Raising and Control

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Raising and Control HG4041 Theories of Grammar Raising and Control Francis Bond Division of Linguistics and Multilingual Studies http://www3.ntu.edu.sg/home/fcbond/ [email protected] Lecture 10 Location: LHN-TR+36 HG4041 (2020) Overview ã Intro to topic ã Infinitival to ã (Subject) raising verbs ã (Subject) control verbs ã Raising/control in Transformational Grammar ã Object raising and object control Sag, Wasow and Bender (2003) — Chapter 12 1 Where We Are & Where We’re Going ã Revision ­ In the last two lectures, we have seen a kind of subject sharing – that is, cases where one NP served as the spr for two different verbs. Examples? ­ Last time, we looked at dummy NPs – that is, non-referential NPs. Examples? ã Today, we’re going to look at the kind of subject sharing we saw with be in more detail. ã Then we’ll look at another kind of subject sharing, using dummy NPs in differenti- ating the two kinds. Raising and Control 2 What Makes This Topic Different ã The phenomena we have looked at so far (agreement, binding, imperatives, passives, existentials, extraposition) are easy to pick out on the basis of their form alone. ã In this chapter, we look at constructions with the general form NP-V-(NP)-to-VP. It turns out that they divide into two kinds, differing in both syntactic and semantic properties. Raising and Control 3 The Central Idea ã Pat continues to avoid conflict and Pat tries to avoid conflict both have the form NP-V-to-VP ­ But continue is semantically a one-place predicate, expressing a property of a situation (namely, that it continues to be the case) continue(avoid(Pat,conflict)) ­ Whereas try is semantically a two-place predicate, expressing a relation between someone who tries and a situation s/he tries to bring about. try(Pat, avoid(Pat, conflict) ã This semantic difference has syntactic effects. Raising and Control 4 The Status of Infinitival to ã It’s not obvious what part of speech to assign to to. ã It’s not the same as the preposition to: (1) Pat aspires to stardom (2) Pat aspires to be a good actor (3) *?Pat aspires to stardom and to be a good actor (4) *Pat aspires to stardom and be a good actor ã We call it an auxiliary verb, because this will make our analysis of auxiliaries a little simpler. Raising and Control 5 The Lexical Entry for Infinitival to 2 2 2 33 3 6 form base 7 6 6 6 77 7 6 6 6 77 7 6syn 6head 4inf + 57 7 6 4 5 7 6 aux + 7 6 7 6 2 3 7 6 2 3 7 6 7 6 6 verb 7 7 6 6 6 7 7 7 6 6 6 − 7 7 7 * 6 6head 4inf 5 7 7+ 6 6 7 7 6 * 6 form base 7+7 to, 6 6 2 37 7 6 6 D E 7 7 6arg-st 1 , 6 7 7 6 6 6spr 1 77 7 6 6 4 DE57 7 6 6val 7 7 6 6 comps 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 4 h i 5 7 6 7 6 sem index s 7 6 7 6 " # 7 6 7 4 index s 5 sem restr hi Raising and Control 6 The Syntax of Infinitival to 2 3 2 2 33 6 form base 7 6 6 6 777 6 6 4inf + 577 4syn 4head 55 aux + ã This makes it a verb, because aux is declared on verb ã [inf +] uniquely identifies the infinitival to ã Verbs select complements with different combinations of form and inf values, e.g. ­ complements of condescend are [form base] and [inf +] ­ complements of should are [form base] and [inf −] ­ complements of help are [form base] ã The meaning of [aux +] becomes clear in Chapter 13. Raising and Control 7 The Argument Structure 2 3 2 2 33 6 6 verb 7 7 6 6 6 77 7 6 6head 4inf − 57 7 6 6 7 7 6 * 6 form base 7+7 6 6 7 7 6 6 2 D E37 7 6 6 7 7 6arg-st 1, spr 1 7 6 6 6 77 7 6 6val 4 DE57 7 6 6 7 7 6 6 comps 7 7 6 6 h i 7 7 4 4 5 5 sem index s ã What kind of constituent is the second argument? ã The tagging of the first argument and the spr of the second argument is exactly like be. Raising and Control 8 The Semantics of Infinitival to 2 3 2 2 3 3 6 7 6 6 verb 7 7 6 6 6 7 7 7 6 6head 6inf − 7 7 7 6 6 4 5 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 * 6 form base 7+7 6 6 2 D E37 7 6 6 7 7 6arg-st 1 , 6 7 7 6 6 6spr 1 77 7 6 6val 4 DE57 7 6 6 7 7 6 6 comps 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 4 h i 5 7 6 7 6 sem index s 7 6 7 6 " # 7 6 index s 7 4sem 5 restr hi ã The index value is taken from the sem of the second argument. ã What is the semantic contribution of to? Raising and Control 9 Dummies and continue ã Some examples: (5) There continue to be seats available. (6) It continues to matter that we lost. (7) Advantage continues to be taken of the innocent. (8) *It continues to be seats available. (9) *There continues to matter that we lost. (10) *Advantage continues to be kept of the innocent. ã Generalization: Non-referential NPs can appear as the subject of continue just in case they could be the subject of the complement of continue. Raising and Control 10 A New Type, for Verbs like continue 2 Subject-Raising Verb Lexeme (srv-lxm) 3 2 2 D E33 6 7 6 * 6 6spr 1 77+7 6 6 4 DE57 7 6 6val 7 7 6arg-st 1 , 6 comps 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 4 h i 5 7 6 7 6 sem index s 7 6 7 6 " ⟨ ⟩# 7 6 h i 7 4sem restr arg s 5 ã The subject sharing is just like for be and to: the subject of continue is also the subject of its complement ã continue imposes no other constraints on its subject ã The index of the complement must be an argument of the predication introduced by the verb Raising and Control 11 The Lexical Entry for continue 2 " + 3 ⟨ h i] 6srv-lxm 7 6syn arg-st X, VP inf + 7 * 6 7+ 6 2 37 6 7 6 index s 7 continue, 6 6 *"1 #+77 6 6 77 6sem 6 reln continue 77 4 4restr 55 sit s1 Raising and Control 12 continue with Inherited Information 2 2 2 33 3 srv-lxm 6 verb 7 6 6 6 77 7 6 6 6 −77 7 6 6 6pred 77 7 6syn 6head 6 77 7 6 6 4inf −57 7 6 4 5 7 6 agr 2 7 6 7 6 2 3 7 6 7 6 * 2 3 inf + +7 * 6 head nominal 6 D E7 7+ 6 4 h i5 6 7 7 6arg-st 1 , VP 6spr 1 7 7 6 hi hi 4 5 7 continue, 6 val spr comps 7 6 7 6 index s2 7 6 2 3 7 6 7 6 mode prop 7 6 6 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 6index s1 7 7 6 6 2 3 7 7 6 6 * +7 7 6sem 6 reln continue 7 7 6 6 6 7 7 7 6 6restr 6sit s 7 7 7 4 4 4 1 5 5 5 arg s2 Raising and Control 13 Key Property of Subject-Raising Verbs The subject plays no semantic role in the predication introduced by the SRV itself. Its semantic role (if any) is only in the predication introduced in the complement. 2 2 3 3 6srv-lxm * 2 3 inf + +7 6 head nominal 6 D E7 7 6 4 h i5 6 7 7 6arg-st 1 , VP 6spr 1 7 7 6 hi hi 4 5 7 6 val spr comps 7 6 index s 7 * 6 2 7+ 6 2 3 7 6 7 6 mode prop 7 continue, 6 6 7 7 6 6index s 7 7 6 6 12 3 7 7 6 6 7 7 6 6 * +7 7 6sem 6 6reln continue7 7 7 6 6 6 7 7 7 6 6restr 4sit s1 5 7 7 4 4 5 5 arg s2 Raising and Control 14 Constraints on SRV’s subjects are from their complements ã SRVs take dummy subjects when and only when their complements do. ã SRVs take idiom chunk subjects when and only when their complements do. ã Passivizing the complement of an SRV doesn’t change the truth conditions of the whole sentence: (11) Skeptics continue to question your hypothesis (12) Your hypothesis continues to be questioned by skeptics Raising and Control 15 continue with active complement S A [ D E] 1 NPi VP spr 1 [ D E] [ D E] Skeptics V spr 1 VP spr 1 [ D E] [ D E] continue V spr 1 VP spr 1 [ D E] to V spr 1 NPj 2 2 3 3 * + 6 6reln question7 7 6 6 7 7 question 6restr A ,… 7 4 4doubter i 5 5 your hypothesis doubted j Raising and Control 16 continue with passive complement S A [ D E] 1 NPj VP spr 1 [ D E] [ D E] V spr 1 VP spr 1 Your hypothesis [ D E] [ D E] continue V spr 1 VP spr 1 [ D E] [ D E] to V spr 1 VP spr 1 [ D E] be V spr 1 NPi questioned Pi NPi 2 3 2 3 by NOM * + i 6 6reln question7 7 6 6 7 7 6restr A doubter i ,… 7 4 4 5 5 skeptics doubted j Raising and Control 17 Control Verbs ã Control verbs, like try, appear in contexts that look just like the contexts for raising verbs: i.
Recommended publications
  • Expanding the Scope of Control and Raising∗
    1 Expanding the scope of control and raising∗ Maria Polinsky and Eric Potsdam University of California at San Diego and University of Florida 1. Introduction The relationship between linguistic theory and empirical data is a proverbial two-way street, but it is not uncommon for the traffic in that street to move only in one direction. The study of raising and control is one such case, where the empirical lane has been running the risk of becoming too empty, and much theorizing has been done on the basis of English and similar languages. A statement in a recent paper is quite telling in that regard: “Our impression from the literature … is that control behaves cross-linguistically in much the same fashion [as in English]…” (Jackendoff and Culicover 2003: 519). If indeed all languages structure control in ways similar to English, cross-linguistic investigation might not be expected to have much to offer, so there has not been much impetus for pursuing them. This paper offers a new incentive to pursue empirical data on control and raising. For these phenomena, recent results from both theoretical and empirical work have coalesced in a promising way allowing us to expand the boundaries of a familiar concept. This in turn provides a stronger motivation for the development of raising/control typologies. 2. Innovations in linguistic theory and their consequence for control and raising Two main innovations in linguistic theory allow us to predict a greater range of variation in control and raising: the unification of control and raising under a single analysis as movement and the compositional view of movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Idioms-And-Expressions.Pdf
    Idioms and Expressions by David Holmes A method for learning and remembering idioms and expressions I wrote this model as a teaching device during the time I was working in Bangkok, Thai- land, as a legal editor and language consultant, with one of the Big Four Legal and Tax companies, KPMG (during my afternoon job) after teaching at the university. When I had no legal documents to edit and no individual advising to do (which was quite frequently) I would sit at my desk, (like some old character out of a Charles Dickens’ novel) and prepare language materials to be used for helping professionals who had learned English as a second language—for even up to fifteen years in school—but who were still unable to follow a movie in English, understand the World News on TV, or converse in a colloquial style, because they’d never had a chance to hear and learn com- mon, everyday expressions such as, “It’s a done deal!” or “Drop whatever you’re doing.” Because misunderstandings of such idioms and expressions frequently caused miscom- munication between our management teams and foreign clients, I was asked to try to as- sist. I am happy to be able to share the materials that follow, such as they are, in the hope that they may be of some use and benefit to others. The simple teaching device I used was three-fold: 1. Make a note of an idiom/expression 2. Define and explain it in understandable words (including synonyms.) 3. Give at least three sample sentences to illustrate how the expression is used in context.
    [Show full text]
  • Remarks on the History of the Indo-European Infinitive Dorothy Disterheft University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected]
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Linguistics, Program of 1981 Remarks on the History of the Indo-European Infinitive Dorothy Disterheft University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/ling_facpub Part of the Linguistics Commons Publication Info Published in Folia Linguistica Historica, Volume 2, Issue 1, 1981, pages 3-34. Disterheft, D. (1981). Remarks on the History of the Indo-European Infinitive. Folia Linguistica Historica, 2(1), 3-34. DOI: 10.1515/ flih.1981.2.1.3 © 1981 Societas Linguistica Europaea. This Article is brought to you by the Linguistics, Program of at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Foli.lAfl//ui.tfcoFolia Linguistica HfltorlcGHistorica II/III/l 'P'P.pp. 8-U3—Z4 © 800£etruSocietae lAngu,.ticaLinguistica Etlropaea.Evropaea, 1981lt)8l REMARKSBEMARKS ONON THETHE HISTORYHISTOKY OFOF THETHE INDO-EUROPEANINDO-EUROPEAN INFINITIVEINFINITIVE i DOROTHYDOROTHY DISTERHEFTDISTERHEFT I 1.1. INTRODUCTIONINTRODUCTION WithWith thethe exceptfonexception ofof Indo-IranianIndo-Iranian (Ur)(Hr) andand CelticCeltic allall historicalhistorical Indo-EuropeanIndo-European (IE)(IE) subgroupssubgroups havehave a morphologicalIymorphologically distinctdistinct II infinitive.Infinitive. However,However, nono singlesingle proto-formproto-form cancan bebe reconstructedreconstructed
    [Show full text]
  • Contract Change of Control Clause
    Contract Change Of Control Clause Vinnie never discommodes any soberer lased exhibitively, is Durant jolted and eely enough? imprecisely.Divorceable GaelicHilary stillRafe billet: regreet roofless experientially. and multipolar Herrick finalize quite charily but burlesque her skirr Hawaii, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and possessions of the United States. The term does not include computer software. Israeli Trade Act Certificate. Use the Lock Contract Terms action to prevent anyone from editing the contract terms in the application while you are editing the contract terms offline in Word. Sandau Dredging, ENG BCA No. For example, the application will ignore clause text you placed in italics if that is the only edit you made. What Is a Termination Clause? If you add a new clause without a heading, then the application automatically creates a clause title with a clause number based on the number of such clauses without titles. The rights and remedies of the judiciary provided in this clause are in addition to any other rights and remedies provided by law or under this contract. Bacon prevailing wage determination procedure act to the circumstances and that performance pending resolution to any federal personnel or of clause? Grumman Data Systems Corp. The first force majeure condition of an event independent of the will of the debtor is unlikely to be an issue in the context of this epidemic. One addresses rights to transfer the contract, the other rights to terminate. If drawings or schedules show variations from the contract requirements because of standard shop practice or for other reasons, the supplier must describe the variations in the letter of transmittal.
    [Show full text]
  • Lecture 17: ECM. Control
    ECM Constructions Control Constructions Idioms and Weather It Null-Subjects Lecture 17: ECM. Control. Andrei Antonenko LIN 311: Syntax October 25, 2018 A. Antonenko (Syntax) ECM. Control. 1 / 48 ECM Constructions Control Constructions Idioms and Weather It Null-Subjects Outline 1 ECM Constructions 2 Control Constructions Subject Control Object Control 3 Idioms and Weather It 4 Null-Subjects PRO PROarb pro A. Antonenko (Syntax) ECM. Control. 2 / 48 ECM Constructions Control Constructions Idioms and Weather It Null-Subjects ECM Constructions A. Antonenko (Syntax) ECM. Control. 3 / 48 ECM Constructions Control Constructions Idioms and Weather It Null-Subjects ECM Constructions • Compare the following examples: • (1-a) and (2-a) are examples of a Raising infinitive. • (1-b) and (2-b) are similar but the embedded subject is allowed to stay inside the embedded clause. • What is the difference between seem and appear on one hand and consider and believe on the other? (1) a. Johni seems [ i to like the cake]. b. Sue believed [John to have liked the cake]. (2) a. Jilli appears [ i to be the best candidate]. b. Pat considers [Jill to be the best candidate]. A. Antonenko (Syntax) ECM. Control. 4 / 48 ECM Constructions Control Constructions Idioms and Weather It Null-Subjects ECM Constructions Case theory and θ-theory (3) a. Johni seems [ i to like the cake]. (Raising) b. Sue believed [John to have liked the cake]. (ECM) Similarities: Differences: 1 Both seem and believe 1 Believe assigns a θ-role to assign Theme θ-role to the its subject, seem doesn’t. embedded clause. 2 In ECM embedded subject 2 John receives (Exp) θ-role stays; in Raising it must from the embedded verb like.
    [Show full text]
  • 6. Infinitives
    13-15 February 2 •Overview of the different types of infinitives. •Tense inside infinitives…yes, really. •They’re not all CPs! (a look at English, Icelandic, Hindi-Urdu) •Exceptional Case Marking vs Raising to Object. Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. Ussery •Can PRO get Case? Another Look at Icelandic. 1. Most citizens understand the Constitution of the United States to enumerate certain fundamental rights. 2. What do most citizens understand the Constitution of the United States to enumerate? 3. *Most citizens understand what the Constitution of the United 3 States to enumerate. 4. Most citizens understand what the Constitution of the United States enumerates. 5. Many people told the founders what to enumerate in the Constitution of the United States. Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. Ussery Ø The semantics and morphology of infinitives interact with 4 some of the most fundamental aspects of syntactic theory – e.g, the Theta Criterion and the Case Filter. Ø The subject has not overtly realized in many infinitives and the verb does not show agreement morphology in many languages. Ling 216 ~ Winter 2019 ~ C. Ussery § Raising: Subject of the main clause is semantically related to the verb in the embedded clause, but not to the verb in the main clause. § Verb in the main clause does not have a theta role for a subject. § Control: Subject/object of the main clause is semantically related to the verbs in both the main clause and the embedded clause. § Both the main and embedded clause verbs have theta roles for subjects. § Exceptional Case Marking (ECM): DP that “looks” like the object of the main clause is actually semantically related to the verb of the embedded clause.
    [Show full text]
  • Control As Multiple Agree
    Syracuse University SURFACE Theses - ALL May 2018 Control as Multiple Agree Deniz Satik Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/thesis Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Satik, Deniz, "Control as Multiple Agree" (2018). Theses - ALL. 222. https://surface.syr.edu/thesis/222 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This thesis presents a new theory of control in which the control predicate establishes control between PRO and the controller by Agreeing with both of them and checking their semantics at a later point of the derivation. Each DP possesses its own index as a syntactic feature. As the predicate Probes for these two Goals, it keeps track of the indexes of the controllee and controller with the control calculus, a part of the narrow syntax. The calculus is sensitive to the semantics of these nominal phrases after transfer to LF. This derives subject control in (1), which Culicover & Jackendoff (2001) argue exists due to the lexical semantic role Source on the Agent θ-role of promise. (1) Johni promised Maryk PROi to eat pizza. If the set containing the index of the controller is a subset of the set containing the index of the controllee, the derivation does not crash; otherwise, it crashes. This approach provides a derivation for the phenomenon of split control in (2), which Landau (2013) points out no account to date has been able to solve, and derives partial control in (3), along with deriving many other control phenomena.
    [Show full text]
  • Causative Paper
    A Reexamination of the Cross-linguistic Parameterization of Causative Predicates: Japanese perspectives Yo Matsumoto Meiji Gakuin University Proceedings of the LFG98 Conference The University of Queensland, Brisbane Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 1998 CSLI Publications http://www-csli.stanford.edu/publications/ 2 1. Introduction In this paper, I will examine the syntax and semantics of one subtype of Japanese morphological causative in comparison to other kinds of morphological causatives in Japanese and similar causatives in other languages. I will point out that this subtype does not exhibit biclausal properties typical of more familiar Japanese causative predicates. The observations are discussed in relation to Alsina’s (1992, 1996) theory of crosslinguistic parameterization of causative predicates. I will argue that the Japanese facts and related observations in other languages suggest the need to consider one additional parameter of variation in causative predicates, namely the argument and functional structure complexity. I will also discuss how this factor interacts with the parameter Alsina has proposed. 2. Alsina’s Cross-linguistic Parameterization In an important recent study of causatives within Lexical-functional Grammar (LFG), Alsina (1992, 1996, 1997, Alsina & Joshi 1991) claims that causative predicates can vary cross-linguistically according to a parameter specifying the possible patterns of argument fusion in a composite argument structure. He argues that the causative morpheme is in most cases a three-place predicate, subcategorizing for agent, patient, and event, and that the patient of the causative morpheme is fused with one argument of the base verb. There are two possibilities for such fusion, which are represented in (1).
    [Show full text]
  • Exceptional Case Marking: Perspectives Old And
    FASL VI 5/10/97 ( 21) a Smatram da j e Ivan pameta·n consider15g that is Ivannom smartnom Exceptional Case Marking: 'I consider that Ivan is smart' Perspectives Old and New b *Smatram Ivana biti pametan/pametnim consider1og Ivanacc to be smartnom/inst Howard Lasnik 'I consider Ivan to be smart' University of Connecticut c Smatram [Ivana pametnim] consider1.g Ivanacc to be smartin•t (1) I believe John to have convinced Bill 'I consider Ivan smart' [Serbo-Croatian] (2) I believe that John convinced Bill (3) I believe Bill to have been convinced by John (22) (2lc) shows that exceptional objective case is possible ( 4) I compelled the doctor to examine John in Slavic, albeit in 'small clauses'. (5) I compelled John to be examined by the doctor (6) I believe there to be a man in the garden (23)a Ja s~itaju ~to Ivan umen (7) I believe advantage to have been taken of John I believe that Ivan-nom smart (8) *I forced there to be a man in the garden 'I believe that Ivan is smart' (9) *I forced advantage to have been taken of John b *Ja s~itaju Ivana byt' umnym cf. Rosenbaum (1967) I believe Ivan-ace to be smart-inst (lO)a Jack believed Joan/her to be famous 'I consider Ivan to be smart' b Joan/she was believed to be famous by Jack c Ja s~itaju Ivana umnym (ll)a *Jacki believed himi to be immoral I believe Ivan-ace smart-inst b Jack believed himself to be immoral 'I consider Ivan smart' [Russian] (12) They believed each other to be honest Postal (1974) (24) The phenomenon of object-like behavior for embedded subjects is limited even in English: it shows up only (13) John in (1) is thematically subject of the lower when the embedded clause is non-finite (and not even with predicate, but for virtually all other purposes all infinitives, as we will see later).
    [Show full text]
  • LIBRARIES Elements of Control
    Elements of Control by Idan Landau MA Linguistics Tel Aviv University, 1994 Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology ,August 1999 0@ 1999 IdanLandau. All rights reserved.T The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. Signature of Author: Dptartment of Linguistics and Philosophy August 5, 1999 Certified by: Noam Chomsky, Institute Professor Thesis Supervisor Certified by: Sabine Iatridou, Professor of Linguistics Thesis Supervisor Certified by: David Pesetsky, Professor of Linguistics Thesis Supervisor Certifiedaccepted byand Alec Marantz, Professor of Linguistics Thesis Supervisor Head, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY SEP2 11999 /tOHIVES 1 [ LIBRARIES Elements of Control by Idan Landau Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy on August 5, 1999 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ABSTRACT How many different types of control relations exist? Is the classical distinction between Obligatory Control (OC) and Non-Obligatory Control (NOC) well-founded? What semantic and syntactic properties of infinitives determine their place in the control typology? How is the "understood subject" PRO linked to the controller? This thesis investigates these questions in two steps: First, we establish a typology of control and characterize the empirical profile of each type; second, we propose mechanisnms of derivation and interpretation to account for the different types . The OC category is shown to consist of two subtypes, Exhaustive Control (EC) and Partial Control (PC).
    [Show full text]
  • Partial Control Accepted
    Hazel Pearson Accepted to Natural Language and Linguistic Theory The Semantics of Partial Control Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS) Schützenstrasse 18 10117 Berlin Germany Email: [email protected] Phone: +49 (0)30 20192 570 Fax: +49 30 20192-402 Abstract In a partial control configuration the denotation of the controller is properly included in the understood subject of the infinitive. This paper proposes a compositional semantics for partial control - the first such proposal that we are aware of. We show that an account of what determines whether a given predicate licenses partial control follows naturally from the analysis without additional syntactic assumptions. At the heart of the proposal lies the idea that partial control predicates are attitude verbs and as such, quantify over a particularly fine- grained type of modal base - so-called centred worlds. Unlike in traditional semantics for attitude reports, however, the lexical entry of these predicates requires that the property expressed by the control complement is applied not to the coordinates of this modal base, but rather to world, time and individual arguments that stand in a systematic relationship to those coordinates. This makes sense of the observation, going back to (Landau, 2000), that the ability of a control predicate to license partial control is intimately connected to its temporal properties. The Semantics of Partial Control 1. Introduction A partial control configuration is one where the individual denoted by the controller is a proper subset of the understood subject of the embedded clause. Here are some examples: 1a. John wanted to assemble in the hall. 1b.
    [Show full text]
  • Raising, Control, Null Subject
    Raising, Control, Null Subject Ling 322 Read Syntax, Ch. 10 1 Revisiting Raising (1) Pete is likely [to leave]. • Theta-grid for likely (2) a. It is likely [that Pete left]. b. [That Pete left] is likely. proposition i Note: Expletives do not have theta-roles. They do not appear in theta-grids. • Theta-grid for leave agent i 2 Revisiting Raising (cont.) (3) Petei is likely [ti to leave]. TP DPi T Pete T VP [Nom] isj V [Pres] [Nom] V AP tj A A CP likely C C TP ∅ DP T ti T VP to DP V ti V leave 3 Raising Look-alike: Control (4) Pete is reluctant to leave. • Theta-grid of reluctant (5) a. * Itexpl is reluctant [that Pete left]. b. * [That Pete left] is reluctant. experiencer proposition i k Who is reluctant? Pete. • Theta-grid of leave agent m Who is doing the leaving? Pete. 4 Raising Look-alike: Control (cont.) • Does this mean that Pete starts out as a subject of the infinitival clause and then moves to the matrix clause? (6) [Pete]i/m is reluctant [tm to leave]k. • Then Pete gets two theta-roles: agent role from leave and experiencer role from reluctant. But what about Theta-criterion? • The problem is that there are two theta-roles here, but only one DP. • Solution: There is a second DP, called PRO, which is unpronounced. (7) [Pete]i is reluctant [PROm to leave]k. PRO can only appear in the subject position of an infinitival clause. PRO is not pronounced because it is in a caseless position.
    [Show full text]