CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

THE WERE-JAGUAR MOTIF AND THE OLMEC CHIEFDOM

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the .requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology by Bryn Marie Barabas

January 1985 0 •

The Thesis of Bryn Marie Barabas is approved:

Susan Kenagy

Dav~ Hayanbj f{_

Robert Ravicz, Chairma~

California State University, Northridge

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to gratefully acknowledge all of the help and guidance provided by my committee members, Susan Kenagy, David Hayano, Robert Ravicz, and my second ·chair

Carol Mackey, without whom this thesis wo~ld not have been possible. I also extend thanks to Gregory Truex, Charles Bearchell, and Ralph Vicero for coming through in the end. Thanks Mom and Pops for your patient understanding and encouragement. And finally, multiple thank yous to all of those special people, particularly R. J., for seeing me through with my elusive were-jaguar dream.

iii TABLE ·oF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS • • • • • • • • • • • • iii LIST OF FIGURES • • • • • • • • • • • • v ABSTRACT • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • vi Chapter

1 INTRODUCTION • • • • • • • • • • 1 2 DEFINITIONS • • • • • • • • • • 5 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 14 3 BACKGROUND • • • • • • • • • • 16 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 36 4 THE WERE-JAGUAR • • • • • • • • • 38 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 71 5 SAN LORENZO • • • • • • • • • • 73 Summary • • • .. • • • • • • 86 6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS • _. • • • • 89 Conclusions • • • • • • • • • 93 NOTES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 97 FIGURES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 99 REFERENCES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 117 APPENDIX • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 130

iv LIST OF FIGURES figure page 1 The Olmec Area (Weaver 1981:63). • • • • • • 100 2 Chronology (Coe 1970; Tolstoy 1978; Weaver 1981) • 101 3 Olmec Central Places (Bernal 1969; Bove 1976:129). 102 4 Celts or Ceremonial Axes (Covarrubias 1946:30). • 103 5 Evolution of Mesoamerican Rain (Covarrubias 1946:27) ~ • • • • • • • • • 104 6 R{o Chiquita Monument 1 (Joralemon 1976:31). • • 105 7 Potrero Nuevo Monument 3 (Joralemon 1976:31) • • 105 8 Las Bocas Infant (Coe 1965b:106) • • • • • • 106 9 Altar s, La Vanta (Grove 1973:130-131) • • • • 106 10 Pictograph, Oxtotitlan (Grove 1973:133) • • • • 107 11 Pictograph, Oxtotitlan (Grove 1973:132). • • • • 108 12 Maize (Covarrubias 1957:figure 33). • • 109 13 Jade Spoon (Kennedy 1982:286) • • • • • • • 109 14 ~ere-Jaguar (Benson 1981:106) • • • • • • • 110 15 Atlihuayan Figure (Covarrubias 1957:figure 9) • • 111 16 Jaguar-Dragon Profile (Covarrubias 1957:figure 9). 112

17 ~ Marinus (Kennedy 1982:274, 276) • • • • • 112 18 Shed~ Skin (Kennedy 1982:281) • • • • • • 113 19 Eye/Toad Egg Motif (Wickler and Seibt 1982:422) • 113 20 Monument 9, San Lorenzo (Coe and Diehl 1980(1]:315) • • • • • • • • 114 21 Monument 52, San Lorenzo (Coe and Diehl 1980(1]:362) • • • • • • • • 115 22 Tuxtla Statuette (Kennedy 1982:286) • • • • • 115 23 Altar 7, La Vanta (Drucker 19p2:Plate 65b) • • • 116

v ABSTRACT

THE WERE-JAGUAR MOTif AND THE OLMEC CHIEFDOM by Bryn Marie Barabas Master of Arts in Anthropology

The were-jaguar motif has long been an enigmatic element in Olmec art. Through the examination of this motif from an anthropological perspective, it is possible to un­ cover a variety of explanations conce~ning the diversity of were-jaguar types found. In this thesis, I intend to gather and present explanatory data related to the Olmec were­ jaguar motif. Utilizing the symbol of the were-jaguar, I shall also propose that the Olmec civilization possessed a chiefdom type of society. The chieftain or ruling lineage employed the were-jaguar motif, and also its religious connotations, to substantiate its status and to further its power. The Olmec site of San Loren2o, with its complex hydraulic system, will be presented as a model to illustrate the relationship between the were-jaguar motif and the Olmec chiefdom.

vi Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION

It should always be remembered that in interpreting primitive symbols and designs it is never the first and most obvious explanation which is true. Carl Lumholtz Unknown , 1902:

The were-jaguar is an enigmatic symbol prevalent throughout the art of the Olmec. The literature is replete with material on the subject, yet a comprehen­ sive work presenting a variety of explanations is lacking. This thesis will attempt to fill this gap, and in doing so will also offer a new look at the were­ jaguar motif in relation to the sociopolitical organiza- tion of the Olmec. I propose that the were-jaguar motif was employed by the ruling line~ge of the Olmec ~s a unifying symbol to substantiate their elite position and to validate their power within the Olmec chiefdom. It is my opinion that there is not simply one - single, ·valid explanation for the were-jaguar. I am inclined to believe that all of the explanations provided herein are related to the intangible "were-jaguar," and that it. is possible to associate each explanation with multifaceted aspects of the were-jaguar, and to document the meaning in the corpus of known Olmec art. However, I also recognize the possibility that all stated

1 2 interpretations may be incorrect. Neither I nor any of the archaeologists, anthro­ pologists, or art historians ~hose works I have consulted are Olmec. Consequently none of us can look at a piece of Olmec art and casually remark, "ah, a were-jaguar," with any sense of unquestionable assurance. Of course, however, this assumption is routinely made. And because it is, an innumerable amount of Olmec art has been grouped into this indistinct category. Based on criteria given in later pages, this broad category uill be subdivided, yet these subdivisions too tend to overlap and remain indistinct. Therefore, despite the interpretations which I will present, I feel it necessary to caution the reader against the wholesale acceptance of any of them. All are hypotheses. As art is the expression of the artist's world view, a view conditioned by culture, it is impossible for a member of a different culture, especially one which occurs 2000 years later, to truly understand the meanings behind the symbols represented. In this study, Chapter 2 contains definitions of terms relative to this thesis. Art, culture, iconography, symbol, and style will first be discussed. Cultural evolution, chiefdom and state societies, and the "Central Place" Theory will be dealt with also in preparation for the consideration of Olmec soc~opolitical organization. Background on the Olmec people will be provided 3 in Chapter 3. The geographic setting of the sites and a chronological time scale will be ~ivan, as will information on subsistence patterns. This will be followed by the presentation of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, , and Laguna de los Carras, the four major Olmec sites, and a discussion on how they relate to the Central Place Theory. The section on sociopolitical organization will also define the natura of chiefdom and state societies prior to the discussion of the Olmec civilization as a chiefdom society. By relating the Olmec sociopolitical organization to and the role of the were-jaguar motif, the theme of this thesis will thus be set. Descriptions of the were-jaguar will make up Chapter 4. Following a basic delineation of features, a summary of Joralemon 1 s. (1971) god types based upon Olmec ., iconography will be included. Chapter 4 will also include explanations of the were-jaguar as the following: a royal being, a fertility gad, a shamanic figure, and other animals, foremost among these a hallucinogenic toad. This last explanation will feature a cross-cultural comparison with Cerro Sech{n, a contemporaneous site located in the Peruvian Andes. Relations between these explanations and the .hypothesis that the Olmec society is a chiefdom will also be included. Chapter 5 will deal with the site of San Lorenzo and its importance in viewing Olmec society as a chiefdom. A brief recount of its chronology and collapse will be 4 followed by a discussion of its features, primarily its unusual hydraulic system. In a final interpretation of the were-jaguar motif, the focus will be on toads and ducks, and tbe significance of their presence at San Lorenzo, as this site serves as a model in support of the Olmec chiefdom. finally, Chapter 6 will provide a brief summary and conclusion. The many explanations concerning the Olmec were-jaguar motif and its relationship with the Olmec chiefdom society will culminate here. Chapter 2 DEFINITIONS

It is nearly impossible to define 11 art, 11 or sa­ called "primitive art," under which heading that of the

Olmec is sometimes incl~ded. Likewise, such ideas as culture, iconography, symbol and style also tend to elude precise explanation. It is beyond the scope of this thesis to argue meaning. However, in this chapter I will set forth basic definitions of these widely-used terms, as well as a brief definition of cultural evolution. Criteria used in determining chiefdom and state societies, and an outline of the Central Place Theory will also be included, as an understanding of these will prove essential before delving into interpreta­ tions of the were-jaguar. At its simplest, Webster's (1970:78) definition of art is the "human ability to make things; creativity of man as distinguished from the world of natura." Art encompasses a broad range of behavior, from music and folktales to monumental sculpture and architecture. art is not an isolated phenomenon, but is intimately intertwined with all aspects of society, a concept which will be embellished upon later. The word art, in reference to many nonliterate societies such as the Olmec, is oftentimes modified by

5 6

the adjective "Primitive." Haselberger (1961:341) argues for the acceptance of the term "ethnological art" as a possible substitution. My definition of "primitive art" is actually that which has no historic record; I view the art of the Olmec as "primitive" in· this aspect only. Ar~ is an expression of the artist's world view, one's perception of the world as interpreted according to one's culture. Culture is a set of all learned behavior which is transferred extrasomatically from generation to generation. Art, social organization, politics, economics, technology, ideology, and religion are elements of that learned behavior. The Olmec can be viewed as a culture in that a specific set of traits was shared by these people at a certain point in time and space. Panofsky (1955:25) defines iconography as that part of art history which deals with meaning or subject matter rather than form in a given work of art. Kubler (1962:15) contends that three types of meaning are contained in iconography: the object's natural subject matter, its conventional subject matter as derived from concepts and , and its intrinsic meaning as a cultural symbol. Icons and symbols are basically similar. An icon, as described by Redfield (1971:43), is an object which possesses both immanent and transcendent meanings. One who views an icon merely as art experiences its immanent meaning, while the transcendent meaning can be experienced 7

by viewing the icon as a symbol, the symbol serving as a "stimulus" for further associations. In an analysis of Mocha iconography, Donnan (1976:5) employed an assumption that "inherant in the art is a symbolic system that follows consistent rules of expression." Through the examination of "patterns that result from artists working according to these rules of expression" (Donnan 1976:8), it may be possible for elaborate systems of symbols to be decoded. If Donnan's assumption proves correct, valuable insight into early cultures such as that of the Olmec may be gained. Yet another definition to present is that of style. As with other definitions set forth, a whole literature exists on this subject~ The brevity of this definition is sufficient for the purpose of this thesis.

Wicke (1971:65) maintains that ~a style is a group of forms coherent to the beholder," with coherency contingent upon conditioning within a specific cultural context. Simply stated, .style is the manner in which something is created. Both its expression by the artist and its interpretation by others are affected by the individual's culture.

One aspect of style, its "persisting struct~re of available forms" (Redfield 1971:55), is explained by Boas (1955:148-149) as the mind's adjustment to "the use of definite motor habits," and "a resistance to change appears as the most natural mental attitude; if, for no 8 other reason, because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning." Whether or not it is due to a basic lazine~s on the part of man, as Boas infers, it remains that style does persist in the art of a culture, and that it is this uhich lends an air of individuality or uniqueness to the art of a people. Prior to the discussion of the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec in coming chapters, it is necessary to provide a definition of cultural evolution. Simply, cultural evolution is the continuous growth of a culture from simple to complex forms and from homogeneous to heterogeneous qualities • • • • It is presumed to be an ongoing process (Winick 1977:195-196). In theory, human society is thought to advance from egalitarian bands of hunters and gatherers to tribal units (often integrated by Kinship), then to the ranked societies of chiefdoms, and finally to the state, characterized by centralized control. In the words of Adams (1966:8), At a mora abstract level, the main course of cultural evolution increas­ ingly has come to be viewed as a succession of adaptive patterns, each new culture type tending to spread and differentiate at the expense of less efficient precursors. A usual prerequisite for this societal evolution is a strong subsistence base (Adams 1960:274); an adequate surplus may play a role in the development of society. Harris (1959), however, argues that by 9

p •

no means is a surplus an absolute necessity. Others have presented alternate views for this evolution, which often culminates with the development of the state. For example, Carneiro's (1970; 1978:208) hypothesis is "societal augmentation through successful competition," or, the idea that the growth from villages to chiefdoms to eventually states and empires is the result of warfare. Service (1978:27) presents two theories on state formation, the integrative and the conflict. The first includes factors such as geographic or military barriers and a redistributive economic system, which work to hold the society together. The latter theory stresses both inter- and intra-societal conflicts, such as class struggle within a society or competition between societies. Service maintains that many factors are involved in both theories, and that the two are not mutually exclusive. A chiefdom is a society characterized by a redistributional economic system in which a permanent central agency serves to "coordinate economic, social, and religious activities" (Service 1962:143). This central agency is embodied in the chieftain. The chieftain has control over the production and redistribu­ tion of goods, and also controls the labor force. He is generally seen as an authoritative figure. (Haviland 1978:494). Service (1975:16) views the chiefdom as theocratic, with the leader in a dual role as priest-chief. 10

He infers that the people's response to the chief's

authority is a "form of submission~" and views "the use of force as an institutionalized sanction" (Service 1975:16). Ranking of society members hierarchically is an outstanding feature of a chiefdom. Service (1962: 149) accounts for this hierarchy by the establishment of the office of the chieftain. Usu·ally a hereditary position, the chieftain occupies the uppermost rank. By virtue of birth, his family also enjoys the privileges of high rank. The basic ordering of society thus follows familial lines, thoroughly permeating society until the relations, expectations, forms of etiquette, frequently even the kinds of dress and ornamentation prescribed for each rank extend,

•; make explicit, and emphasize social differences (Service 1962:157). Another aspect of a chiefdom is the support of part-time specialists. Backed by an economic system in which accumulated goods are redistributed, not all people are delegated to work for subsistence purposes. The subsidization of skilled craftsmen allows for the creation of luxury goods unknown to band and tribal

.societies. In addition ~o part-time specialists, surplus goods also permit periods in which a large labor force can be amassed for the construction of public works. The basis of the religion of a chiefdom society is , which is also prevalent in hunter and 11

gatherer and tribal societies. While shamanic

are practiced, they ar~ also enhanced by more elaborate ceremonialism. As specialists in other fields develop, so too does a formal priesthood. Service (1962:170-171) notes that one aspect of a chiefdom's religion is the promotion of ancestors to the rank of beings; thus the notion of rank is also manifested in the spiritual realm. According to fried (1967:186), a centralized government characterizes a state society. The appearance of this type of government stems from the inequalities inherant in the ranked chiefdom, in-which the chieftain or rulers have special access to subsistence and vital non-subsistance resources. A major aspect of the state system is centralized control, under a single leader or governing body, which is upheld by legitimized force. Wright and Johnson (1975:267) define_ the state society as having "specialized administrative activities" referring to a hierarchy of control with three distinct levels of administrative responsibility through which decision-making is accomplished. This decision-making is aided by the development of information-processing activities such as observation, communication, and storage of data. These activities are presumably overseen by a bureaucracy. Revenue collection and resource allocation are two of the tasks which are also controlled by this bureaucracy (Cohen_ 1978:4). A hierarchical 12 settlement system corresponds with Wright and Johnson's hierarchy of control. This idea, the Central Place Theory,

~ill be discussed below. Other features of a state society include a market economy with an unequal distribution of wealth. Social stratification includes the presence of an aristocracy consisting of bureaucrats and military leaders. Another aspect of the state is the support of full-time specialists in arts and crafts (Haviland 1978:495). Members of the priesthood make up another group of full-time specialists supported by this sociopolitical organization. In a state society, the religion is often characterized by a hierarchical of gods, each with a particular role (Bove 1976:123). The priests serve as overseers of this pantheon, their -· responsibilities including ceremonials and rituals for the good of society as a whole. The religion also serves to supplement the state, as it legitimizes the actions of the state and affords supernatural sanctions (White 1959:314-323). Service (1962) and Sanders and Price (1968) all agree that the basic difference between chiefdom and state societies is a "difference in degree (amount, size, excellence)" in characteristics of a society such as a refined art style, specialized architecture, writing and calendrical systems, and that "the qualitative difference is the legal-repressive aspect of sociopolitical 13

structure" {Service 1975:178). In actuality, however, other differences such as those mentioned above exist and

~ill be further considered in later pages. Rather than an actual theory, the "Central Place" Theory is a·model in locational geography (Crumley 1976:69). According to Bove (1976:33), locational geography deals with settlement patterns based upon the following premises: 1) The spatial distribution of human activity reflects an ordered adjustment to the factor of distance. 2) Locational decisions are made, in general, to minimize the frictional effects of distance. 3) All locations are accessible, but some locations are more accessible than others. 4) Thera is a tendency for human activities to agglomerate, to take advantage of scale economies. 5) The organization of human activity is essentially hierarchical in character {implying that there is a hierarchy of location in terms of accessibility). 6) Human occupancy is focal in character (Garner 1967:304-305). Bove (1976, 1978) has formulatad·a modified Central Place Theory basad in part on Haggett's {1965:18-19) General Systems Theory, which states that movement of goods and people occur along network channels. Nodes arise at network junctions; these nodes can range from simple clusters of people to cities or central places~ In turn, these nodes develop into a 14 hierarchy. Bove cites Wheatley (1971, 1973) and Crumley (1976) in this modified theory, which

implies that a hierarchy of ~antral places takes into account the social, political, and economic activities of a geographic area, not merely its exploitation (Bove 1978:34). As with other definitions presented in this chapter, the explanation of the Central Place Theory has been brief. Further clarification of it will be forthcoming.

Summary

Art, an expression of an individual's world view, is tied to the culture of the individual, that set of learned behavior shared by a group of people at a certain point in time and space. Iconography deals with the meaning associated with an art form, as does symbolism. Style, the manner in which something is created, serves to integrate these definitions. The style employed in a work incorporates the symbols and iconography of the artist's culture in the creation of art. The development of sociopolitical organization within a culture from egal~tarian bands to complex chiefdoms and states is embodied in the term cultural evolution. This development involves such factors as . the accumulation of surplus goods, and conflict. Characteristics of a chiefdom society include the coordination of economic, social, and religious 15 activities (Service 1962:143) in the figure of the chieftain, hierarchical ranking of society members, part-time specialists, and religious specialists practicing a religion rich in shamanic overtones. A centralized government with a hierarchy of administrative responsibility, a •arket economy, bureaucracies, and an official religion which supports and is supported by the state are hallmarks of state organization. The Central Place Theory is basad on the idea that with the movement of people and goods, networks and nodes appear and develop into a hierarchy of settlements. The presentation of basic terminology is a necessary preliminary in any study dealing with such widespread concepts. In this chapter I have provided definitions of art, culture, iconography, symbol, and style relevant to this thesis as it focuses on the iconography of a specific-motif, the were-jaguar of the Olmec. Cultural evolution, the sociopolitical ·organization of the chiefdom and state, and the Central Place Theory are also defined herein due to their pertinence to this thesis. r .

Chapter 3 BACKGROUND

The Olmec civilization flourished in the Gulf Coast area of Mexico from approximately 1200 - 400 B. c. The background of this early people will be provided in this chapter. The geographic setting, chronology, and subsistence patterns will be presented first. Secondly, the four major Olmec sites of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras will be discussed. finally, the sociopalitical organization of the Olmec will be examined, beginning with its designation as a chiefdom society and concluding with the hypothesis of the were­ jaguar as a religious motif manipulated by the chieftain

·: in search of power. The area designated as the Olmec heartland is located within the modern states of and , Mexico (figure 1). Geographically, the heart1and is located in the broad coastal plane along the in the northern section of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Specifically, the Olmec inhabited the drainage areas of the Coatzacoalcos and Tonala Rivers. This lowland area is characterized by abundant .rainfall, over 2500 mm annually. As may be expected with the humid climate, tropical rain forests are the norm. Near the Gulf Coast, swamps, lagoons, and

16 17 mangrove forests are plentiful. Farther inland, the drainage of the rivers create a rich rive~ine environment with fertile soils suitable for agriculture. Geologically, the area contains several minerals which were exploited by the Olmec. These include hematite (used in ceramic slips), asphaltum (used ethnographically to waterproof canoes), rock salt, and greenschists. A variety of clays used in pottery are also abundant. (Coe 1965a:679-681; Coe 1981a:117-118; Cos and Diehl 1980(1J:11-19). It was in this land of plentiful rainfall and rich river soils that the large ceremonial canters, hallmarks of Olmec civilization, arose. It is not known at this time whether the Olmac culture originated in this swampy land or if people migrated from another area, bringing their ideas with them. Covarrubias (1957:76, 110) suggests the possibility of their migration from the highlands of Oaxaca and Guerrera, reasoning that the Olmec sites of these regions lack the impressive architecture found at the more advanced and thus probably later Gulf Coast sites. This idea has been refuted in more recent works regarding the dating of archaeological sequences and artifact reassessment (Coe 1970; Grove 1969, 1971)~ The general dates given for the flourishing of the Olmac civilization are 1200 - 400 B. c. (Weaver 1981:66). A general chronology of the Olmec civilization 18 will be presented here. A more specific chronology of San Lorenzo will be given later. (Also see Figure 2). Briefly, the Pre-Olmec period extends frmm approximately 2500 to 1500 B. c. Artifacts recovered. from areas such as Western Mexico, Guerrero, and the Basin of Mexico include worked obsidian blades and points, ground stone manoa and metates, and fiber-tempered pottery. Due to the presence of abundant resources, the natural environment was continually exploited despite the develop­ ment of agriculture and sedentary villages (Weaver 1981: 57-61). This period can be related to Tolstoy's (1978) Initial Period, 2400 - 1400 B. c. Tolstoy's Early Horizon, 1400- 950 B. c., roughly covers what is generally referred to as the Early Forma­ tive, 1500 - 900 B. c. (Cos 1970:23). The flourishing of San Lorenzo took place at this time. Weaver (1981:57) labels this same period the Middle Preclassic or the Olmac Horizon. Tolstoy's First Intermediate phases 1 - 4 (900 - 500 B. C.), and the Middle Formative, 900 - 400 B. C. (Coe 1970:23), encompass the flourishing of La Vanta. Finally, Tolstoy's First Intermediate phases 5 - 9, 500 B. c.- A. D. 1, Weaver's (1981:57) Late Preclassic or Epi-Olmec, 400 B. c.- A. o. 1, and the Late Formative, also 400 B. c.- A. D. 1, all correspond. Weaver (1981:82) positions the Olmec site of Tres Zapotes within this time period. The relationship between these time 19 periods of the Olmec is illustrated in Figure 2. With the exception of Cos's well-documented San Lorenzo phase, Tolstoy (1978:272) characterizes the cultural sequences from the Gulf Coast area as "soft," contending that the sequences "are dated in·a very rough manner, and their boundaries and content alike are imprecise." It is evident that a mora definite chronology awaits the gathering and analyses of excavated data from many sites throughout . The subsistence patterns of the Olmec were presumably based on village agriculture, primarily upon maize cultivation (Willey 1962:4).1 In addition to cultivated crops, an abundance of hunted and gathered foods including crocodiles, dogs, birds, and fish were utilized (Weaver 1981:67). Cos and Diehl (1980(2]:144) report that no physical remains of crops were recovered from the excavation of San Lorenzo, yet indirect evidence for the cultivation of maize and root crops was found. This evidence consists of fragments of manes and metates, groundstone tools used in the processing of maize. The use of ~uch foods as cbili peppers are implied by the presence of stone mortars and pestles (Cos and Diehl 1980(1]:388). In addition, chips of obsidian have been interpreted as the teeth of manioc grater boards, suggest­ ing the use of this root crop. According to Coe and Diehl (1980[2]:144), remains of root crops have not been preserved due to the moistness of the environment .and of the 20

crops themselves, and the fact that after preparation, no identifiable fragments of the root remain.

Grave (1981a:389) interprets the prese~ce of manes and metates at Olmec and other Formative Period Mesoamerican sites as accompanying the development of an improved form of maize with harder, larger kernals. He states that an important advantage of this improved maize, besides a probable increase in yieldt is that it would store better and would allow for the accumulation of surpluses which. could be utilized for a variety of purposes. The appearance of stored surpluses could have been an important element in the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec; surpluses indicate the feasibility of supporting non-farming members of a society, such as craft specialists and religious practitioners. At San Lorenzo, farming is possible year round (Cos and Diehl 1980[1]:19). As climatic patterns since 1500 B. C. are not considered to have bean significantly altered (Coe and Diehl 1980 2 :140), it is presumed that the Olmec may have farmed all year. Maize was· most likely raised in the rich agricultural lands rejuvenated annually with mud and silt from the flooding waters of the Coatzacoalcos and other local rivers (Cos 1974:74). Simultaneously, manioc could have been grown in the upland areas around the San Lorenzo plateau (Coe and Diehl 1980(1]:389). 21

As San Lorenzo will be focused upon later in this thesis, population estimates for this Olmec site will be presented hare. The three other major centers, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras, are roughly equal in size and resource availability uith San Lorenzo. At its height (San Lorenzo Phase, 1150 - 900 B. C.), San Lorenzo was thought to have had a population of approximately 1000, basad upon the presence of over two hundred house mounds and the assumption that five individuals inhabited each house (Coe and Diehl 1980[1]: 388). Coe (1968:57-58) suggests that possibly 2500 lived in outlying settlements, which make up a support area from uhich the center drew its labor force and subsistence. Potrero Nuevo and Tenochtitlan (also referred to as R{o Chiquita) are contemporaneous with and are reportedly outlying satellites of San Lorenza (Weaver 1981:73). Population estimates for these two sites are 250.and 1000 inhabitants, respectively (Coe 1968:57). In a site catchment analysis of San Lorenzo, Rossman (1976) increased Cos's (1968:57-58) estimated population of 2500 for the area. Based upon sail types and yields gained from slash and burn maize agriculture, . he concludes that if one-quarter of the available arable land was cultivated, enough maize could have been raised to feed 7500 persons (Rossman 1976:100). 22

Coe and Diehl (1980[21:147) also raise this earlier estimate. Assuming that 1588 hectares of arable soils were available annually and .3 metric tons of maize per hectare ware produced, Coe and Diehl calculate that potential maize production would have been 500 tons yearly. As this amount would support 2778 people, Cos's (1968:57-58) earlier estimate of a population of 2500 is plausible. When considering the many other crops and hunted and gathered items which contributed to the diet, this population estimate may be low. Puleston (1976) hypothesizes that a complex system of hydraulic agriculture may also have been employed at Olmec sites in addition to slash and burn agriculture. Raised fields, similar to the chinampas of the Valley of Mexico, were possibly used prior to 1000 B. c. The network of canals between the fields could have been exploited for fish, and fish faces could have been a valuable source of fertilizer. Pulaston also contends that this system could have been related to the development of iconographic symbols, such as the crocodile and water lily, which will be discussed later. In reference to the Central Place Theory mentioned previously, Bove (1976, 1978) lists the four major Olmec sites, San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras, as central places. These sites are characterized by man-made ~nds and plateaus, pyramids, and huge stone carvings, including the famed colossal heads. 23

Q •

It is from information gleaned from these sites through archaeological excavation, coupl~d with ethnographic data from modern inhabitants of the area, that material concerning the Olmec civilization has been obtained. This section will first deal with these four primary sites. The factors which categorize them as central places, their location and size, architectural features, artifacts, and associated features will all be covered. The remainder of the chapter will consider the hypothesis that based on the data given, the Olmec civilization may be classified as having a chiefdom type of society. The importance of the institution of religion to this hypothesis will also be emphasized. In his work "A Nearest Neighbor Analysis of Two

Format~ve Settlement.Systems," Earle (1976) studies ., the settlement pattern of the Olmec area, the lowlands of the Gulf Coast. By following the premises of the Central Place Theory {as recounted in Chapter 2), Earle determines that the Olmec sites of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotas, and Laguna de los Carras can be considered major centers. As such, each major canter would function as a secondary center to its own subregion and require a similar. support area {Bove 1978:37).

This idea is u~held by the geographic location of these four centers, their distribution over the Gulf Coast area possibly chosen in regard to intra-site competition {Figure 3). 24

The site of San Lorenzo was established 80 km from the Gulf Coast on a natural plateau which rises above the lowlands near the R{o Chiquita, a branch of the Coatzalcoalcos. Although originally a natural feature, the shape of the 1.2 km long plateau was enhanced through time.by its Olmec inhabitants (Coe 1965a, 1981a, 1981b). San Lorenzo flourished from 1200 - 900 B. c. Cae and Diehl (1980[1]:23) refer to the main site of_San Lorenza and the two smaller contemporaneous sites of Tenochtitlan and Potrero Nuevo as the San Lorenzo­ Tenochtitl6n site complex. Tenochtitlan is located 2.5 km north-northeast, while Potrero Nuevo is 2.7 km east-southeast of San Lorenzo proper. Encompassing approximately 3.2 sq km, the site of La Vanta is located in the swampy drainage of the Tonala River about 20 km from the Gulf Coast. The center, located on an island, sits 12 m above the surrounding swamplands (Velson and Clark 1978:3). Drucker, Heizer and Squier {1959:72-73) dated La Vanta at BOO - 400 B. c., but.with refinements in radiocarbon dating techniques, this estimate has been changed to 1100 600 B. c. (Berger, Graham and Heizer 1967:1-24). The bilevel site of Tres Zapotes is located on the Arroyo de Hueyapan {the Arroyo Flood Plain) and an adjoining terrace 6- 12 m higher, part of the foothills of the Tuxtla Mountains. Tres Zapotes is approximately 3 km long {Weiant 1943:1). No radiocarbon dates for this 25

site have been given, but Coe and Diehl {1980[1]:202, 208) relate the ceramics of this site to those of San Lorenzo's Palangana and Rempl{s phases (600 - 200 B. C.). The archaeological zone at Laguna de los Carras consists of 40 hectares. The site stands on flat land 50 km inland from the Gulf Coast on a major tributary of the R1o~ San Juan. Laguna de los Carras is accessible to ecologically diverse areas such as riverine environments, swamplands, and the Tuxtla Mountains 20 km to the east {Bove 1976). Although no radiocarbon dates for this site have been given either, Bove {1978:32) relates it to the San Lorenzo phase at San Lorenzo (1200- 900 B. C.) and the earliest phases at La Vanta and Tres Zap6tes based on style of stone monuments and figurines, and correlations drawn from recovered ceramics from the sites. The four Olmec sites of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes and Laguna de los Carras have so-called centers characterized by such features as plazas and mounds. A brief description of the architectural features of these sites will emphasize both the similarities and differences between them. San Lorenzo, La Vanta, and Laguna de los Carras all contain linear arrangements of structures made of earth and clays which are aligned along a north-south axis. While San Lorenzo possesses a true north-south alignment, the axes of the other two sites are 8° west of true north. This alignment may have astronomical 26 significance, or may be the result of the use of iron-ore compasses (Coe 1977:190-191). Tres Zapotes has no definite astronomical alignments.

Al~ four sites share what may be termed courtyards -- groupings of plazas in association with mounds. San Loren­ zo, La Vanta, and Laguna de los Cerros share a particular arrangement of these structures. The complexes at each consist of a center area which may be a plaza or ball court, a large mound at the south end of this, long mounds flanking the sides of the plaza, and a small mound at the north end. Tras Zapotes shares this arrangement to some extent; however, the mounds hare exist in three main groups {Weiant 1943:1-15; Drucker 1943: 6), which has led to speculation that perhaps Tres Zapotes consists of two conjunctive sites (Heizer, Smith and Williams 1965:102-104). The enhanced plateau upon which San Lorenzo is located is unlike the other Olmec sites. It is thought to represent the outline of a giant bird (Coe 1974:69). The site of San Lorenzo will b& covered in:depth in Chapter 5. Unique to the site of La Vanta (900- 400 B. C.) is a large fluted pyramid constructed of earth. It is thought that its prototype may be one of the many volcanic cones prevalent in the Tuxtla Mountains. Unlike the other centers, La Vanta also contains three large jaguar masks. These are mosaics made up of 27

green_serpentine and colored clays. The masks, approx­ imately 4.5 x 6 m each, are laid out to represent jaguar faces. Two of them are located oD platforms flanking the central plaza, and the third is near the main pyramid. They are thought to have been constructed as offerings as they were buried soon after their comple• tion (Weaver 1981:74). Their presence may also belie the continuation of the were-jaguar theme from the

earlier Olmec sites, as ~ill be investigated below. A stone platform found within a mound is the only structure discovered at Tres Zapotes (Yaiant 1943:3). However, in one of the mound groupings, a curving five-step stone staircase was uncovered (Drucker 1943:6). Althought no architecturally distinct features have been isolated as yet from Laguna de los Carras, Bove (1978:32) feels that one particular mound complex, 81/84, may be a large platform analagous to the Stirling Group at La Vanta. The artifact typa found at all four centers which seams to typify the Olmec civilization in general is the colossal head. Possibly representations of chieftains, further discussion of these monuments will occur later. In addition to colossal heads, many other _types of ~tone carvings have been found at the canters. Ranging from altars to stelae, they all share the basic tenets of style which have become associated with the art of the Olmec culture. A wealth of ceramic artifacts have also been 28 recovered from the sites (see Coe and Diehl 1980; Bove 1976). A final feature present at three of the sites which is relevant to this thesis is covered drainage or aqueduct stones. Although the true function of these has yet to be ascertained, they have bean found at San Lorenzo (Cos 1968), La Vanta (Heizer, Graham and Napton 1968:144-150), and Laguna de los Carras (Bove 1978:9). Further discussion of the extensive hydraulic system featuring these stones at San Lorenzo will occur in chapter s. The sociopolitical organization of the Olmec appears to have been that of a chiefdom. Sanders and Price (1968:116) set forth three models of settlement patterns which they relate to the social structure of a chiefdom. These are:· 1) A civic precinct and very small residential groups made up of the chiefly lineage, plus peThaps a small group of service personnel, could have resided at ceremonial centers. The other lineages uould be scattered over the countryside in nuclear family, extended family, or lineage settlements. These settlements would support the chiefly lineage by food tribute and themselves consist of full­ time farmers or farmers-part-time craftsmen with specializations based upon local resources. 2) The entire chiefdom could have resided in a single, large, compact nucleated center. 3) A relatively large pDpulation could have resided at the center with the 29

balance of the population residing in smaller settlements as in 1. The settlement pattern seen at the sites of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Cerros echo Sanders and Price's model. As the archaeological record stands, it seams that the Olmec sites reflect model #1, yet either #2 or #3 may prove acceptable uith further excavation. Through the application of the Central Place Theory to the Olmec sites by Bova (1978), I feel that the designation "Olmec chiefdom" is warranted. Bove (1976:118) defines a central place as a permanently operating and function­ ing organizer and integrator of regional s~ace; a focal point of material and informational exchanges; a permanent abode for central persons performing higher-order sacral functions; and also ••• a cosmo-magical symbol. San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los. Carras all have been classified as central places. In his works, Bove (1976; 1978:38-43) sets forth models of both an Olmec complex chiefdom and an Olmec state. A brief summary of his models will be given herein. Save's chiefdom is based on a two-tier spatial hierarchy of sites consisting of a central place for chiefs and related central persons, incorporating a or ceremonial center, and secondary villages. These villages would be uniformly distributed over the chiefdom's terri- tory in a homogenous environment, as all of the sites would compete for subsistence areas. As the central place 30 Q .

"would supply administration, ritual control~ physical power and mast craft specialization," (1976:124), it should be larger than villages in terms of settlement population size. Fallowing Wright and Johnson's (1975) lead, Bove's state possesses a spatial- hierarchy of at least three levels characterized by a hierarchy of central places, one of which would serve as a primary capital. The size of the central place would be larger than the regularly spaced secondary and tertiary sites, as more central persons such as bureaucrats and other full-time specialists would be present. Save (1976:126) contends that the higher-level central place should have monumental architectural projects, public buildings, temples, and .an indication of greater emphasis an ritual and/or through a shared type, number, and possibly astronomical orientation of certain types ~f ~tructures; with ather centra~ p~aces. Implications as to the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec, based an these models, involve site type, population, clan organization, trade, and spacing. In the previous discussion of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes and Laguna de los Carras, similarities and differences between the sites were discussed. Although Bove assetts that monumental architecture, et cetera, may delineate a state society, further discussion of this topic in later pages will reveal that this is not necessarily sa. 31

In terms of population, Save (1978) contends that

due to the tropical forests preval~nt in the Olmec region, the population density may have been insufficient to warrant another hierarchical level. Bove next cites clan fissioning as a possible

determinant in the spatial evolutio~ of Olmec settlements. Due to the inherent structure in a system of mutual causality with population density, the size of the redist­ tributive network and the level of management (1978:41) associated with clans, he reasons that their split and move may have spread the Olmec civilization. He relate~ this idea to Clewlow 1 s (1974:147) diffusion of the Olmec art style from Laguna de los Carras to San Lorenzo and then on to La Vanta and Tres Zapotes. Another implication of the theory deals with trade. The presence of imported luxury items would be expected in either a chiefdom or state society. The trade of luxury goods would presumably have taken place under the direction of central parsons located at central places, with such trade operating as a ritual status reinforcing system to legitimize and reinforce their power (Bove 1975:132). In reference to the Central Place Theory, Renfrew (1969, 1972 in Bove 1976, 1978) combines autonomous central places and their corresponding territories into what he terms an Early State Module (ESM), which is equivalent to Bove 1 s ComRlex Chiefdom (1978:39). Renfrew 32

suggests that this ESM would consist of approximately 1500 sq km, with a mean distrance of approximately 40 km between central places. San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras are approximately 50 - 55 km apart. Bove assumes that all are central places and that at some time during the Early formative they were contemporaneous with each other. By geometrically calculating territorial borders (Haggett 1965:247-248), territorial units for central places may average 1500 sq km. Heizer (1966) has estimated that as a central place, La Vanta controlled 1542 sq km. As these measurements seam to correspond with the model calculations, the element of site spacing follows the two-tier hierarchy of Bova's chiefdom. With the data available at the present, secondary and tertiary sites, requirements for the state's three-level hierarchy, are undifferentiated in the archaeological record. Although Bove remains noncommital about his position in the Olmec chiefdom/state debate, I propose that the data which he has set forth is of relevance to my arguments concerning the Olmec chiefdom. I will try to further substantiate my claim that the Olmec possessed a chiefdom society through the examination of three aspects of power. Economic, political, and religious power will all be touched upon here; further discussion of these in relation to the were-jaguar will follow in chapter 4. Among the Olmec, as with other complex prehistoric 33 peoples, there ara three basic types of power: economic, political, and religious. Economic power stems from control over resource production and redistribution. Coe (1974, 1981b) cites the control of rich river levee soils adjacent to the Coatzacoalcos at San Lorenzo as a possible prime example of this economic power in Olmec society. Ethno­ graphic data shows that land ownership in the area today is through kinship groups. The control of these lands in ancient times may have led to the accumulation of crops by the landowners, and the subsequent elevation in status of both the owners and their lineage (Coe and Diehl 1980[2]: 147-148). Control over imported goods is another element of economic power. The second type of power, political, is related to the physical strength of the chieftain or his kin group. Although formalized power such as military fcirce is a hallmark of a state society rather than a chiefdom, some form of political power was probably present. Such factors as the chieftain's leadership qualities, charisma, and generosity may have been pertinent to the establishment of the office of chieftain. Coe and;Oiehl (1980[2]:148) cite both material rewards and nonmaterial rewards such as personal protection and the pleasures of having an alliance with a successful leader as reasons for the prolongation of the chieftainship. Whether or not the ceremonial centers could have been constructed by a chiefdom society is an important 34 element in the Olmec chiefdom vs. state debate. Kaplan (1963:407) writes that the designation "chiefdom" is accurate for some monument-building Mesoamerican cultures such as the Olmec. Based on the relative simplicity of the construction of the monumental architecture, the free time and economic surplus afforded by their mode of agriculture, and the support of part-time craft specialists, and the ability of the chieftain to exert some degree of coercive power over his people, a state society was not a necessary prerequisite for monument building. The third type of power, religious, plays a major role in the Olmec chiefdom. According to Haas (1982:160), religious power is derived from the control of symbols which possess supernatural significance to the masses. These symbols may well be "manifested in artistic represen­ tations" (Haas 1982:160). The were-jaguar is such a symbol. Through the people's acceptance of the were-jaguar, the control of the symbol by the chieftain and his lineage may have been used to amass power. The chieftain may have used some of his wealth acquired from the accumulation and careful redistribution of goods to commission artisans to create objects depicting the were-jaguar. Whether the myths of the were-jaguar existed prior to the establishment. of the chiefdom is unknown, but their acceptance and spread, as with that of the motif ~tself, added to the scope of the chieftain's power. By propagating the myths through artworks, the 35 chieftain reaped the benefits of. power. And the religion itself also developed, which led to the construction of the ceremonial centers such as San lorenzo. Although religious power derived from symbols is potent in itself, religion may also serve to validate political power. Malefijt (197£:305-310) lists and divine rulership as twa sources of this .validation. The importance of myth in its use as a validation is its ability to provide "explanations of social situations to which people cannot remain indifferent"(Malefijt 1968: 306). Among the Olmec, myths concerning the superiority of the royal lineage may have been a major factor in the acceptance of the chieftainship. The in divine rulers, a second validating factor, is related to a chiefdom society, and also to myth. The religion of a chiefdom society is often distinguished by the promotion of ancestors to supernatural beings (Service 1962:170-171). By combining this belief with myth, the divine status of the ruler would be established. This idea would have been advanced among the Olmec through myths concerning the were-jaguar. As will be seen, this advancement was carried out through the artistic representation of the were-jaguar motif. Kinzhalov (1978:282) reports that at this time in the development of the Olmec civilization, mythological images were "fitted into a certain functional framework." This framework was reflected in iconography through the 36 establishment of regulated features among the images of deities. The development of the ware-jaguar motif (or the exploitation of an existirig motif) as a method to further. the power of the chieftain is entirely plausible given the background and assorted explanations of the were-jaguar. Through the presentation of the explanations of this motif, the ware-jaguar will emerge as a variable theme which may have served through the centuries as a symbol of the Olmac chiefdom.

Summary

The spatial placement of the Olmec heartland is within the Isthmus of Tehuantepec along the Gulf Coast of Mexico. The temporal placement of the Olmec culture has ., been set at 1200 - 400 B. c. The basic model of Olmec settlement patterns consists of a central place, characterized by mounds and plazas, with outlying support settlements. San Lorenzo is one example of this modal. The population estimate for this center and the supporting sites of Tenochtitl'n and Potrero Nuevo is 2500. Calculations based on food resources substantiate this estimate. Based on evidence from the archaeological record, it is postulated that maize and root crops were the primary cultivated foods of the Olmec. Slash and burn agriculture was most probably practiced, yet the use of 37

@ • a system of raised fields has also been hypothesized. An abundance of hunted and gathered foodstuffs were also utilized in the diet. Following descriptions of chiefdom and state societies, the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec was discussed, following Bove 1 s models of Olmec chiefdom and state. The correlation of the Central Place Theory to the four major Olmec sites of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras was one factor leading to the designa­ tion of the Olmec civilization as a chiefdom. The relation of economic and political power controlled by the office of the chieftain with aspects of Olmec culture further supported its chiefdom status. Finally, the chieftain's control of religious power was reviewed. The derivation of this power from the use of religious symbols, and tha expansion of this power through the acceptance and spread of these symbols, was presented. The were~jaguar motif is such a . Through its investigation in subsequent chapters, its relationship to religion, sociopolitical organization, and other aspects of Olmec civilization will be expounded. Chapter 4 THE WERE-JAGUAR

Religion, art, and iconography are all intimately intertwined, both with each other as well as with other aspects of culture, such as politics, economics, and social organization. Through the establishment of a chiefdom society in Olmec civilization, this interrelation is particularly evident. Among the Olmec, the were-jaguar motif serves as a synthesizing agent of these elements. Through the examination of this motif from an anthropologic­ al perspective, it is possible to uncover a plethora of explanations concerning the wide variety of were-jaguar types found. This chapter will focus on the description of this motif and its explanation as a royal being, a fertility god, a shamanic figure, and other animals, specifically a hallucinogenic toad. These explanations will be correlated with the view of the Olmec civilization as a chiefdom society. For years scholars of Olmec culture have been classifying particular Olmec motifs as were-jaguar (Stirling 1943; Drucker 1952; Covarrubias 1957; and others). The were-jaguar motif is characterized by certain attributes or standardized features (Kinzhalov 1978:282). A cleft head and a large downturned mouth are two of the primary indicators of were-jaguar status. Through the examination

38 39 of several artworks I will attempt to delineate these attributes, as wall as relata the proposed meaning of the ware-jaguar to the Olmac and their chiefdom society. The typical features associated with the were-jaguar motif can be sean in several examples of celts or ceremonial axes (Figura 4). Starting from the top, one of the major attributes, a V-shaped cleft in the head, is immediately apparent (a, e, f). According to some scholars {Coe 1972:2-3; Covarrubias 1946:7), this cleft can be compared to the furrow created by folds of the skin which occur along the tops of the skulls of some male jaguars. In some instances, the cleft serves as a place from which vegetation arises; this relates the jaguar deity to fertility ideas. Another view is the relation of the cleft to the fontanelle or "soft spot" present on the heads of human infants; this too will be discussed below. Moving downward, flame eyebrows are next encountered. These are frequently mentioned (Coe 1965b:14; Covarrubias 1946:10) as being an important element of the were-jaguar motif. A wide variety of eye types are found. The usual wide, flat nose is in keeping with the animal jaguar model. The large, wide, downturned mouth is another major feature of the motif. The top lip is often curled upward in what has bean described as both a typical jaguar snarl and a baby's cry (Coa 1965b:14; Covarrubias 1957:56). In some cases, fang-like protuberances also occur. 40

A cleft head, flame eyebrows, a flat nose and a wide, toothless mouth are the basic features which characterize the were-jaguar. Although the motif described is rather generalized, its basic elements have been intermixed ·and distorted in order to categorize many unusual pieces of Olmec art. Possible alternatives to this broad category will follow Joralemon's (1971) enumeration of Olmec gods. Based on individual elements apparent in Olmec art, Joralemon (1971) has devised a list of ten deities, "ten of the most important gods of the Olmec people" (Ibid.:35). Many of these gods have been described as examples of the were-jaguar. A brief summary of the god types which are .relevant to this study will be given here; referenced motifs and symbols can be found in the Appendix. God I is subdivided into six subgroups, and the

~ntire complex is seen as a "jaguar monster." Flame eyebrows are its main feature, and the Jaguar-Dragon Paw­ Wing motif complex is also related to it. Variations of this god typec include God IA (Figure 15), God IE (Figure 4 a, e) and God IF (Figure 4 b). In a later work (Joralemon 1976), God I is described as the Olmec Dragon, a "mythological beast with caiman, eagle, jaguar, human, and serpent attributes" (Joralemon _ 1976:37). This being is associated with the earth, fertil­ ity, water, rain, fire, and the royal lineage. From his descriptions and visual references, I feel that this broad grouping may be seen as the were-jaguar motif. 41.

God II is characterized by maize symbols growing from cleft heads (Figu~e 12).

Bird-li~e symbols are featured on God III, which is also referred to as the "Olmec Bird-Monster" (Joralemon 1976:52). This deity is said to be associated with the sky, the sun, celestial fire, maize and agricultural fertility, and possibly ecstatic flight related to hallucinogenic substances (Furst 1968, 1981). Monument 9 from San Lorenzo (Figure 20) is considered by Joralamon to be a Bird-Monster. A dwarf or infant figure with a toothless mouth is sean as God IV. Altar 5 from La Vanta (figure 9) and Monument 52 from San Lorenzo (figure 21) depict this god. The primary characteristic of God V is a single set of large canines (figure 4 d). A cleft head, type D ayes, an open mouth with prominent gum ridges are features of God IV. A band form often passes behind the eye area. In total, Joralemon's index of motifs is a commendable study. However, just as all things described as were-jaguars are not jaguars, all Olmec images do not fit into Joralemon's molds. Pohorilenko (1977:8) feels that Joralemon 1 s analysis is inadequate due to arbitrari­ ness. for example, while a variety of objects -may be herded under the designation "God I," there is only one known example of God VIII (identified by a cleft head, round nose, and single fang). Demarest (1973:117-118) rejects Joralemon's god types 42 in that as Joralemon doesn't differentiate his exemplary pieces as to their provenience and chronology, his criteria for segregation "may actually be differences in regional styles or stylistic evolution through time." My opinion is that Joralemon 1 s delineation of gods is too generalized and overlapping, and the lack of recorded provenience and chronology is a definite drawback in the establishment of an ideological scheme of such magnitude. However, its inclusion in this thesis serves to illustrate the superficiality of some art historical studies when the art is considered out of context. As Joralemon's scheme is overlapping, so too are explanations of the were-jaguar complex. The following will deal with alternative interpretations of the were­ jaguar. The were-jaguar motif will be considered first as representing images of royalty, as will be seen through the examination of the god and the view of the were-jaguar as an infant, possibly suffering from birth defects. As the information given serves to support the premise that the Olmec possessed a chiefdom society, correlations between the explanations and this hypothesis will be drawn. Among the Mexica (Aztecs), Tezcatlipoca was the god of the underworld, darkness, and evil magicians. His name translates as "Smoking Mirror," and he was often depicted as having an obsidian mirror as a foot, which he 43 used for peering into men's hearts. He served to bequeath sovereignty on earthly kings. Part of the Mexica origin myth reveals that royalty descended from Tezcatlipoca, as well as from the fire god Xiuhtecuhtli.2

In addition to his other attributes, Tezcatlip~ca was seen as a jaguar, and was often referred to as Tepeyollotyl, or "heart of the mountain." According to Mexican mythology, Tezcatlip6ca was the chief rival of , the , deity of the upper world, and the baing responsible for the cleft in Tezcatli­ poca's head. The cleft is the result of an axe blow administered by Quetzalcoatl during one of their encounters (Cos 1972:5-9; Weaver 1981:78-79). Thus Tezcatlipaca is seen as a jaguar, and also as the beginning of the royal lineage. According to Coe .,(1.972:9-11 )·, the jaguar motif seen in Olmec art may be the portrayal of Tezcatlipoca, and through his depiction as a feline being, the dominance of the Olmec royalty could be readily observable. Coe uses Olmec and Mexican/Tezcatli­ poca symbolism, mirrors found at Olmec sites, and paintings depicting jaguars springing from the loins of men (painting 1-d, Oxtotitlan, Guerrero; Figure 10) to draw his analogies between the ancient Olmec and t.he historic Mexica concern- ing the symbolism of the were-jaguar. This idea of the divine status of the rulers, coupled with the correlation of the Mexican myth, follows the criteria associated with the religion of the chiefdom society. 44

As previously mentioned, the large, stylized Olmec were-jaguar mouth has been compared to that of a crying infant. Coupled with the knowledge that among the Mexica and Classic Maya "the jaguar was the pre-eminent sign of royalty" (Coe 1973:10), several examples of what Coe (1965b1 105) terms "Jaguar's Children: Olmec were-jaguar babies" can be examined. After the discovery of several stone sculptures at

Tenochtitl~n (R[o Chiquita) (Figure 6) and Potrero Nuevo (Figure 7), Stirling (1957:8, 19-20) presented the idea of a possible Olmec origin myth in which a jaguar father and human mother give rise to a line of jaguar beings. It is supposedly these semi-human beings who are depicted in such well-known pieces as the Las Bocas infant (Figure 8) and Altar 5 from La Vanta (Figure 9). Before analyzing these latter two works, however, the Tanochtitl~n and Potrero Nuevo pieces, as well as cave paintings from Oxtotitlan, will be examined. Both the Tenochtitlan and Potrero Nuevo sculptures have been described as portraying human figures lying on their backs with anthropomorphic jaguars seated on them. The extant to which they depict copulation is questionable, however. Clewlow's (1974:84-85) doubts extend to the lack of genitals and evidence that the lower figure is indeed a female, and that the jaguar figure seems to be wearing a loincloth. Another interpretation of toese sculptures is offered 45 by Davis (1978:454), who contends that the "primarily non­ sexual, and perhaps aggressive, nature of these sculptures" reflect rather an act of victory, the submission of a victim. This idea may be equated with the reliefs at , several of which depict jaguars attacking men (Gay 1971:Figures 22, 24, 25, 26). A rock painting which may relate to the Olmec origin myth'is located at Oxtotitlan, an Olmec site in Guerrero (Figure 10). Grove (1969:422) suggests that this picto­ graph confirms that mythical were-jaguar origins 11 must have been a basic and important Olmec religious concept." As this scene is presented with other pictographs and an assortment of iconographic symbols, the cave at Oxtotitlan is thought to be a "sacrad place, a shrine to wa~er, rain, and fertility" (Ibid.). The shrine status serves to rein­ force the religious importance of the painting, which features a jaguar leaping outward from the loins of an Olmec man. The reliefs at Chalcatzingo and the paintings at Oxtotitlan may also be interpreted as depicting the expansion of the Olmec chiefdom. At Chalcatzingo, the jaguar overcoming the man may symbolize the power of the chieftain encompassing surrounding peoples. The Oxtotitlan works may be a visualization of the Olmec myth of the royal lineage; acceptance of the chieftain's power would then accompany the acceptance of the myth. The location of these reliefs and paintings outside of the Olmec heart- 46 land may further attest to this meaning. The Las Bocas Infant (Figure 8) depicts an obese, sexless child wearing a helmet-like cap. A curling lip can be seen despite the obstruction of the child's fingers in its mouth. Through the presence of the curling lip, however, the figure is recognizable as a were-jaguar baby. Returning to the idea that Tezcatlipoca, a jaguar, spawned the royal lineage, and adding the thought that this same helmet-type cap which is found on colossal heads may serve to identify a ruler {Weaver 1981:67), I have speculated that this figure does indeed represent a were-jaguar baby as a member of a royal lineage. A second example of possible were-jaguar babies occurs in the carved reliefs on Altar 5 from La Vanta (Figure 9). An adult figure is emerging from a central niche in the front of the alter. He is carrying a baby. The two side reliefs each depict two adults who are again each holding an infant. In each case the babies appear to be sexless and have typically large mouths; in addition, one of them also has a cleft head. By the criteria thus far presented, these figures may also be considered were-jaguar babies. If these examples represent were-jaguar babies, an added boost can be given to Covarrubias' idea of the emergence of rain gods, to be discussed later, as illustra­ ted in Figure 5. The Mexica sacrificed children to their rain god Tlaloc. The tears that they shed prior to their death forecast the volume of the coming rain. Coe (1965b: - 47

14) reasons that it is "not surprising" for human/feline offspring to be rain gods, especially when the jaguar father seems to be related to water. Another factor which contributes to the idea of the relation of these infant figures to jaguar ancestors and royalty is the interpretation of the cleft head as represen­ ting the fontanelle, or the soft spot present on an infant's head. Furst (1981:150) sets forth the idea that the fontanelle may serve as a symbolic connection between man and the gods. He draws upon ethnographic data to support this concept. For example, among the Huichol Indians of northern Mexico, this spot serves as a "center of communica­ tion with the supernatural." Also, the Hopi of the south­ western United States believe that among the First People, this spot never closed, and thus served to maintain the people's close contact with their gods. By extending this notion to the Olmec representations of cleft heads, it can be seen to support the idea of the were-jaguar baby as royalty, and also serves to emphasize the link with its deified jaguar father. Through the information set forth concerning a chiefdom societal type, the claim that the Olmec possessed this type of society can be substantiated by the identifica­ tion of the·were-jaguar as a royal infant being. Several factors support this claim. First, the sculptures from Tenochtitlan and Potrero Nuevo may in fact represent the mythological origins of the 48

Olmec, or the royal lineage exclusively, as descendents of both humans and jaguars. The cava paintings from Oxtotitlan may likewise illustrate this myth. The belief in this myth would serve to validate the power of the chieftain, as the superiority of the descendents of the ancestral jaguar would be expected. The Las Bocas figurine type is another factor. Its features follow those outlined for the were-jaguar, yet it also wears helmet-type headgear similar to that depicted on colossal heads. This headgear may serve to identify a ruler (Weaver 1981:67). Thus the direct correlation of the were­ jaguar baby with the royal headgear may again denote the high status of the chieftain in relation to the were-jaguar. Were-jaguar babies of the Las Bocas type are also presented in the reliefs at Altar s, La Vanta. An addition­

' ' al element included here is a cleft head. This leads to a third factor in support of a chiefdom, the relationship of the divine ruler with the supernatural. The cleft head is a major characteristic of the were­ jaguar. Furst 1 s {1981:150) interpretation of the cleft as the fontanelle, which may serve as a symbolic connection between man and the gods, can also be related to a religious aspect of a .chiefdom. As one characteristic of the religion of a chiefdom is the promotion of ancestors to supernatural beings {Service 1962:170-171), the deification of the royal lineage would be expected. The hypothesis that Olmec chief­ tains served as mediators between the supernatural worlds 49

(Coe and Diehl 1980(2]:148) may be exemplified through analogy with the fontanelle. A final factor in support of the chieftain society is again drawn from art. Grove (1981a, b). contends that the colossal heads were portraits of Olmec leaders, and that the sculptures possessed spiritual power. furthermore, he suggests that rather than functioning as an altar, the sculptures such as Altar 5, La Vanta, actually served as thrones (Grove 1973:135; 1981b). He bases his argument on the jaguar symbolism associated with the altars, and the depiction of one among the cave paintings at Oxtotitlan (figure 11). The validation of the power of the chieftain can be amassed from a variety of factors. The mythological origins of the royal line, the depiction of were-jaguar babies as royal beings, and the fontanelle as a line of communication between the chieftain and the.supernatural are some of these factors. The contention that the colossal heads are leaders with supernatural powers, together with the notion that the altars served as literal seats of this power, further substantiate the hypothesis that the society of the Olmec civilization was a chiefdom. Another link in the chain of reasoning relating the chiefdom to the were-jaguar infant comes from the world of medicine. Physiological explanations have been mentioned as possible factors behind the were-jaguar motif (Covarrubias 1957:58), yet this aspect had rarely been discussed prior 50 to Murdy 1 s (1981) presentation of the idea of congenital deformities as a possible source for the motif. In addition to explaining the ~ere-jaguar motif, Murdy suggests that the art style and religious beliefs of the Olmec were being manipulated politically, which, in turn, offers.an explana­ tion for the frequency with which the were-jaguar motif occurs in Olmec art. Pathologically, congenital deformities which may be depicted in Olmec art consist of multi-factorial neural-tube (brain and spinal cord) defects. Various manifestations of these deformities include spina bifida, hydrocephalus, en­ cephaloceles, and cranium bifidum. Taken singly, these will be defined and their relationships with the were-jaguar motif will be clarified. Spina bifida is a type of pre-natal condition which .. affects the spinal cord. Vertebral arches fail to fuse, and cranial deformities are a possible result. One aipect of this condition, myelomeningocele, has been shown to have a higher rate of recurrence among the offspring of siblings of an affected infant than among the general population. Myelomeninocele is the presence of a sac outside of the body containing the meninges and spinal nervous tissue. Two types of cranial deformities are associated with spina bifida. The first, hydrocephalus, is seen as cranial swelling. Encephaloceles, the second, is swelling of the meninges (membranes around the brain and upper spinal cord) or brain and meninges. Another syndrome, cranium bifidum, 51 Q •

results in a cranium with a vertical split. These conditions are all similar, and may be the result of trapped fluid near the brain and spinal cord at various stages of embryonic and fetal development (Gardner 1965, · 1968). As would be expected, early deaths tend to result from these conditions. The physical manifestations of these conditions include cranial swelling. Extensive swelling can result in the separation of skull sutures, thus a non-closing fontanelle, which often results in a cleft. A cleft head is also the result of cranium bifidum. Returning to Altar s, La Vanta (Figure 9), the carved figures, interpreted as were-jaguar babies with cleft heads, may be re-examined. In each case a child is held by an adult -- this could be due to paraplegia which is often associated with myelomeningocele. Finally, Murdy attributes the presence of the snarling or crying were-jaguar mouth to the pain associated with these conditions. Although primarily presenting medical explanations for the motif, Murdy goes beyond the biological factors and additionally presents religious ideals. He recognizes the fact that other representations -of cleft-headed beings have more clearly feline characteristics. This he relates to the idea that the deformities may interplay with shamanic trans­ formation ideas, and yet may also serve to link the defect­ ive infants to an ancestral jaguar. 52

Olmec mythology attests that a jaguar father spawned the ruling family. Returning to Tezcatlipoca and earlier· notions concerning the origins of ruling families, Murdy feels that the deformed infants may serve to reaffirm the status of the rulers. Occasional births of these babies could be seen as the inherant jaguarness becoming visible. Early deaths could be explained as the infant's leaving to join his deified father. When considering genetic aspects, the fact that siblings have more of a chance of passing on these deformi- ties, the distinctness of the royal lineage would probably be maintained through the occasional birth of a were-jaguar baby. Royal families, therefore, could have directed the manufacture of many art objects depicting these were-jaguar babies in order to reaffirm and maintain their status as rulers and descendants of deities. These ideas all blend with the usa of myth and the deification of the royal lineage, two sources of validation of the political power held by the ~ulers in a chieftain society. The idea of the ware-jaguar as a rain god can be attributed to Covarrubias (1946:27) and his well-known avolutionaty scihema (Figure 5~. By concentrating on the characteristics of an Olmec mask (which is in startlingly similar style to the celts seen in Figure 4), he traces the . development of features to later Mesoamerican rain gods. Beings such as Chac (Maya), Tlaloc (Mexica), Cocijo (Zapo­ tec), and Taj{n (Totonac) are portrayed. Covarrubias sees 53 the changes as due pri·marily to 11 a lack of understanding of the original significance of certain elements by artists of later periods (Ibid.:26). Coe (1965b:14) examines Covarrubias' scheme in light of the jaguar's association ~ith rain •. He ~rites of the logical connection of the jaguar with water, as the feline is kno~n to swim, and also hunts along water courses during the night. Through the correlation of jaguars with water and the development of the were-jaguar motif into a variety of rain gods, it is possible to assume that the Olmec were-jaguar could also have been a water deity. And as rain is often associated with fertility, the were-jaguar is oftentimes also interpreted as a fertility god. Returning to the fontanelle, Furst (1981:150-157) provides evidence on the interpretation of the were-jaguar as a deity related to fertility. He reasons that in connection with the Hopi ideal of supernatural communication through the fontanelle is the notion of a "sipapu3- like place of emergence from and re-entry into the divine, female earth." Furst contends that the cleft is definitely an element denoting fertility as the V-shaped cleft or 11 uterine U11 is a widespread symbol of the female in Mesoamerica. Another indicator of the were-jaguar as a fertility god can be seen in a celt (Figure 12) inscribed with what has been called a "Maize God'' (Coe 1972:3). The engraving 54

depicts a plant, probably maize, sprouting from the cleft in the head. This is a classic example of Joralemon's God II. The "shrine" and pictograph from Oxtotitlan may be

seen as another factor pointing to~ards the were-jaguar as a fertility god (nrove 1969). The pictograph (figure 10) portrays a jaguar in direct association witm the genitals of an Olmec man and may elude to the fertility of the offspring of the man. If this pictograph represents the appearance of the chieftain's royal lineage, the virility of the line may be depicted here. In another work, Grove (1973:134) extends the possi­ bility that many stone altars embrace the theme of fertil- ity. Vegetation, raindrops, and other motifs present are the basis of this c.onjecture. The presence of these motifs,

•; associated with fertility, on the altars, which may in fact be thrones, would further the argument of the relationship of royalty and fertility. A final indicator of fertility associations is the Mexica god of spring and vegetation, Xipe Totec. Covarru- bias (1957:59) reports that this deity is related to Tezcatlip6ca. In yearly Mexican festivals, the god Xipe was propitiated with the blood of a sacrificial victim, who was also flayed. The skin, which represented the hull of a seed, was donned by a priest (Weaver 1981:528). Covarrubias (1957:59) suggests that some of the were-jaguar celts (figure 4 a, e, f) may actually feature a Xipe prototype, a 55 flayed jaguar skin. This would serve to explain the absence of fangs in these pieces. As the fontanelle, the Oxtotitlan rock art, and stone altars are all linked with the were-jaguar, so too are they linked to the chiefdom society. The fontanelle as a line of communication between man and the gods has been discussed previously, as has the interpretation of stone altars as thrones. By relating these also to aspects of fertility, the connections between these elements, the were-jaguar motif, and the chiefdom society have been enhanced. The were-jaguar as a shamanic figure also may be re­ lated to the Olmec chiefdom. In his article "The Olmec Were-Jaguar Motif in the Light of Ethnographic Reality" (1968), Furst examines the role of shamans in the explana­ tion of the motif. Ethnographic data basad on ecstatic intoxication, physical transformations, and sexual taboos are provided in his interpretation. The use of various substances by shamans for the purpose of attaining states of ecstatic intoxication is a well-known phenomenon throughout Latin America.4 These substances range from the San Pedro cactus Trichocereus pachanoi of Peruvian shamans {Cordy-Collins 1977:356; 1980) and the peyote cactus Lophophora williamsii of the Huichol (Emboden 1979:182), to a plethora of snuffs used by Amazonian groups (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1972; 1975). Furst contends that the Olmec may have practiced the latter; that is, the ingestion of hallucinogenic snuffs. This notion 56 is based on the presence of what could be snuffing imple­ ments at Olmec sites and also the Olmec 1 s close association with birds,_ which are often seen as helpers of shamans. A prime example of this bird association can be seen in a carved jade spoon (Figure 13 b). It is possible that the spoon, which represents a duck's head, was used as a receptacle for snuff •- The use of these various hallucino­ gens brings on altered states of consciousness which are often coupled with the idea of flight. Birds are often regarded as spirit helpers who guide the shamans during their ecstatic flights {Eliade 1964). Another explanation of the Maize God (Figure 12) may be considered in light of knowledge of hallucinogens. Among the Maya, a certain species of water lily (Nymphaea ampla, a hallucinogen) is represented in their art {Emboden 1980, personal communication), and it has been suggested that the plant sprouting from the cleft head could be a blooming water lily {Dobkin de Rios 1974; Ra.nds 1953). The flower may have been important due to its hallucinogenic qualities. Other authors {Thompson 1970:214-224; Puleston 1976:8-9) maintain that its associations with maize, water, and caimans indicate that the water lily had some type of relation with fertility. Through altered states achieved through the use of narcotics, shamans among ethnographic peoples may undergo physical transformations. The tradition of jaguar trans­ formation is prevalent throughout Latin America (Adams and 57

Rubel 1967; Murphy 1958; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975), and thus it is possible that the belief system of the ancient Olmec also incorporated this concept. Modern Mexican folk beliefs include the idea of nagualism, the belief that a shaman or sorcerer has an animal alter ego, and that he can transform himself into this being. Ethnographic data recovered from the Tzotzil Indians of highland Chiapas (Holland 1964) also included nagualism. The Tzotzils believe that the births of all individuals are accompanied by the births of companion animals in the sacred mountains, with the human and the animal sharing the same spirit. The jaguars depicted in the cave paintings at Cbal­ catzingo (Pina Chan 1955) may represent naguals. Grove (1972) reports that whether real or allegorical death is being portrayed, humans are seen as the fallen victims of jaguars. The widespread transformation idea and the modern belief in nagualism, when viewed together, add to the

plausibility that the Olmec also sharad\similar notions~ An interesting example Of transformation can be seen in Figura 14. This piece portrays a human-like being with a typically snarling jaguar face. Furst (1968:151) points out that this piece is especially significant as it gives the impression of having the "human skin carved or peeled away to reveal the jaguar beneath." This revelation serves to validate the supposition that the Olmec did share

the current folk belief of shamanic ~ransformation. Addi- 58

tion~lly, this peeling skin can again be associated with the Xipe Totec god of the Mexica. Another aspect of shamanism which the Olmec may have dealt with was sexual taboos. Furst (1968:166) points out that sexual abstention before, during, and after all ritual acts, and during initiatory training periods, is a well­ documented shamanic phenomenon. This abstention may be exemplified in the sexlessness of the las Bocas were-jaguar baby (Figure 8). The role of the shaman, the ware-jaguar motif, and the religion of a chiefdom society are all interrelated. Shamanism forms the basis of the religion of a chiefdom society. However, the establishment of a permanent priest­ hood is another characteristic of a chiefdom (Service 1962: 171). Through the were-jaguar motif, the presence of both shamanism and a more formalized priestly religion may be postulated for the Olmec. The development of the use of hallucinogens may be one aspect of the· which blended a traditional shamanic mode of achieving a state of other-worldliness with an increasingly elaborate ceremonialism associated with a formalized priesthood. The use of hallucinogens, allusions to fertility, and physical transform~tion of shamans into jaguars are three factors which additionally concern the were-jaguar motif. Further discussion of these will be included in Chapter s. Regarding further explanations of the were-jaguar 59

motif, "quite a bestiary has been proposed for Olmec

iconography 11 ·(Stark 1983:72). In recent years it has been proposed that the were-jaguar may be a manatee (Bradley 1983), a crocodilian (Stocker at. al. 1980), or a toad (Furst 1981; Kennedy 1982). These three proposals will be examined in this section. As with· the previous explana­ tions, these three will also be related to the chiefdom society of the Olmec. The geographical range of the manatee, Trichechus manatus, includes the coastal and riverine areas of the Gulf Coast of Mexico. A large mammal, it has bean exploited historically for its meat, leather, oil, and bones, and, although rare, its remains have been found in the arch­ aeological ~acord. Bradley (1983) has hypothesized that the manatee was exploited as a food source by the Olmec, and that it also served as a "possible prototype for the were­ Jaguar motif. Bradley (1983:35-36) cites tha importance of the manatee to Olmec subsistence as a "year-round, predictable resource" which required few hunters and a minimal expenditure of energy in exchange for large amounts of meat and other products. Although its remains are not prevalent archaaologically, Bradley (Ibid.:31) attributes this to the lack of faunal analyses conducted at many Precolumbian Mesoamerican sites. Physically, the manatee may be compared to the were­ jaguar. Despite its lack of a cleft head, the manatee 60 possesses a "Cartilogenous membrane in the form of a crest" (Harlan 1925:279 in Bradley 1983:42) above the eyes, which may be interpreted as flame eyebrows. The nostrils are positioned on the upper and of the large rounded snout. The mouth and teeth of the manatee are in keeping with the were-jaguar description: thick lips, the upper extremely so, enhanced by two upper and two lower incisors which are lost before the calf is fully grown. The presence and later absence of these teeth are illustrated in the celts {Figure 4). finally, the indistinct hands on some of the celts {figure 4 a specifically) may be correlated with the manatee's flipper (Bradley 1983:46). The manatee may have been tied to the Olmec religion due to a pair of factors: its mother/calf relationship, and its association with water. A peculiar behavioral trait possessed by the manatee is a strong mother/calf bond. When young, the calves are nearly inseparable from their mothers. Another interesting characteristic is the way in which the mother nurses her calf. floating on the water's surface, she uses her flippers to support her young and nestles it against her breast, much the same way a human mother nurses her child. As a water mammal, the manatee's association with this element is a given. Bradley (1983:43) recounts possible underworld associations with watar and the human­ istic mother/calf behavior as two aspects which may have contributed to the Olmec use of the manatee as a model for 61 some were-jaguars. The role of the manatee as a were-jaguar in support of the Olmec chiefdom is linked to the habitat of the mammal. The ~our canters of San Lorenza, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes and Laguna de los Carras are all located near rivers or within the riverine floodplain; as such, their inhabitants would have had access to these creatures. Returning to Coe and Diehl's (1980 2 :147) hypothesis that the rich land adjacent to the rivers was controlled by_the elite, Bradley (1983:36) goes one step further and surmises that this same el~te would therefore control manatee exploi­ tation and the redistribution of its products. In addition, be proposes that the lagoon and drainage system of San Lorenzo could have been used to raise the manatee, thus insuring a constant meat supply. Stocker, Meltzoff, and Armsey (1980) have hypothesized that some art works ~hich have previously been interpreted as were-jaguars are actually crocodilians, members of several species of crocodiles and caimans which inhabit Mesoamerica. They speculate that the religious importance of this creature may have been due to its role as both predator and prey, its importance in trade, and to other aspects of its behavior. Foremost among the artworks which the authors claim to be crocodilians is the Atlihuayan figure from Morelos (Figura 15). In light of the work of Stocker et. al., it is evident that the figure is wearing a caiman pelt rather 62 than what Covarrubias describes as the skin mf a 11 curimus fantastic beast, a quadruped wit~ a head clearly derived from the Olmec jaguar mask" (1957:60). Figure 16 presents a so-called "Jaguar-dragon profile" (Covarrubias 1957:31), yet it is possible to relate this pattern to the figure of a crocodile calmly swimming along tMe surface of water. A third example is celts (Figure 4). The authors list cleft-head, upturned snout, upper teeth crossing inside lower teeth as "were-crocodilian traits" (1980:741) featured on these pieces. The crocodilian's role as both predator and prey could have been of.importance to-the Olmec. These creatures are among the most dangerous to inhabit Mesoamerica. Known to eat men, this aspect of their behavior may have instilled a fear for them among the Olmec, and this fear may have lad to the deification of the crocodilians. In turn, these reptiles were also eaten by the Olmec (Weaver 1981:67). Stocker at. al. (1980) suggest that crocodilian products, including meat, pelts, and teeth, could have served as important trade items for the Olmec. They also suggest that these goods may have been considered to be luxuries and that the elite recipients of these may also have adopted the beliefs of the Olmec concerning these creatures. Another aspect associated with the were-jaguar motif which can be applied to the crocodilian is fertility. Several elements contribute to this idea. First, crocodil- 63 ians lay an average of thirty eggs per clutch, yet this number may range as high as seventy. Secondly, crocodil- ians are known to congregate, and communal nesting grounds have been observed. rinally, the crocodilian could have been associated with the riverine environment. It is known that the Maya associated crocodilians with the earth, water, maize, and water lilies (Puleston 1976). It is possible that these associations evolved during Olmec times. An association with water coupled with an unusual booming sound made in the throat, which sounds similar to thunder, may have served to elevate the crocodilian to the status of rain god. The authors suggest that a general decline in the availability of crocodilians due to overhunting may have lessened the importance of the creature as a trade product • .. However, it may have been raised to the rank of a deity in order to maintain its ideologic link with the earth, maize, and rain. In addition, the canals and lagoons of San Lorenzo are mentioned as possible breeding grounds for crocodilians. Bradley (1983:38) argues against this, though, and in favor of the manatee, maintaining that herbivorous manatees would be easier and more economical to raise than carnivorous crocodilians, and that at least with the manatee, no guards would have had to be on duty twenty-four hours a day to keep them in the lagoons and insure the safety of the inhabitants. 64

Q •

The interpretation of the were-jaguar motif as a crocodilian may again be related to the Olmec as a chiefdom society. Following the opinion of Stocker at. al. that crocodilian products may have bean luxury trade items, the associated crocodilian/were-jaguar imagery and its accom­ panying belief system may have spread. The were-jaguar symbol, controlled by the chieftain and likewise used by him to attain religious power, thus may have been a vital element in the expansion of the Olmec chiefdom. The fertility correlation of the crocodilian/were­ jaguar also fits in with the chiefdom, as previously dis­ cussed. The Mayan associations of crocodiles and water lilies (Puleston 1976) may be an extension of the idea of the water lily as a hallucinogen and its relation with the evolution of the religion of a chiefdom from shamanism to a ceremonial priesthood. Thus far, both the manatee and the crocodilian have been investigated as possible paradigms fnr the were-jaguar, and as motivations behind the system of aqueducts and lagoons at San Lorenzo. A third species, this one an amphibian, may also be related to the were-jaguar and San Lorenzo's hydraulic system. An innovative supposition concerning the were-jaguar, in which the motif and its associated religious complex is seen as being related to hallucinogenic toads, has been set forth relatively recently {Furst 1981; Kennedy 1982). The species in question, ~ marinus, inhabits the region of 65 Q • the Olmec heartland. Its hallucinogenic qualities, physical description, and the factors relating it to the were-jaguar motif, as reported by Kennedy {1982), will be analyzed here. Its relati~n to the Olmec chiefdom also will be presented. In addition, a brief comparison of the Olmec culture with that of Cerro Sech{n, a contemporaneous site located in the Andean region of Peru, will be included to aid in the correlation of the were-jaguar with the toad. The use of hallucinogens by shamans has been touched upon earlier in this chapter. Briefly, ethnographic data concerning ecstatic intoxication, physical transformations, and sexual taboos were provided to explain the role of shamans in relation to the were-jaguar motif. A review of world-wide ethnographic literature reveals the use of many diverse substances as hallucinogens, from vines and cactus to mushrooms and reindeer urine {Fabing 1957; LaBarre

1972). The focus of this section will be~ marinus as a source of ecstatic intoxication. . 0 The natural range of ~ marinus, from 27 north latitude to 10° south latitude, includes the area of the Olmec heartland. The toad generally can be found in low­ lands, but its habitats-vary, including open areas and g~asslands (Zug 1979:1-2).

~ marinus is characterized by a large parotid gland, which is located above and behind the eyes (Figure 17). This gland secretes a toxic venom which contains bufotenin, a powerful hallucinogenic substance, and other 66

toxic chemicals.5 In order to make use of the bufotenin, however, the other elements must be detoxified. The de­ toxification of these chemicals will be dealt with in a later section of this thesis. The occurrence of toad remains at various Olmec sites has long baffled many archaeologists {Coe 1974:73-74). Although it was assumed that they were eaten {Weaver 1981: 67), the natural presence of venom caused consternation as to how the toads could have been skinned without contamina­ ting the meat. The hypothesis of the use of toads for ritual intoxication may account for the remains.

The attributes of ~ marinus are surprisingly similar to the were-jaguar found in Olmec art. Returning once again to the celts (figure 4), the attributes of the toad may also be related to these artworks. The cleft heads of the celts correspond to the cranial crest/parotid gland complex of the toad. The flame eyebrows can be related to the parotid glands. The flat, unassuming nose is quite comparable to that of a toad, and the wide, large, toothless, downturned mouth is the epitomy of toadiness. The presence and absence of cleft heads and fangs on various celts can be accounted for by the toad's shedding of skin. The toad's growth process involves shedding the skin at least once annually (Dickerson 1913:73-75). The process of shedding has been suggested by Furst (1981) and Kennedy (1982) as explanations of cleft heads and fangs, and also 67 as a way of viewing the toad as a fertility symbol and/or a shamanic transformation figures. To commence the shedding process, the toad yawns extensively and repeatedly to loosen its skin; then it hunches down into a squatting position. The skin first begins to split along the lines of the cleft in the head, then down over the back, along each appendage~ and finally down to each finger. The cleft head is highly emphasized at the commencement of this process. Once split, the toad sucks the skin into its mouth and swallows it. Beginning with the head and back, the skin covering the hands is the last remnant to disappear into the toad's mouth. The strongly emphasized cleft head occurs at the start of the shedding process, while the disappearance of the limbs into the mouth con~ludes this process. Thus the ., presence of a cleft head does not occur at the same time in ~hich the hands, seen as fangs, are present. By examining the celts (Figure 4), one can see that the pieces with cleft heads (a, e, f) lack "fangs," and those with "fangs" (b, c, d) lack cleft heads. This in itself is powerful evidence for the interpretation of these were-jaguars as toads. Another aspect of this skin shedding process·is its connection with fertility, as in the example of Xipe Totec donning a flayed skin as the god of spring and vegetation. The shedding "periodically reenacts the cosmic drama of transformation and renewal," according to Kennedy (1982: 68

281). Rebirth ideas can also be related to the hunched, squatting posture assumed by the toad ·just prior to shedding; this same squatting position is assumed by women during chilrlbirth. Also, the shed skin is in the shape of a butterfly (Figure 18), which is another symbol of trans­ formation (Kennedy 1982:281). Yet another instance of transformation is brought about through the consideration of the toad's life process as a whole. It starts out as a tadpole, an aquatic vegetarian, and gradually metamorphoses into a terrestrial carnivore. The idea of rebirth and fertility through renewal is supplemented by the fecundity of the creature. Toads are extremely fertile and may lay up to 30,000 eggs per season. The toad is also known as a promotor of agriculture due to its diet of insects and ather agricultural banes (Kennedy 1982:275). Finally, the toad is associated with wet environments, water, and rain. Wass~n (1934:635-638) discusses in depth the association of frogs, toads, and rain among many Latin American cultures, particularly the prevalent idea that toads may actually bring the rain through their croaking. The biological characteristics of the toad -- its morphology, toxicity, fecundity, and shedding -- combine to form a plausible interpretation of the were-jaguar complex. The importance of the toad to the Olmec may be drawn from a cross-cultural comparison with Cerro Sech[n, a Peruvian site which has recently be reassessed (Cordy-Collins 1983). 69

Cerro Sech1n is located in the Casma Valley on the north coas~ of Peru. It dates to the late Initial Period (1800 - 1400 B. c.) .to the Early Horizon (1400 - 400 B. C.)

(Cordy~Collins 1983:2). The site consists of an architec­ tural complex built against a hillside and surrounded by walls. These ~alls are carved extensively with bas reliefs, some of which are dismembered .human figures, which have been seen as representations of human and corresponding fertility rituals. Based on the reinterpreta­ tion of a featured motif as representing toad eggs {Wickler and Seibt 1982), the site complex has been reanalyzed as representing the depiction of shamanic initiation (Cordy­ Collins 1983). The particular motif in question {Figura 19) has been interpreted as strings of enucleated human eyes {Jimenez Borja and Samaniego Roman 1973). Zoologists Wickler and Seibt {1982:441) argue that this seams unlikely for several reasons. First, other organs and body parts are depicted in a fairly realistic manner and are presented in regular number, i. e. two legs par person. Second, most heads do not appear to have had individual elements such as ayes, ears, or noses removed. Finally, the authors point out that eyes could nat have been strung up; they would loose their fluid, collapse, and shrink to forms different from those shown (Wickler and Seibt 1982:441). An alternate interpretation is offered in which the motif is seen as representing toad eggs, which "contain a 70

solid yolk ball inside a transparent globular jelly mass" and are 11 connected by the jelly in single file to form long strings, exactly as those shown" (Wickler and Seibt 1982: 442). The authors reason that a likely candidate respon- sible for the eggs is ~ marinus, whose range includes the coastal area of Peru. Cordy-Collins (1983) used this toad spawn idea, to- gather with evidence concerning hallucinogens and shamanism (Cordy-Collins 1977, 1980; Lathrap 1973; Sharon and Donnan 1974), as a jumping off point in the reinterpretation of Cerro Sech1n.~ She sees the reliefs as portrayals of shamanic initiation. Eliade (1964:53) recounts that among many Latin American cultures, shamanic initiation may involve as "symbolic ritual of mystical death, sometimes suggested by a dismemberment of the body and renewal of-the organs." The dismembered bodies carved on the stones may well be the visualization of this initiatory process. The presence of the eye strings/toad spawn and its inferences are of importance to this thesis. Previous

sections have revealed the toxicity of ~ marinus, the eggs of which are possibly featured here. The significance of Cerro Sech{n lies in the fact that shamanic initiation, rebirth, and thus possibly transformation are tied to toad

spawn, ~ marinus, and its associated aspects as reviewed in prior sections. The relation between various explanations of the were- 71 jaguar and the designation of the Olmec as a chiefdom society has been presented earlier. The were-jaguar as a toad and the chiefdom society idea follow the same line of argumentation. The hallucinogenic qualities of the toad, its physical characteristics in comparison with the were­ jaguar, and its many associations with fertility can be correlated with the shamanic/priestly religion, the visual symbol of the were-jaguar, and the fertility of the royal lineage. The importance of the shamanic beginnings of the religion of the chiefdom may be augmented by the toad spawn/shamanic initiation motif explanation offered for Cerro Sech!n.

Summary

Through examination it has been shown that although no simple interpretation exists for the multi-faceted were­ jaguar motif, it is possible to relate its many diverse aspects to the hypothesis that the Olmec civilization may be classified as a chiefdom. Representations of royal beings, fertility gods, shamanic figures, and a trio of other species all interconnect to form the long-standing interpretations of the motif. These same elements are employed in drawing lines-of comparison between the characteristics of a chiefdom society with that possessed by the Olmec. The divine status of.rulers, myths concerning the arise of the royal lineage, and a mixture of shamanistic/priestly religion have all been 72

p • illustrated in various artistic representations of the were­ jaguar motif.

The fo~lowing chapter will deal specifically with the Olmec site of San Lorenzo. This site will be employed as a paradigm to demonstrate the toad as the were-jaguar in support of the hypothesis that the ruling lineage controlled this motif and its religious connotations in the maintenance of the Olmec chiefdom. Chapter 5

SAN LORENZO

The site of San Lorenzo is located on a plateau in the lowland drainage area of the Coatzacoalcos River. Following a brief presentation of its chronology and collapse, various

··~ featurei of the site will be discussed. Of primary impor- tance is the extensive waterway system. As will be seen, the reassessment of San Lorenzo involves the interpretation of this system in regard to_hallucinogenic toads and the religious complex of the were-jaguar, a symbol used in the control 1pf power by the ruling element in the Olmec chief- dam. The Olmec civilization flourished from 1200 - 400 B.C. Currently,' the site of San Lorenzo is thought to have been one of the earliest Olmec ceremonial centers, rising to unparralleled heights during the Early Formative period. A site-specific chronology, based on Yale University's excava- tions at San Lorenzo under Cos from 1966 through 1968 (Cos 1981a:121-136), follows herein. 1) Ojochi Phase 1500- 1350 B. c. At this time some settlement took place upon the sterile soil of the San Lorenzo plateau. There may be some relation with the Chiapas­ Guatemalan Pacific Coast area based on recovered pottery types.

2) Baj~o Phase 1350 - 1250 B. c.

73 74

Construction took place on the San Lorenzo plateau; fill was added to the top, and ridges extending from the west side were begun. Cos (1981a:123) remarks that as the con­ structed ridges were shown to possess bilateral mirror symmetry, it is possible that "San Lorenzo as a center was planned as far back as the four­ teenth century B. c." Pottery figurine remains, similar to typical baby figurines of later periods, were also recovered from this period. 3) Chicharras Phase 1250 - 1150 B. c. Many new pottery and other artifact types seen at this time reflect either migrations of newcomers or substantial outside influence; in either case, the artifact assemblage "definitely foreshadows the thoroughly Olmec San Lorenzo Phase" (Cos 1981a:126). The presence of basalt chips and lumps is seen as an indicator of the possibility of stone monument carving. 4) San Lorenzo Phase "1150- 900 B. c. The height of Olmec civilization at San Lorenzo was attained during this period. The population reached a peak unmatched until the Postclassic. Many stone monuments were carved, and white pottery figurines were created. Construction of the plateau continued, and the extensive system of stone drains and lagoons was established. This period is further subdivided into San Lorenzo A and B. These periods are primarily marked by slight differences in ceramic types. Addi­ tionally, San Lorenzo B shows indica­ tions of increased trade or other contacts with other Mesoamerican regions. 5) Nacaste Phase 900 - 700 B. c. No major construction took place during this period. Coe presumes that 11 Nacaste invaders 11 ( o·r !gins unknown) 75

inhabit the site, as most pottery types are replaced, and a different type of figurine is substituted for the previously prevalent variety with typical Olmec features. Stone monuments are ceremonially mutilated and destroyed. 6) Palangana Phase 600 - 400 B. c. A possible hiatus exists between the Nacaste and Palangana Phases. It seems that San Lorenzo was uninhabited for a period, and then reoccupation occurred, mainly in the site's central area. A completely new pottery complex, similar to that of La Vanta and Tres Zapotes, is found. . 7) Remplas/ Phase c. 200 B. c. San Lorenzo was probably not occupied at this time; however, this phase relates to a ceramic assemblage found at Tenochtitlan, conte~porary with Tres Zapotes. 8) Villa Alta Phase 900- 1100 A. D. Early Postclassic recolonization of San Lorenzo. As villages in this area and along the R{o Chiquita today are inhabited by Nahuatl-spaakers, the colonizers may have been likewise. The collapse of San Lorenzo, usually dated at 900 B. t., is reflected in the above sequence as the period of Nacaste invaders. A variety of explanations exist for the end of the Olmec civilization at this location. Coe (1970: 28) mentions the possibility of internal revolt, yet feels that partial blame must be placed upon the arrival of the Nacaste peoples. Haas (1982:112), however, points out that there are no signs of foreign intrusion, and no substitution of religious elements of the conquerors occured. Another possibility is that of a gradual transition 76 from "c1assic" Olmec to the Nacaste, with monument destruc­ tion seen as ritual activity carried out through time. Grove (1981a:378) mentions that the fact that the transition is not evident in the archaeological record merely "reflects the quality of the present data." A third idea is the view of the Olmec collapse as a social catastrophe. Drennan (1976:364) argues that a large support population concentrated around the San Lorenzo ceremonial center. The inability of this population to adapt to environmental instability led to a desanctification of the site and religious system, "which resulted in the sudden and violent end to the manufacture of ritual arti­ facts and structures," as well as the destruction of exist­ ing stone monuments. An interesting element in the collapse of San Lorenzo is monument destruction. Coe (1981a:142) reports that the monuments such as colossal heads were fractured, .pitted, and pounded before being ceremonially buried. Drawing upon ethnographic analogy with tropical forest South American Indians, Grove (1981b) explains the destruction of the monuments as the neutralization of the power of the ruler which is vested in the monument during the ruler's lifetime. This power becomes uncontrolled and thus dangerous at the ruler's death, so mutilation is therefore necessary for the safety of the living. Confirmation of the monument burials during the San Lorenzo Phase (or immediately following) is drawn from the 77 ' .

stratigraphic sequence. The monuments all rest on a red gravel floor dated from this time period, and all are surrounded by fill with shards and other matter from the San Lorenzo Phase (Coe 1968:52). Many of the monuments recovered from San Lorenzo were located in a line along a ridge, from which they may have been pushed or may have fallen due to erosion of the ridge (Coe 1968:55). The burial of these pieces is seen as marking the end of the Olmec civilization at San Lorenzo. The physical collapse of San Lorenzo may indeed be related to internal revolt related to the chiefdom, as may be evidenced by the destruction of the colossal heads and other monumental sculpture associated with the rulers. The perseverance of the were-jaguar motif to withstand this revolt and continue its function as a religious symbol may be explained by its firm entrenchment in the belief system of the people. Further examination of this motif and its significance to the site of San Lorenzo will follow. The site of-San Lorenzo, located in the Coatzacoalcos River drainage near to the R{o Chiquita, is roughly 1.17 km long by .75 km wide (Rossman 1976:96). The modified plateau upon which San Lorenzo rests has been described as an artifact in itself (Cos and Diehl 1980(1]:28). On this modified plateau, house and ceremonial mounds, stone monu­ ments, and an aqueduct system with lagoons are located.

These will be examined in turn~ The natural plateau on which the site was built had 78

been enhanced, possibly beginning as far back as the Baj{o Phase (1350- 1250 B. c.). Through the various occupations of the area, fill had been added to the top of the plateau, and artificial ridges extending outward from the plateau itself were constructed. Although the entire site has not been excavated, it is thought that the layout is bilaterally symmetrical, and that the unexcavated eastern portion re­ flects that of the western side. Coe (1974:69) speculates that the entire plateau was meant to resemble a giant bird flying towards the east, but that its construction was never completed. Approximately 200 mounds have been found on the surface of San Lorenzo, most of which are thought to be house mounds (Coe 1974:29; 1981a:119). Coe and Diehl (1980(1J:29) report that these mounds seem to be concentra- ted in certain areas, in particular running in north-south lines along the Northwest and Southwest Ridges. The house mounds, generally rectangular in shape, are 1 m or less in height. Sixty-five stone monuments, ranging from colossal heads to were-jaguars, have bean recovered from San Lorenzo. Mast of these are made of basalt quarried from Carro Cinte­ pec, located 60 air km from San Lorenzo in the Tuxtla Mountains (Williams and Heizer 1965). It is hypothesized that the Coatzacoalcos River and other waterways were em- played in the transport of the stone. A major feature of San Lorenzo which is most relevant 79 to this thesis is the extensive waterway system consisting of aqueducts and lagoons. Twenty-one lagoons have been uncovered. Described as generally formless depressions which may have been derived from borrow pits, these features are scattered over the plateau. A few, however, have geo­ metric outlines and bentonite linings. Because of the presence of freshwater springs on the plateau, the lagoons are not seen as reservoirs despite their ability to hold wate~ year round. Rather, their use as ritual bathing pools has been suggested (Coe and Diehl 1980[1]:30; Coe 1981a: 119). The aqueduct system consists of covered basalt U -shaped trough stones which are laid end to end. The main line of this system extends 152 m, with 30 m of lateral iines. The aqueduct system is connected with the various lagoons (Kennedy 1982:287). The twenty-one lagoons range in size from approximately 6 x 6 m to 30 x 40 m, with the mean average of about 750 sq m (Coe and Diehl 1980[1}: map insert). The question of whether the Olmec civilization was a chiefdom or a state comes into play here. The presence of expansive public works has been used to promote the possi­ bility of a state society {Haas 1982:186), yet other authors have argued that these works could have been con­ structed under a chiefdom organization (Kaplan 1963; Sanders and Price 1968; Service 1975). Haas {1982:188) contends that these major Olmec 80 projects' "only identifiable function is ideological." He reasons that the labor projects were oriented "toward a centralized, unified religion," presumably that of a state society. Through the unifying symbol of the were-jaguar, I propose that these works were created under a chiefdom society whose shamanic/priestly religion served to advance the beliefs concerning the were-jaguar, a motif criminally set forth to further the high status of the ruling lineage. The presence of the expansive system of aqueducts and lagoons may be related to the were-jaguar complex. By examining the faunal remains of San Lorenzo and several pieces of Olmec art, this relationship will be exemplifieg. As mentioned in Chapter 4,·the hallucinogenic secre­ tion of ~ .m.a.r.i_n_u_s must be detoxified in order for the desired result of the bufotenin to be effected. Kennedy (1982) suggests that this detoxification is carried out by ducks. If her hypothesis is correct, the key to the mysteries of San Lorenzo and the were-jaguar may have been found. The establishment of the presence of ducks at San Lorenzo and the analysis of the toad/duck complex seen in Olmec art will serve as clarifying factors for the were­ jaguar motif, San Lorenzo, and the Olmec chiefdom.

!U!f..g marinus remains unearthed at San Lorenzo indicate that it was the fourth most numerous animal species uncover- ad at the site. Despite its frequency of occurence, howeve~ the remains are found only during the Chicharras and San Lorenzo Phases. This concentration "suggests that they may 81 have been used periodically and in quantities" (Coe and Diehl 1980[1):378-379, 383). It was during the San Lorenzo Phase that the waterway system was constructed (Coe 1970: 26), and as this was considered to be the height of occupa­ tion, the power of the chieftain is· also assumed to have been most prominent. The remains of three types of ducks, the green winged teal, the shoveler, and the lasses scaup (~ carolinensis,

~ clxpeata, and Aythya affinis, respectively), have been recovered from San Lorenzo. As is the case with ~ marinus, the duck remains are concentrated in the Chicharras and San Lorenzo Phases (Coe and Diehl 1980[1):378). All of these species are migratory, inhabiting Mexico in the win­ ter months. Additional unidentified duck and bird remains from this time period have been found. Mallards (~ platy­ rhynchas).may be represented hare; they too are winter migrators. Although their migration routes have changed over time, they previously wintered in the Gulf Coast area (Leopold 1959:168). Another possibility is the Mexican duck (~ diazi), a local, nonmigratory species originally derived from the mallard (Leopold at. al. 1981:76-77). Leopold at. al. (1981:84) report that the shoveler is characterized by a conspicuously spatulate bill. More­ over, this duck "eats more animal matter than other surface feeding ducks." Because of this prominent bill and dietary preferences, it may be this species which plays an 82 important role ambng the Olmec at San Lorenzo, and which is portrayed in their art, as will be described. The role of ducks in the detoxification of the -Bufo secretion has been advanced by Kennedy (1982). She suggests that ducks serve as bio-mediators, an animal that refines, detoxifies, conve·rts, or bio-concentrates substances which, in their natural state, are too toxic, indigestible, unpalatable, or simply of too low a concentration to be eaten directly (Kennedy 1982:288). Through experimentation, Kennedy found that ducks do eat toads, but first "process" them. This is accomplished through rolling and pressing the toad in the bill prior to swallowing it, effectively squeezing out much of the venomous secretion. As the bill lacks nerve endings, the ducks don't have adverse reactions to the ·venom, and a lack of blood vessels in the bill prohibits the poison's absorp­ tion. Thus the ducks are physically able to ingest the toads. Due to remarkably efficient livers, Kennedy speculates that the duck's tissues may build up concentrations of the compounds derived from the toad venom. She reasons that the flash might then have bean utilized as a psychotropic delicacy for religious feasts or bacchanals (Ibid.:286). . If her speculation proves correct, then the ducks, when eaten, would provide the partaker with the effect of the toad-derived hallucinogen. The enhanced flesh could have been reserved for the shamans, to commence their transformations into jaguars. Members of the royal lineage 83 also may have shared the flesh, regressing into the were­ jaguar state and·experiencing oneness with their mythical jaguar .ancestor. Until experiments are carried out to test the validity of the toad venom/duck flesh/hallucinogenic-effect-on-humans chain of events, that which is described above remains purely supposition. If the hypothesis is substantiated, however, then new meaning may be subscribed to the waterway system of San Lorenzo. The hydraulic system at San Lorenzo may be related to toads and ducks. The area's adequate rainfall, plus the presence of freshwater springs on the plateau, negate the rationale that the aqueducts ware necessary for irrigation or water retention. The depth of the lagoons is also shallow, and insufficient for affective bathing. Kennedy (1982:286) reasons that the system was used for the propa­ gation of hallucinogenic toads and for the maintenance of the ducks which were necessary to process-them. Clues to the relationship between toads and ducks can be found in several Olmac art works, foremost of which are two large stone sculptures directly associated with San Lorenzo's system of aqueducts and lagoons. Monument 9, San Lorenzo (Figura 20) depicts a large duck figure which, according to Joralemon (1975:52), is the "Olmec Bird-Monster." Although partially destroyed, its duck attributes are clearly visible. This monument had served as the western end of the aqueduct system (Coe 84 il . and Diehl 1980(1]:314). A classic example of Joralemon's God IV, the rain god, exists in this portrayal of a were-jaguar figure, San Lorenzo's Monument 52 (Figure 21). This basalt monument was situated at the top of the main aqueduct line, in opposition to Monument 9 {Cos and Diehl 1980[1]:361). According to the criteria set forth in Chapter 4, I feel that Monument 52 is a splendid specimen of the were-jaguar as a hallucinogenic toad. The piece possesses a cleft head, and the classic Olmec mouth lacks fangs. This re­ flects the toad shedding pattern_outlined in reference to the celts (Figure 4). The presence of the were-jaguar/toad and the duck figures, in direct association with each other as well as with the aqueducts, provides powerful evidence to the explanation of the were-jaguar motif as a toad. Its associations with fertility and the shamanic use of hallu­ cinogens are likewise to be considered. A new interpreta­ tion of the hydraulic system of San Lorenzo comas as an added benefit. The propagation of the toads and ducks may be seen as the regulation and control of the hallucinogens by the priesthood, and also the more elaborate caramqnialism associated with the mora formalized religion of the Olmec chiefdom. The were-jaguar/toad/duck association can be further examined through several more pieces of Olmac art. Among the several art works whose motifs support the above hypothesis is a jade spoon (Figure 13 b). This piece 85

is thought to be related to the use of hallucinogens, with the duck head shape relating to ideas of birds and ecstatic flight. By viewing this same spoon upside-down {Figure 13 a), it is suddenly a tadpole (Kennedy 1982). The icon­ ography of this single piece serves as a link between tadpoles (and thus toads), ducks, hallucinogens, and the ensuing transformation idea. The role of the duck is emphasized· in two more works, the Tuxtla Statuette and Altar 7, La Vanta. The Tuxtla Statuette (Figure 22) portrays what could be a shaman or priest in a duck costume. Wings and webbed feet are etched onto its sides, while the lower face is hidden behind a duckbill mask. Possibly shamans or members of the priest­

hood donned this attire when preparing the ~-fed ducks for consumption • ., The costume may also relate to the later Xipe Totec. As the Mexica priest wore the flayed skin of a sacrificial victim to represent the hull of a seed ready to release the new life within (Furst 1974:50), so may have the Olmec shaman/priest worn the duck suit, the duck symbolism serving as the integral element in releasing the toad's toxins and thus allowing the transformation of the being within. A final piece which may again echo the duckbill mask idea is Altar 7 from La Vanta (Figure 23). Although badly damaged, a human with such a mask may be portrayed (Joesink­ Mandeville and Meluzin 1976:99; Stirling 1965:72). Owls or other avian beings are visible on the sides. It is inter- 86 eating to note that with this piece the toad/duck complex of San Lorenzo may have extended thr9ugh time and space to La Vanta. Because the locale of this later site is more swampy, an extensive hydraulic system like that of San Lorenzo would not have been necessary in order to raise toads and ducks. However, the presence of carved drainage stones at this site (and also at La~una de los Carras) may further elude to this connection.

Summary

Through excavations undertaken at San Lorenzo, various features were uncovered. Primary among these was an unusual system of aqueducts and lagoons. It has been suggested that the were-jaguar motif complex plays an integral part in this system, and that this system plays an integral part in the Olmec chiefdom. By analyzing the faunal remains from.San Lorenzo, it has been shown that both ~ marinus and various. duck species are represented. Both were prevalent in the Chi­ charras and San Lorenzo Phases. Kennedy (1982) hypothesized that ducks were used as bio-mediators, links in a chain of events beginning with toad toxins and ending with shamanic transformation. The construction of the aqueduct system and its role in the maintenance of toads and ducks can be seen as a public work with a definite religious orientation. Through the examination of carvings related to the water system and several other examples of Olmec art, 88 connections have been drawn between toads, ducks, the were­ jaguar motif, and the hydraulic system of San Lorenzo. By the interrelation of all of these elements in the religion of the Olmec, the society's designation of chiefdom is supported. Chapter 6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Within. the area designated the Olmec heartland in the drainage of the Coatzacoalcos and Tonala Rivers on the Gulf Coast of Mexico, the Olmec culture flourished from approxi­ mately 1200 - 400 B. c. The four major Olmec sites, San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras, have been classified as central places. As such, each was maintained by a surrounding support area, for which it served as a center for information, redistribution of goods, religion, and the ruling lineage. Subsistence .practices based on ma{ze agriculture were sufficiently successful to allow for the development of a class society. The hierarchical ranking of society members culmina­ ting in a hereditary chieftainship is an outstanding feature of a chiefdom. The basis of its economic system is the redistribution of accumulated goods through the office of the chieftain. Economic power may be gleaned by the ruler by control of this production and redistribution. The presence of surplus goods permits-the subsidization of part­ time specialists, such as artists, and also allows periods of leisure time during which labor forces could be amassed to carry out the construction of large-scale public works. The development of the Olmec religion reflected the evolution of the Olmec society to a chiefdom. The religion

89 90

of the Olmec was a blend of traditional shamanic rituals and formalized ceremonies accompanied by the establishment of a priesthood. The monopolizing of religious power by control af the were-jaguar motif, a unifying symbol, was achieved by the chieftain. By controlling the were-jaguar, a symbol of super­ natural significance to the people, the chieftain was able to acquire a great deal of power. Whether the office of the chieftain or the were-jaguar motif developed first is unknown, but through the manipulation of the were-jaguar, the power of the chieftain grew. As much of the chieftain's power stemmed from the were-jaguar, religion in turn served to validate the high status of the chieftain. Myth was one type of validation; divine rulership was another. Through the firm establish­ ment of these validations, embodied in the were-jaguar, in the belief system of the Olmec, religious power was retained by the ruling lineage. Tne promotion of the were-jaguar, therefore, was of utmost importance to the rulers. Originally, the acceptance of the motif may have been due to the ruler's commissioning of artists, but, after a time, the adoption of the belief system would have led to the prolongation of the motif and the standardization of its features. · Based on a specific set of physical attributes evident in Olmec art, the were-jaguar motif has been examined and reexamined in terms of a number of characteristics. A cleft 91 head, flame eyebrows, and a large downturned mouth, with or without fangs, are the basic criteria for a were-jaguar. The motif has been interpreted in a number of ways. The interpretations presented will be briefly reviewed here, and their role in validating the chiefdom will be included. Tezcatlipbca, Mexica god of the underworld, is one phase of this being. He bestows kingship on man, and symbolizes the dominance and distinctness of the royal lineage. Seen as the offspring of a jaguar father and human mother, the royal being is often depicted as a sexless infant with a typically Olmec curled lip. This being is possibly related to the rain god. The headgear seen on the Las Bocas infant may denote its membership in the royal lineage. Were-jaguar symbols on altars, interpreted by Grove (1973) as thrones, may again pertain to the power of the chieftain and divine kingship. Another version of the royal infant deals with con­ genital deformities. Several physical deformities exist in which infants suffer with cleft heads, an inherant sign of jaguarness. Occasional occurrences of these genetic defects may serve to promote the superior status of the royal lineage, and reaffirm their mythical relations with jaguar ancestors. Portraits of these infants may have been commissioned by the ruling lineage for the validation and promotion of these ideas. An iconographic component of this being is attri- 92

butes as a rain god figure. Associated with rain and water, the were-jaguar is seen as the initial figure which evolved into the various rain deities of later Mesoamerican peoples. In reference to fertility, the cleft head may be the fontanelle, related to the place of emergence and thus fertility. The fontanelle may also related to the chief­ tain's ability to communicate with the supernatural. The Mexica god Xipe Totec may have also evolved from this being.

Ethnographic data lends support to the idea of the shaman as a jaguar. Through the use of hallucinogens, physical transformations occur. The depiction of jaguars overcoming men may be allegorical representations of the chiefdom overwhelming other regions, as well as a portrayal of a transformed shaman. The evolution of the religion of the Olmec may also be related tG this explanation of the were-jaguar. The use of hallucinogens derived from the shamanic origins of the chiefdom's religion was incorporated with the formal ceremonialism associated with the priest­ hood, an additional development in a chiefdom. Other than a jaguar, the were-jaguar may be based in part on other species. Physical characteristics and humanistic behavior of the manatee may have contributed to its use as a model. It may have had a vital role in Dlmec subsistence as well. The dual roles of predator and prey, its associations with fertility, its associations with the riverine environ- ment, and the unusual booming sounds which it produces 93 relate the crocodilian to the were-jaguar. The trade of crocodilian products and the associated belief system may have been a significant part in the spread of religion and the Olmec realm of power. Physical characteristics, toxicity, skin shedding relating to rebirth, and fertility relate the toad to the were-jaguar. In regard to~ marinus, through the exam­ ination of its complex relationship with ducks and other concepts such as shamanic transformation, Kennedy's (1982) reassessment of San Lorenzo's hydraulic system as a toad/ duck maintenance system seems plausible.

Conclusions

In consideration of these many varied interpretations of the were-jaguar, I conclude that this motif actually represents a composite figure. As one piece of art labelled were-jaguar may in fact resemble a jaguar (Figure 14), the next may not be recognizable as anything other than a croc­ odilian (Figure 16). In general, however, I feel that the motif does serve as a unifying symbol employed by the ruling lineage to validate their power. The extensive aqueduct and lagoon system at San Lorenzo was used as a model to demonstrate how one aspect of the were-jaguar explanation may have figured in this scheme. The site of San Lorenzo, whose "only identifiable function is ideaological" (Haas 1982:188), appears to be the site of the culmination of the Olmec chiefdom at that 94 ,, ' point in time. A ceremonial center characterized by mounds, plazasi and stone monuments, an expansive stone aqueduct and lagoon system is its most prominent feature.

By relatin~ this system to the wer~-jaguar, and the were­ jaguar to the chiefdom, many questions concerning the Olmec civilization can be clarified. An acceptance of Kennedy's (1982) proposition that the aqueduct system of San Lorenzo served as a propagation and maintenance area for toads and ducks is primary to the relevance of this thesis. The toads were raised for their venomous secretion; ducks ware raised so that the Olmec could make use of the hallucinogenic constituents of the secretion. The use of hallucinogens extends back to the shamanic origins of the chiefdom's religion. The were-jaguar figures eminently in the idea of shamanic transformation. As the toad-enhanced duck meat was consumed by the shaman, or members of the royal lineage, altered states of consciousness were achieved. For the royalty, regression to the jaguarnass of their forefathers may have bean experienced. Thus through the usa of hallucinogens, the status of the royalty as true descendants of the jaguar could be attested to by the shaman. This familial affiliation with a jaguar deity, promoted in the myths, was embodied in the were-jaguar. The integrating element of the Olmac religion is the ware-jaguar motif. Its significance in the aqueduct system of San Lorenzo is evident from the position of Monument 52, 95

a large were-jaguar, at one end of the system. Through an abundance of other Olmec artworks, the prominence of the motif has been illustrated. I propose that the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec civilization was a chiefdom society substantiated by the supposition that the were-jaguar motif was a symbol used to validate and confirm the high status and power of the chieftain's lineage. The site of San Lorenzo was the ultimate mainifestation of the chieftain's power, gleaned in part from the control of the symbol of the were-jaguar. Through time, the were-jaguar motif and its associated myths formed a major part of the Olmec religion. The ware­ jaguar became so firmly entrenched in the Olmec belief system that when the collapse of San Lorenzo occurred, the were-jaguar imagery and myth survived, to reappear later at La Vanta and other Olmec sites under the manipulation of another chiefly lineage.6 Through the ware-jaguar motif, then, conclusions about the sociopolitical organization of the Olmec culture have been drawn. These conclusions have not been drawn from art alone; rather, background given on the ciiilization of the Olmec provided clues to their interpretation. Due to the unavoidable lack of understanding between the cul­ tures of today and that of the ancient Olmec, the true meanings behind the motif may never be attained. But, by relating representations of the motif to various aspects of culture such as religion, politics, and social organization, 96

the interpretations have b~en clarified. This holistic approach in the study of an artistic motif is essential. This idea may best be expressed by Binford (1962:244): It is my opinion that until we as archaeologists begin thinking of our data in terms of total cultural systems, many such prehistoric "enigmas" will remain unexplained. NOTES

1) Despite the extent of the excavations carried out at various Olmec sites (Stirling 1957; Drucker, Heizer, and Squier 1959; Cos and Diehl 1980), there has been limited data retrieved concerning how the Olmec people themselves lived. Grove (1981:379) attributes this lack of information· to the con­ centration of the excavations on ceremonial areas, and suggests that the residences of. the elite may be adjacent to the plaza, as can be seen in other areas mf Mesoamerica. 2) The deity Xiuhtecuhtli may as well be related to the were-jaguar. Joralemon {1976:40) suggests the flame eyebrow developed into the Mesoamerican flame symbol, and that the fire serpents whom the Mexica thought carried the sun in the sky are des­ cendents of his Olmec Dragon deity. Coe {1972:11) is another proponent of this idea as he links the fire god with Tezcatlip6ca, and speculates that among the Olmec, the two were the same. Another interesting analogy between the were­ jaguar and the fire serpent has been set forth by Pyne (1976). Based on a stylistic analysis of ceramics, which revealed that the were-jaguar and the fire serpent motifs on pott~ry were limited to certain households and areas within three village.s in Formative Oaxaca, she hypothesizes that these "reflect the presence of at least two major descent groups with the fire serpent and were-jaguar as mythical ancestors" (Ibid.:200). 3) Among the Hopi and other southwestern North American Indian groups, the sipapu is a hole in the floor of the ~' a ceremonial structure, which metaphorically represents the place from which man emerged into the world (Waters 1963). 4) An excellent introduction to various plants used as hallucinogens in the New World can be found in Schultes {1972). 5) Allen and Naill (1956:150) state that bufo­ tenin and another component of the secretion, bufagin, are "digitalis-like in pharmacological action, and that the latter is a powerful emetic. The secretion also contains epinephrine and presumably cholesterol." Kennedy (1982:284) reports that the secretion

97 98

contain at least 26 constituents which may be broken down into four groups: 1) bufogenins and bufotoxins (cardioactive steroids); 2) phenyle­ thylamina bases (dopamine, adrenaline, nonadren­ aline); 3) tryptamine bases and derivatives including serotonic (a neuro-transmitting agent), cinobufagin (a powerful local anaesthetic), and 4) bufotenin (a hallucino~enic compound). · Daly and Myers (1967) list cardiotoxins, convulsants, and vasoconstrictors in addition to hallucinogens as compounds of bufotoxin. Limited experiments with bufotenin injec­ tions conducted on humans {Fabing and Hawkins 1956) revealed little effect on the cardio­ vascular system. The subjects experienced visions, nausea, and sweating, and their faces took on purple hues. Allen and Neill (1956:150) record that headaches, nausea, and vomiting have occurred among humans who have handled the toads, and also relate that a man died after eating one. 6) Grove (1981b) presents an idea that the headgear seen on colossal heads serve as a badge or name symbol, a conclusion which was reached independently by Coe (1977:186). Based on this premise, Grove maint~ins that the chief­ tain portrayed as La Vanta Colossal Head 4 is the same figure seen on the side of an altar at San Lorenzo, Monument 14. This side figure is bound to the altar's central figure, presumably the San Lorenzo chieftain (the monument is badly mutilated), by a rope of kinship. If Grove's supposition proves valid, it would substantiate my hypothesis of a powerful ruling lineage among the Olmec, as it would appear that the rulers of two Olmec centers were related. FIGURES

99 ~4 Gulf of Mexico N o' ~o ~ oo mi . , . 0 160 km Olmec Heartland

2•• 3 ~

1 Oxtotilan 2 Chalcatzingo 3 las Bocas 4 Tres Zapotes 5 laguna de los Cerros 6 Afo Chiquita (Tenochtitlan) 7 San lorenzo figure 1 THE OLMEC AREA 8 Portrero Nuevo (Weaver 1981:63) 9 La Vanta ...I> 0 0 Weaver Pre-Olmec Olmec Horizon Epi-Olmec ( 1981) (Middle Preclassic) (Late Preclassic) 2500 - 1500 1500 - 900 400 - A. 0. 1 Tolstoy Initial Period Early Horizon First Intermediate First Intermediate (1978) (Phases 1 - 4) (Phases 5 - 9) 2400 - 1400 1400 - 950 900 - 400 500 - A. 0. 1 Coe Early Formative Middle Formative Late Formative (1970) 1500 - 900 900 - 400 400 - A. 0. 1

San Lorenzo-Tenochtitl'n Sequence (Coe 1970) 1500 - 1350 Ojochi 1350,. - 1250 Baj.lo 1250 - 1150 Chicharras 1150 - 900 San Lorenzo 900 - 700 Nacaste 600 - 400 Palangana Figure 2 c. 200 CHRONOLOGY Ramp las

....\ 0 ....\ ...

... NOPILOA

~· ~ ... ~·,..-- - ·- ._.:...... : ... @

• Archaeological site ~:):::}~ More than 600' elevation ~· -- .t'!::. •J

.·-• -::..·.,.. .. _,.;.;.~- .• Swamp ______jso Km .

0 - I __ l --- 1 gure OLMEC CENTRAL PLACES (Bernal 1969; delineation of central place territories by Seve 1976:129)

~ Cl 1\)

"" 103

A B c

D E F

Figureo:IAL AXES CELTS(Covarrubl. OR CE~;~ 1946:30) 104

~ ~ t T p M t

'\ N I t "·~

A Figure 5 EVOLUTION OF ME~OAMERICAN RAIN GODS (Covarrubias 1946:27) 105

.,. Figure 6 RIO CHIQUif.O MONUMENT 1 (Joralemon 1976:31)

Figure 7 POTRERO NUEVO MONUMENT 3 (Joralemon 1976:31) 106

Figure LAS BOCAS INFANT {Coe 1965b:106)

front view

side Figure 9 ALTAR 5, (Grove 1973:130-131) 107

Figure 10 PICTOGRAPH, OXTOTITLAN (Grove 1973:133) - 108 ,, '

Figure 11 PICTOGRAPH, OXTOTITLAN (Grove 1973:132) 109

figure 12 MAIZE GOD CELT {Covarrubias 1957:fig 33)

0

A 8 Figure 13 JADE SPOON (Kenn~dy 1982:286) 110

\ (

Figure 14 WERE-JAGUAR (Benson 1981:106) 111

figure 15 ATLIHUAYAN fiGURE {Covarrubias 1957:figure 9)

view of pelt 112

F"igura 16 JAGUAR-DRAGON PROFILE (Covarrubias 1957:figure 9)

F"igure 17 BUFO MARINUS (Kenn~1982:274, 276) 113

a .. o c:::::::J ...... - "' .

Fig~:Jre 18 SHED BUFO SKIN (Kennedy 1982:281)

Figure 19 EYE/TOAD EGG MOTIF (Wickler and Seibt 1982:442) 114

Figura 20 MONUMENT 9, SAN LORENZO (Coe and Diehl 1980[1]:315) 115 ~ '

f'igure 21 MONUMENT 52, SAN LORENZO ., (Cos and Diehl 1980[1]:362)

f'igure 22· TUXTLA STATUETTE (Kennedy 1982:286) 116 ,, '

figure 23 ALTAR 7, LA VENTA (Drucker 1952:Plate 65b) REFERENCES

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7) Simple Band Passing Through the Eye. ~ ~~ a) Ware-Jaguar Profile Band Passing ~ Through the Eye. 15) Nose. Wide and flattened in frontal view, rounded in profile. AL 19) Mouth. Classic Olmec mouth with flaring upper lip and drooping lower corners. ~ 25) Gum Ridge. Common feature of Olmec gods. ~ 26) Teeth or Fangs. Fangs sometimes and in cleft ~ element. Definitive for God v. occurs in other deities excluding \\ Gods IV and x. \)) 36) Paw-Wing. Feature of Gods I and III. ~

130 131

58) Headband. Definitive for God IV but also occurs on other deities.

60) Wavy Ear Coverings. Definitive for God IV.

66) Pelt Worn Over the Back.

80) Seated Figure Emerging from

81) Maize Sprouting from Head Definitive for God II.

86) Vegetation Sprouting from Facial Region. Attribute of Gods I and II.

162) Jaguar-Dragon. Representation of God I.

163) Jaguar-Dragon Paw-Wing. Represents God I.