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California State University, Northridge the Were CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE THE WERE-JAGUAR MOTIF AND THE OLMEC CHIEFDOM A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the .requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology by Bryn Marie Barabas January 1985 0 • The Thesis of Bryn Marie Barabas is approved: Susan Kenagy Dav~ Hayanbj f{_ Robert Ravicz, Chairma~ California State University, Northridge ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to gratefully acknowledge all of the help and guidance provided by my committee members, Susan Kenagy, David Hayano, Robert Ravicz, and my second ·chair Carol Mackey, without whom this thesis wo~ld not have been possible. I also extend thanks to Gregory Truex, Charles Bearchell, and Ralph Vicero for coming through in the end. Thanks Mom and Pops for your patient understanding and encouragement. And finally, multiple thank yous to all of those special people, particularly R. J., for seeing me through with my elusive were-jaguar dream. iii TABLE ·oF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS • • • • • • • • • • • • iii LIST OF FIGURES • • • • • • • • • • • • v ABSTRACT • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • vi Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION • • • • • • • • • • 1 2 DEFINITIONS • • • • • • • • • • 5 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 14 3 BACKGROUND • • • • • • • • • • 16 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 36 4 THE WERE-JAGUAR • • • • • • • • • 38 Summary • • • • • • • • • • 71 5 SAN LORENZO • • • • • • • • • • 73 Summary • • • .. • • • • • • 86 6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS • _. • • • • 89 Conclusions • • • • • • • • • 93 NOTES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 97 FIGURES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 99 REFERENCES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 117 APPENDIX • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 130 iv LIST OF FIGURES figure page 1 The Olmec Area (Weaver 1981:63). • • • • • • 100 2 Chronology (Coe 1970; Tolstoy 1978; Weaver 1981) • 101 3 Olmec Central Places (Bernal 1969; Bove 1976:129). 102 4 Celts or Ceremonial Axes (Covarrubias 1946:30). • 103 5 Evolution of Mesoamerican Rain Gods (Covarrubias 1946:27) ~ • • • • • • • • • 104 6 R{o Chiquita Monument 1 (Joralemon 1976:31). • • 105 7 Potrero Nuevo Monument 3 (Joralemon 1976:31) • • 105 8 Las Bocas Infant (Coe 1965b:106) • • • • • • 106 9 Altar s, La Vanta (Grove 1973:130-131) • • • • 106 10 Pictograph, Oxtotitlan (Grove 1973:133) • • • • 107 11 Pictograph, Oxtotitlan (Grove 1973:132). • • • • 108 12 Maize God Celt (Covarrubias 1957:figure 33). • • 109 13 Jade Spoon (Kennedy 1982:286) • • • • • • • 109 14 ~ere-Jaguar (Benson 1981:106) • • • • • • • 110 15 Atlihuayan Figure (Covarrubias 1957:figure 9) • • 111 16 Jaguar-Dragon Profile (Covarrubias 1957:figure 9). 112 17 ~ Marinus (Kennedy 1982:274, 276) • • • • • 112 18 Shed~ Skin (Kennedy 1982:281) • • • • • • 113 19 Eye/Toad Egg Motif (Wickler and Seibt 1982:422) • 113 20 Monument 9, San Lorenzo (Coe and Diehl 1980(1]:315) • • • • • • • • 114 21 Monument 52, San Lorenzo (Coe and Diehl 1980(1]:362) • • • • • • • • 115 22 Tuxtla Statuette (Kennedy 1982:286) • • • • • 115 23 Altar 7, La Vanta (Drucker 19p2:Plate 65b) • • • 116 v ABSTRACT THE WERE-JAGUAR MOTif AND THE OLMEC CHIEFDOM by Bryn Marie Barabas Master of Arts in Anthropology The were-jaguar motif has long been an enigmatic element in Olmec art. Through the examination of this motif from an anthropological perspective, it is possible to un­ cover a variety of explanations conce~ning the diversity of were-jaguar types found. In this thesis, I intend to gather and present explanatory data related to the Olmec were­ jaguar motif. Utilizing the symbol of the were-jaguar, I shall also propose that the Olmec civilization possessed a chiefdom type of society. The chieftain or ruling lineage employed the were-jaguar motif, and also its religious connotations, to substantiate its status and to further its power. The Olmec site of San Loren2o, with its complex hydraulic system, will be presented as a model to illustrate the relationship between the were-jaguar motif and the Olmec chiefdom. vi Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION It should always be remembered that in interpreting primitive symbols and designs it is never the first and most obvious explanation which is true. Carl Lumholtz Unknown Mexico, 1902: The were-jaguar is an enigmatic symbol prevalent throughout the art of the Olmec. The literature is replete with material on the subject, yet a comprehen­ sive work presenting a variety of explanations is lacking. This thesis will attempt to fill this gap, and in doing so will also offer a new look at the were­ jaguar motif in relation to the sociopolitical organiza- tion of the Olmec. I propose that the were-jaguar motif was employed by the ruling line~ge of the Olmec ~s a unifying symbol to substantiate their elite position and to validate their power within the Olmec chiefdom. It is my opinion that there is not simply one - single, ·valid explanation for the were-jaguar. I am inclined to believe that all of the explanations provided herein are related to the intangible "were-jaguar," and that it. is possible to associate each explanation with multifaceted aspects of the were-jaguar, and to document the meaning in the corpus of known Olmec art. However, I also recognize the possibility that all stated 1 2 interpretations may be incorrect. Neither I nor any of the archaeologists, anthro­ pologists, or art historians ~hose works I have consulted are Olmec. Consequently none of us can look at a piece of Olmec art and casually remark, "ah, a were-jaguar," with any sense of unquestionable assurance. Of course, however, this assumption is routinely made. And because it is, an innumerable amount of Olmec art has been grouped into this indistinct category. Based on criteria given in later pages, this broad category uill be subdivided, yet these subdivisions too tend to overlap and remain indistinct. Therefore, despite the interpretations which I will present, I feel it necessary to caution the reader against the wholesale acceptance of any of them. All are hypotheses. As art is the expression of the artist's world view, a view conditioned by culture, it is impossible for a member of a different culture, especially one which occurs 2000 years later, to truly understand the meanings behind the symbols represented. In this study, Chapter 2 contains definitions of terms relative to this thesis. Art, culture, iconography, symbol, and style will first be discussed. Cultural evolution, chiefdom and state societies, and the "Central Place" Theory will be dealt with also in preparation for the consideration of Olmec soc~opolitical organization. Background on the Olmec people will be provided 3 in Chapter 3. The geographic setting of the sites and a chronological time scale will be ~ivan, as will information on subsistence patterns. This will be followed by the presentation of San Lorenzo, La Vanta, Tres Zapotes, and Laguna de los Carras, the four major Olmec sites, and a discussion on how they relate to the Central Place Theory. The section on sociopolitical organization will also define the natura of chiefdom and state societies prior to the discussion of the Olmec civilization as a chiefdom society. By relating the Olmec sociopolitical organization to religion and the role of the were-jaguar motif, the theme of this thesis will thus be set. Descriptions of the were-jaguar will make up Chapter 4. Following a basic delineation of features, a summary of Joralemon 1 s. (1971) god types based upon Olmec ., iconography will be included. Chapter 4 will also include explanations of the were-jaguar as the following: a royal being, a fertility gad, a shamanic figure, and other animals, foremost among these a hallucinogenic toad. This last explanation will feature a cross-cultural comparison with Cerro Sech{n, a contemporaneous site located in the Peruvian Andes. Relations between these explanations and the .hypothesis that the Olmec society is a chiefdom will also be included. Chapter 5 will deal with the site of San Lorenzo and its importance in viewing Olmec society as a chiefdom. A brief recount of its chronology and collapse will be 4 followed by a discussion of its features, primarily its unusual hydraulic system. In a final interpretation of the were-jaguar motif, the focus will be on toads and ducks, and tbe significance of their presence at San Lorenzo, as this site serves as a model in support of the Olmec chiefdom. finally, Chapter 6 will provide a brief summary and conclusion. The many explanations concerning the Olmec were-jaguar motif and its relationship with the Olmec chiefdom society will culminate here. Chapter 2 DEFINITIONS It is nearly impossible to define 11 art, 11 or sa­ called "primitive art," under which heading that of the Olmec is sometimes incl~ded. Likewise, such ideas as culture, iconography, symbol and style also tend to elude precise explanation. It is beyond the scope of this thesis to argue meaning. However, in this chapter I will set forth basic definitions of these widely-used terms, as well as a brief definition of cultural evolution. Criteria used in determining chiefdom and state societies, and an outline of the Central Place Theory will also be included, as an understanding of these will prove essential before delving into interpreta­ tions of the were-jaguar. At its simplest, Webster's (1970:78) definition of art is the "human ability to make things; creativity of man as distinguished from the world of natura." Art encompasses a broad range of behavior, from music and folktales to monumental sculpture and architecture. art is not an isolated phenomenon, but is intimately intertwined with all aspects of society, a concept which will be embellished upon later. The word art, in reference to many nonliterate societies such as the Olmec, is oftentimes modified by 5 6 the adjective "Primitive." Haselberger (1961:341) argues for the acceptance of the term "ethnological art" as a possible substitution. My definition of "primitive art" is actually that which has no historic record; I view the art of the Olmec as "primitive" in· this aspect only. Ar~ is an expression of the artist's world view, one's perception of the world as interpreted according to one's culture. Culture is a set of all learned behavior which is transferred extrasomatically from generation to generation.
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