2 August 15 2019 1264 Worker LETTERS
    A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity Fabian or anarchist? n Letters and debate n Hong Kong protest limits Mike Macnair on the US n Communist University left’s ‘Kautsky debate’ n US: decline and constitution No 1264 August 15 2019 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union £1/€1.10 The two phases of communism weekly 2 August 15 2019 1264 worker LETTERS has tried to maintain his position, taking Letters may have been true, but hardly constitutes a programmatic who wrote of the need for a revolutionary cases, throwing out bad cases and dodgy shortened because of entry. dictatorship. It was Lenin who defined evidence - not any more. Cases since forward the policy of last year’s conference space. Some names I have a copy of a more detailed version and defended the term in his battles with Savile show that the CPS works hand in and the Labour Party version (perhaps?) of may have been changed of ‘What we fight for’ (I don’t know how Kautsky. For Lenin, dictatorship means glove with police officers in preparing the class struggle - For the many, not the old it is, whether the detail is still valid or rule untrammelled by law. charges and evidence. Vital pieces of few. The class struggle is still the most why only a drastically shortened version is Lenin’s definition of dictatorship is evidence are lost in huge court bundles important political struggle in the UK and Revolution now published), which adds: “They will correct; but, unlike the Roman republicans marked ‘not of assistance’.
    [Show full text]
  • The Secular Prophet of Religious Socialism the Erich Fromm’S Early Writings (1922-1930)
    The secular prophet of religious socialism The Erich Fromm’s early writings (1922-1930) Michael Löwy* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5679-0927 Dialectics of the secular and the sacred There exists a German-Jewish cultural discourse from the early 20th century that stands in dynamic tension between spiritual and material, sacred and secular, beyond the usual static dichotomies. Several key Jewish thinkers have sought to recover spiritual meaning, in direct interaction with the profane. Under different ways they developed a process of simultaneous secularization and sacralization, in a sort of “dialectic” combination of both. Among some examples: Franz Kafka, Walter Benjamin, Ernst Bloch, Erich Fromm, Gustav Landauer, Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Leo Löwenthal, Hans Kohn, Manes Sperber and others. This applies particularly to their early writings (until 1933) although in some cases it holds true during their entire life. The first common characteristic of these authors is their deep attachment to the German romantic culture, with its ambivalence towards modernity, and its desperate attempt at re-enchanting the world through a return to past spiritual forms. For the Jewish thinkers, this meant a rediscovery of the spiritual treasures of the less rational and less codified forms of Jewish religiosity, the “romantic” religious traditions of the past: the Prophets, Messianism, Mysticism, Kabballah, Sabbataism, Hassidism. * Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, Paris, França. The secular prophet of religious socialism, pp. 21-31 However, being modern subjects, they cannot return to the faith of their ancestors: their spirituality is intimately intertwined with secular aspirations. These aspirations lead them – and this is another common aspect of their writings – to support radical social/political utopias, such as socialism, communism or anarchism, which are in a relation of elective affinity with the Jewish Messianic heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright 2014 Janine Giordano Drake
    Copyright 2014 Janine Giordano Drake BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS: THE WORKING CLASS RELIGIOUS LEFT, 1880-1920 BY JANINE GIORDANO DRAKE DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2014 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee Professor James Barrett, Chair Professor David Roediger Associate Professor Kathryn Oberdeck Associate Professor Jonathan Ebel ABSTRACT Between Religion and Politics: The Working Class Religious Left, 1880-1920 makes two main arguments: First, through an analysis of socialist print culture and party meeting minutes, it argues that Christianity animated socialist culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Moreover, wage earners within socialist circles, and especially the emerging Socialist Party of America, used these working class spaces as their alternative to a church. They preached and prayed together, and developed a socialist Christian theology of cooperation, personal sacrifice, and a future “Christian Commonwealth.” While the Socialist Party of America was by no means a Christian Socialist movement, it served as a welcome spiritual home for the many working class Christians who melded their socialist convictions with their faith. Christian, Jewish, and agnostic socialists worked together under the banner of the emerging Socialist Party of America. By 1912, the number of socialist Christians outside the churches was so great that the new Protestant denominational federation, the Federal Council of Churches, organized a series of nationwide campaigns to root out socialists from industrial workforces and draw politically neutral Christians into the churches. Second, the project revises our understanding of the rise of Social Christianity.
    [Show full text]
  • Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands
    Contemporary European History (2020), 29, 139–154 doi:10.1017/S096077732000003X ARTICLE Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands Arie L. Molendijk University of Groningen, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Oude Boteringestraat 38, Groningen, 9712GK, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract In 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning’s role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning’sviewsandideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party? Introduction A touching photograph shows Willem Banning being decorated by Prime Minister Willem Drees on the occasion of his sixty-firth birthday in February 1953. The demeanour of the two social democrats displays a degree of ambiguity: they both seem to be fully enjoying this special moment, while at the same time being sceptical of such honours. In his words of gratitude Banning said that his resistance had been over- come by his friends’ insistence that he should accept the distinction.1 The Dutch Labour Party could not have been what it was in the 1950s without the decisive input of Drees and Banning.
    [Show full text]
  • Reinhold Niebuhr and the Soviet Union, 1930-1945 Chen
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS FROM A CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST TO A CHRISTIAN REALIST: REINHOLD NIEBUHR AND THE SOVIET UNION, 1930-1945 CHEN LIANG (M.A) The Graduate School of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2007 Acknowledgements This study of Reinhold Niebuhr would not have been possible without the generosity of the National University of Singapore (NUS). I want to express special thanks to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS) of NUS for awarding me a research scholarship for four consecutive years. FASS also funded my four months’ fieldwork in the U.S. in 2005, as well as an earlier conference trip to the University of California, Davis. The Png Poh Seng Prize (Best Student in History) it awarded me in the 2003- 2004 academic year has been a constant reminder that this thesis should be written to a high standard. My supervisor Professor Ian Lewis Gordon, former head of History Department of NUS and Dr. Stephen Lee Keck, my former supervisor, who left NUS to teach at the American University of Sharjah in 2006, played critical roles in the development of this thesis. Professor Gordon painstakingly went through the whole draft and provided invaluable suggestions and corrections. His attention to details in editing my writing has left indelible marks on my mind. I am truly grateful to him for the time and energy he has put in my thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Faithful Expectation
    Chapter One Faithful Expectation Hommage à Paul Tillich In which of these groups do you belong—among those who respond to the prophetic spirit, or among those who close their ears and hearts to it? —Paul Tillich, The Shaking of the Foundations Half a century ago, in 1965, Paul Tillich passed away. At that time, he was by all counts the leading and most highly esteemed Prot- estant theologian in America. In the meantime, many things have happened—among them the Cold War, the dismantling of the Soviet Union, and finally the rise of ISIS. In the course of these events, Til- lich’s legacy more and more faded from view. It is true that today there are efforts to revitalize that legacy and to foreground the “radi- cal” and forward- pointing elements of his work. However, with some notable exceptions, the effort is undertaken mainly by pro- fessional theologians with the aim of “radicalizing” his theological teachings.1 What tends to be forgotten is that, for Tillich, religious faith was always closely entwined with culture and social conditions, which means that, apart from being a theologian, he was also a pub- lic intellectual trying to take the “pulse of his age.” It is this linkage of faith and social reality that, in my view, is at the heart of Tillich’s © 2017 UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME 13 14 Spiritual Guides work. If this is correct (as I believe), revitalizing his work cannot be left solely to theologians and experts in religious studies but must be shouldered also by humanists and social scientists, including political philosophers.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialism of Today
    HX 39 I? 189fc Imwwi—*i——w iiiiiiiii MNIVIRSIIV OK CALirORNIA SAN DICCO 3 1822 01053 4055 Socialism of To - day EMILE DE LAVELEYE WITH AN ACCOUNT OF SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND GODDARD a ORPEN ^ NIVCRSI'V or tAlirORNIA SAN DIM 3 1822 01053 4055' JL tJ^ 53^ \ 'f THE Socialism of To-day. EMILEaDE laveleye, MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF BELGILM, ETC., ETC, Translated into English by GODDARD H. ORPEN, BARRI.STER-AT-LAW. TOGETHER WITH AN ACCOUNT OF SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND BY THE TRANSLATOR. Hontfon : FIELD AND TUER, THE LEADENHALL PRESS, E.G. ADAMS & CO. SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & CO. ; HAMILTON, 1686. FIELD & TUER, THE LEADENHALL PRESS, E. C. (T. 4183) CONTENTS. Translator's Preface (ix.) INTRODUCTION. THE PROGRESS OF SOCIALISM, —What is Ubiquity of Socialism (xiii.) —Socialism? (xiv.)—Causes of the origin and growth of Socialism (xv.) Christianity and Socialism (xvi.) — Socialistic utterances of the Fathers of the Church (xviii.)—Darwin- ism the logical antithesis of both Christianity and Socialism (xix.) — How Socialism became —The French Revolution religious — political (xx.) and social equality (xxi.) Changes in the methods of production (xxii.) —Mediceval craftsmen and modern factory-hands (xxv.) —Mediaeval society stationary but stable (xxvii.) —Competition the cause at once of " and — The iron law of — progress instability (xxviii.) wages" (xxix. ) Internationalism (xxx.) — Summary of the situation created by economic — —Effect of the of progress (xxxi. ) Macaulay's prophecy (xxxii.) decay faith — Political the arsenal of religious (xxxiii. ) Economy, Socialism — with the classes — (xxxiv. ) Socialism gaining ground upper (xxxv.) and Militarism —The true and the false in Socialism promoted by (xxxvi.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Socialism As a Political Ideology
    Christian Socialism as a Political Ideology Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Anthony Alan John Williams March 2016 Word Count: 97,078 Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 5 Section One: The Basis of Christian Socialism 1. The Fatherhood of God and the Example of Christ ....................................... 21 2. Old and New Testament References ................................................................. 37 3. The Church, its Teaching and Sacraments .................................................... 55 4. Christian Socialist Predecessors and Other Ethical Thinkers .......................... 77 5. Other Socialisms and Examples from Society ....................................... 89 Section One Summary ............................................................................................ 113 Section Two: The Route to Christian Socialism 6. The Democratic-Revolutionary Synthesis …...................................................... 119 7. The Revolution in Practice ............................................................................... 127 8. Confusion and Contradiction ............................................................................... 149 Section Two Summary ...........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Religious Socialism and Liberation Theology Ronald H
    Document généré le 29 sept. 2021 09:19 Laval théologique et philosophique Paulus and Gustavo : Religious Socialism and Liberation Theology Ronald H. Stone Volume 44, numéro 2, juin 1988 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/400375ar DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/400375ar Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Faculté de philosophie, Université Laval ISSN 0023-9054 (imprimé) 1703-8804 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Stone, R. H. (1988). Paulus and Gustavo : Religious Socialism and Liberation Theology. Laval théologique et philosophique, 44(2), 155–167. https://doi.org/10.7202/400375ar Tous droits réservés © Laval théologique et philosophique, Université Laval, Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des 1988 services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Laval théologique et philosophique, 44, 2 (juin 1988) PAULUS AND GUSTAVO : RELIGIOUS SOCIALISM AND LIBERATION THEOLOGY * Ronald H. STONE RÉSUMÉ. — Cet article présente de façon positive les écrits socialistes-religieux de Paul Tillich et de Gustavo Gutierrez. Il entre en dialogue avec eux apropos des deux concepts de justice et de révolution. Dans le contexte révolutionnaire de l'Allemagne de son temps, les écrits de Tillich sur la justice sont axés sur le concept d'attente; tandis que dans le contexte du Pérou de Gutierrez le concept de libération a préséance sur celui de justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in a Post- 1994 South Africa: a Reconstruction, Interpretation and Evaluation of This Revolutionary Ideology
    The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in a post- 1994 South Africa: A reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of this revolutionary ideology Jan Charl Marthinus Venter Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North- West University Promoter: Professor A. Duvenhage November 2012 2 DECLARATION I declare “The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in a post-1994 South Africa: A reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of this revolutionary ideology” to be my own work, that all sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged, and that this thesis was not previously submitted by me or any other person for degree purposes at this or any other university. ........................................ ...................................... Signature Date 3 A WORD OF GRATITUDE I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Professor André Duvenhage who has inspired this thesis and its author; my mother and Anel for keeping me sane, Gérhard for his help and friendship, Simone for camaraderie, artistry and technical support, and Kate, Anneke and Lisl for the language editing. Above all I wish to say, Soli Deo Gloria and thank YOU. 4 ABSTRACT The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is the central ideology of the governing tripartite alliance consisting of the ANC, the SACP and COSATU. In this class alliance that was formed in the struggle against apartheid, Communists, Socialists, (black) nationalists, Neo-liberalists and Pan-Africanists were to a certain degree united against the enemy of “colonialism of a special type” (apartheid in the vernacular of the NDR) and its exploitational economic legacy. From 2005 onward serious divisions within the once monolithic broad liberationist church became evident, and in 2007 at the Polokwane conference neo-liberalism (the “1996 class project”) was purged in favour of a more stringent and more socialist interpretation of the NDR.
    [Show full text]