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THE ALEXANDER ROMANCE in the ARABIC TRADITION Z. David

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THE ALEXANDER ROMANCE in the ARABIC TRADITION Z. David CHAPTER FOUR THE ALEXANDER ROMANCE IN THE ARABIC TRADITION Z. David Zuwiyya Introduction Alexander’s story permeated many genres of medieval Arabic litera- ture including history, geography, wisdom literature, Quranic exe- gesis, and stories of the prophets. For some he was considered nabī [prophet], while for others he was walī Allah [friend of God]. They called him Dhulqarnayn—the Two-Horned—and al-Iskandar. Some authors joined the two figures while others treated them separately. Al-Τ̣abarī, a ninth-century author, reflects the dichotomy surround- ing the Macedonian conqueror by narrating Dhulqarnayn’s life and deeds in his Tafsīr, an exegetical study of the Quran, and Alexander’s story in his Taʾrīkh [annales], an historical work. News of Alexander may have reached Arabia from the Syriac as early as 514 A.D.1 and circulated orally in Mecca and Medina before the revelation of the Quran since it is included in sura 18:83–98. Fahd says that a second version of the Alexander romance was translated directly from Pehlevi into Arabic and used by the early historians (30). Given the nature of the Quranic account, it was probably not Quintus Curtius, Arrian, or Plutarch who contributed to the original Arabian conception of Alexander, but rather the legendary material that spawned from the Alexander romance. With the expansion of the Islamic empire, Ara- bic authors gathered legends concerning Alexander from Persia in the east to al-Andalus in the west and blended them with material from the Pseudo-Callisthenes (PC). As part of the adoption process, 1 A.R. Nykl (ed.), Rrekontamiento del rrey Alisandre, in Revue Hispanique 77 (1929), pp. 444–445. See also K.F. Weymann, Die aethiopische und arabische Ueber- setzung des Pseudo-Callisthenes (Kirchain, 2001), pp. 64–65. On the other hand, F. Corriente says that the translations from the Syriac into Arabic must have ocurred between the seventh and eighth centuries. See “Dos elementos folklóricos comunes en la versión etiópica de la leyenda de Alejandro y la literatura árabe.” Al-Andalus 32 (1967), p. 225. 74 z. david zuwiyya Western-Arabic authors gave Alexander a lineage tying him to Spain or North Africa, while an Arab author of Persian origin like al-Ṭabarī claimed he was the son of King Darius.2 This essay makes observations on the authorship, dating, language, and theme of a group of representative texts from the medieval Arabic Alexander tradition. In the second part of the essay, we highlight the episodes that define the Arabic Alexander tradition. Where appropri- ate we point out important distinctions between the numerous ver- sions as well as their commonalities. The Quran The Muslim holy book transmits a fragmentary version of Alexander’s story in the sura titled Al-Kahf [The Cave] (18:83–98).3 He is called Dhulqarnayn, a nickname for which the most diverse explanations have been invented. In light of the beginning episodes in the PC, it seems most reasonable that the name ‘Two-Horned’ is attributable to his relationship with the two-horned Egyptian god, Amon,4 although the Arab texts seem to prefer to attribute the nickname to his arrival in the lands of sunrise and sunset.5 In the aftermath of Muhammad’s revelation and with the first attempts to understand the allusive words 2 For his Andalusian origin see I. Friedlaender, Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexan- derroman, (Leipzig, 1913), p. 276; for his Persian origin see al-Ṭabarī below. 3 For a comparison of the Alexander material in sura 18 Al-Kahf [The Cave] with another narrative fragment in this sura concerning Moses, al-Khiḍr, and the Water of Life, namely 18:59–64, where Alexander appears as Moses, who is also reputed to have two horns, see V. Poggi, “Alessandro Magno, dal ‘Romanzo’ alla sura ‘della caverna’,” in R.B. Finazzi and A. Valvo (eds.), LDECETM (1998), pp. 197–208. 4 T. Fahd gives a numismatic explanation and says that the nickname comes “en raison de sa représentation sur les monnaies hellénistiques avec les cornes d’Amon,” in “La version arabe du roman d’Alexandre,” Graeco-Arabica 4 (1991), 27. He bases his opinion on R.S. Poole, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. The Ptolemies Kings of Egypt, vol. 1, (London, 1883), pp. 1–10. Poole’s book is available at http://www.archive.org/stream/cataloguegreekc02medagoog. 5 See, for example, Nykl (ed.), Rrek.: “¿Por que se lombra [i.e., nombra] a-Dzu- l-qarneini? Disso: Rrekontome Hisam, hijo de Kaʿbi, disso: ke tenia dos kuernos ke ligaba sobrellos sus tokas. Disso: enpero lonbrolo Allah a-Dzu-l-qarneini porkel llego a los kabos de la tierra, a sol saliente i-a sol poniente” (475). García Gómez gives eleven reasons that Arabic authors offer for his nickname in Un texto árabe occidental de la leyenda de Alejandro Magno, (Madrid, 1929), p. xlviii, n. 1. In Mirʾāt al-zamān, Ibn al-Jawzī gives twelve reasons for the nickname (f. 77v) each according to a differ- ent authority. An excellent study of Alexander’s nickname is A.R. Anderson, “Alex- ander’s Horns,” TPAPA 58 (1927), 100–122. .
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