KALINAGO ALLIANCE NETWORKS

Annie Cody

ABSTRACT

This paper focuses on the alliances held by the Kalinago (Island Caribs) at the time of Europe­ an contact and colonization. It suggests that European influence provided a catalytic stress, stim­ ulating the Kalinago to strengthen their inter-island alliances with each other and to knit together their ties with other ethnic groups, such as the Taino and Kalina (Galibi). The alliances formed by the Kalinago illustrate segmentary sociability and complementary opposition, as formerly autono­ mous groups consolidated to meet the threats posed by European colonization. This study applies network analyses to historic Kalinago inter-island alliances, and finds a complex, hierarchical network, in which St. Vincent and Dominica were promoted to dominant positions.

RESUMEN

Este artículo se enfoca en las alianzas sostenidas por los Kalinago (Island Carib), en el tiempo de contacto con los Europeos y la colonización. Se sugiere que la influencia Europea proveyó un esfuerzo catalítico, estimulando a los Kalinago a reforzar sus alianzas inter-islas, entre ellos mis­ mos y para estrechar sus lazos con otros grupos étnicos, como los Taino y Kalina (Galibi). Las alianzas formadas por los Kalinago ilustran una socialización segmentaría y oposición comple­ mentaria, antiguamente como grupos autónomos, se consolidaron para enfrentar las amenazas de la colonización Europea. Este estudio aplica un análisis de red a las alianzas históricas inter-islas, y encuentra una compleja red jerárquica, en la que St Vincent y Dominica fueron promovidas a posiciones dominantes.

311 INTRODUCTION

Sociopolitical characterizations of West Indian societies at the time of European contact embody essentially synchronic snapshots. Arrested in the processes of formation and fragmen­ tation, the complex chiefdoms of the Classic Taino and the simple chiefdoms of the Sub-Taino may in fact represent alternate stages in chiefly cycling (Cody 1991; v. Anderson 1990). But whereas European contact and colonization destroyed any further Taino and Sub-Taino socio­ political development, the Kalinago1 were able to remain in the southern islands of the Lesser Antilles for two centuries. The Kalinago strengthened their inter-island alliances with each oth­ er and knit together ties with other ethnic groups2, such as the Taino and Kalina3, in comple­ mentary opposition to fight their common enemies. This paper suggests that for the Kalinago, European presence acted as a catalyst stimulating confederation and greater sociopolitical com­ plexity. Historical documents that note Kalinago alliances provide the most detail concerning their offensive or defensive reactions. The directions and subjects of aggression reveal Kalinago in­ terests in the islands. Most reports concern Kalinago attacks on European colonists, and it appears that they took place not just in those islands where Kalinago resided. Other islands, such as Puerto Rico and Trinidad, which bracket the Lesser Antilles, were attacked; as were some of the northern Leeward Islands, where suggestions of Kalinago residence are inconclu­ sive. It is possible that Kalinago interest in other islands stemmed from boundary or "buffer zone" maintenance (v. Anderson 1990), and/or from their use of those islands as resources. For instance, Puerto Rico has been cited as a source for acquiring the large trees necessary for building canoes (Figueredo 1978:394; Southey 1827:110). The smaller —and more arid— is­ lands are more often noted as sites for growing cotton or for fishing, not as places of permanent residence (e.g., by Breton 1958 [1665]; Rochefort 1666 [1658]). No descriptions were found of Kalinago residences on Barbuda, Antigua, or Montserrat; yet Kalinago from Guadeloupe, Do­ minica, St. Vincent, and other islands attacked European colonists there. Kalinago from Do­ minica were the most involved in these attacks. They participated in at least four raids on Antigua, three on Montserrat, and one on Barbuda. Kalinago aggression followed the pattern of European colonization. As colonists encroached upon the southern Leeward and the Windward Islands, the number of recorded alliances in attacks increases. While it is possible that the growth of alliance records is an artifact of the

1. Kalinago are also known as Island Caribs or Caribes. 2. A caveat: categorical differences between so-called "ethnic groups" such as the Taino, Kalinago, and Kalina are extremely difficult to define, for reasons that lie beyond the scope of the present paper (cf. Allaire 1977:17-21 ; Basso 1977:18- 19; Heinen 1983-1984:4-6; Rouse 1986:109-117). 3. Kalina are also known as Galibi. 313 314 ANNIE CODY

increased number of chroniclers present and writing, it is at the same time likely that the Kali­ nago increased the strength and number of their alliances. Table 1 provides a chronological and geographical summary of the historical reports. The hostilities and alliances held between Kalinago groups indicate transitions in their po­ litical relationships, the circumstances of which depended on massing against a common ene­ my. For example, when Columbus's fleet landed at Guadeloupe, Dr. Chanca noted that the in­ habitants of three islands are "all agreed, as if they were of one family, doing no ill to each other. One and all they make war on all the other neighboring islands" (Jane 1967:32). This reported three-island alliance4 implies that they waged war on other Kalinago islands in the Lesser Anti­ lles, although it may mean just those islands of which the Spanish were aware (i.e., Taino is­ lands). As Europeans began colonizing the Lesser Antilles, formerly autonomous Kalinago po­ litical units integrated into broader alliances with each other (see Table 1), confederating in order to fight the external enemy. The Kalinago expanded their alliance system in multiple ways. They broadened and strength­ ened not just their inter-island ties, but also developed alliances with other ethnic groups. Chron­ iclers indicate that their interactions with allies became institutionalized. In every Kalinago carbet, one man, called a Nioukaiti, was commissioned to receive and show hospitality to "strang­ ers of their own nation, or their confederates" (Rochefort 1666 [1658]: 312). In the sixteenth century the Kalinago became allies with the Taino in the Greater Antilles to fight Spanish colo­ nization. In the seventeenth century their inter-island confederation became integrated fully, and they drew in allies from the South American mainland. By the end of the seventeenth century, the Kalinago on occasion allied themselves with one European nation in order to fight another.

KALINAGO ALLIANCES WITH THE TAINO

On Columbus's first voyage to the West Indies, he learned that the Taino feared raids from the Caribes (Columbus's Diario, in Colon 1984); and on his second voyage his crew found cap­ tive women in Guadeloupe, who related incendiary accounts of their treatment by the Kalinago (Dr. Chancas letter, in Jane 1967:32). Yet by 1509, the year that the Spanish began colonization of Puerto Rico, the Taino and Kalinago were allies (v. Figueredo 1978:394). A Spanish raid for Kalinago slaves from St. Croix, together with a loss of access to resources in Puerto Rico, ap­ pears to have spurred Kalinago interest in the alliance. In 1511 King Ferdinand issued his Royal Cédula, which permitted enslavement of the Car­ ibes, because, among other complaints, "many others of other Islands... have joined them" in attacking Spanish colonies (In Jesse 1963:27). The cédula refers in particular to a Taino rebel­ lion in Puerto Rico, "and to put it into effect a great number of the aforesaid Caribs came to the aforesaid Island of Sant Xoan [Puerto Rico]" (op cit:29). As a result of Spanish war against them, the Kalinago abandoned St. Croix for several years (Figueredo 1978:395). They contin­ ued their aggression against Puerto Rico, however, with at least three major attacks on the island in each of the following four decades. Meanwhile, the Taino left Puerto Rico to live with their allies in the Virgin Islands, Dominica, Guadeloupe, and other Kalinago islands (ibid).

4. Dr. Chanca calls the three islands "Turuquiera," "Ceyre,"' and "Ayay." While Jane (1967:32, note 1) believes the names indicate Guadeloupe, Marie Galante, and Santa Cruz, an examination of Kalinago alliance networks and hierarchical rela­ tionships, described below, suggests that the triad consisted of either (1) the islands Dr. Chanca had observed immediately: Guadeloupe, Marie Galante, and Dominica; or (2) the northern Kalinago power players of Guadeloupe, Dominica, and St. Croix (Santa Cruz). ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 315

KALINAGO INTER-ISLAND ALLIANCES

Written descriptions of Kalinago alliances become more numerous through the seventeenth century (see Table 1), as the English, French, and Dutch increased their presences in the Carib­ bean and began colonizing the Lesser Antilles. Consistencies in the Kalinago inter-island alli­ ances make network analyses appropriate, and enable recognition of the confederation's basic properties. Because St. Croix's political role was drastically reduced within two decades of ini­ tial Spanish contact, the single specific report (n=l) of its alliance with other Kalinago islands (Guadeloupe and Dominica, in 1511) is assumed to inaccurately reflect the actual extent of the island's alliances. For this reason, St. Croix is not included in the network analyses below. The analyses draw more upon data available for the seventeenth century. Figure 2 illustrates the historically reported alliances between Kalinago islands. Each style of line represents an alliance that includes all of the islands it connects; both dyad and multiple- islands alliances are illustrated. Each different line stands for a particular alliance configura­ tion, whether it was reported from a single occasion or from several. According to the data obtained for this study, St. Vincent figured in 11 alliances, Dominica in 10, Martinique in eight, Guadeloupe and Grenada in four, St. Lucia in three, and Marie-Galante in two.5 To explore the sociopolitical underpinnings of this alliance network. Figure 3 presents the individual, inter-island relationships. It is condensed so that any alliances that involve relation­ ships between one island and another (even if another one, two, or three islands are also in­ volved) is represented by only one connecting line. For instance, if Dominica, St. Vincent, and Grenada were reported as holding an alliance, the connections illustrated are between Domin­ ica and St. Vincent, between Grenada and Dominica, and between Grenada and St. Vincent. The changing configurations of alliances (e.g., the addition or subtraction of an island from multi-island alliances) do not figure. One line may represent multiple, historically reported occasions of alliance between two islands. With the data presented in this manner, St. Vincent and Dominica figure in the maximum, five alliances with other islands6; Martinique and Grenada in three alliances; and Guadeloupe and St. Lucia in two. St. Kitts and Nevis each have one, each with the other. As with the other small Leeward and Virgin Islands, they do not enter into the larger Kalinago network for which there is written historical information. An analysis of the connectivity of the larger Kalinago network gives a Beta index7 of 1.67. If each of the islands held alliances with each of the other, the maximum Beta index would be three. (The minimum Beta index is zero.) The Kalinago alliances provide a value that indicates a complex network (Haggett 1966:2-39). Kalinago aggression on behalf of and together with inter-island allies shows interesting patterns (see Table 1). Two islands show disparate political actions. For instance, although Dominica participated in attacks elsewhere, no records were found of Kalinago coming from other islands to defend it from European encroachment. St. Lucia held the opposite position. It received assistance from Dominica, Martinique, and St. Vincent in fighting English and French colonization, but it did not join in defending other islands. As a means of understanding the direct relationships that operated, Figure 4 illustrates the dyad alliances held directly between Kalinago islands. It features the binary pairs reported historically; for instance, in situations when one island joined another in a long-distance raid, or when one island assisted another in battling European presence at home. What is strikingly

5. If Marie-Galante is removed from the network, Dominica figures in nine alliances, and Guadeloupe in three. The islands' relative positions essentially do not change. 6. If Marie Galante is added to the picture, Dominica figuresi n six alliances, Guadeloupe in three, and Marie Galante in two. 7. A network's Beta index (Haggett 1966) is calculated by dividing the number of edges (alliances) by the number of vertices (islands): e/v. The maximum possible number of edges is v(v -1)12. 316 ANNIE CODY

noteworthy is the evidence that St. Vincent figures in four of the five dyads. It maintained direct alliances with Grenada, St. Lucia, Martinique, and Dominica. Yet there is no evidence for a binary alliance with Guadeloupe. Guadeloupe is pulled into the network through Dominica. St. Vincent holds a politically central position in the alliance network, apparently acting as a power broker. In other words, the alliance networks indicate that if another island, such as Grenada, needed assistance with resisting French colonization, it would call upon St. Vincent; and St. Vincent might bring in additional islands' help. Indeed, St. Vincent was called "the Cheife seat of the Carebees" (British Library, SM 3662). If St. Vincent needed defense, it pre­ sumably would call upon its nearest neighbors or upon the strongest of the other islands. When the geographic configuration of the islands is removed, the hierarchical system of alliances is illustrated clearly (Figure 5). Dominica's apparent position as broker for Guade­ loupe and Marie Galante, independent of St. Vincent, might be explained speculatively as a remnant of a more northern network that included other Leeward and Virgin Islands, particu­ larly St. Croix; or as a result of fissioning from a greater political network (cf. Anderson 1990:75- 78). The political roles of St. Vincent and Dominica were recognized in a 1660 treaty made with the French and English, which gave the Kalinago territorial rights to those two islands, in exchange for giving up their rights to all the others. Within a century, though, the Europeans had completely encroached upon St. Vincent, and Dominica remained as the Kalinago strong­ hold. Kalinago moves from their home islands called not just upon inter-island alliances, but in some instances on inter-ethnic alliances as well. In about 1628 Kalinago from St. Vincent began colonizing Tobago (British Library, SM 3662). In 1648 Carvajal (In Whitehead 1988:16) report­ ed Kalinago from Dominica and Grenada on the island; the anonymous author of a contempo­ raneous "History of Grenada" confirms the movement from Dominica to Tobago in 1650 (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]). These population movements did not depopulate the source is­ lands however. In the 1640s, Rochefort (1666 [1658]) had described Kalinago retreating from Guadeloupe to Dominica. In 1654, Kalinago from St. Vincent took refuge on Grenada's Capes- terre (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]). Some Kalinago also moved to the South American main­ land. Carvajal (op.cit.) identified Kalinago on Trinidad and on islands in the Paria Gulf and Orinoco delta; Pelleprat (op.cit.) states that Kalinago from St. Lucia and Grenada settled in Guarapiche, among the Kalina.

KALINAGO ALLIANCES WITH MAINLAND GROUPS

On the South American mainland, the Kalinago held traditional allies and traditional ene­ mies. Kalinago alliances with the Kalina proved important. Given the complications posed by interpreting Kalinago origin myths that trace their descent from the Kalina (Breton 1958 [1665]:229, Breton and La Paix 1958 [1926]: 45-46; v. Allaire 1980, Boomert 1985, Davis and Goodwin 1990), possible prehistoric Kalina migrations into the Lesser Antilles must lie outside the scope of this paper. What is most important here is the recognition that the Kalinago and Kalina considered themselves ethnically different, and even on some occasions opposed (cf. Bouton 1958 [1640]), yet more closely related to each other than to any other group. According­ ly, their sociability was "segmentary" (v. Sahlins 1961), and materialized in complementary opposition against jointly held enemies. Most descriptions of alliances between the Kalinago and Kalina coincide around 1650. Bre­ ton (1958 [1665]:9), who was in the field at that time, mentions the arrival of a Kalina guest at a Kalinago drinking party in Dominica. In 1651, "Galibis, coming from the continent, were settling near the Caribes in an area of the island of Grenada" (Pelleprat 1965 [1655]:48). This statement is important because it implies that the Kalina s movement occurred at the time the French colonized the island. The island of Grenada was exceptional, in that its Kalin­ ago residents not only held alliances with the Kalina, but also shared the circumscribed territo­ ry with them. ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 317

One mid-seventeenth century manuscript8 (British Library, SM 3662) states that Grenada...

... was formerly of great account with the Careeb Indians for at their returne from the Warrs on Trinidada & with the Arawacaes, Nepoyes, Warooes, & other Nations of Indias, if they had Successe, they stay'd there until old Men and Women brought their Daughters from St Vincents and other Islands to Congratulate their Return with Songs and Dances, and to Eat Pt of the Prisoner of Warr...

Marriagable women were brought to the island for the victory feasts. Marriage provided a basis for the creation and confirmation of inter-island alliances; and some men, particularly success­ ful war chiefs, were given multiple wives who lived on separate islands (Breton 1958 [1665]:23,24; Du Tertre 1958 [1667]:16; Rochefort 1666 [1658]:333-334; Taylor 1946:181). In 1649 the French made a successful colonization attempt in Grenada (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]). An Amerindian9 Captain named Cairouane received the French, but the Kalinago of St. Vincent objected to the giving of land to Europeans. (The powerful position of St. Vincent, illustrated in the network analyses above, is confirmed in Grenada's colonization history; a very similar situation occurred in St. Lucia [Nicholl 1966 (1607)]).

Grenada being on the main route to the continent, they could not permit to see it taken in this way, for they would not have a place to stop and refresh themselves coming or going: they could never ratify what Captain Cairouane had done since he could not, although native to the island and great captain, take even a square foot of land and give it to strangers (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]).

The Kalinago of St. Vincent together with those of Grenada, initiated a series of major attacks against the French on the island. The French retaliated, and burned down Kalinago and Kalina carbets in Grenada. One of the most infamous French measures involved attacking a great feast, where (from the context of one sentence) both Kalinago and Kalina had gathered together. The French shot their muskets, but most of the natives jumped from a high cliff to the sea, where they perished. After the massacre, the "savages" of Grenada "went to the continent to get some help either from the Galibis, or the Arouages [Arawaks], or the Ouaraos [Waraos], or others. Among the Galibis there was then one with a great reputation, a captain called Baco; he was their God Mars for War and their God Apollo for his behavior" (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]). These same ethnic groups, the Arawaks and Waraos, are the ones described earlier as enemies. Countless chroniclers cite the Arawaks as the favored subjects of raiding expeditions. For example, when Kalinago left Guadeloupe for an important war against the Arawaks, they would "pick up warriors in passing" from Martinique, St. Vincent, and Grenada, including the Kalina resident on that island and from the mainland, to "form a powerful army" (Breton and La Paix 1958 [1926]:22). Yet the Kalinago did hold trade partnerships with Arawaks, from whom they obtained caracolis (Du Tertre 1958 [1667]:27), and ultimately the Kalinago entered into an alli­ ance with their "ancient enemies," to fight the French together (Rochefort 1666 [1658]:14).

8. The manuscript is attributed to Major John Scott. But although Scott signs and is clearly the author of a large portion of the manuscript, which concerns Barbados, a section entitled "The Description of Granada" is written in another hand. Given internal references within the manuscript, I have bracketed the date when it was written to between 1658 and 1665. The manuscript writer concludes that Grenada "hath ever since remained in the hands of the sayd Count Carrillac [sic]...." In 1665 Cerillac sold his rights to Grenada to the French West India Company, so 1665 is the latest date in which the manuscript could have been written. To establish the earliest date, it must have been written after Rochefort's history was published in 1658, because the author states, "Monsieur Rochefort was unkindly delt [sic] withall by those that informed him that Monsieur Parquet [the first successful colonizer] tooke possession [of the island] by force of Armes." 9. In one document he is called a Galibi (Kalina) (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]). 318 ANNIE CODY

KALINAGO ALLIANCES WITH EUROPEANS

As an extreme example of segmentary sociability, at the end of the seventeenth century a few Kalinago islands created temporary alliances with one European nation in order to fight another. For instance, Dominica allied with the French in order to fight the English on Antigua; St. Vincent allied with the English in order to fight the French on Martinique and Grenada; and St. Vincent and Grenada allied with the Spanish to fight English and Dutch colonization on Tobago. Two chroniclers describe the successful French colonization of Grenada as being a trick with which the French misled the natives into believing their presence was necessary to prevent a claimed English colonization attempt (British Library SM 3662; Du Tertre 1978 [1667]:407-408)10.

IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Currently, understanding of the manner in which the Kalinago and their closest allies, the Kalina, altered or maintained their ways of life in response to the rapidly changing conditions of European contact and colonization remains speculative. The diachronic perspective provid­ ed by archaeology is needed. The alliances formed by the Kalinago illustrate segmentary sociability and complementary opposition (Sahlins 1961:326), as formerly autonomous groups consolidated to meet the threats posed by European colonization. The external competition never disappeared, however, so that for survival the Kalinago could not dissolve their alliances. Their political confederation re­ mained in place. Further, as the network analyses indicate, the islands of St. Vincent and Do­ minica were promoted into dominant positions. Considering the regions sociopolitical back­ drop of chiefdoms (v. Anderson 1990), the rapid, hierarchical integration of a Kalinago polity should not be a surprise.

REFERENCES CITED

Allaire, Louis 1977. Later Prehistory in Martinique and the Island Caribs: Problems in Ethnic Identifica­ tion. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Yale University. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. 1980. On the Historicity of Carib Migrations in the Lesser Antilles. American Antiquity 45:238-245. Anderson, David G. 1990. Political Change in Chiefdom Societies: Cycling in the Late Prehistoric Southeastern United States. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Michi­ gan. Barome, Joseph 1966. Spain and Dominica 1493-1647. Caribbean Quarterly 12(4):30-46. Basso, Ellen B. 1977. Introduction: The Status of Carib Ethnology. In Carib-Speaking Indians: Culture, So­ ciety, and Language, edited by E. B. Basso, pp. 8-22. Anthropolocial Papers No. 28. University of Arizona, Tucson.

10. However, two other chroniclers (Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659] and Rochefort 1666 [1658]:325) both describe the island as being taken through force. ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 319

Boomert, Arie 1985. The Cayo Complex of St. Vincent. In Proceedings of the 11th Congress of the Interna­ tional Association for Caribbean Archaeology, pp. 85-107. San Juan, Puerto Rico. Bouton, Jacques 1958. Relation de l'establissement des Francois depuis l'an 1635 en l'isle de Martinique... [An Account of the Establishment of the French in the Year 1635 on the Island of Marti­ nique...]. Translated by M. McKusick and P. Verin. Human Relations Area Files, ST 13, Callinago. (Original 1640) Breton, Raymond 1958. Dictionnaire Caraibe-Francais [Carib-French Dictionary]. Translated by M. McKu­ sick and P. Verin. Human Relations Area Files, ST 13, Callinago. (Original 1665) Breton, Raymond and Armand de la Paix 1958. Relation de l'isle de la Guadeloupe, 1635-1636 [An Account of the Island of Guade­ loupe]. Translated by T. Turner. Human Relations Area Files, ST 13, Callinago. (Orig­ inal 1926). British Library A.M. = Additional Manuscript 36315 S.M. = Sloane Manuscript 3662 Cody, Annie 1991. The Evolutionary Concept of Chiefdoms. Ms. on file, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Coke, Thomas 1811. A History of the West Indies, Containing the Natural, Civil, and Ecclesiastical History of Each Island. 3 vols. Privately printed, London. Colon, Hernando 1984. Historia del Almirante. Introduction and notes by Luis Arranz. Historia 16, Madrid. Davis, Dave D. and R. Christopher Goodwin 1990. Island Carib Origins. American Antiquity 55(l):37-48. Du Tertre 1978. Histoire Generale des Antilles, Habitées par les Francais. 4 vols. E. Kolodziej, Fort-de- France. Figueredo, Alfredo E. 1978. The Virgin Islands as an Historical Frontier Between the Tainos and the Caribs. Re- vista/Review Interamericana 8(3):393-399. Haggett, Peter 1966. Locational Analysis in Human Geography. St. Martin's Press, New York. Heinen, H. Dieter 1983-1984. Introduction. In Themes in Political Organization: The Caribs and their neigh­ bors, edited by A.B. Colson and H.D. Heinen, pp. 1-8. Antropológica 59-62. Iniss, Sir Probyn 1979. Historic Basseterre: The Story of Its Growth. Privately printed, St. Kitts. Jane, Cecil 1967. Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus, vol. I, The First and Second Voyages. Kraus Reprint Ltd., Nendeln. Jesse, Rev. C. 1963. The Spanish Cédula of December 23, 1511, on the Subject of the Caribs. Caribbean Quarterly 9(3):22-32. Labat, Pere 1931. The Memoirs of Pere Labat, 1693-1705. Translated and abridged by J. Eaden. Con­ stable & Co. Ltd., London. (Original 1724). 320 ANNIE CODY

Nicholl, John 1966. An Houre Glasse of Indian News. Caribbean Quarterly 12(l):46-67. (Original 1607) Pelleprat, P. Pierre 1965. Relato de las Misiones de los Padres de la Compania de Jesús en las Islas y en Tierra Firme de America Meridional. Biblioteca de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, Ca­ racas. (Original 1655) Petitjean Roget, Jacques, editor and transcriber 1975. Histoire de L'Isle de Grenada en Amérique, 1649-1659: Manuscrit anonyme de 1659. Les Presses de l'Université de Montreal. Rochefort, Cesar D. 1666. The History of the Caribby-Islands. Translated by J. Davies. Privately printed, London. (Original 1658) Smith, Capt. John 1968. The True Travels, Adventures and Observations. Da Capo Press, Amsterdam. (Original 1630) Southey, Thomas 1827. Chronological History of the West Indies, vol. 1. Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, London. Taylor, Douglas 1946. Kinship and Social Structure of the Island Carib. South- western Journal of Anthro­ pology 2:180-212. Whitehead, Neil 1988 Lords of the Tiger Spirit. Dordrecht: Foris Publications. ACTAS DEL XV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE 321

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Fig. 4. Hierarchy of Alliances 324 ANNIE CODY

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1*5* XXXXXXX XXXXXXX xxxxxxx KOXOXO leca xxxxxxx xoxoxo 1*74 1*>0« 1**0* I70t ooooooo XXXXXXX OOOOOOO

xxxx • participated in attack oooo = European colonists attacked there xoxo = brought in allies for attack on Europeans on own island **** known or possible allies, outside of context of attacks ++++ Spanish cédula against »» = movement off island, to... •»## = place of relocation

Sources: Barome 1966; Breton 1958 (1665]; Breton and la Paix 1956 [1926],- British Library, AM 36315, SM 3662; Carvajal 1956 (16481; Coke 1808; Du Tertre 1978 (16671; Jane 1967; Jesse 1963; Nicholl 1966 [1607]; Pelleprat 1965 [1655]; Petitjean Roget 1975 [1659]; Rochefort 1666 [1658]; Southey 1827; Whitehead 1988.