Justice, Dissent, and the Sublime Canuel, Mark
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Literary Theory
Literary Theory Field of Study Reading List [Note: where selections are indicated ("from"), the references in square brackets are to one of the anthologies included at the end of the list. Where no reference is included, the student is free to choose which sections to read. This should be noted on the amended reading list.] Classical Period 1. Plato, Ion, Republic, Book X (on art); Book VII (the myth of the cave) (c. 400 BCE). 2. Aristotle, Poetics (c. 350 BCE). 3. Horace, Ars Poetica (c. 20 BCE). 4. Longinus, On the Sublime, Books I-XII; XL (1st c CE). 5. Quintillian, Institutio Oratoria, Book 8, Ch. 5 (tropes) (1st c CE). 6. Plotinus, On Intellectual Beauty (3rd c CE). 7. Augustine, from On Christine Doctrine, Book II (signs), Book IV (tropes) (395-427). Medieval Period 8. Dante, Letter to Can Grande Della Scala (allegory) (1319). 9. Boccaccio, Genealogy of the Gentile Gods (1350-62). 10. Christine de Pisan, from City of Women, chapter 1; chapter 36 (education), (1405). 11. Aquinas, selection from Summa Theologica, 9th and 10th articles (on metaphor), (1265-73). Renaissance 12. Sidney, Philip. An Apology for Poetry (1583). 13. Puttenham, George. The Art of English Poesie, Book 1 (1589). 14. Guarini, Giambattista. The Compendium of Tragicomic Poetry (1599). 15. Boileau Despreaux, Nicolas, Art Poetique (1674). 16. Bacon, Francis, from The Advancement of Learning (1605) [Adams and Searle]; from Essays (1601). 17. De vega, Lopa. The New Art of Making Comedies (1607). 18. Heywood, Thomas. "An Apology for Actors" (1612). 19. Jonson, Ben, from Timber: OR, Discoveries Made upon Men and Matter (1641) [Bate]. -
Women and the History of Republicanism
Australasian Philosophical Review ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rapr20 Women and the History of Republicanism Alan Coffee To cite this article: Alan Coffee (2019) Women and the History of Republicanism, Australasian Philosophical Review, 3:4, 443-451, DOI: 10.1080/24740500.2020.1840646 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/24740500.2020.1840646 Published online: 23 Apr 2021. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rapr20 AUSTRALASIAN PHILOSOPHICAL REVIEW 2019, VOL. 3, NO. 4, 443–451 https://doi.org/10.1080/24740500.2020.1840646 CODA Women and the History of Republicanism Alan Coffee King’s College London Sandrine Bergès’s[2021] fascinating lead article has justifiably stimulated a vigorous debate amongst the respondents that will contribute significantly to scholarship in this field. In this short editorial coda, I cannot do justice to all of the responses, even though each is valuable and instructive. I should like, first of all, brieflyto review each contribution. In the remainder of what I have to say, I shall then respond in more general terms about the nature of the overall project of reading his- torical women philosophers as part of the republican tradition, with the aim of tackling what I consider to be some misconceptions. In so doing, I will address myself mostly to Karen Green’s[2021] article which is the most sceptical about the endeavour, although I shall also engage with Lena Halldenius [2021]. -
British Poetry of the Long Nineteenth Century
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Zea E-Books Zea E-Books 12-1-2019 British Poetry of the Long Nineteenth Century Beverley Rilett University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/zeabook Part of the Literature in English, British Isles Commons Recommended Citation Rilett, Beverley, "British Poetry of the Long Nineteenth Century" (2019). Zea E-Books. 81. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/zeabook/81 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Zea E-Books at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Zea E-Books by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. British Poetry of the Long Nineteenth Century A Selection for College Students Edited by Beverley Park Rilett, PhD. CHARLOTTE SMITH WILLIAM BLAKE WILLIAM WORDSWORTH SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE GEORGE GORDON BYRON PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY JOHN KEATS ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING ALFRED TENNYSON ROBERT BROWNING EMILY BRONTË GEORGE ELIOT MATTHEW ARNOLD GEORGE MEREDITH DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI CHRISTINA ROSSETTI OSCAR WILDE MARY ELIZABETH COLERIDGE ZEA BOOKS LINCOLN, NEBRASKA ISBN 978-1-60962-163-6 DOI 10.32873/UNL.DC.ZEA.1096 British Poetry of the Long Nineteenth Century A Selection for College Students Edited by Beverley Park Rilett, PhD. University of Nebraska —Lincoln Zea Books Lincoln, Nebraska Collection, notes, preface, and biographical sketches copyright © 2017 by Beverly Park Rilett. All poetry and images reproduced in this volume are in the public domain. ISBN: 978-1-60962-163-6 doi 10.32873/unl.dc.zea.1096 Cover image: The Lady of Shalott by John William Waterhouse, 1888 Zea Books are published by the University of Nebraska–Lincoln Libraries. -
Home Editorial Authors' Responses Guidelines For
Home Search Every Field Editorial Search Authors' WHY THE ROMANTICS MATTER Responses By Peter Gay (Yale, 2015) xvi + 141pp. Guidelines Reviewed by Lisa M. Steinman on 2017-04-24. For Click here for a PDF version. Reviewers Click here to buy the book on Amazon. About Us Masthead This book could have begun with a variant of my favorite opening line--from Steven Shapin's The Scientific Revolution (1996): "There was no such thing as [Romanticism], and this is a book about it." As Gay's prologue notes, "if there were Feedback German romantics and French romantics, they did not start from the same initial impulse, did not develop the same cultural expressions in their literature and their art" (xii-xiii). Proposing, then, to talk of romanticisms--the plural is used throughout the book, as in most discussions of romanticism(s) these days--he treats the movement as a "large . far-flung family" (19) rather than as homogeneous. Gay nonetheless finds certain shared preoccupations, primarily in French and German literature, visual art, and music between the late eighteenth century and the mid-twentieth century. Peter Gay died at 91 in 2015, the year this book was published. Not surprisingly, since his thirty-some previous books have covered Weimar, Freud, the Enlightenment, and Modernism, a good deal of this new book highlights modernity and modernism with some glances back at the eighteenth century. Thus he tacitly argues that the romanticisms he explores not only emerged from the Enlightenment but also persisted well into the twentieth century. As Gay concludes in a brief epilogue, twentieth-century novelists, poets, composers, painters, dramatists, and architects "lived off the [romantic] past" (116), suggesting that modernity is a cluster of romanticisms under a different name. -
181 Chapter VII a World of Many
181 Chapter VII A World of Many: Giving up the Belief in the Possibility of Universal Rule (1648/59 – 1714) A Description of the “State” of the Holy Roman Empire Slightly less than twenty years after the treaties of Munster and Osnabrück, the jurist and historian Samuel von Pufendorf (1632 – 1694) clad his description of the Holy Roman Empire into a fictitious travel report. He took the role of a Veronese citizen named Severinus de Monzambano, explaining to his alleged brother the oddities of the form of government of the Empire. The choice of Veronese identity had not been random, as the city of Verona the lay on Venetian territory and, from the fourteenth century, Venice had no longer been considered part of the Empire,1 from the turn towards the sixteenth century even as the foe of the Emperor. Pufendorf explained the form of government of the Empire in historical terms, described the processes by which the centre of rule had shifted from the Italian Peninsula to areas north of the Alps and, at the very beginning of his report, made it clear that the Empire was known by the wrong official name. Instead of “Holy Roman Empire”, it should, Pufendorf insisted, be called the “new state of the Germans”, because it had nothing to do with the ancient empire of the Romans. It was a grave mistake, he wrote, to believe that this ancient empire of the Romans had continued to be in existence. Quite on the contrary, the empire, whose capital the city of Rome had once been, had been destroyed. -
Human Beings and the Moral Law: Moral Precariousness in Kant's Ethical Philosophy
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2014 Human Beings and the Moral Law: Moral Precariousness in Kant's Ethical Philosophy Bradley Taylor University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Taylor, Bradley, "Human Beings and the Moral Law: Moral Precariousness in Kant's Ethical Philosophy" (2014). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1468. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1468 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1468 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Human Beings and the Moral Law: Moral Precariousness in Kant's Ethical Philosophy Abstract ABSTRACT HUMAN BEINGS AND THE MORAL LAW: MORAL PRECARIOUSNESS IN KANT'S ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY Bradley M. Taylor Dr. Paul Guyer This dissertation is an examination of human moral precariousness in Kant's ethics. Human beings are in a state of moral precariousness insofar as they are ever-capable of transgressing the moral law and are often uncertain of the moral worth of their actions. Put another way, in this dissertation I argue that the basic relationship between human beings and the moral law, in Kant's moral philosophy, is, most fundamentally, one of tenuousness and vacillation. This relation is the fundamental characteristic of the human moral condition because such a relation is built into Kant's account of human moral agency. We have a tenuous relation to the moral law because we always have at least the possibility of conflict between our desire for happiness (i.e. the satisfaction of our inclinations) and the requirements of the moral law. -
Mature Kantians Mika Lavaque-Manty [email protected]
Mature Kantians Mika LaVaque-Manty [email protected] Department of Political Science University of Michigan Philip Otto Runge, Hülsenbeck Children, 1805–6. © ARTstor. Prepared for delivery at the 2004 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 2 – September 5, 2004. © American Political Science Association. Mature Kantians i INTRODUCTION: THE AUTONOMY PROBLEM One of the many problems facing Enlightenment thinkers was the question of how to reconcile their claim that all humans have equal dignity by virtue of their autonomous agency with the fact that many people neither enjoyed the respect their dignity warranted nor acted in ways that would have suggested they were meaningfully autonomous.1 If the 18th century was the age of the Enlightenment, many people didn’t act their age. Part of the problem was political in the institutional sense: absolutism, feudal vestiges and religious authoritarianism made it difficult, even impossible, for people to be autonomous. But these didn’t account for all the problems, and as Kant suggested, another part had to with ordinary people themselves: the people’s “immaturity” was also “self-incurred.” This was a real pickle, both theoretically and practically: If another person’s autonomous agency is your goal, you had better be careful about what and how much you do for her. There is a real tension, if not an outright conflict, between paternalism and respect for autonomy. There is also a risk of elitism in concerning yourself with others’ autonomy. In the absence of a shared summum bonum — and I take it that part of what modernity means is the absence of a shared summum bonum — the apparent end of a person’s action doesn’t always tell you whether she chose the action or the end. -
Inventing Westphalia
Inventing Westphalia Nicholas Pingitore Senior Thesis Spring, 2020 Advisors: Ethan Shagan and Raphael Murillo Pingitore 1 Introduction The Westphalian Moment, if there ever was one, may quite well have occurred more than 100 years after the signing of the now famous Peace, and in Geneva no less. Writing around 1756, Jean-Jacques Rousseau declared in his treatise, A Lasting Peace Through the Federation of Europe that “the Treaty of Westphalia will perhaps forever remain the foundation of our international system.”1 Prevailing social science lore would find no fault with Rousseau’s logic. Examples abound from the last 70 years of various political theories, international histories, university conferences, even modern military alliances, referencing Westphalia.2 Invariably, there are some differences in how these thinkers frame the importance of Westphalia, but the general mold is familiar enough to any sophomore undergraduate enrolled in a course on international relations.3 It goes as follows: The Thirty Years’ War lasted from 1618-1648. This three-decade-long catastrophe was perhaps Europe’s first modern continental war. While the majority of the conflict took place in central Europe, it drew upon every “great power” resulting in an estimated five to eight million deaths. Modern estimates would suggest that such a toll resulted in a 15–20 percent decline in Europe’s population.4 By 1 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Translated by C.E. Vaughan, A Lasting Peace Through The Federation of Europe and The State of War, London: Constable and Company Limited, 1917, p. 55. 2 Javier, Solana. “Securing Peace in Europe.” Speech presented at the Symposium on the Political Relevance of the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, Münster, Germany, November 12, 1998. -
Travelling Concepts IV – the Sublime
1 2 December 2013: Travelling Concepts IV – The Sublime From Rosie Lavan Readings: - Longinus, ‘On the Sublime’, in Penelope Murray ed. Classical Literary Criticism, trans. Murray and T. S. Dorsch (2000; London: Penguin, 2004). - Edmund Burke, Part II of A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, from David Womersley ed., A Philosophical Enquiry into the Sublime and Beautiful and Other Pre-Revolutionary Writings (London: Penguin, 1998). For this discussion, which drew our term on travelling concepts to a close, we undertook a comparative reading of two texts on the sublime—the fragmentary second-century writing later titled ‘On the Sublime’ and attributed to Longinus, and an extract from Edmund Burke’s seminal eighteenth-century Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. There is no direct relationship between Longinus, Burke and the specific critical concept of the sublime which gains force in the early eighteenth century, but is there any meaningful relationship to be established between the texts nonetheless? Discussion - Important to note the difference between Longinus’s rather prescriptive text, indicating how a writer might produce these effects, and Burke’s more descriptive analysis of instances of the sublime in writing. - Interesting point about genre which arises from Burke: it’s easier to produce these effects in writing than e.g. in painting. - Can we relate it back to our previous discussion of 9/11? The sublime is something which is by nature beyond description. - NB Longinus’s place—his response is made in a tradition of aesthetics that comes down though Plato and Aristotle - Important questions about translation and definition: o How does translation affect/act upon the concept, especially because Longinus doesn’t define “sublime”? o There is a problem with the inaccessibility of terms—e.g. -
17TH-18TH CENTURY WESTERN PHILOSOPHY PHIL 318 (3 Hrs), Manchester College, Spring 2008
17TH-18TH CENTURY WESTERN PHILOSOPHY PHIL 318 (3 hrs), Manchester College, Spring 2008 Instructor: Dr. Steve Naragon, Office: Ad Bldg., #231c (Phone — office: 982-5041; home: 982-6033) Required Texts: (1) Garrett Thomson, Bacon to Kant: An Introduction to Modern Philosophy, 2nd ed. (Waveland Press, 2002). [ISBN: 1-57766-201-6] (2) René Descartes, Meditations on First Philosophy, 3rd ed., translated by Donald A. Cress (Hackett, 1993), 72 pp. [ISBN: (0-87220-192-9)/(978-0-87220-192-7)] (3) John Locke, Essay Concerning Human Understanding, abridged and edited, with an introduction, by Kenneth P. Winkler (Hackett, 1996), 416 pp. [ISBN: (0-87220-216-X)/(978-0-87220-216-0)] (4) Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Discourse On Metaphysics and Other Essays, translated by Daniel Garber and Roger Ariew (Hackett, 1991), 96 pp. [ISBN: (0-87220-132-5)/(978-0-87220-132-3)] (5) George Berkeley, Three Dialogues Between Hylas and Philonous, edited by Robert M. Adams (Hackett, 1979), 137 pp. [ISBN: (0-915144-61-1)/(978-0-915144-61-7)] (6) David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding, 2nd ed., edited by Eric Steinberg (Hackett, 1993), 151 pp. [ISBN: (0-87220-229-1)/(978-0-87220-229-0)] (7) Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, translated and edited by Paul Guyer and Allen Wood (Cambridge University Press, 1999), 800 pp. [ISBN: 0521657296)] Recommended Texts: (1) Robert Audi, ed., The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, 2nd ed. Course Objective. We will read philosophers from the 16th through the 18th centuries (including Hobbes, Descartes, Locke, Spinoza, Leibniz, Berkeley, Hume, and Kant), with an emphasis on their epistemology and metaphysics. -
Kant's Metaphysics of the Self
Philosophers’ volume 10, no. 8 ot many philosophers would turn to Kant for a positive view august 2010 about the metaphysics of the self (the referent of ‘I’). On the Imprint N contrary, most of Kant’s interpreters read him as warning that any attempt to give a positive account of the self’s nature is doomed to failure, and as building his theories without metaphysical assump- tions about the self.1 This broad interpretive approach, which I’ll call the “anti-metaphysical interpretation,” often sees Kant’s project as an- Kant’s Metaphysics ticipating Wittgenstein’s claims that the self or subject “doesn’t belong to the world, but is a limit of the world.”2 In some form or other, the anti-metaphysical interpretation is pres- ent in all major discussions of Kant’s views on the self. In a 1993 sur- of the Self vey of the literature, Günter Zöller stated that “[d]ifferences of method and philosophical approach aside, the interpretations … show a re- markable agreement in their understanding of Kant’s thinking self as a form or structure that eludes any attempt at reification.”3 The consen- sus now is similar — for instance, in the most recent book on the topic Arthur Melnick argues that in Kant’s theoretical philosophy the self should be understood as something like an activity precisely because this avoids construing it as an entity of any sort.4 In what follows, I argue that not only is the anti-metaphysical in- terpretation mistaken, but that Kant offers us a subtle, plausible meta- physical account of the self that has no direct analogue in the contem- porary literature. -
Natural Law Vs. Positive Law
Natural Law vs. Positive Law: Natural law or the law of nature (Latin: lex naturalis) has been described as a law whose content is set by nature and that therefore has validity everywhere.[1] As classically used, natural law refers to the use of reason to analyze human nature and deduce binding rules of moral behavior. The phrase natural law is opposed to the positive law (meaning "man-made law", not "good law"; cf. posit) of a given political community, society, or nation-state, and thus can function as a standard by which to criticize that law.[2] In natural law jurisprudence, on the other hand, the content of positive law cannot be known without some reference to the natural law (or something like it). Used in this way, natural law can be invoked to criticize decisions about the statutes, but less so to criticize the law itself. Some use natural law synonymously with natural justice or natural right (Latin ius naturale), although most contemporary political and legal theorists separate the two. Although natural law is often conflated with common law, the two are distinct in that natural law is a view that certain rights or values are inherent in or universally cognizable by virtue of human reason or human nature, while common law is the legal tradition whereby certain rights or values are legally cognizable by virtue of judicial recognition or articulation.[3] Natural law theories have, however, exercised a profound influence on the development of English common law,[4] and have featured greatly in the philosophies of Thomas Aquinas, Francisco Suárez, Richard Hooker, Thomas Hobbes, Hugo Grotius, Samuel von Pufendorf, John Locke, Francis Hutcheson, Jean Jacques Burlamaqui, and Emmerich de Vattel.