Hidden in America:
A Qualitative Analysis of Undocumented Hispanics’ Lived Experiences
by
Cynthia M. Mitchell
A dissertation submitted to the faculty of
Wilmington University in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
in
Innovation and Leadership
Wilmington University
June 19, 2013
Hidden in America:
A Qualitative Analysis of Undocumented Hispanics’ Lived Experiences
by
Cynthia M. Mitchell
I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standards required by Wilmington University as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Education in Innovation and Leadership.
Signed:______
Pamela M. Curtiss, Ph.D., Chairperson of Dissertation Committee
Signed:______
Lewis L. Atkinson III, Ed. D., Member of the Dissertation Committee
Signed:______
Susan R. Schranck Ed. D., Member of the Dissertation Committee
Signed:______
John C. Gray, Ed.D., Professor Dean College of Education
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Dedication
I would like to dedicate this dissertation to the 15 participants, Blanca, Pablo,
Pedro, Javier, Andrés, Marianella, Sinthia, Silvia, George, Jenifer, Gabriella, Elena,
Fabio, Julio, and Yairel, who allowed me a moment into their world to understand the daily obstacles, inequities, and their everlasting strength. I am humbled by each and every one of you. I will never pretend to understand the horrific border crossings, your experiences of discrimination and inequity, your fears of being taken away from your families forever and deported, and the terrible sadness and longing in your hearts as a result of being separated from your mother, father, siblings, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and friends. I cannot pretend to understand what it was and has been like for you to leave your country and know you are saying good bye to your family and loved ones for an indefinite period of time because you cannot turn back once you make the decision to cross the border. I admire you far more than you will ever even begin to understand for who you are, what you have done, and your never- ending pursuit of the American dream. You have given me the gift of eternal inspiration as you have fought, suffered, and conquered so many unfair, unjust, painful experiences and events in your life. Yet all 15 of you find a reason every day to get up every day with the hope that one day things will be different. You are the most courageous 15 individuals I have ever known, and I am honored to know you and to have interviewed all of you. I will advocate for you. I will fight because you fight, and I will always remember when things may be wrong in my life, your example of courage and perseverance will forever be my light of hope. May God
iii bless each and every one of you with citizenship one day and all of your dreams— you deserve it.
In addition to dedicating this to the 15 participants, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my husband as well. As I conducted this study and listened to one story of injustice after another, my husband suffered his own. He lost his identity, was treated unfairly, and violated because of who he was and political agendas. His story, along with the participants stories, parallel in many ways, and he has found the courage to get back up and put the pieces of his life back together. I dedicate this dissertation to him because of the sacrifices he made so that I could produce this study. I also dedicate this to him for the many years he put his life on the line to serve and protect. His job was his identity, and he did it with pride, integrity, courage, and honor. No one can ever take that away from you, Ryan.
Through this study, I realized that some people in this world live their lives never really being treated equally, yet they never ever give up. They continue to look adversity in the face and move forward. They find ways around the brick walls, whether they break through them, crawl over them, under them, or turn in a different direction. Living life with rose-colored glasses on is wonderful until something or someone knocks them off your face and steps on them. Then, you see the world through a whole new set of eyes, and it is not always very pretty. However, life is about a process of successes and failures, falling down and getting back up, making mistakes, and learning from them. Life, of and in itself, is a journey, and if we want to be successful, we must fail, and if we want to get better at something we must
iv make mistakes. While we cannot control all that happens to us, we can control how we choose to handle adversity. I am grateful that I had the opportunity to conduct such a powerful study during such a controversial time. It has been a humbling experience and one I will cherish forever.
I thank the participants, my husband, and my children for joining me on one of the most profound journeys of my life. I am forever grateful to the participants and my family for their support and encouragement. All of you believed in me when there were times I was ready to give up; you would not allow it. I always thought that this dissertation was far more about giving back than receiving. I dedicate my degree and my doctoral initials to all of you because all I did was write the dissertation; you lived it. Thank you for your faith in me, for pushing me, and for giving me a life changing experiencing. Thank you for teaching and sharing your life stories and lessons. I am blessed to be surrounded by such courageous people who do not see themselves or their lives as broken, but only bent and amendable. You have shown me that the depths of pain, suffering, and heartache merely only made you a better person and completed your life. You have embraced and accepted the good and the bad and turned it into future dreams of success. Keep showing the United States how wonderful you are; your home is here, and you belong here. Thank you.
In addition, I dedicate this dissertation my Popsie, who died when I was 19 years old. He would be so proud of me. I love and miss him so much. My grandmother is 92 years old now and has had the opportunity to be a great- grandmother for 9 years. She is strong, but I know there is not a day that goes by that
v she does not think about you and wish you could have seen your great-grandchildren.
Thank you for giving me an endless amount of love, support, nurturing, and acceptance. I will never forget our $20 dollar handshakes or running around trying to catch you smoking a cigarette. My friends always remember your big green station wagon and cleaning up after a party I threw. I am blessed to have had you in my life for 19 years and to have had you live right behind me to see you every day. I love and miss you, Popsie.
To Gerald and Helen Banks, who passed away from cancer on August 27,
2012. She wanted to see me defend and never got the chance. I miss her so much.
She was one of the most giving and understanding people I have ever known along with her husband who passed in July 2002. My father has never been the same since
Mr. Gerald died. I never hear him laugh like he did with his very best friend. We have to thank God and feel blessed for the time we had you in our lives and the unforgettable memories you made for me as a child, teenager, and adult. I love you both like family, and my heart breaks a little each time I hear my mom and dad talk about you both. I know they are somewhat lost without you on this earth. However, thank you for being best friends and sharing your joy and happiness with them. Their lives were better because of you. I miss you both terribly, but I know you are in a better place. I love you.
To Pop-Pop Pepper, who passed away January 15, 2013. We never saw your death and absence from us coming. We are blessed and grateful for the time we had you with us on this earth. However, since you have gone parties, holidays, and
vi dinners are not the same. You never spoke much, but you were a beaming presence.
All of our gatherings now feel a little bleaker and have a huge void. My time with you and your absence show me how special people are in this world and that nothing can replace them. We miss you like crazy, but we know you are, too, in a better place. You fought hard and you lived a wonderful life with no regrets. You put family first and loved, supported, and protected them above all other things. I am so grateful and blessed that my children had enough time with you to remember you forever as Pop. Rest in peace; we love and miss you.
In memory of Grandpop and Grandmom Elliott, Uncle Lawrence, Uncle
Donald, Uncle Vincent, Aunt Theresa, Christopher Elliott, Mark Elliott, Aunt Doe,
Aunt Betty…
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Acknowledgements
There are so many people to thank and acknowledge as contributors and support systems to the completion of this study. First, I thank my father for instilling the value of education in me. The example he set for me led me to the doctoral program and finishing a terminal degree. My father is the reason I completed this degree. I thank my mother for spoiling me, yet instilling a set of values that encompasses compassion, kindness, empathy and equality towards others. My parents have had a profound impact on the person I have become as a person and professional. They have supported my goals, my passion for life, and all of my crazy ideas and ventures. I learned early on that money did not make a person nor did the color of their skin. You measured a person by their heart, by who they are, not what they wear, not what they drive or where they live. Those values are what drove me to choose this topic.
I wanted to be a vehicle that chronicled the stories of the unauthorized status and the constant dual identity complexities led by these young Hispanic immigrants.
It is and was my intention that their stories document a time to provide a frame of reference when the undocumented status becomes history.
I have to thank so many people. They always say, “It takes a village to raise a child.” I can assure you it took a village and then some to help me complete this research. I want to acknowledge the four other women besides my mother in my life who have influenced me the most and helped me achieve what I have today.
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Karen Timmons, my seventh grade Spanish teacher, opened my eyes to a world I wanted to know desperately. She was the best teacher I ever had in my entire public school career. Because of her, I went on to study Spanish, live in Costa Rica, and involve myself within the Hispanic community locally and statewide. She is the reason I do what I do today and why I chose this topic. She sparked a fire and passion in me that will live forever.
Barbara Teal, my friend and counselor who helped me cope with defeat, failure, success, emotional stress, and life in general. She has helped me through extreme heartache and accepts me for who I am, no matter how many times I bang my head against the same wall. She has been there for me since I was 16 years old and is still with me today. She has taught me so much about life and helped me to understand myself and shown me how to stand on my feet when all I felt like doing was falling. She has shared and knows the good, the bad, and the ugly with me and probably knows me better than anyone else in this world. Two years ago when I needed her the most in my life, she was there. I will never have words to express my thanks and gratitude for what she has given back to me and the time she has spent teaching and mentoring me about life. I am so very blessed to have her in my life.
She will never be able to retire from me.
Ana Isabel Altamirano, my mama Tica, who gave me the gift of independence, and, ironically enough, her birthday is on July 4 th, the United States’
Independence Day. My 6 months in Costa Rica allowed me to find my voice. Prior to going to Costa Rica I, was on a semi-destructive path, and it was there that my life
ix turned around for the positive. I was terrified to leave the country for so long and live with a family. However, it was something I had to do, and I had to do it alone. I never realized that it was one of the best decisions I ever made as I was able to find my missing piece. I saw the world through different eyes, and I became independent.
I began to like who I was and finally enjoyed being in the same room with myself. I stopped running and I started living. My heart began to beat again, and the sparkle returned in my eyes. A piece of my heart will always be in Costa Rica with my host mother Ana. Thank God for Facebook as I have been able to reconnect with her. The times I cherished most with Mama were after school when I would come home and sit at the dining room table connected to the kitchen and talk for hours at a time in
Spanish and over coffee. She showed and taught me that the little things in life are important, and the bonds you have with family and friends are to be cherished. When
I returned from Costa Rica, I was almost homesick, but I came back with a conviction to finish my bachelor’s degree and pursue my dreams. My focus became very clear, and I was finally at peace with who I was as a person. Thank you, Ana. I love you and will never be able to repay for what you gave back to me. You treated me like your own blood, nurtured me, and strengthened my internal spirit. I will return again someday.
Dr. Pamela Curtiss has traveled this amazing academic journey with me, all the while mentoring me through the most difficult academic challenge of my life.
She is someone I admire and respect. Her knowledge of qualitative research makes her an expert, and her professional experiences make her one of a kind. She, too, has
x guided me through a very difficult time in my life as I experienced significant trauma myself while conducting this research study. She taught me how to think outside the box, and she never put a lid or boundaries around my ideas. When I decided to take on such a controversial topic, she supported me and she walked me through the process so that I could conduct a study that gave meaning to my degree, my inner spirit, my passion, and the core of soul. Simply put, this dissertation would not be without her. I have been writing for a year, and she has been patient, understanding, empathetic, and professional. Today, she still encourages me to publish as many articles as possible from this study and present at as many national conventions as possible. She is an advocate for social justice, education, and human rights. I thank her for not giving up on me, for reading my verbose emails, for listening to me cry, and, most of all, for being my main advisor and the one to sign my dissertation. She has become someone I admire, trust, and honor. Thank you for everything.
One of the things I have treasured the most about my life besides my children is my friends. I have been fortunate enough to have so many friends in my life and throughout my life who have impacted me in the most profound ways. As this dissertation took me away from friends and family and I realized that the one thing that kept my participants so strong were friends and family, I realized how much I took their presence in my life and the memories we have built and shared for granted.
I would not be the person I am today with my many dearest girlfriends and boyfriends. I will always thank my very best friend who is like a sister, Amy
McCabe Adkins, as she has been by my side since I was in 5 th grade and she was in
xi
6th grade. I want to thank my friend Tamara Pizzolo Burns for showing me how to find the good in bad and to be a survivor of all things toxic. You have learned to live every day to the fullest and treasure every laugh and memory you make. Thank you for reminding how blessed I am. I thank my friend Margaret Reyes for being a rock during some of the most tumultuous times in my life and never ever passing judgment. You turned your back on others for me because you always do what is just and fair. I love you for it. To my dear friend Michelle Parsons, I thank you for standing by me when it would have been much easier to turn the other way. You have helped me through one of the most difficult times in my life as well as supported me through the process of writing this dissertation. To my wonderful friend and co- worker Allison Burris Castellanos, I admire you for your endless wealth of love, support, and concern for everyone who comes in contact with you. You always see the good in the most horrible of situations. You are one of the few people I know who can separate her emotions from the most negative of situations and walk away without being hurt or offended. You have worked tirelessly for the Hispanic community for many years, and your willingness to sacrifice and volunteer is humbling. You are a special, special person, and you make everyone else around you want to be a better person. Thank you for your support and help during these past few years and for being my biggest fan.
I could spend a very long time talking about friends and people who have touched my life in a special way. I thank all of my friends for being there for me and
xii supporting me. I treasure all the memories we have made throughout the years and sincerely hope that, in the future, we can make more memories. I love all of you.
I want to take a moment to thank my co-workers, Amy Russell, Martha
Goodman, Susan Schranck, and Bobbi Barends, for your friendship and your support throughout this process and the last 2 years. You all have been the greatest rock of support I have had, and I certainly leaned on all of you. Thank you for your patience, love, and support. I want to also acknowledge and thank Dr. Ileana Smith for her support with this research.
I thank my father-in-law and mother-in-law for their support as well as my sister-in-law, brother-in-law, and grandmother- in-law. To my niece Gabrielle Book, if I do nothing else, I hope that I inspire you to follow your dreams. You can do anything you want if you put your mind to it. I will always support you in your future endeavors and help you in any way that I can. I love you and may God bless you. I thank my mother, father, grandmother, husband, and children for their love and endless support. I would not have been able to achieve this without any of you. I love you.
To my editor Carol Kopay, there are no words to thank you for all that you have done to help me. I believe we conquered new feats within the APA guidelines that are barely featured in the book with this study. You have been a wealth of knowledge and support. I will miss our emails and hope that we can keep in touch and finally meet face to face at some point. Thank you for everything.
xiii
To Richard Preston, my transcriptionist who listened to the voices of the 15 participants and their most heart-felt experiences, thank you for typing each and every word. Thank you for your encouragement and your support. You heard their words in similar ways that I did and immediately understood the necessity for this study.
Thank you for everything.
My last and final thank you goes out to my committee, Dr. Pamela Curtiss,
Dr. Lewis Atkinson, and Dr. Susan Schranck. Thank you for your support, encouragement, and critical feedback. You have made my experience at Wilmington
University special.
“Dare to reach into the darkness to pull someone into the light. Remember
strong people not only stand up for themselves, they stand up for others too.”
Norman B. Rice (n.d.)
xiv
Abstract
This is a qualitative case study that captures the thoughts, experiences, perceptions, feelings, and beliefs of undocumented immigrants as they have grown up in the
United States in a rural community on the East Coast of the United States. This study intends to capture the stories of America’s undocumented immigrants during a time when America is on the brink of controversial and major immigration reform legislation that will overhaul the current system. Participants’ narrative stories, individually and collectively, illustrate the daily battle of growing up in the United
States without a documented status. The spoken and written words paint a picture of being unauthorized as participants transitioned from de fact legal to illegal and understanding the depths of depravity of their status. Their stories begin with any memories of their native country prior to coming to the United States. As they narrate their own stories, they transition into the experience of crossing the border, why they came, how they came to find out they were undocumented, their interactions surrounding their status, barriers, fears, emotional feelings, and, finally, perseverance. Six major themes emerged through constant comparative analysis: crossing the border, reasons for crossing the border, realization of status, barriers, living undocumented, and perseverance.
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Table of Contents
Dedication ...... iii
Acknowledgements ...... viii
Abstract ...... xv
Chapter I...... 1
Introduction ...... 1
Statement of the Problem ...... 7
Purpose of Study ...... 8
Need for the Study ...... 9
U.S. policy makers need information...... 10
Socioeconomic issues ...... 13
Schools and colleges need information...... 14
Child development ...... 18
Pedagogy ...... 21
Dropouts...... 22
Research Questions ...... 24
Definition of Terms...... 25
Chapter II ...... 27
xvi
Review of Literature ...... 27
Inclusion Criteria ...... 29
Social Justice ...... 29
History of Immigration and Policy ...... 32
Causes for Mass Migration to the U.S...... 36
2000/2010 Census Report ...... 41
Demographic changes in the Hispanic population ...... 42
Birth rates ...... 44
Phenomenon of Crossing the Border ...... 46
Dangers...... 47
Harriet Tubman’s Underground Railroad ...... 50
Research based experiences of crossing the border ...... 52
Border crossing processes ...... 54
Reasons for crossing the border ...... 58
Lack of educational opportunities ...... 58
Economic collapse...... 59
Violence in Mexico and Guatemala...... 61
Resiliency...... 61
Theory of oppression ...... 62
xvii
Familismo...... 65
Cultural and family values ...... 66
Realization of Status ...... 68
Rites of passage...... 70
Cultural assimilation ...... 71
Interactions and social capital ...... 74
Discrimination...... 77
Stereotyping ...... 79
Barriers ...... 80
Cognitive and developmental processes...... 81
Social exclusion theory...... 82
Health care and child care ...... 83
Language barriers...... 83
Distance and transportation as a barrier ...... 84
Living Undocumented ...... 85
Belonging...... 86
Education ...... 87
Emotional consequences ...... 89
Empowerment...... 91
xviii
Immigration Laws ...... 96
Deportation and family ...... 98
Immediate effects of deportation ...... 100
Long-term effects of deportation ...... 101
Perseverance ...... 105
Education ...... 106
Empowerment ...... 107
Coping mechanisms...... 107
Summary ...... 110
Chapter III ...... 112
Qualitative Methodology ...... 112
Summary of Research ...... 112
Qualitative Methodology ...... 113
Case Study and Narrative Inquiry Research ...... 115
Research Context ...... 117
Participants ...... 119
Delimitations ...... 120
Data Collection ...... 121
Initial meeting...... 122
xix
Data sources ...... 122
Data Management ...... 123
Data Analysis ...... 124
Ethical Considerations ...... 127
Trustworthiness ...... 129
Chapter IV ...... 132
Findings...... 132
Participants ...... 132
Participant Introductions ...... 133
Theme I: Crossing the Border ...... 136
Coyotes ...... 136
Individual stories ...... 138
Crossing from Guatemala ...... 138
Arriving on U.S. soil...... 139
Sinthia ...... 139
Pedro...... 139
Fabio ...... 140
Yairel...... 141
Marianella ...... 141
xx
Julio and Silvia...... 142
Jennifer...... 143
Blanca...... 143
Pablo ...... 143
Andrés and George ...... 143
Elena ...... 144
Summary...... 144
Reasons for crossing the border ...... 145
Fabio ...... 145
Elena ...... 145
Education ...... 146
Economics...... 148
Violence ...... 150
Summary ...... 151
Obligation ...... 151
Supporting family ...... 153
Sacrifice ...... 154
Family sacrifice...... 154
Participant sacrifice ...... 155
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Risking it all for family...... 156
Familial infrastructure and support ...... 156
Educational encouragement ...... 158
Financial support...... 158
Resiliency...... 159
Oppression and poverty in the native country ...... 160
Oppressive cultural expectations...... 162
Adjusting to a new country and culture ...... 162
Resiliency through adversity...... 165
Summary...... 166
Cultural differences ...... 166
American ways...... 167
Language...... 167
Housing...... 168
Marriage ...... 168
Cultural expectations ...... 169
Summary...... 170
Theme II: Realization of Status ...... 171
Driver’s license ...... 172
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Other circumstances...... 175
Summary...... 180
Interactions with documented versus undocumented peers ...... 181
Summary...... 186
Interactions with others ...... 186
Positive interactions ...... 187
High school faculty and staff support...... 187 Recruitment and support from the college ...... 192 Interactions with everyday people...... 194 Summary ...... 195
Discrimination...... 195
Situational discrimination...... 195
Bullying...... 199 Peers...... 200 Police ...... 201 Summary...... 205
Theme III: Barriers ...... 206
Transportation barriers ...... 207
Employment barriers ...... 210
Language barriers...... 212
Healthcare barriers...... 215
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Inequities...... 216
Summary ...... 218
Theme IV: Living Undocumented ...... 218
Not belonging...... 219
Isolation and resentment ...... 224
Problems...... 227
Fears...... 229
Immigration...... 230
License ...... 233
Avoidances ...... 235
Empowerment...... 237
Marriage as an alternative...... 239
Summary ...... 240
Theme V: Immigration Laws ...... 241
Federal and state law ...... 242
Mishap deportations ...... 244
Status and residency...... 246
Theme VI: Perseverance ...... 250
Faith ...... 251
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Honor, integrity and pride ...... 253
Parental support and modeling...... 254
Equality ...... 255
Dreams ...... 256
Transformation through hardship ...... 259
Summary ...... 261
Summary ...... 263
Chapter V ...... 265
Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications ...... 265
Discussion ...... 268
Crossing the border ...... 269
Reasons for crossing the border and separation ...... 272
Familismo...... 274
Resiliency...... 274
Realization of status...... 275
Barriers...... 277
Living undocumented...... 279
Immigration laws...... 282
Perseverance...... 284
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Conclusions ...... 289
Implications...... 290
Recommendations for Future Research ...... 292
Epilogue ...... 294
Deferred Action for Early Childhood Arrivals (DACA)—June 15, 2012 ...... 294
References ...... 297
Appendix A ...... 319
Consent to Participate in Research ...... 319
Appendix B ...... 323
Letter to Potential Participants ...... 323
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Chapter I
Introduction
Eleven years after the 9/11 attacks, the federal government is still implementing federal laws intended to make our nation a safer place to live.
According to McCabe and Meissner (2010), President Bush re-visited the immigration reform initiative at the beginning of his 2004 presidential re-election. It was not successfully enacted nor embraced due to a division within Republican Party members over immigration. Controversial bi-partisan views have prevented legislation from being established to benefit young undocumented immigrants brought to the United States (U.S.) by their parents.
Illegal or undocumented immigrants have crossed our borders in record numbers over the past 10 to 15 years. Many of these unauthorized immigrants have brought their entire families with them to the U.S. Many of those families included small children who enrolled in public schools across the United States. In many areas, the English as a Second Language (ESL or ESOL) curriculum and other programs had to be developed and implemented in order to support the language and academic needs of immigrant children.
The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM
Act), which is proposed legislation, would allow many undocumented youth to adjust their status in the United States. Undocumented students eligible for the DREAM
Act legislation know that the United States of America has more opportunities for a prosperous life (Gonzales, 2009). “Most illegal immigrants come to the United States
1 to get better-paying jobs. Like most Americans, they pursue the American dream of a better life than they left behind. Education is the key to fulfilling this dream”
(Drachman, 2006, p. 91). On December 8, 2010, the House of Representatives passed the DREAM Act with a vote of 216 to 198, resulting in a victory. However, the Senate did not pass the legislation, and as a result, the Dream Act was tabled until
2011 (Richardson, 2010).
Two nationally-recognized organizations have conducted studies on the financial and economic benefits of passing the DREAM Act legislation. According to the Immigration Policy Center (2010), there are at least 1.9 million individuals who would benefit if the DREAM Act was passed and enacted (Immigration Policy
Center, 2010). In addition, a study done by the University of California, Los Angeles
(UCLA) and its department of North American Integration and Development Center in 2012 revealed that DREAM Act recipients could make between $1.4 trillion and
$3.6 trillion over the course of their lifetime (Hinojosa, Cruz-Takash, Castillo, Flores,
Monroy, & Delroy, 2012). Moreover, the enactment of the DREAM Act introduced in 2010 would reduce the deficit by $2.2 billion over the next 9 years (Hinojosa et al.,
2012). Young undocumented immigrants have been given the right to attend our public schools and become educated as a result of Plyer versus Doe of 1982 and the
Equal Protection Clause of the 14 th Amendment ( Plyer v Doe , 1982). This law mandated that every child attend school and be educated in the United States, no matter what his/her immigration status. At the same time, these individuals do not have documents, social security numbers, or even photo identification cards, leaving
2 them in a state of “liminality” or “betwixt and between” ( Suarez-Orozco, Yoshikawa,
Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, 2011, p. 443). They are invisible in the eyes of the government. They can graduate from high school but find it difficult to pay for post- secondary education.
As a result, undocumented children who have attended many years of public school in the United States face a dead end road upon high school graduation because of their immigration status (Gonzales, 2009). “Because of their barriers to their continued education and their exclusion from the legal workforce, only a fraction of undocumented graduates go to college” (Gonzales, 2009, p. 4).
The Pew Research Center provides a demographic picture of the Hispanic population in the United States, including those documented and undocumented.
According to Passel (2006), 1.8 million undocumented youth under the age of 18 were living in the United States in 2005. Latinos made up 78% of this undocumented population (Perez, Espinoza, Ramos, Coronado, & Cortes, 2009). Perez et al. estimated that approximately 65,000 - 80,000 undocumented students graduate from a high school each year in the U.S., and as few as 13,000 go on to a college or university. These students have been living their entire existence in the United States.
For immigrant children, migration is one of the most radical transitions and life changes an individual or family can endure. The migration experience to a new country fundamentally reshapes their lives as familiar patterns and ways of relating to other people dramatically change. (p. 2)
3
Perez et al. (2009) indicated that “…a host of sociocultural experiences related to the acculturation process are stressful” (p. 150). Padilla (as cited in Perez et al., 2009) and his colleagues used the Hispanic Children’s Stress Inventory to:
…identify several potentially stressful events for Hispanic children and adolescents which included leaving relatives and friends behind when moving, feeling pressured to speak only Spanish at home, living in a home with many people, and feeling that other kids make fun of the way they speak English. (pp. 150-151) Passel and Cohn (2009) conducted a study entitled, “A Portrait of
Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States.” They found that among the unauthorized immigrants between the ages of 25 and 64, only 47% have less than a high-school diploma (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Among the unauthorized immigrants ages 18 to 24 who have graduated from high school, only 49% are in college or have attended college compared to 71% of U.S. born citizens (Passel & Cohn, 2009).
The median income in 2007 for unauthorized immigrants was $36,000 a year in comparison to $50,000 for U.S. born residents (Passel & Cohn, 2009). A third of the children of unauthorized immigrants and a fifth of adult unauthorized immigrants live in poverty. This is almost double the poverty rate for children and adult U.S. citizens or residents in addition to a staggering 59% of unauthorized adult immigrants who have no health insurance (Passel & Cohn, 2009).
According to Passel and Cohn (2009), the undocumented population grew significantly between 1990 and 2006 but has since stabilized. Passel and Cohn’s findings also revealed that the arrival age of the undocumented immigrant indicated
4 the success of high school graduation and post-secondary degree attainment. The younger the undocumented immigrant arriving in the United States, the higher the probability of college enrollment upon high school graduation (Passel & Cohn, 2009).
They found that 46% of those who arrived at 14 years of age or older did not complete high school in comparison to 28% of those who arrived before the age of 14
(Passel & Cohn, 2009).
Baum and Flores (2011) found that immigrant children who arrive before the age of 13 do as well as their native-born peers academically. However, immigrant children who arrive between the ages of 13 and 19 have the lowest rates of educational attainment (Baum & Flores, 2011). These researchers looked at several possible indicators for post-secondary degree completion. One of the indicators that determined post-secondary success was age at the time of immigration. Baum and
Flores (2011) found that “50-80 percent of foreign-born fathers from Africa, Japan,
Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, India, Pakistan/Bangledash, and Iran were college graduates compared to 4-10 percent of fathers from Mexico, Carribean, Laos, and
Cambodia” (p. 173).
Baum and Flores’ (2011) study compared educational attainment among three generations of immigrant populations. They found that 29% of first generation immigrants or those children who were foreign-born completed a bachelor’s degree in comparison to 34% of second generation and 33% of third generation children of immigrant families.
5
The results of Passel and Cohn’s (2009) study showed a rapid increase in mixed-status families, meaning undocumented parents, U.S. born citizens, and undocumented children, to 4 million in 2008 from 2.7 million in 2003. “The children of undocumented immigrants, 73 percent of whom are U.S. citizens, make up an estimated 7 percent of elementary and secondary school students in the United States”
(Baum & Flores, 2011, p. 173). According to Gonzales (2009):
A sizable number of children are growing up and being schooled in the United States without the ability to realize their dreams and actualize their education. Contradictions in our laws have created a vulnerable subset in our population- children who have been raised to dream, yet are cut off from the very mechanisms that allow them to achieve their dreams. These children account for 1.8 million, or 15 percent, of all undocumented immigrants now living in this country. Their numbers and circumstances prompt us to consider their plight one of the most poignant civil rights issues of our time. (p. 6)
According to Baum and Flores (2011), children of immigrants in the United
States account for almost 25% of the population, and 30% of these children come from low income families. Gonzales (2009) concluded that approximately 40% of undocumented youth grow up below poverty level compared to 17% of native born youth. Undocumented immigrant families’ income is 40% lower than that of native born or documented families (Gonzales, 2009).
The fact that undocumented youth are living under federal poverty levels significantly hinders access to post-secondary education without financial assistance.
In addition, many of the states in the U.S. require undocumented students to pay out- of-state tuition to public colleges and universities even if they have lived in and
6 graduated from a high school in a particular state. However, there are a few states that have passed laws allowing undocumented students in-state tuition to public colleges and universities, providing they have graduated from high school and lived within the state for a specific period of time.
Texas passed legislation in 2001 allowing undocumented high school graduates to attend public colleges and universities as in-state residents (Flores &
Chapa, 2008). “The discount to attend public colleges and universities at an in-state resident price is particularly significant to undocumented students because they do not qualify for federal financial aid” (pp. 93-94). The millions of undocumented immigrant youth in the United States and their lack of access to education and financial resources has become a serious concern.
Statement of the Problem
The United States of America has many undocumented youth of immigrant parents living in the United States. This population deals with enormous barriers encompassing all facets of their lives as a result of their status. As indicated by many different studies, a significant portion of this undocumented population lives below the poverty level. They do not have the same access or the opportunities that their documented counterparts are afforded.
Various forms of legislation have enabled undocumented immigrants a free public education. While dropout rates are high among the Hispanic population and especially the undocumented population, there are students who continue a path to academic success. These students persevere until they have exhausted every resource
7 possible to find institutions of higher education that are accessible and affordable. If the DREAM Act legislation is passed, undocumented students who have graduated from high school and studied 2 years at a college or university will meet the educational requirement to apply for permanent residency. This would benefit the almost 2 million unauthorized immigrant youth and also benefit the United States economically.
Americans expect the younger generation to go to college and become professionals. Having a college degree is a requirement for almost all jobs that render a middle-class salary. However, very few undocumented immigrants who graduate from high school make it to college. Many drop out of high school because they believe they are on a dead end road void of dreams and opportunities of becoming a professional someday. The number of undocumented youth in the United States has grown large enough to cause alarming concern about their bleak future and the impact it will have on this country.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study is to understand what it is like to grow up in the
United States undocumented from the perspective of undocumented persons’ experiences, beliefs, and perceptions. This study describes participant experiences based on the phenomena of being undocumented, illegal, or unauthorized in the U.S.
The study draws upon participant interviews, journals, and researcher field notes.
8
Need for the Study
Few qualitative research or case studies exist on the life experiences and stories of undocumented immigrants in the United States (Perez et al., 2009). Recent research suggests that little is known about this “vulnerable population” (Gonzales,
2011, p. 602). Perez and Fortuna, Rodriguez and Dewolfe, and Sullivan and Rehm
(as cited in Arbona et al., 2010) found that as a result of the limited literature available, researchers have “proposed that the difficulties associated with undocumented status may intensify immigration-separation from family, which may in turn, result in increased levels of acculturative stress among undocumented immigrants in comparison with their documented counterparts” (p. 363).
According to Perez et al. (2009), “Although literature exists on first and second generation immigrants, there is a lack of research on the undocumented immigrant student population” (p. 151). This same study posited that little research exists capturing the life stories and experiences of undocumented immigrants.
Abrego (2011) suggested that few studies have been done specifically on the phenomena of being undocumented and how it affects immigrant children. Hondo,
Gardner, and Sapien (2008) also noted that there is a lack of research on the Latino immigrant population as it pertains to education. Gonzalez Plata, Garcia, Torres, and
Urrieta (2003) pointed out that being undocumented is often ignored and overlooked.
Yoshikawa, Godfrey, and Rivera (2008) noted the obvious lack of research on the effects of child development for children of undocumented immigrant parents.
Gonzales (2011) expressed the same concerns to validate the purpose of his study
9 entitled, “Learning to Be Illegal: Undocumented Youth and Shifting Legal Contexts in the Transition to Adulthood.”
According to the National Migration Institute, approximately, 2.1 million undocumented youth have grown up in the United States. Approximately 1 million of these undocumented youth are now adults (Batalova & McHugh, 2010). “Relatively little is known about this vulnerable population of young people, and their unique circumstances challenge assumptions about the incorporation patterns of children of immigrants and their transitions from adolescence to adulthood” (Gonzales, 2011, pp. 602-603).
U.S. policy makers need information. Policy makers must understand the changing face of the nation in order to implement legislation consistent with our great country to maintain standards of living and a competitive edge. According to Suárez-
Orozco et al. (2011), “Macrosystemic factors in economy and society shape developmental trajectories. There are public policies, societal norms, and shared attitudes that affect unauthorized parents, children, and youth” (p. 445). According to
Suárez-Orozco et al., such factors have a profound impact on a family’s unauthorized status.
Policy makers influence our country and society through health care, immigration laws, education, federal programs, globalization, employment and labor laws, environmental issues, etc. Policy makers influence every facet of American society impacting all peoples living in the United States. Legislators must be well versed in the health care issues, educational needs, socioeconomic statuses, and
10 cultural values characteristic of the young Hispanic and Hispanic-American population so they can prosper.
Suárez-Orozco (2011) relayed that the Center on the Developing Child in
2010 found “the cumulative consequences of social disadvantage for lifelong health and mental health problems such as heart disease, diabetes, and depression are well established and that the costliest consequences of unauthorized status will emerge later in the life course” (p. 457). The National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI)
(2006) published a mental health fact sheet on the Latino Community in the United
States. “Latinos are identified as a high-risk group for depression, anxiety, and substance abuse” (p. 1). The same fact sheet cited that the longer Hispanics reside in the United States, they become more likely to be diagnosed with a mental illness and substance abuse problems (NAMI, 2006).
In addition, one study entitled “Dónde Está La Justicia? A Call for Action on
Behalf of Latino and Latina Youth in the U.S. Justice System ” found disturbing numbers of Latinos in the juvenile system (NAMI, 2006). Moreover 50 -70% of the juveniles in a detention center have been diagnosed with a mental illness (NAMI,
2006). Recent studies have shown that the Hispanic/Latino population uses the least amount of government assistance or resources in the United States today. “A national survey revealed that out of 596 licensed psychologists with active clinical practices who are members of the American Psychological Association, only 1 percent of the randomly selected sample identified themselves as Latino” (NAMI, 2006, p. 1).
11
Healthy human beings build a strong nation. These statistics alone among
Latinos’ healthcare are alarming and must be addressed by policy makers. Physical and mental health can affect every facet of a human being’s life from educational attainment to socioeconomic levels. These statistics alone should empower policy makers to begin to address the critical needs of the largest minority in the United
States and what will be the leadership of this country in the future.
The 2010 Census indicated record numbers of Hispanics living in the United
States, making them the largest minority (United States Census Bureau, 2011a).
According to the 2010 Census, 308.7 million people live in the United States.
Hispanics make up 16% or 50.5 million of the population living in the United States, an increase from 35.5 million in 2000. The Census Briefs reported:
More than half of the growth in the total population of the United States between 2000 and 2010 was due to the increase in the Hispanic population. Between 2000 and 2010 the Hispanic population grew by 43 percent, which was four times the growth in the total population at 10 percent. (United States Census Bureau, 2011a, p. 2) Gonzales (2009) concluded: Young lives on hold
Based on their collective research, it is evident that - at a time when the supply of available workers in the United States, especially highly skilled workers, is not meeting the demands of the U.S. labor market, providing undocumented students with opportunities to pursue a higher education and to work legally in this country would benefit U.S. taxpayers and the U.S. economy overall. (p. 7)
Significant population increases in a specific minority as indicated by the
2010 Census (United States Census Bureau, 2011a ) surely denote the changing face
12 of America, resulting in different needs among a population. Funding must be allocated in such a way to meet the demands of the everchanging population at all levels. In fact, it is predicted that the Hispanic population will be the majority in the
United States one day, surpassing Caucasians. Research indicates that the White population is dying off as a result of increased minority group birth rates.
Socioeconomic issues. “Given the opportunity to receive additional education and move into better-paying jobs, undocumented students would pay more in taxes and have more money to spend and invest in the U.S. economy” (Gonzales, 2009, p.
4). This same study indicated the economic benefits of the DREAM Act legislation.
In strict economic terms, the contributions that DREAM Act students would make over their lifetimes would dwarf the small additional investment in their education beyond high school, and the intangible benefits of legalizing and educating these students would be significant. (Gonzales, 2009, p. 4)
Several studies have indicated that a significant percentage of undocumented immigrants—more than any other population in the United States—lives under the poverty level and is exposed to the same dangers consistent with this low or poverty level socioeconomic status.
The most recent study, “No DREAMers Left Behind: The Economic Potential of DREAM Act Beneficiaries” (2012), released by the North American Integration and Development Center at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), illustrates further the economic benefits of the DREAM Act legislation (Hinojosa-
Ojeda et al., (2012). The findings from the 2010 Migration Policy Institute report were used as the basis for Hinojosa-Ojeda et al., (2012). Researchers focused on two
13 different scenarios. The first scenario calculated the economic benefits of 825,000
DREAMers who would obtain residency through military service and various academic degrees in the United States over a 40-year period of time. They concluded that the income generated over a 40-year period of time would be $1.4 trillion. The second scenario assumed that 2.1 million DREAMers adjust their status and obtain various levels of academic degrees. This would result in an overall income of $3.6 trillion over the next 40 years (Hinojosa-Ojeda et al., 2012).
Schools and colleges need information. It is paramount that researchers conduct studies to gain insight into the limits and essence of a life spent unauthorized.
Educators need the information from this study in order to make decisions about school policy in regard to child development, dropout impact, and pedagogy.
According to Suárez-Orozco et al. (2011), “The development of early cognitive skills of children of the unauthorized is at risk relative to their peers in authorized families”
(p. 457). They must understand this phenomenon in order to cultivate and facilitate success among this future generation. This unauthorized population faces “varying degrees of academic challenges” (p. 457). The age of arrival in the United States affects this undocumented population academic outcomes and trajectories. Some arrive at a very young age and acquire the second language quickly while others struggle with the language barrier. The undocumented parents of undocumented youth have high educational expectations for their children, yet they themselves lack the resources to navigate the educational system in the United States, according to
Suárez-Orozco et al.
14
Gonzales (2011) and Enriquez (2011) both found that schools provided the undocumented students with a support system. Schools and institutions of higher education must make concerted efforts to understand why Hispanics/Latinos are among the highest drop-out rates in this country. Educators must stay abreast of the new studies published every month providing a clear picture of what it is like to be
Hispanic/Latino, undocumented, in a mixed-status family, and the traumas associated with these phenomena. Gonzales (2011) stated:
K to 12 schooling certainly plays an important role in the development and integration role in the development and integration of immigrant children but significant questions remain about how status shapes educational trajectories and how, in turn, it affects the link between educational attainment and social economic mobility. (p. 605)
Latinos/Hispanics and Hispanic-Americans are the future of this country and, therefore, must be studied, understood, and educated as institutions have done for years based on a populations most significant strengths, weaknesses, barriers, and cultural values. “The family’s unauthorized status entraps youth in a labyrinth of
‘liminality’ that complicates the normative stages of development in multiple ways”
(Suarez-Orozco et al., 2011, p. 443).
As the United States moves closer to immigration reform, specifically for undocumented early childhood arrivals, it is paramount that educators, community leaders, and all citizens alike become involved in decreasing undocumented Hispanic student dropout rates and provide avenues to accessible federal, state, and local resources. It is important to understand the essence of the unauthorized status in
15 order to facilitate a supportive culture. The undocumented status is isolated to a specific culture and population of people in the United States. The impact of being undocumented is a complex phenomenon that impacts a young immigrant’s educational progress, mental and physical health, cognitive development, socioeconomic status, peer and adult interactions, self-worth, and, most importantly, one’s ability to succeed at future endeavors.
Several different studies have attempted to calculate approximately how many undocumented students are enrolled in our U.S high schools and how many actually graduate. Most of the studies cite that there are about 80,000 undocumented Hispanic students enrolled in school, and out of the 80,000 students, only 65,000 graduate.
While 15,000 students may not seem like a significant number, when added up over the course of a decade or two, the number becomes significant (Passel, 2005; Passel
&Cohn, 2008; Perez et al., 2009).
As those dropout numbers begin to amass over the years, the United States will be directly impacted. Many of these undocumented Hispanic youth will have children who will be United States citizens. Once they have a child in the U.S., they can apply for status if caught by Immigration. New federal immigration laws have been put in place that allow for undocumented parents to stay in this country to care for their children who are U.S. citizens.
Recent studies show how profound the impact of growing up in the United
States as an undocumented youth, as well as those who are U.S. citizens yet born to unauthorized parents, is. This state of illegality influences every facet of child
16 development whether the child is undocumented or their parents are undocumented.
Several researchers have cited the effects of illegality or the unauthorized status on a child’s cognitive development in the early years even when the child is not aware of the phenomenon (Yoskikawa, 2008.
Gonzales (as cited in Yoskikawa, 2008) found that “typically, the family’s secret taboo of unauthorized status is hidden from the child’s conscious experience, although the condition of illegality nevertheless has harmful consequences for early development” (p. 444). “Developmentally specific experiences are shaped by various ecological contexts, systems and processes, which in turn will have implications for the developmental outcomes of children and youth growing up under the shadow of unauthorized status” (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2011, p. 444).
“The overwhelming majority of children under the age of five born to unauthorized parents are citizen-children born in the United States” (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011, pp.450-451). Suarez-Orozco et al. (2011) stated that the undocumented status creates “varying levels of risk and protective factors- variables that detract from or enhance healthy adaptation and outcomes” (p. 443).
The existence of disparities due to parental unauthorized status in early skill development is cause for social concern, as recent research suggests that citizen-children of unauthorized parents are at a disadvantage as far as school readiness when compared to children of the authorized. (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2011, p. 451)
Suarez-Orozco et al. (2011) found that many young unauthorized immigrants who have just arrived in the United States end up in schools that are understaffed and
17 under-resourced. Consequently, this causes further stress for educators to accommodate second language learners without the necessary resources, curriculum, and staff specialists. According to Stromquist (2012), “A decade ago only10 percent of U.S. teachers were certified in bilingual education or teaching English as a Second
Language” (p. 209).
Capps, Fix, Murray et al. (2005) maintained the No Child Left Behind
(NCLB) government mandates have prevented many schools from addressing the needs of Limited English Proficiency (LEP) students because educators must teach to a test. Stromquist (2012) deduced from the study conducted by Capps, Fix, Murray et al. (2005)that “many US secondary schools have not been structured to promote language acquisition and content mastery for LEP students” (p. 210).
In addition to assimilating to a new culture, geography, and language, many face discrimination and racism (Stromquist, 2012). Suarez-Orozco et al. (2011) stated that “new arrivals most often find themselves in under-resourced schools.
These schools are typically highly segregated and provide limited engaging opportunities” (p.448). Suarez-Orozco et al. (2011) also stated:
Racially and linguistically isolated schools put students at academic risk and are associated with a variety of negative characteristics, including crowding, inadequate resources, low teacher expectations, high dropout rates, and limited social capital to provide information about access to college. (pp. 448- 449)
Child development . The undocumented status presents a caveat of issues affecting child development. Dozier (1993) identified three central emotional
18 concerns for undocumented college students: fear of deportation, loneliness, and depression. In fact, “Fear of deportation was so central to undocumented students it influenced almost every aspect of their lives” (Dozier, 1993, p. 151). Suarez-Orozco et al. (2011) indicated various significant events take place throughout an individual’s life, “marking entries into new domains of life. These life-demarking rituals termed rites of passage, which confer new roles, rights and obligations” (p. 443).
Also, Suárez-Orozco et al. (2011) posited that “individuals reside in a space of temporary liminality before engaging in each stage or event during the course of their lives” (p. 443). The theory of liminality as defined by Suárez-Orozco et al. “is the transitional moment between spheres of belonging when social actors no longer belong to the group they are leaving behind and do not yet fully belong in their new social sphere” (p. 444). Victor Turner (1963) defined liminality as being a state of
“betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremony” (p. 4). Suárez-Orozco et al. (2011) concluded that a level of
“heightened danger and ambiguity” exits in the “social orphan” (p. 444). As a result,
“the state of ambiguous belonging leaves him or her without the shared bundles of rights and obligations that structure social behavior and make it predictable” (p. 444).
The condition of illegality (one’s own status or the status of one’s parent[s] places children, adolescents, and young adults in the untenable position of interminable liminality. These ‘betwixt and between’ residents of the United States attempt to perform symbolic and ritual claims of belonging without the corresponding reciprocal condition of acknowledgement. (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011, p. 444)
19
The reality of being undocumented and growing up in a family whose members are also undocumented affects a child emotionally as he/she develops and grows up in the United States. Illegality can affect undocumented youth in detrimental ways. Initially, children who have come into the United States unauthorized and establish a life with their family are not aware of their status or the barriers until they become much older. Schools and colleges must know this research information in order to decrease dropout rates. Educators must listen to the stories of the 150 participants in Gonzales’ (2011) study and others like it to determine the underlying factors between what characterized students’ positive and negative interactions at school. Many times, the participants who had negative experiences were more likely to drop out of high school (Gonzales, 2011). The participants who recounted positive experiences of high school and saw it as a support system were more likely to graduate from high school and seek an accessible and affordable route to higher education (Gonzales, 2011). Educators need to know that the state of illegality affects a child on various developmental, social, and academic levels.
According to Cervantes, Mejía, and Guerrero Mena (2010), undocumented immigrants have “the added task of managing anxiety and fears associated with being discovered, deported, and potentially repeating the immigration process” (p. 280).
The internal psyche of the undocumented identity affects an individual’s self-image and behaviors. It causes an individual to view the entire family unit as negative
(Cervantes et al., 2010).
20
Developmentally specific experiences are shaped by various ecological contexts, systems and processes, which in turn will have implications for the developmental outcomes of children and youth growing up under the shadow of unauthorized status. The social-ecological environments in which children growing up in authorized homes develop include varying levels of risk and protective factors- variables that detract from or enhance healthy adaptation and outcomes. (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011, pp. 444-445)
Psychological perspectives posit that human and child development “unfolds in reciprocal interactions between individuals and their environments” (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011, pp. 444-445). As a result, interactions between an individual and environmental contexts shape their personality, individuality, self-image, and behaviors (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011).
Pedagogy. Gonzáles, Plata, Garcia, Torres, and Urrieta (2003) posited that student testimonies presented pedagogy for future teachers. González et al. (2003) emphasized the immense hardships, discrimination, and racist experiences in a study entitled, “Testimonios de Immigrantes: Students Educating Future Teachers.” This article illustrated pedagogy by which to educate future teachers based on student testimonies. González et al. (2003) suggested that the “complexity of an immigrant identity as a child, especially that of an undocumented immigrant identity as a child is often ignored” (p. 234). This research study can also be used as a type of pedagogy to help current and future professors understand the daily obstacles an undocumented immigrant faces.
Abrego (2011) suggested undocumented experiences of illegal immigrants are
“underemphasized” (p. 339) in studies. Moreover, this study is intended for anyone
21 who deals with or encounters young undocumented immigrants. However, the themes and experiences narrated throughout the study are not intended to be considered a “monolithic undocumented experience” (p. 340). Abrego noted the necessity for further research regarding how “illegality is experienced differently across social positions” (p. 340).
This study intends to illustrate the personal experiences of 15 undocumented
Hispanic college students. It will allow the reader to begin to understand the many layers of living undocumented. According to Contreras (2009), “Latino students who successfully persist through higher education represent a very small portion of students enrolled in college compared to the sizable presence of Latinos in the K-12 sector. This imbalance is further seen among the undocumented population” (p. 610).
Dropouts. Much research has been dedicated to trying to find ways to keep this youth population in school. As a result of their status and their parents’ status, they do not have basic knowledge or access to many of the resources available to help one be successful. Hondo et al. (2008) conducted a study and wrote a book called,
Latino Dropouts in Rural America . The study focused on a population that the authors believed was “understudied in social justice, multicultural and dropout literature” (p. 507). According to the study, the authors cited Child Trends Data Bank
(2004), which reported that 40% of all high school dropouts in 2004 aged 16-24 were
Latino. Hondo et al. believed that students are “encouraged to leave school early by an unresponsive school environment that fails to meet their needs” (p. 42).
22
According to Yoshikawa et al. (2008), “Few studies have examined how experiences associated with being an undocumented immigrant parent affects children’s development” (p. 63). Yoshikawa et al. cited Capps, Fix, Ost, Reardon-
Anderson, and Passel’s (2004) study that stated children of immigrants are
“overrepresented in families and at poverty level” (p. ix). Some of these children of immigrants have mixed status levels. Some are documented citizens and others are undocumented.
Yoshikawa et al. (2008) used the social exclusion theory to see how access to
“institutional resources requiring identification” (p. 63) would affect immigrant families. Many immigrant families do not have access to institutional resources because they are undocumented (Yoshikawa et al., 2008). Consequently, whether a child is a documented U.S. born citizen or undocumented, if his/her parents are undocumented, he/she is automatically at risk. According to Leisy Abrego (2011), who conducted the study entitled “Legal Consciousness of Undocumented Latinos:
Fears and Stigma as barriers to Claims-Making for First- and 1.5 Generation
Immigrants,” legal status and undocumented status, more specifically, “have yet to be fully examined as central determinants of immigrants’ life chances in the United
States” (p. 339).
Many factors make the necessity of this study imperative. The Hispanic population continues to grow more rapidly than any other race in the United States, according to the 2010 Census (United States Census Bureau, 2011b). Mixed status families have almost doubled since 2003 and have a much lower earning capacity and
23 educational opportunities even if U.S. residents exist in the family unit. The differences of access and opportunities of U.S. born citizens, mixed status families, and undocumented families are significantly different based on the illegality of one’s status (Passel &Cohn, 2009).
A study conducted by the National Women’s Law Center (NWLC) and the
Mexican American Legal Defense Educational Fund (MALDEF) entitled “Listening to Latinas: Barriers to High School Graduation” found that “41% of Hispanic female students did not graduate in four years with a standard diploma” (2009, p. 7). The
Hispanic Dropout Project conducted by several researchers in 1998 found that
“Almost all these students left school because no one had established individual relationships with each of them, communicated high academic expectations to them, nor provided them with meaningful opportunities to achieve those expectations”
(Secada et al., 1998).
As time has passed, educators see more students who have attended K-12 public school in the United States, speak both English and Spanish fluently, are academically very intelligent, and identify themselves as Americans. However, this population of individuals is denied some of the most basic rights that we take for granted every day as United States’ citizens.
Research Questions
The following research question guided the study:
What are undocumented immigrants’ perceptions of growing up and living in the United States illegally?
24
Definition of Terms
The following terms will be used throughout this study:
Documented : An individual who lives in the United States and has an immigration status is considered documented. He/she has received permission to be in this country from the National Immigration Office and may have a visa, green card, or be a citizen.
DREAM Act: The DrREAM Act is a piece of legislation that would allow a citizenship status to a group of undocumented individuals. In order to qualify for the
DREAM Act, these individuals must have been brought over by their parents or relatives to the United States. They must also have graduated from a high school in the United States and further their education with at least 2 years of higher education or have joined the Armed Forces upon high school graduation.
Ethnicity : Ethnicity refers to an individual’s place of origin, culturally and genetically. Ethnicity encompasses the term race, language, and culture.
Immigrant: According to the Merriam Webster online dictionary
(“Immigrant,” 2011), an immigrant is someone who comes from one country to another to live permanently. So we refer to others that have moved to the United
States from another country as immigrants.
Mexican American Legal and Educational Defense Fund (MALDEF):
According to the Mexican American Legal and Educational Fund’s website (Mexican
American Legal and Defense Fund, 2009), this organization was founded in 1968 in order to advocate for the civil rights of Latinos. This organization is one of the most
25 powerful and influential in the United States among the civil rights organizations for
Latinos (http://www.maldef.org/about/mission/index.html).
Migrant: According to the Merriam Webster online dictionary (“Migrant,”
2011), a migrant is a person that moves around in order to find work especially in harvesting crops. Migrant is often associated with a migrant worker who is a person that moves around in search of work.
Migration versus Immigration: According to Daniels (2002), migration
“simply means moving and immigration which means moving across national frontier. Thus, an immigrant is simply a migrant whose move has involved crossing at least one international frontier” (p. 3).
National Women’s Law (NWLC): According to this organization’s website, the National Women’s Law is dedicated to protect and advance the progress of women and girls at work, in school, and in every aspect of their lives.
Pew Hispanic Center: According to the Pew Hispanic Center’s website, Pew
CharitableTrusts (n.d.), the group was established in 2001 to research and document how Hispanics live in the United States and their impact on the United States.
Race: The term race is defined as the color of one’s skin and the mix of ethnicities. For example, someone can be both Black and White within the category of race.
Undocumented: Living in the United States illegally without a social security number or any documentation from the National Immigration Office is a status referred to as undocumented.
26
Chapter II
Review of Literature
This chapter presents literature to support the various themes that emerged through participant stories about the phenomenon of being undocumented. This topic is broad and encompasses a lifestyle instead of the phenomenon of a specific status.
There are few analogies that can be used to illustrate the hardships, inequities, and experiences of the 15 participants as their words narrated and created themes for this research. However, there is one analogy or historical time period in the United States from which we may draw upon to exemplify some of the phenomena experienced by all 15 participants.
The history of immigration to the United States, coupled specifically with slavery, the 13th Amendment, Harriet Tubman’s Underground Railroad, and the Civil
Rights Movement of 1964, parallels the themes that emerged from participant narratives. Harriet Tubman’s Underground Railroad might be the most significant analogy to describe the phenomenon of crossing the border. The entirety of this research encompasses the theory of social justice and, more specifically, sociology, psychology, and cultural anthropology within the political and social context of the history of immigration policy in the United States.
This research chronicles the life experiences of undocumented immigrants who were brought to this country by their parents at a very young age. The purpose of the research was to document the feelings, experiences, and cultural dynamics of
27 growing up in the United States as an unauthorized, undocumented, or illegal immigrant.
Coming to the United States has created great opportunities and problems for undocumented children all at the same time. While they have the opportunity to graduate with a high school diploma, much more than they could possibly receive in their home countries, some states within the United States do not allow undocumented students to attend college as an in-state resident based on their residency status. Therefore, in order to attend an institution of higher education, they must pay out of state tuition, and most cannot afford it. Their undocumented status doesn’t allow for them to apply for federal financial aid, in-state scholarships, or state financial aid in many of the states in the United States.
However, in some states, undocumented students are allowed to attend select institutions of higher education because they have graduated from a high school in the state and also have been present for a determined amount of time. As a result, this affords undocumented students to further their education at an affordable cost. There are state and private scholarships that can be awarded to undocumented students based on their academic history, not their residency status.
During the last 20 years, the United States has turned a blind eye to illegal immigration. According to Yates (2004), “There are an estimated 1.5 million undocumented aliens in the American public education system, and between 50,000 and 60,000 graduate from American high schools each year” (p. 585). According to
28
Gonzales (2007), “Children account for 1.8 million or 15 percent of the undocumented immigrants now living in this country” (p. 1).
Living in the United States undocumented poses many barriers for these immigrants. However, millions of these undocumented immigrants have attended
K-12 public school and have grown up in the United States.
Inclusion Criteria
Inclusion criteria include peer reviewed journal articles, books based on theoretical paradigms, books based on research methodology, books based on the history of immigration in America, dissertations, articles from specific subject based websites, peer reviewed journal articles, and research studies conducted by large national organizations. The research literature gathered for this study was done electronically using EBSCO Host, a premier search database through the Wilmington
University library, as well as Google and national websites dedicated to the topic of undocumented immigrants.
Key terms, including undocumented Hispanic immigrants and DREAM Act legislation, acculturation, cultural assimilation, education, family, psychology, history of immigration and culture, were used to locate the necessary research for the literature review and the entire study.
Social Justice
According to the online Business Dictionary, the term “social justice” (2007-
2011) is defined as “fair and proper administration of laws conforming to the natural law that all persons, irrespective of ethnic origin, gender, possessions, race, religion,
29 etc., are to be treated equally and without prejudice” (“Social Justice,” para.1). There are many social justice issues that undocumented students face on a daily basis because of their status (Olivérez, 2006). Moreover, the national press releases stories daily regarding the violation of particular individual rights as a result of ethnicity, race, religion, and mainstream stereotypes.
The Civil Rights Movement of 1964 defined this country in a way that has attempted to provide a path to prosperity and peace among oppressed groups of
American and non-American peoples living in the United State (United States History
Channel, n.d.). This country overcame slavery and segregation—two controversial battles, separate and distinct—that took years to resolve into a policy (U.S. History
Channel, n.d.). This movement culminated in one of the most unforgettable moments in history—the presidential election of 2008—which resulted in our first African
American President of the United States.
Although, as a nation, we have conquered many challenges dealing with race and equality, we have yet to resolve the immigration reform issue. Since the Civil
Rights Movement, many historians and organizations have documented the experiences of those who grew up during this time. These reports aim to capture the voices of those who survived a tumultuous time, overcame barriers, and now document the drastic, but very significant, changes in attitudes, policy, and culture in the United States (U.S. History Channel, n.d.). History books tell a narrative story about what has happened over the last few hundred years, but the people who
30 experienced history most accurately convey the culture of such an era (Daniels,
2002).
While policies dictate much of social justice, individuals can attempt to make a difference in this world through their own actions and voluntary kindness. In a documentary, Wetback: The Undocumented Documentary , Lynn and Patt Hannigan were interviewed (Haynes &Torres, 2004). They are Canadians and run a safe house in Fort Erie, Canada. Mr. Hannigan noted that after a trip to Nicaragua, he was flabbergasted by the extreme poverty to the point of starvation (Haynes &Torres,
2004). He saw a need to help these people out of such oppression (Haynes &Torres,
2004). “You have to look at the equity and social justice in this world and these people needed to be helped” (Haynes &Torres, 2004). Walter Arriaga and Ademar
Barilli also run a safe house in Tecun Uman, Guatemala, for immigrants who have been deported from Mexico (Haynes &Torres, 2004). In 2002, approximately 9,876 immigrants stayed at the safe house (Haynes &Torres, 2004). They saw a tremendous increase in just one year in 2003 with 11,349 immigrants (Haynes
&Torres, 2004).
The social justice issue has begun to call attention to the inhumanity that undocumented immigrants face at many different levels. Many are living in countries in a state of profound oppression (Cervantes et al., 2010; Haynes & Torres, 2004).
They cannot work their way out of the poverty that plagues them. Globalization has caused the Latin American economy to plummet, leaving its people in a state of desperation (One for America Justice, 2010). Many who make the decision to cross
31 the border do not feel like they are risking anything because they are just as good as dead if they remain in their native countries (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
History of Immigration and Policy
America is known as the land of opportunities and maintains a history of mass
European immigration dating back to the 16th and 17th centuries (Daniels, 2002).
The Native American Indians inhabited the Americas during these times, causing much war and violence as newcomers moved into the land. Daniels (2002) noted that far more Indians died as a result of European disease rather than war. The Indians lacked immunity to the viral diseases passed on from the newcomers, leaving them at high risk for death induced illnesses.
During the era of Columbus and the Age of Discovery, Europeans found native inhabitants to the new lands, causing attitude shifts. Approximately two decades after Marco Polo’s discoveries, Europeans began to think of themselves as superior, disregarding the native inhabitants of regions. “European travelers in the new age exhibited an almost universal self-confidence of the superiority of their own culture” (Daniels, 2002, p. 4). This attitude has remained consistent throughout hundreds of years of immigration to the United States, creating attitudes of racism, discrimination, and ethnic superiority against each set of newcomers immigrating to the United States. While we embrace multi-ethnicities in North America, each group of new settlers faces resistance initially and for extended periods of time.
Historians have been studying and documenting the immigration patterns of the United States for hundreds of years (Daniels, 2002). The United States is
32 comprised and was founded by multi-ethnic groups from all over the world who have settled and produced several generations of Americans. The United States evolved into the so-called melting pot that has produced a population made up of many different nationalities and ethnicities all in one. America is a land where peoples of different race, religion, and creed can maintain religious and cultural values and, at the same time, choose to socialize and congregate with peoples of other ethnicities.
As a country, we have seen drastic changes over the last century (Daniels, 2002).
The United States was first inhabited by Native American Indians and later by peoples from all over the world (Daniels, 2002). Immigrants make up a significant portion of the population, and Hispanics have a long history of immigration to the
United States. Hispanics, just as many other ethnicities, are responsible for defining who we are as a people and nation as the demographics change (Passel, Cohn, &
D’Vera, 2009).
Over the last two and a half decades, the U.S. has experienced a tremendous influx of Hispanic immigrants coming to the United States (United States Census
Bureau, 2000; United States Census Bureau, 2010b; Passel & Cohn, 2009; Passel,
Livingston, Cohn, & D’Vera, 2012). Some of these immigrants are documented while many others are undocumented, having crossed our borders illegally. The mass numbers of unauthorized peoples from Mexico and Latin America have changed
American society specifically to accommodate the needs of this immigrant population. Millions of families crossed over the U.S.’s border illegally, bringing small children with them to live here (Passel, 2006; Passel, Cohn, D’Vera, 2008;
33
Passel, Cohn, D’Vera, 2009). Federal government and state agencies were forced to establish new policies out of a sense of urgency to the meet the needs of this growing population to maintain high literacy, educational, economic, and social standing within the world (Gándara, 2010; Perez & Rodriguez, 2011).
As a result of the Civil Rights Movement of 1964, the United States further ascertained the exceptional value of human kind and specifically the rights of each and every human being regardless of race, color, religion, status, or creed (National
Association for the Advanced of Colored People [NAACP], 2009-2013). As a country, the U.S. goes to great lengths to protect human life and each person’s rights.
The Civil Rights Movement established laws to protect all human beings from discrimination and abuse of power by federal, state, private, and any organization or group that served the general public (NAACP, 2009-2013). This legislation was a pivotal turning point in America as it abolished segregation and mandated equal rights for all (“Save Our History,” 2005). The Civil Rights Movement facilitated a controversial culture and, at the same time, rallied people of all races to unite and be seen in the eyes of the government as equal.
The Civil Rights Movement continued to spark legislation and Supreme Court rulings that established and mandated public and private sectors to further comply with equality clauses including Brown v The Board of Education and Plyer v Doe
(Brown v Board of Education, 1954; Plyer v Doe, 1982; US Senate Committee on the
Judiciary, n.d.). The public education system of the United States went through significant changes as a result of the Civil Rights Act and desegregation. Supreme
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Court rulings continued to target the public education sector to provide an equal education for all. One of the most notorious cases was Plyer versus Doe of 1982 which was precipitated by the Supreme Court ruling in Brown versus the Board of
Education in 1954 under the 14 th Amendment.
The Court ruling of Plyer versus Doe of 1982 (Plyer v. Doe, 1982), under the
14 th Amendment, stated that undocumented, illegal, or unauthorized children have the right by law to a free and equal public education in the United States. This amendment was for undocumented immigrant children. According to Hunter and
Howley (1990):
Allowing undocumented immigrant children to attend public school in the state of Texas was illegal. Texas law prevented state funds from being used for the education of undocumented children. Under Texas law, Local Education Agencies (LEAs) could deny enrollment to such students. In Plyler v Doe, however, the United States Supreme Court held, in a five-to-four decision, that the Texas law was unconstitutional. The ruling was based on the equal protection provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The court believed that denying undocumented children access to education punished children for their parents’ behavior. Following the Plyler ruling, many undocumented children began to attend public schools in the United States, as cited in Haney in 1987. (p. 1)
Plyer v Doe, 457 U.S. 202 of 1982 under the 14 th Amendment ruled that no child be denied a public education based on the fact that he/she was undocumented.
Any child denied a public education based on undocumented immigration status violates the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. Following Plyer versus
Doe of 1982, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act
35
(IIRIRA) of 1982 was amended in 1996, creating much controversy and scare among those of foreign decent with a residency status (llegal Immigration Reform and
Immigrant Responsibility Act [IIRIRA], 1996). According to Yates (2004), the
IIRIRA of 1982 became controversial when it was amended in 1996 ruling (US Code,
2011) that:
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, an alien who is not lawfully present in the United States shall not be eligible on the basis of residence within a State (or a political subdivision) for any postsecondary education benefit unless a citizen or national of the United States is eligible for such a benefit (in no less an amount, duration, and scope) without regard to whether the citizen or national is such a resident. (Section 1623, p. 512)
Much of the argument behind the IIRIRA of 1996 is that if a post-secondary institution is going to charge in-state tuition to an undocumented student, then an out- of-state student who is documented should not have to pay out-of-state tuition based on the fact that he/she was born in the United States (Yates, 2004). The Equal
Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment upholds and defends the IIRIRA OF 1996 and Plyer v Doe of 1982 (Olivérez, 2006).
Causes for Mass Migration to the U.S.
According to Passel (2005), the majority of unauthorized or undocumented
Hispanic immigrants began coming to the United States in 1990. His research also showed that the annual number of undocumented immigrants coming to the United
States has exceeded the annual number of documented immigrants since 1995
(Passel, 2005). A study done by Abrego and Gonzales (2010) found that
36 approximately 65,000 undocumented students graduate from high school each year.
Only a small percentage of those students continue to college.
As far back as the 16th and 17th centuries, a county’s government and political policies have been responsible for mass immigration all over the world
(Daniels, 2002). People migrate for various reasons including “poverty, armed conflict, social strife, political turmoil, economic hardship” (One America for Justice,
“Globalization Drives Immigration,” 2010, para.1). The website suggests the primary cause for tremendous migration in 2000 was globalization.
U.S. economic and foreign policy decisions-such as the war in Iraq or NAFTA-have fueled migration and immigration. This has created an influx of both economic and political refugees here in the U.S. In many ways, American foreign policy has created migration flows, but American domestic policy has failed to create a system to account for the consequences of its foreign policy. (“Root Causes of Migration,” para.1)
Free Trade Agreements, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) and the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), created policies that benefited large industry but caused detriment to local government and the peoples of Mexico (One America for Justice, 2010). This type of globalization caused many to flee their home countries to escape what would be an impoverished life left bleak and void of educational, economical, and financial success. Moreover, the loss of economic and financial opportunities created hostile environments in El
Salvador and Guatemala, promoting “a culture of social violence that reaches
37 alarming proportions” (Federación Internacional De Derechos Humanos (FIDH),
2008, p. 9).
According to One America for Justice (2010), the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) devastated 1.3 million Mexican farmers, forcing them out of business. The United States was able to sell corn cheaper than the farmers of Mexico could produce it. “As a result, undocumented immigration from Mexico has risen from 332,000 since 1993 to 530,000 in 2000—a 60 percent increase since the passage of NAFTA” (One America for Justice, “Free Trade Agreements,” 2010, para. 2). In addition, many large corporations resorted to outsourcing the process of production to impoverished countries in Latin American and Asia to save significant amounts of money in labor costs (One America for Justice, 2010). Lower birth rates in industrialized countries and retirement of the Baby Boomer generation have also led to a greater demand in the labor and work force, specifically in blue collar jobs that require little or no education or skill (One America for Justice, 2010).
In the absence of a livable wage, access to credit, insurance, or social welfare benefits, the value of migration is greater than its hardship or potential for exploitation. In other words, for most people in desperate situation-as the factors above have illustrated-migration is worth the risk. (One America for Justice, “Demand for Labor/Need for Jobs,” para. 4)
While crossing the border illegally from Latin America to the United States is extremely dangerous, the benefits can be far greater than the consequences (Cervantes et al., 2010; Nevins, 2007). While the United States has participated, whether directly or indirectly, in devastating economies in Mexico and Latin American through
38 globalization, they have also facilitated internal wars and conflict in parts of Central
America. The award winning documentary entitled, Wetback: The Undocumented
Documentary (Haynes & Torres, 2004) captures the severity of living conditions, the phenomena of crossing the border, and the involvement of the United States in
Nicaragua and El Salvador.
The documentary also provides a great depth of history and insight into the birth of the most notorious and dangerous gangs in the United States, La Mara
Salvatrucha Trece, also known as MS 13 in southern California (Haynes &Torres,
2004). The gang is now widespread across the entire United States and along the East
Coast (Haynes &Torres, 2004). Some of the gang members that live along the border prey on innocent victims crossing the border illegally (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
Father Flor Rigoni recalled the history of La Mara when interviewed (Haynes
&Torres, 2004). The Mexican authorities underestimated MS 13 to be a low level street gang, not a highly complex hierarchical structured crime family (Haynes
&Torres, 2004).
The United States supported the Sandinista Revolution that began in 1978
(Haynes &Torres, 2004). The U.S. recruited mercenaries from El Salvador to help overturn the Nicaraguan government in exchange for Green Cards (Haynes &Torres,
2004). After the war ended the mercenaries who received Green Cards settled in
Southern California and began to establish one of the most notorious, deadliest, and frightening gangs in the history of the United States. La Mara Salvatrucha Trece has operations throughout the United States and well into El Salvador and Central
39
America. According to Father Rioni, MS 13 is an organized group with strategies, hierarchies, and rituals of initiation. One of the rituals of initiation is to rape a man in front of the gang “to demonstrate that they have no limits, neither of territory, morality or ethics” (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
People came to the United States from Latin America in search of a better life.
Moreover, there is evidence that the Mexican Government has encouraged mass illegal migration, and the United States has benefited tremendously from undocumented workers. The Mexican government has provided pamphlets and educational materials to their people that guide them through the process of crossing the border illegally (Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs, n.d). The Federación
Internacional De Derechos Humanos (FIDH), or the International Federation for
Human Rights, estimated in a 2008 report that in the year 2000, $6.5 billion was sent to Mexico from migrants working in the United States. In 2005, it reported that $20 billion was sent back to Mexico from migrants in the United States and that, in rural villages, 1 out of every 10 homes is entirely dependent on money from the United
States (FIDH, 2008).
Haynes and Torres’ (2004) documentary showed that in 2003, undocumented workers in the USA sent home over $30 billion. People in Latin America depend on this money to survive. The film makers reported that remittances represent 25% of the country’s gross net profit (GNP); in Honduras, remittances are the number one source of income; El Salvador depends so heavily on remittances that the government replaced the Colón currency with American dollars; 36% of Guatemalans depend on
40 remittances for basic survival; and finally, in Mexico, remittances are the second largest source of foreign income only after oil (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
Undocumented workers in the United States working with someone else’s papers paid out $15 billion to Social Security in 2003 (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
These people will never benefit from this money (Haynes &Torres, 2004). Barilli noted that “there is a hidden economic interest when it comes to immigrants” (Haynes
&Torres, 2004). They are the best resource for growth and capitalism (Haynes
&Torres, 2004). “Undocumented workers are good for the U.S. or any country but nobody talks about it” (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
2000/2010 Census Report
The Census Bureau conducted the first census in 1790 (United States
Department of Commerce, 2013). In 1870, the census was conducted under the
Census Act of 1850 (United States Department of Commerce, 2013). This new act required that all people living in the United States answer all questions on the census
(United States Department of Commerce, 2013). Over the years, the census has evolved to include gender, occupation, race, language, and other demographic and geographically information useful for federal, state, and local government. Many large corporations and conglomerate business chains use the census to assess population growth, demographical information, and income to decide where to build new businesses. The census is conducted every 10 years, and the main purpose is to know exactly how many people reside in the United States, no matter their status.
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The census indicates growth, demographic populations, and geographic populations that allow the federal government to properly allocate billions of dollars and resources appropriately. It has become the most important national survey for the
United States as it provides critical information on every aspect necessary to make future predictions for our society politically, economically, and socially. People residing in the United States can be arrested if they do not fill out and answer all of the census questions. The 2000 and 2010 census provided the most critical data for this study as both censuses gave a demographical and geographical picture of the
Hispanic population in the United States in terms of age, growth, and education.
Demographic changes in the Hispanic population . According to the 2000 census, Hispanics made up about 12.5% of the entire population (United States
Census Bureau, 2000). However, the 2010 census shows a much larger population increase in Hispanics across the nation, making them the largest minority in the U.S.
(United States Census Bureau, 2010). According to the 2010 census, more than half of the growth in total population over the last decade was due to the increase in
Hispanic population. The Hispanic population grew by 43% between 2000 and 2010.
Hispanics grew by 15.2 million over the last decade and were responsible for more than half of the 27.3 million increase in the total population of the United States
(United States Census Bureau, 2010 p.2).
Between 2000 and 2010, immigrants from Mexico increased from 20.6 million to 31.8 million, resulting in 11.2 million more peoples of Mexican descent in the United States (United States Census Bureau, 2000, p.2). In 2000, the census
42 reported 35.3 million Hispanics lived in the U.S. or 13% of the population (United
States Census Bureau, 2000, p.2). On April 1, 2010, the census reported that 308.7 million people resided in the United States (United States Census Bureau, 2011b).
The Hispanic population made up 50.5 million or 16% of the overall population.
Moreover, when disaggregated by country, those of Mexican origin increased by 54% from the 2000 census and accounted for the “largest numeric change” for any group of people (United States Census Bureau, 2011b, p. 2).
Peoples of Guatemalan descent increased drastically between 2000 and 2010.
The 2000 census reported 372,487 people from Guatemala resided in the United
States, and in 2010, there were 1,044, 209 people of Guatemalan descent living in the
United States, representing an increase of 671,722 in this specific population (United
States Census Bureau, 2011b).
The United States Census Bureau in 2010 reported that currently Hispanics account for about 8% of the population in the state where this study was conducted.
This was a significant increase from the 2000 census data, when much of this population was underrepresented due to the lack of participation in the 2000 census.
In one local town near the location of the study, the 2010 census reported that the
Hispanic population now makes up almost one-half of the town’s population.
According to a statewide newspaper, the Hispanic population has doubled in size since the 2000 census and makes up one-third of the state’s population (United States
Census Bureau, 2010).
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“The Hispanic population experienced growth between 2000 and 2010 in all
50 states and the District of Columbia” (United States Census Bureau, 2011b, p. 7).
The Hispanic population more than doubled in nine different states, specifically in the southern part of the country between 2000 and 2010: Alabama, Arkansas, Kentucky,
Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and South
Dakota. South Carolina’s Hispanic population maintained the fastest increase, and
Alabama was second (United States Census Bureau, 2011b). This population has significantly increased in the state where the study took place as well as all over the country.
Birth rates . Katie Couric (2011) reported that 1 out of every 8 Americans is
Hispanic, and 1 out of every 4 children is Hispanic. This statistic alone gives evidence to the booming population of this ethnicity as well as how young this population is in our country. Hispanics are, and will be, the future in many states, if not our entire nation (Portes & Fernandez-Kelley, 2008). The population increase, along with the numbers of undocumented students graduating from United States’ high schools every year, establishes a sense of urgency regarding the future of our country.
According to Capps, Fix, Murray et al., (2005), in 2000, over half of the foreign-born elementary school-aged children were from Mexico, Central America, and the Carribean. According to Passel and Livingston et al.,(2012), the 2010 census reported that “non-Hispanic Whites now account for a minority of births in the U.S. for the first time” (Passel and Livingston et al., 2012, p. 1). This birth trend has been
44 going on for decades. Passel and Livingston et al., (2012) reported that Hispanics are the most rapidly growing population in the United States as a result of birth rates and mass immigration.
The 2010 census reported a plethora of information on the face of the U.S.
“Hispanics are more than a quarter of the nation’s youngest residents, according to the new population estimates, accounting for 26.3 percent of the population younger than age one” (Passel and Livingston et al., 2012, p. 1). As a result of Hispanic and other minority birth rates, non-Hispanic whites will be a minority making up only
47% of the population by 2050 (Passel & Livingston et al., 2012). The census reported that minorities accounted for 93.7% of the population growth in 2010 (Passel
& Livingston et al., 2012). Birth rates accounted for the second highest population increase between 2000 and 2010, rather than immigration. The third cause in higher minority birth rates is a result of interracial relationships. “A rising number of multiracial babies are being born to couples that include one white parent” (Passel &
Livingston, et al., 2012, p. 3). This phenomenon of social change has facilitated a culture accepting interracial relationships and marriage. “In 2010, 9 percent of whites married someone who was Hispanic or of another race. That was nearly triple the rate in 1980” (Passel & Livingston et al., 2012, p. 4).
The Pew Research Center reported that the “demographics of motherhood” have changed resulting in “marked differences in age, education, and marital status among mothers of different racial and ethnic groups” (as cited in Passel & Livingston et al., 2012, p. 4). White and Asian women have higher levels of education than
45
Hispanic and Black women. The Hispanic and Black populations of women tend to have children in their early 20s while White and Asian women have children in their late 20s and early 30s (Passel et al., 2012). Birth rates among the Hispanic population give an urgent indication of the changing face and needs of America.
There are many reasons for the rapid growth in birth rates among Hispanics and other minorities in the United States. Passel et al. (2012) concluded that age, fertility, interracial relationships, and the demographics of motherhood explain the profound changes in population. The 2010 census illustrated significant differences in median age among races. The national median age in 2011 was 37.3 while the national median age for non-Hispanic Whites was 42.3 in comparison to 27.6 for
Hispanics (United States Census Bureau, 2011b). The Hispanic population represents a much younger face in the U.S., making them apt to have children and reproduce
(Passel & Livingston, et al., 2012). Hispanics typically have more children than non-
Hispanic Whites. Passel and Livingston et al., (2012) concluded this using the “total fertility rate” which predicts the number of children the average woman will have based on “current age-specific birth rates” (p. 3). The fertility rate among Hispanics is 2.4 and for non-Hispanic Whites 1.8 (Passel & Livingston et al., 2012).
Phenomenon of Crossing the Border
Immigrants have crossed the U.S. borders illegally for several decades now from Mexico and Central and South America. As immigration laws have become increasingly stricter, crossing the border illegally into the U.S. has become more
46 difficult. Immigrants are still crossing our borders in record numbers, but it has become a very risky and dangerous trip.
Dangers. Crossing the border illegally poses many life-threatening risks and dangers. The potential dangers include kidnappings, beatings, sexual violence, theft, injury, and death (Danielson, 2013; Walser, McNeill, & Zuckerman, 2011). There are three ways undocumented immigrants arrive on U.S. soil: crossing the river, walking through the dessert, and catching and riding on the sides and tops of cargo trains. The environmental risks alone pose profound dangers. Immigrants drown crossing the river, die of dehydration walking through the dessert, and can be severely injured or killed trying to catch and ride cargo trains across the border.
According to the Heritage Foundation authors, Walser et al. (2011), “Over the past 10 years, traversing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally has become increasingly dangerous. In 2009 alone, the U.S. Customs and Border Protection found 417 bodies along the U.S.’s southern border” (p. 1). Androff and Ravassoli
(2012) stated that as a result the immigration reform of 1994, “Over 5000 migrants have died in the Sonoran desert” (Androff &Tavassoli, 2012, p. 165).
Maria Jimenez (2009) compiled a report with the help of Mexico’s National
Commission on Human Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of
San Diego and Imperial County, California, to address the humanitarian crisis of 5000 deaths from crossing the Mexico-U.S. border. The report highlighted key findings and causes for increased deaths. “The deaths of unauthorized migrants have been a
47 predictable and inhumane outcome of border security policies on the U.S.-Mexican
Border over the last fifteen years” (p. 7).
The key findings of the report revealed that the risk for migrant death has increased despite government programs to reduce harmful effects of border deterrence strategies; border deaths have increased despite the economic downturn, fewer migrant crossings, and a steady drop in apprehensions; ongoing migrant deaths have exposed government neglect in complying with international law obligations in the treatment of the dead and their families. (Jimenez, 2009, pp. 7-9)
While swimming across the river and walking through the desert seem to be two of the most popular methods of crossing the border, catching and riding a cargo train traveling through the terrain of Mexico has become increasingly favorable. In fact, Haynes and Torres’ documentary (2004) dedicated a portion of the film and entitled it, “Train of Death” (Haynes &Torres, 2004). There is a special clinic for train victims in Mexico. This clinic or hospital treats immigrants who have been severely injured attempting to catch the train and those severely injured while traveling on the train. Gabriela Coutiño, an employee at the detention center in
Mexico, states in Haynes and Torres’ documentary (2004) that the train is owned by a private company and is a cargo train. “Immigrants use this train to travel through most of the Mexican territory. They travel for free but since they hang from cars, they put their lives in great danger” (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
Train victims were interviewed at the clinic. They recounted how they lost one or several limbs, were paralyzed, and nearly killed trying to catch the train. One victim recalled being tired, but trying desperately to run fast enough to catch the train.
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Once he caught the train, the speed and force sucked him under, and the train ran over his foot. Several of the victims shown in the clinic were severely handicapped as a result of their train injuries (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
Increased border patrol to provide safer borders has created as many negative consequences as positive, resulting in an increase of undocumented immigrants living in the United States. Angelucci (2010) conducted a study “on the effect of U.S. border enforcement on the net flow of Mexican migration, both of which have been considerably increasing in the last three decades” (p. 1). Angelucci found that the effect “is theoretically ambiguous, as increases in border controls deter prospective migrants from crossing the border illegally but lengthen the duration of current illegal migrations” (p. 1). Many unauthorized immigrants hire people trained and experienced in crossing the border illegally, known as coyotes, polleros, human traffickers, smugglers, and guides (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012 ; Haynes & Torres,
2004) . Illegal immigrants who hire the assistance of a guide typically cross with several others in a group, including their own family members.
Crossing the border today takes immigrants much longer because of the increased border patrol and border entry points as well as many increased life- threatening risks. The cost of hiring coyotes to guide immigrants across the border has increased dramatically from a couple hundred dollars to thousands of dollars.
Immigrants must rely heavily on designated safe houses that are scattered throughout
Latin American, the United States, and further north into Canada. Safe houses provide unauthorized immigrants food, shelter, water, and basic necessities as they
49 are traveling north to cross the border. They provide a safe haven or temporary refuge from the external dangers.
Harriet Tubman’s Underground Railroad . Harriet Tubman’s
Underground Railroad, an escape from slavery and often death, parallels the process of crossing the border illegally, not just for monetary purposes but also to end hunger and oppression (Chace Wyman, 2011). Harriet Tubman had several routes where she led African American slaves out of slavery into a safer place where they were not bound by oppression and ownership. She used songs and spoke in code as she traveled north and south to different plantations to free her own people. The infamous Underground Railroad provided safe houses for African Americans seeking freedom, just as the safe houses have provided for unauthorized immigrants crossing the border to escape starvation, extreme poverty, and oppression (Wyman, 2011).
These safe houses are similar to what slaves stayed in as they made their trip north in search of freedom. Harriet Tubman made arrangements with people who owned houses along her various routes to provide shelter, food, and basic necessities for the escaped and impoverished slaves. The safe houses for undocumented immigrants provide the same necessities as the Underground Railroad connections did for slaves. In many ways, the characteristics of the Underground Railroad parallel those of illegal border crossings. Both phenomena have secretive routes, signs, songs, and coded language that define a process of attaining freedom, financial relief, and freeing themselves of oppression (Wyman, 2011).
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Increased border patrol and immigration policies have resulted in unintentional outcomes (Cornelius, 2001; Eschbach, Hagan, Rodriguez, Hernandez-
Leon, & Baily, 1999). Immigrants who crossed borders illegally to work for a temporary period of time and return to their homeland now stay for indefinite periods of time in the U.S. because they cannot afford the costs or the dangers of returning home, only to have to come back to the United States in order to support their families (Cornelius, 2001). Crossing the border illegally is a long, arduous process that requires prior training and preparation for immigrants who make the definitive decision to travel to the United States (Haynes & Torres, 2004). Moreover, the most disturbing unintended consequence of enforcement is increasing immigrants’ deaths
(Martínez, 2008; Whitaker, 2009).
The dangers of crossing the border are well documented; however, the illegal immigrant deaths and causes of death are not well documented for several reasons
(Martínez, 2008). In Torres’ documentary (2004), Arriaga reported that police abuse
75% of immigrants. Some police steal money, personal items, and/or beat the undocumented immigrants they catch. The police in Mexico, as well as Central
America, are notoriously corrupt, causing much conflict and further hardship. The documentary participants did not seem nervous about crossing the borders in Central
America until they talked about crossing into Mexico. Milton stated, “I am going to be very careful in Mexico because Mexicans are bandits” (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
“Immigrants say that crossing into Mexico is like crossing into hell” (Haynes
&Torres, 2004).
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Research based experiences of crossing the border . Prior to the imposed border control efforts of 1986, it had been easier to cross the border illegally. Donato,
Wagner, and Patterson (2008) conducted a study where they investigated “the process of undocumented border crossing” (p. 330) between men and women. Their study focused on how genders crossed the border during the late 1990s to their counterparts who crossed the Mexican-U.S. border before 1986 when the “implementation of immigration policy designed to reduce undocumented migration” (p. 330) was enacted to further protect U.S. borders. Before 1986, women relied more heavily on assistance in order to cross the border illegally than men did. Women were more likely to cross with help of a guide or other family members while men were more likely to cross the border alone. After the legislation of 1986, it was women who were more likely to be caught by border patrol than men. As time went by after the
1986 legislation, immigrant captures decreased as a result of a learned process from others who had already crossed.
Since the 9-11 attacks on the United States, the Department of Justice made border protection a priority and that has become the responsibility of the Department of Homeland Security. In an effort to deter illegal border crossings into the United
States, the government spent billions of dollars on infrastructural barriers as well as increased man-power (Cornelius, 2001). Immigrant apprehensions rose by 68% during the Clinton administration (Cornelius, 2001). They specifically targeted the most common border crossing routes for illegal immigrants, especially in areas where
52 laborers were needed. This strategy was intentionally enforced to deter illegal border crossings and resulted in high death rates.
Newer routes forced those crossing the border illegally into much more treacherous and dangerous territories in order to reach U.S. soil. As a result, border deaths increased exponentially over the last decade (FIDH, 2008). Nevins (2007) reported, “Well over 4,000 unauthorized migrants have lost their lives in the U.S.-
Mexico border region since 1995” (p. 228). Many of the deaths have occurred in the newer routes migrants have had to take in order to reach the U.S. border. According to Nevins (2007):
These fatalities occur at the intersection of four trends: one, intensifying migratory links across national boundaries; two heightened socio-economic inequality within and between countries; three growing socio-economic instability brought by deregulation of national economies in the so called developing world; and four significantly strengthened boundary enforcement regimes-part of a worldwide trend between high-and low-income countries. (p. 229)
Contrary to all of the money that has been spent since the 9-11 attacks to protect the United States’ borders, there is little improvement. According to
Cornelius (2001), the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) budget for 2002 allotted “5.5 billion – more than triple what it was in 1993” (p. 661). INS is the second largest federal law enforcement in the United States with a steady growth of money and manpower since 9-11. Yet, in 2001, immigrant apprehensions decreased by 25%. Many politicians and advocates for human rights argue that such strict
53 border control has encouraged human smuggling, turning it into a lucrative moneymaking business (Cornelius, 2001).
In addition, increased border patrol has led to higher death rates among those crossing illegally (Cornelius, 2001). The treacherous dangers have also led to the unintended consequence of many undocumented immigrants settling in the United
States prior to when they could easily and inexpensively come and go illegally across the border with very little consequence. Unauthorized immigrants not only fear having to cross the border to reach U.S. soil but also cannot afford the assistance of coyotes or polleros.
There is some research that indicates the most significant causes of death based on the geographical areas along the U.S.-Mexican border. Cornelius (2001) found that many deaths at the California-Mexican border resulted in fatal car accidents and homicides between 1995 and 2000. Deaths due to environmental factors and drowning increased by 78% as a result of more dangerous routes to reach
U.S. soil. Many are forced to cross the All American Canal and the New River in order to avoid the several days trip walking through the arid, dry desert in Yuma,
Arizona. The rivers present further challenges in addition to drowning because they are polluted and toxic to many immigrants, causing death. Cornelius pointed out that with the increased budget, manpower, and resources, illegal immigrants still cross the border and the labor markets are not affected (Cornelius, 2001).
Border crossing processes. There is a well-drafted thought out process for undocumented immigrants wanting to reach U.S. soil . The process of crossing the
54 border has evolved over the years into a complex system of underground contacts and terminology as a result of the United States’ government’s attempts to deter illegal immigrant crossings with increased border patrol (Ochoa O’Leary, 2009). Initially, out of concern for undocumented immigrants crossing the border, people became experts at mapping the fastest, most efficient, and safest routes to lead people from
Mexico into the United States (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012). These people are called coyotes, also known as human smugglers (Ochoa O’Leary, 2009; Ortmeyer & Quinn,
2012) .
Immigrants pay coyotes to lead them through Mexico and well into the United
States until safe from border patrol and immigration officials (Haynes & Torres,
2004; Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012. The payment includes a guide, safe houses, transportation from one place to the next, food, water, and basic necessities (Haynes
& Torres, 2004). Coyotes’ prices vary depending on the nature of the trip, the age of the immigrants, and the points of entry onto U.S. soil (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012).
While many coyotes have successfully guided unauthorized immigrants across the border and done so with good intentions of helping their people, others have used this position to take advantage of vulnerable people (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012).
A search on the internet rendered two published documents by the Mexican
Consulate and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Relations about how to cross the border illegally and do so safely. Both published documents state that immigrants are not permitted to cross the border without documentation or permission from the
United States (Mexico Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, 2005); yet, Mexico is
55 receiving millions of dollars per year from unauthorized immigrants living and working in the United States who send money back to their home country of Mexico
(Haynes & Torres, 2004; Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012). The document published by the
Mexican Consulate is in Spanish with illustrated pictures, while the other document is in English but is textual based without illustrations (Mexico Secretaria de Relaciones
Exteriores, 2005). The documents warn immigrants about the risks of crossing the border via the river and the dessert. While the river may not be wide, the current is strong and many drowned trying to get to the other side (Haynes & Torres, 2004).
Immigrants are also warned about the risks of crossing the dessert, how to stay hydrated, and the signs of dehydration (Mexico Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores,
2005).
The Mexican Consulate and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs discuss the dangers of coyotes and polleros or human traffickers (Mexico Secretaria de
Relaciones Exteriores, 2005). Some prey upon immigrants along the border making promises to cross immigrants safely and quickly for a price (Jimenez, 2009).
However, many immigrants have died because they trusted someone who led them astray (Jimenez, 2009). Some of the human traffickers want immigrants to help them smuggle drugs into U.S. territory (Mexico Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, 2005).
In addition, the documents warn against using false documents, what to do if detained or arrested, their rights if detained or arrested, and general safety tips about not allowing strangers in your car, and the steep penalty for domestic violence if arrested in the United States (Mexico Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, 2005).
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The award winning documentary by Haynes and Perez entitled, Wetback: The
Undocumented Documentary (2004), documents a frightening reality and truth about the tremendous dangers and risks faced as unauthorized immigrants cross the border illegally. According to the Webster’s online dictionary, the origin of the word wetback is “from the practice of wading or swimming the Rio Grande where it forms the U.S.-Mexico border. First Known Use: 1929” (“Wetback,” 2013). The documentary provided interviews from approximately 10 different people about crossing the border illegally. There were also owners or employees interviewed from four different safe houses in Central America, Mexico, United States, and Canada.
Francisco Martinez of Foreign Affairs in Honduras stated, “Many of the people who have tried to go to the U.S. illegally are missing today” (Martinez, 2008).
Martinez attributed unknown immigrant deaths to immigrants leaving all forms of identification at home or having their documents taken or stolen once in Mexico.
When Martinez was interviewed, there were approximately 1000 immigrants missing.
Some go missing in Guatemala, in Mexico, or in the United States. When they die along the border, they are buried in unmarked graves. Hugo Angeles, an immigration researcher from Mexico, stated, “In spite of all the obstacles and dangers that immigrants encounter, they never lose the will to continue because their motives are much stronger than their obstacles” (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
Immigrants crossing the border take very little with them but must take some specific items for basic survival needs. In Haynes and Torres’ documentary (2004), immigrants crossing the border via the river took off their clothes, placed them in a
57 black plastic bag, blew the bag up with air so it would float, and then tied the bag with a shoe lace to keep the clothing dry, and wrapped the shoe lace around their waist. When the immigrants swam across the river, the plastic bags floated in the water. Once they reached the other side, they dressed and continued their journey, providing they did not get caught. Those who chose to enter the U.S. through the desert bought several cans of sardines, many boxes of saltines, and bottles of water.
The sardines and saltines kept their bodies from dehydrating in the scorching heat of the desert and also from having to urinate. After walking several hours in the desert, a few sardines would restore energy levels and allow them to keep moving.
Reasons for crossing the border . Approximately 3000 immigrants attempt to cross the border from Latin America in to the United States every day, and only about 300 are successful (Haynes &Torres, 2004). Undocumented immigrants from
Mexico and Latin America have crossed the border illegally over the last two decades in record numbers. In general, immigrants have crossed the border because of the economic collapse in their native countries. They cannot provide food, education, or the basic necessities in Latin America. Economic despair has caused widespread violence, gangs, and drug wars (Danielson, 2013).
Lack of educational opportunities . Education beyond the elementary school years is not free in Mexico and Latin American (FIDH, 2008). As a result, immigrants have turned to the United States to provide economic and educational opportunities for themselves and for their children (Haynes & Torres, 2004;
Riosmena & Massey, 2012). They want their children to have the best opportunities
58 possible. They want to see their children become professionals and live in a world where they have the ability to work and make their dreams come true. They do not want their children to suffer from the extreme depths of poverty that the parents themselves have suffered and fought to escape for their children’s sake. The dangers of crossing the border, while life threatening, are worth the risks in comparison to living in a constant state of poverty and starvation (Haynes & Torres; 2004; Garriott,
Lyda, Lyda, & Foote, 2009).
Economic collapse. Much of the migration is a result of globalization causing economic devastation to these countries to the point of hunger and strife. The collapse of the economic system has led to wars and militant groups in Central
America, making it dangerous for the people to live there. The consequences of globalization have had very positive effects for large corporations and devastating effects on countries all over the world, but Latin America has been especially affected negatively. Leonardo Lopez runs a safe house in North Laredo Mexico. When interviewed, he blamed the immigration movement on failing economies and an economy that “is failing men and women in their own countries” (Haynes &Torres,
2004). The millions of people who have left their own countries to migrate to North
America is evidence of an educational, agricultural, and economical breakdown of systemic government in Latin America.
Globalization has caused the economy of Mexico and Latin America to plummet. Local farmers were not able to compete with large corporations. Many people lost their jobs and, consequently, are now living in severe impoverished and
59 oppressive environments. Two of the participants in the Haynes and Torres’ documentary (2004) echoed the same sentiment regarding employment, poverty, and oppression as a result of globalization. One of the participants recounted having a lot of work at the mill in his country before the United States began to produce the product maseca, causing an economic plunge in Mexico. Nayo worked in the mill, and Milton quit his job to go to Canada in search of employment and a better life.
The camera crew followed them throughout their journey to cross the border, highlighting the most significant parts of their trip. Nayo and Milton were from
Nicaragua. Nayo had never left his country until he began his journey toward the
U.S. border. Both men were very determined to find a better life for themselves.
The need to support family becomes a significant force behind migration as a result of the allegiance and loyalty to the familial structure. In Haynes and Torres’ documentary (2004), Ademar Barilli noted that many of the immigrants are young, and he has seen an increase in females trying to cross the border. Mothers are leaving their children with family members to come to the United States to work and provide for their children and send money to their families. In summary, according to Barilli, undocumented immigrants have crossed the border to find jobs, provide educational opportunities for their children, and financially support their family members in Latin
America and the United States.
This is disturbing because the Americans are pressuring Mexico to stop immigration by threatening to withhold financial aid. The Americans demand that Mexico stop immigrants by force or any means necessary. You can try stopping them by force but you can’t stop hunger (Haynes &Torres, 2004).
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The effects of conglomerate corporations and globalization have had devastating effects on the countries and peoples of Latin America. As a result, they cross onto
U.S. soil in hopes for work just to be able to feed their families.
Violence in Mexico and Guatemala. As a result of a failing economy and widespread starvation, people often begin to do whatever it takes to survive
(Danielson, 2013). A report prepared for the Kino Border Initiative by Danielson
(2013) cites several reasons for causes of migration. Violence in the homeland of
Mexico and Central America causes people to flee their countries and come to the
United States (Danielson, 2013). Militant and vigilante groups begin to develop, causing internal conflict and war within these countries. Currently, Mexico is dealing with violent drug cartels that are raiding towns and residential homes. There are reports of gun-fights in neighborhood the streets that were once considered safe areas to live. The cartels have begun to recruit Mexicans to join their militia as a result of the ability to earn an honest living. Many of the young recruits feel they do not have a choice (Cervantes, 2010; Haynes & Torres, 2004).
Resiliency. “The repeated documentation of this ‘resiliency’—the ability to bounce back successfully despite exposure to severe risk—has clearly established the self-righting nature of human development” (Bernard, 1993, p. 44). Resiliency is facilitated through family, the most significant cultural aspect of Latino/Hispanic race
(Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002). Familismo has been identified by Enriquez (2011) and other researchers as social capital that facilitates academic and personal success as an undocumented immigrant youth. The strong
61 family bond is the emotional support system that renders resiliency among many of the undocumented immigrant children and young adults. The Chadwick Center partners with The National Child Traumatic Stress Network (NCTSN) established in
2000 by Congress to address post-traumatic and traumatic stress among children across the United States (The Workgroup on Adapting Latino Services, 2008).
According to the report published by the Chadwick Center and authored by the
Workgroup on Adapting Latino Services (2008), familismo is the preference for maintaining a close connection to the family (p. D-1). According to Santiago-Rivera, et al. (2002), “Latinos have a strong familistic orientation in that they value close relationships, and stress interdependence, cohesiveness, and cooperation among family members” (p. 43). The same authors also wrote that family “ties go beyond the nuclear family and extend to aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents as well as good friends” (p.43). Latinos/Hispanics, in general, are socialized to value close relationships, cohesiveness, and cooperativeness with other family members. These close relationships are typically developed across immediate and extended family members as well as close friends of the family (The Workgroup on Adapting Latino
Services, 2008).
Theory of oppression . Paulo Freire’s (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed gave insight into a way of life and the birth of environmental and societal paradigms that have created oppression among all different kinds of populations, including ethnic groups, socioeconomic groups, and the mentally and physically disabled. According to Freire, “Dehumanization, which marks not only those whose humanity has been
62 stolen, but also (though in a different way) those who have stolen it, is a distortion of the vocation of becoming more fully human” (p. 44). This quote illustrates not only the meaning of humanity but also what it is to take that away from others. It is a symbol of mortality and the emotional depth that we have as human beings.
Cultural assimilation, as a process, also can bring on a state of oppression for undocumented immigrants, as they never fully become assimilated as a result of the societal and political rules of this country. Paulo Freire (1970) posited, “This distortion occurs within history; but it is not an historical vocation. Indeed, to admit to dehumanization as an historical vocation would lead either to cynicism or total despair” (p. 44). Freire illustrated that while oppression has taken place within history, it is a systematic approach to issues that can be overcome through time, advocacy, and hard work within the government and a society. According to Freire,
The struggle for humanization, for emancipation of labor, for the overcoming of alienation, for the affirmation of men and women as persons would be meaningless. This struggle is possible only because dehumanization, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanizes the oppressed. (p. 44)
Undocumented Hispanic students are among a population of oppressed individuals as a result of the fact that some of their most basic civil and human rights can be denied based on their residency status in addition to their ethnicity (Smith,
2007; Véiez, Perez Huber, Benavides Lopez, De La Luz, & Solórzano, 2008).
“Discrimination still exists and serves to deny people access to what some would
63 consider basic human rights” (Smith, 2007, p.116). Being undocumented in the
United States is a term that has resulted as part of a systemic approach to creating laws of immigration and citizenship. Undocumented students who were brought here by their parents have grown up in the United States, graduated from high school, and speak two languages. This population is, in essence, one of the purest examples of
Paulo Freire’s theory and pedagogy of the oppressed. Freire (1970) stated:
The oppressed suffer from duality which has established itself in their innermost being. They discover that without freedom they cannot exist authentically. Yet, although they desire authentic existence, they fear it. They are at one and the same time themselves and the oppressor whose consciousness they have internalized. The conflict lies in the choice between being wholly themselves or being divided; between ejecting the oppressors within or not ejecting them; between human solidarity or alienation; between following prescriptions or having choices; between being spectators or actors; between acting or having the illusion of acting through the action their power to create and re-create, in their power to transform the world. This is the tragic dilemma of the oppressed which suggests that their education must be taken into account. (p. 48)
Freire’s (1970) words illustrated the wants, thoughts, and beliefs of undocumented students.
Freire (1970) emphasized the need to reach out to the oppressed in order to understand their thoughts, experiences, beliefs, and feelings in order to educate them and help free them from the bounds in which they live. Previous studies show that this population faces discrimination and clashing cultural and familial expectations, hindering academic progress as well as the ability to obtain employment as a college
64 graduate (Baum & Flores 2011; De Genova, 2002; Enriquez; 2011; Gonzales, 2011;
Lahman, Mendoza, Rodriguez, & Schwartz, 2011; Stromquist, 2012; Suáez-Orozco et al., 2011; Yoshikawa et al., 2008). The continuous release of information in the 2010
Census may allow the government to identify the size of the young documented and undocumented Hispanic populations living in the United States.
Familismo. Santiago-Rivera et al. (2002) authored a book entitled,
Counseling Latinos and La Familia: A Practical Guide, in which they coined the term familismo; it means “family interdependence and is a highly valued cultural trait” in Latin American families (as cited in Cervantes et al., 2010, p.279). The
Chadwick Center for Families and Children in San Diego, California, also cited
Santiago-Rivera et al. in a national study conducted by the workgroup on adopting
Latino services. The center is dedicated child advocacy and located in on the campus of the Rady Children’s Hospital in California (The Workgroup on Adapting Latino
Services, 2008).
Family allegiance or familismo is the most significant and pivotal characteristic in the Hispanic culture (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). Many undocumented immigrant children came to the United States with their parents or were brought here by their parents. In terms of crossing the border, familismo is one of the reasons many undocumented immigrants risk their lives to reach U.S. soil
(Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). Families also pay astronomical amounts of money to bring their children to the U.S. and ensure a safe trip (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012). The
Hispanic culture feels obligated to support their immediate and extended family
65 members financially. It is worth the risking their lives to cross the border and provide for their families financially. It is the most indicative of reasons to cross the border
(Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Cultural and family values . The National Women’s Law Center and the
Mexican American Legal Defense for Educational Fund (NWLC & MALDEF) conducted a large qualitative study in 2009 entitled, “Listening to Latinas: Barriers to
High School Graduation,” which focused specifically on Latina girls in the public school system. The contrasting cultural expectations of these Latina girls in their homes, schools and the mainstream society presented many challenges and obstacles within the academic setting. They were constantly torn between academics and family expectations or academics and stereotypical expectations of their teachers or others in their lives (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009). According to the study conducted by the
National Women’s Law Center (NWLC) and the Mexican-American Legal Defense
Education Fund (MALDEF), “Other caretaking responsibilities may fall more heavily on Latinas than Latinos resulting in poor attendance, disengagement, and poor academic performance” (pp.2-3). All of these factors can result in higher dropout rates among Latina students because “gender and ethnic stereotypes influence
Latinas” (pp.2-3). One participant in this study responded to the societal expectations by stating:
My dad’s side of the family is Latino so I’ve seen personally it’s just a thing that’s there. Even female teachers are not given much respect by boys in the classroom, and the girls aren’t given respect by the boys. [There’s a] hierarchy, [it’s] most apparent with siblings - I had a girl in my class who had
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6 siblings and she was being encouraged to be a dental tech or something with hair, and she said she couldn’t go to college because, she said, my parents can only afford to send the boys to college. (p. 16) Many studies have documented how Hispanic cultural and familial values clash with the American ideology that education is the number one priority in the
United States (Ayón, & Aisenberg, 2010; Baum, & Flores, 2011 ; Calzada, Tamis-
LeMonda, & Yoshikawa, 2012; NWLC, & MALDEF, 2009; Niemeyer, Wong &
Westerhaus, 2009; Pérez, & Rodríguez, 2011; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
American children don’t stay home to take care of elders instead of going to school.
Education takes priority over most everything in this country. Hispanic students find themselves torn between continuing their high school education or higher education and taking care of a family member (NWLC, & MALDEF, 2009). As cited in the above participant comment, Latinas are expected to get married, have children, and raise a family.
Female Hispanic students are especially taxed with specific duties as a result of cultural beliefs. According to the NWLC and MALDEF study (2009), the faculty and staff reported the detrimental effects on academic outcomes as a result of specific responsibilities Latina children face within the family unit. The staff noted the negative effects of financial stability on whether or not Latinas stayed in school and graduated.
One of the staff members gave an example of how cultural expectations can negatively affect Latinas when finances are lacking (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009).
She recalled a family of 11 children, and the mother has asked the two older girls
67 enrolled in school to stay home and babysit the younger ones because the family could not afford childcare. The participant remembers the girls of this family of 11 stating that their mom said, “Babysitting is good birth control for the girls” (p. 26).
According to the study, the staff member stated, “These families fall through the cracks in getting child care—they are quite poor, or if they have a job, the state grant for child care is not enough to cover the cost” (p. 26).
In addition to these Latina students staying home from school to help take care of siblings, they take on the responsibility, desire, or guilt of trying to help their parents financially. “But even for these girls, the tension between their own (and their parents’) desire that they finish school and the perception that they are not fulfilling their family responsibilities can create stressors that can hamper their academic achievement” (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009, p. 26). One of the Latina participants stated, “I just want to take a year off from school [and work] so I can help them to get whatever they need but my mom tells me no, that I need to go to school— and I get mad sometimes” (p. 26).
Realization of Status
When young immigrants come to the realization of their undocumented status, they enter into a set of daily processes differently from what they previously understood (Gonzales, 2011). As a result of Plyer v Doe of 1982, undocumented students have the right to a free and equal education. They spend half of their school years in an inclusive setting that does not discriminate between documented and undocumented. Schools are a safe place for undocumented youth because
68 educational institutions cannot release information about residency status to immigration (Gonzales, 2011; Hernandez et al., 2010; Hunter & Howley, 1990).
Having access to public education and being integrated into the cultural and social framework of the United States leads these youth to “share a confusing and contradictory status in terms of their legal rights and opportunities available to them”
(Gonzales, 2011, p. 605). By the time they reach high school, undocumented youth realize under the law that they are different. Abrego (2011) found that the participants identified as the 1.5 generation were well-integrated and “socialized” (p.
354) as a result of the public school system. “Having had legal access to schools, they were able to develop a much stronger sense of belonging than their first- generation counterparts” (p. 354). One of the participants in the study was brought to the United States from Mexico when she was only “one month old” (p. 354). She described her sense of belonging: “I guess I always felt confident that I belonged here, but they always just have that advantage where they can use that
‘undocumented’ word to address me and that would be my scar” (p. 354).
The undocumented status creates exclusion, change, and challenges encompassing an entire new set of processes based on peer interactions, survival patterns, and daily routines (Gonzales, 2011). While many of these young undocumented youth persevere, they experience a myriad of feelings causing trauma and fear. Many of these youth depend on one another of the same status to help find information about the laws, limitations, and alternatives toward achievement.
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Realization of status encompasses rites of passage, cultural assimilation, peer and adult interactions, discrimination, and bullying.
Rites of passage . When young undocumented immigrants realize the depth of what it is to be unauthorized, their lives are changed forever (Gnepp, 1960;
Gonzales, 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011; Turner, 1964). Those that have lived the majority of their entire lives in the U.S. think they are the same as their documented counterparts until they reach a certain age where rites of passage require specific documentation. “An individual or group that does not have an immediate right, by birth or through specially acquired attributes, to its sections is in a state of isolation”
(Gnepp, 1960, p. 26). The moment immigrant youth realize their undocumented status, they immediately go from a state of belonging to exclusion.
Rites of passage are a fundamental part of every society and culture.
Undocumented youth find themselves as strangers looking into a society that they once belonged to until they reached a certain age that excluded them due to their illegal status. Gnepp (1960) talked about the process of isolation and strangers within the theoretical framework of rites of passage. Isolation “has two aspects, which may be found separately or in combination” (p. 26). Individuals suspended in this type of isolation are seen as weak “because he/she is outside a given group or society,” and are also seen as strong “since he is in the sacred realm with respect to the group’s members for whom their society constitutes the secular world” (p. 26). Individuals belonging to the society perceive the stranger as a threat and, contrarily, others in the
70 society see the stranger as sacred (Gnepp, 1960). According to Roberto Gonzales
(2011):
The transition to adulthood involves exiting the legally protected status of K to 12 students and entering into adult roles that require legal status as the basis for participation. This collision among contexts makes for a turbulent transition and has profound implications for identity formation, friendship patterns, aspirations and expectations, and social and economic mobility. Undocumented children move from protected to unprotected, from inclusion to exclusion, from de facto legal to illegal. In the process, they must learn to be illegal, a transformation that involves the almost complete retooling of daily routines, survival skills, aspirations, and social patterns. (p. 602)
Cultural assimilation . Cultural assimilation is the way in which immigrants begin to adapt to a new culture and language upon arriving in a new country.
“Culture shock” is a term often used to describe the emotional, physical, and mental changes a person may be subjected to in a brand new country, language, and culture.
Pederson (1995) defined culture shock “as phenomenon that is a process not a single event” (p. vii). Pederson (1995) stated that culture shock “may take place at different levels simultaneously as the individual interacts with a complex environment becomes stronger or weaker as the individual learns to cope or fails to cope” (p. vii) with their surroundings. Pederson also suggested that culture shock actually “teaches the individual new coping strategies which leads to future success and applies to any radical change presenting unfamiliar or uncertain circumstances” (p. vii). Migration is also one of the most life-changing events for many immigrant adults and children.
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According to Pederson (1995), there are five stages of culture shock known as the honeymoon stage, the disintegration stage, the reintegration stage, the autonomy stage, and the interdependence stage.
• The first stage of assimilation is coined as the honeymoon stage. The
honeymoon stage is referred to as the initial stage for an immigrant or
foreigner entering a new country. It is a period of “excitement,
curiosity,” and new-found independence. (p. 3)
• The second stage Pedersen defined is the disintegration state. It is a
frustrating period of time for foreigners. As they have begun to
acclimate into the new culture, language, and surroundings, they find
new frustrations and challenges. These types of feelings can morph
into shame and self-pity.
• The third stage, known as the reintegration stage, is defined as an even
more “increased ability to function in the new culture” (p. 3).
Pedersen stated that “an individual in this stage is the most difficult to
be around but benefits the most from the support” (p. 135).
• The fourth stage is the autonomy stage. Pedersen described this as the
stage where “an individual has moved away from self-blame, severe
anger, and has figured out what needs to be done but may not be able
to do it” (p. 202).
• The fifth stage, or the interdependence stage, refers to when the
individual has achieved “biculturality” (p. 3) and is able to fluently and
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independently function within the culture. The fifth stage goes well
beyond an individual’s being autonomous in a culture but completely
interdependent on the cultural infrastructure in a way that the
individual is successfully living, working, and communicating on a
daily basis. (p. 3)
According to Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008), the “conventional assimilation model based on a unilinear process of acculturation followed by social and economic ascent and integration does not work well in depicting what takes place on ground” (pp. 12-13). Contrarily, based on research, they believe that some paths of cultural assimilation and integration may lead toward a path of ascent and economic prosperity, while other paths “lead in the opposite direction, compounding the spectacle of poverty” (p. 13).
Several researchers have proposed “segmented assimilation” for much of the undocumented immigrant population in the United States (Portes & Fernández-Kelly,
2008, p. 13). According to Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008), the following researchers—Portes and Zhour, Zhou and Bankston, and Portes and Rumbaut—have compositely defined segmented assimilation as the “alternative model which has both charted the main alternative path of contemporary second generation adaptation and identified the main forces at play in that process” (p.13). These researchers have identified three major factors: “the human capital that immigrant parents bring with them, the social context in which they are received in America, and the composition of the immigrant family” (p. 13).
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Interactions and social capital. Social and human capital is defined as the various support systems undocumented youth receive from family, schools, peers, teachers, administrators, and others who help emotionally and financially (Enriquez,
2011; Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008). Thus, researchers have begun to focus on social and human capital and the significance in the lives of undocumented youth regarding their academic success and will to keep moving toward a future in the
United States. Human and social capital also gives undocumented students information about their legal status; thus, they receive this information mainly from other undocumented peers in the same position (Enriquez, 2011). These undocumented students who reach post-secondary enrollment walk a fine line between sole independence and dependence on others to help them along their path to success. While undocumented students might never reach the last stage of the cultural assimilation process, there is much to learn about how they exist in a state of limbo without any promise of attaining the rite of passage, legality.
Gonzales (2011) conducted a qualitative study focused on 150 interviews with undocumented 1.5 generation young adult Latinos in Southern California. He wanted to know how undocumented youth became aware of their status under the law. As a result of the Plyer vs Doe of 1980 and the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act which prevents schools from releasing information concerning status, young undocumented immigrants experience a world where they are accepted yet set apart from their documented counterparts because of their illegal status (Gonzales, 2011).
They can attend public school, but they cannot work or drive legally and live in a
74 world plagued with fear of deportation of themselves or family members. “Therefore, coupled with family poverty, illegal status places undocumented youth in a developmental limbo” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 605). Turner (1964) described this same state from a rites of passage theoretical perspective as a period of “liminality” or a state of “betwixt and between” (p. 46).
After conducting data analysis, Gonzales (2011) focused on “three transition periods—discovery (ages 16-18), learning to be illegal (ages 18-24), and coping (ages
25-29)” (p. 608). Gonzales found that “most respondents began to experience dramatic shifts in their daily lives and future outlooks around age 16” (p. 608).
Aspects of life or transitions into rites of passage like driving a car, getting a driver’s license, or even a photo identification card form are a challenge because these individuals do not have permission to be in the United States. These types of situations also require individuals to give up their anonymity in relation to their undocumented status.
Prior to these rites of passage, undocumented individuals were seemingly unaffected by outside forces. “Undocumented children move from protected to unprotected, from inclusion to exclusion, from de facto legal to illegal” (Gonzales,
2011, p. 602). This realization creates an entire life change of processes. “They must learn to be illegal, a transformation that involves the almost complete retooling of daily routines, survival skills, aspirations, and social patterns” (Gonzales, 2011, p.
602).
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Portes and Fernandez-Kelly (2008) and Enriquez (2011) reported that students found and used support systems to attain high school graduation and apply for college even though they were undocumented. Undocumented students used family members, peers, and teachers to help them achieve their goals and dreams (Enriquez,
2011). However, “undocumented students require informational resources specific to their legal status which tend to be provided by other undocumented students rather than traditional institutional agencies” (p. 476). The undocumented status requires individuals to find information through “patchworking, the haphazard piecing together of various resources, in order to achieve their educational goals” (p. 476).
Undocumented students are left to construct the meaning of their status, limitations, and risks through various sources while still maintaining anonymity.
Interactions among peers and other adults with undocumented immigrant youth provided support and, at the same time, became challenging as they transitioned into the knowledge of their status. Gonzales (2011) wanted to find out how these young undocumented people “become aware of, and come to understand, their status under the law—that is when they begin to notice their legal difference and its effects, and they experience this shift as they move through late adolescence and young adulthood” (p. 603). The transition and realization of being undocumented, along with the “multiple transformations that undocumented youth experience, have important implications for their identity formation, friendship patterns, aspirations and expectations, and social and economic mobility” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 603).
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Discrimination. Undocumented youth face discrimination not only because of their race, status, language proficiency, and socioeconomic status.
“Undocumented Latina and Latino college students have to deal with having a triple minority status: ethnic origin, lack of documentation, and economic disadvantages”
(Perez et al., 2009, p. 39). The NWLC and MALDEF study (2009) reported, “explicit discrimination based on ethnicity” (p. 19). In addition to the Latina participants interviewed, school faculty and staff were interviewed (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009).
The staff cited one incident of unrecognizable discrimination felt by a Latina student in the school. The staff member recounted the details of a Hispanic student who brought a math worksheet down to the office calling it “racist.” The worksheet had a picture of a Mexican family, donkey, sombrero, and wagon on it. The student was offended about how the Mexican family was depicted on the worksheet. However, to most who are not of Mexican descent or Hispanic origin, that realization of discrimination by seeing a picture like this on a math worksheet in a public school setting may not be felt (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009).
According to the survey given as a part of the above study, “Eighty-seven of the students who responded and several of the girls interviewed stated that they had been treated differently at school because of their ethnicity” (NWLC & MALDEF,
2009, p. 19). One of the participants reported being extremely frustrated and hurt when another student referred to this participant’s ethnicity with a racial slur, calling the student a “wet-back” (pp. 19-20). This participant reported becoming even more despondent when the teacher ignored her complaint of the incident. She stated, “I had
77 already felt like I was maybe out of place—like people had nicer stuff than me and they made me feel like nothing compared to them, the way they were and stuff” (pp.
19-20).
A study conducted in 2007 found that “some four in ten Hispanic (41%) respondents say they, a family member or a close friend had experienced discrimination in the past five years” in comparison to the same question asked in a
2002 study where only 31% of respondents stated that “they or someone close to them had experienced discrimination” (Clark et al., 2007, p. 5) In a 2006 study, 38% of those who responded indicated that they or someone close to them experienced discrimination (Clark et al., 2007). The Latina participant in the NWLC and
MALDEF (2009) study described her experience as a loss of self-confidence, dignity, and self-worth that was a result of an incident and the lack of discipline taken by a teacher. In her own words, she stated, “It made me feel like not confident with myself, made me put myself down….Later I felt like if I had some questions I wouldn’t even approach [that teacher]…it really hurt me a lot” (pp. 19-20).
A recent study published in 2011 addressed undocumented research participants: “Ethics and Protection in a Time of Fear” (Lahman et al., 2011). The study defined terminology used to address undocumented Hispanic immigrants.
“Wetback, illegal, beaner, bodies, stoo laborers, UDA (undocumented alien), spic illegal immigrant, Hispanic, green horn, undocumented immigrant, migrant, entrants,wets, Mojado Frijolero, illegal, Mexicano, Indios, Nopal, indocumentado— while these terms vary in intensity from hatred to pejorative to a label, all carry
78 stigma” (Lahman et al., 2011, p. 305). These names set the undocumented Hispanic youth apart in a way that is hurtful, shameful, and cruel at times.
Stereotyping . Latina students reported overwhelming discrimination and stereotyping as a result of their gender and ethnicity. The NWLC and MALDEF study (2009) found that Hispanic females felt that many of their teachers stereotyped them as a result of their ethnicity, gender, and background. Many of the female student participants reported specific instances where their teachers and counselors suggested they would never finish high school or attend college due to the fact that they would end up pregnant, were not smart enough, or did not have the money
(NWLC & MALDEF, 2009). Enriquez (2011) reported, “Working class, Latino/a, male, and immigrant students often face negative educational stereotypes that limit opportunities for positive relationships with teachers and prevent them from seeking support and advice” (p. 479). “Gender stereotypes exacerbate discrimination based on ethnicity” (NWLC & MALDEF, 2009, p. 20).
One of the participants in the NWLC and MALDEF survey (2009) expressed that she felt she was treated differently in high school because she was Hispanic. She stated that teacher expectations, in general, were lower for Latina students. The cultural expectations for many Latinas is for them to begin raising a family after high school and not further their educational and academic careers by going on to an institution of higher education. This same participant recounted what was said when she expressed an interest in going to college. “At one point, when I told a teacher I
79 was heading away to college, he said he gave me two years before I was married and pregnant” (p. 21).
The study done by the National Women’s Law Center and the Mexican
American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (2009) illustrated the challenges that
Latinas face whether they are documented or undocumented. It is assumed that the undocumented Latina students face even greater obstacles within their social, familial, cultural, and academic environment. This study (NWLC & MALDEF,
2009) recommended that Congress, the Department of Education, and federal, state, and local government provide many different programs, policies, and resource outlets to address the high school dropout problems among Latinas in the United States.
The study also suggested that graduation rate data to expose statistics by gender, race, and pregnant or parenting students be provided (NWLC & MALDEF,
2009). Clark et al. (2007) reported that “more than half of Latinos (54%) say discrimination is a major problem that is keeping Latinos from succeeding in this country, and about 24% say it is a minor problem” (p. 5). The percentage of Latinos that feel discrimination is a significant problem has grown since 2002 from 44% to
58% in 2006, and slightly dropping in 2007 (Clark et al., 2007).
Barriers
The immigrant population, especially undocumented immigrants, face complex barriers regarding transportation, employment, language, and health care.
These barriers fall under the social exclusion theory. Barriers of this magnitude lead to an inherent inequity undocumented youth face in their daily lives. Inequities
80 identified by undocumented youth only further exacerbate exclusion within the social context. “When legal status is analyzed more centrally, its role in determining access to health care, housing higher education and employment becomes evident” (Abrego,
2011, p. 340). Abrego (2011) posited that undocumented immigrants are at greater risk and more “vulnerable” because “they earn less, work in more dangerous jobs, and have little access to financial and housing aid” (p. 340).
Cognitive and developmental processes. Barriers also affect the developmental process of immigrant children. Social exclusion theory has been used to “examine how access to institutional resources that require identification may matter for parents and children in immigrant families” (Yoshikawa et al., 2008, p.
63). Yoshikawa et al. (2008) reported that “hypothesized groups with higher proportions of undocumented parents reported lower levels of access to checking accounts, savings accounts, credit, and drivers’ licenses” (p. 63). Lack of access to resources indicated an association to “higher economic hardship and psychological distress among parents, and lower levels of cognitive ability in their 24-month-old children” (p. 63).
There is a lack of research about how the social exclusion theory may affect the developmental process undocumented immigrants’ children (Yoshikawa et al.,
2008). Yoshikawa et al. (2008) posited, “Social exclusion is a neglected dimension of the experience of some immigrants that may affect family processes and child development” (p. 64). They also believe that social exclusion theory “may help
81 explain disparities in cognitive development among different immigrant and native- born groups in the United States” (p. 64).
Social exclusion theory. The social exclusion theory encompasses the transportation, employment, language, and health barrier as well as other systems that require a government issued identification that ultimately identifies individuals as being undocumented. “The concept of social exclusion was developed to capture dimensions of the experiences of immigrants that go beyond poverty to issues of lack of access to political, social, and health systems” (Yoshikawa et al., 2008, p. 64).
These barriers become even more profound as immigrants fear separation from their family and deportation. “This group is excluded from eligibility from many public institutions and policies, and due to fear of deportation may exclude themselves from other for which they are eligible” (Yoshikawa et al., 2008, p. 64). The state of being undocumented establishes definitive parameters surrounding an individual’s access to necessity and opportunity.
Over the last decade, undocumented immigrant youth integrated into the public school system have attempted to navigate these parameters to find ways to overcome the barriers. However, this motivation and courage are newly found characteristics among undocumented immigrants. As more youth are determined to succeed, the trends may shift so that information and resources become more accessible, and researchers may continue to add to the body of information to understand the phenomenon of being undocumented and how it has been conquered.
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“The social space of illegality is an erasure of personhood—a space of forced invisibility, exclusion, subjugation, and repression” (De Genova, 2002, p. 427).
Health care and child care . According to Capps, Fix, Ost et al., (2004)
“Older children (age 6 to 17), however, fare substantially worse on both health status and access measures” (p. 26). This particular study focused on children of Hispanic immigrants. Moreover, these were documented immigrants, so we can only deduce that undocumented immigrants’ health care “fares” even worse because their parents do not have the opportunity or the federal documentation to acquire health insurance
(Capps, Fix, Ost et al., 2004, p. 26). “In 2002, the share of young children of immigrants without health insurance was more than twice as high as the rate for young children of natives (14 versus 6 percent), despite improvements in health care coverage between 1999 and 2002” (Capps, Fix, Ost et al., 2004, p. 26). When Caps,
Fix, Ost et al. (2004) looked at childcare rates, they found that “Immigrant parents may also face barriers to child care access, such as cost, eligibility for subsidies, language barriers, legal status, and the availability of nearby care” (p. 29). Capps,
Fix, Ost et al. (2004) concluded that even though immigrants may want family members to care for their children as opposed to child care centers, “Immigrant choices may also be driven by access barriers such as limited awareness of child care options, the high cost of care, unavailability of subsidies, inadequate space in nearby child care facilities, and legal status, language, and cultural barriers” (p. 34).
Language barriers . Overcoming language barriers can be one of the most difficult aspects of cultural assimilation for adult and adolescent immigrants. The
83 language barrier prevents immigrant parents from communicating freely with public institutions. Mather (2009) found that language barrier “can limit job opportunities, earnings, access to health care, and the ability of parents to interact with the school system or help their children with homework” (p. 9). Mather identified Latin
American immigrant families as having the most “difficulty speaking English” (p. 9).
“In 2007, nearly two-thirds of children with Latin American origins lived with parents who could not speak English well” (p. 9). Clark et al. (2007) reported that
“nearly half (46%) of Latinos say language is the biggest cause” of discrimination (p.
5).
Arbona et al. (2010) studied acculturative stress among documented and undocumented Latino immigrants in the United States in relationship to three of the most prevalent challenges: “separation from family, tradition, and language difficulties” (Arbona et al., 2010, p. 362). Language barriers also create exclusion and have an emotional impact on immigrant youth when they first arrive in the U.S. public school system. They face hurtful situations where other students make fun of them and take advantage of the learning curve. Undocumented immigrants felt language barriers posed more challenges and difficulty than documented immigrants
(Arbona et al., 2010).
Distance and transportation as a barrier . Undocumented immigrants cannot acquire a valid driver’s license. Many must drive in order to get to work or school, so they drive illegally. This causes fear and anxiety as an encounter or stop with law enforcement will result in a ticket and possible appearance in court. If an
84 undocumented individual receives three or more offenses of driving without a license, he/she can go to jail where immigration authorities are called and possible deportation proceedings take place. “Policies about documents required to obtain a driver’s license, the most common form of identification in the United States, vary from state to state” (Yoshikawa et al., 2008, p. 65) with many states making it more difficult for undocumented immigrants to obtain a valid license.
Transportation is not exclusive to driving a car within the United States.
Undocumented immigrants cannot travel outside of the United States or back to their respective countries to visit family. They may leave but must go through the costly, life-risking experience of crossing the border again. As a result, families go years without seeing each other. This type of situation and extreme distance between the undocumented immigrant and their families causes emotional problems. “Cultural and physical distance from the home country has an effect on mental health outcomes due to the ease or difficulty of going back home and accessing family support”
(Blanco-Vega, Castro-Olivo, & Merrell, 2008, p. 49).
Living Undocumented
Living undocumented is best defined as “the social space of illegality is an erasure of personhood-a space of forced invisibility, exclusion, subjugation, and repression” (De Genova, 2002, p. 427). This phenomenon encompasses a complex relationship between the individual and the society in which one lives. Illegality manifests with in the psychological, physical, cultural, sociological, intellectual, and political self and environment. Being undocumented affects every facet of one’s life
85 and those around them in some way. Immigrants defined as undocumented face exclusion through rites of passage most common to the United States culture. This population may never make it through the cultural assimilation stages as a result of their “betwixt and between” state or their state of “liminality” (Turner, 1964, pp.46-
47).
Belonging. When undocumented youth transition into the state of illegality, they begin to fear the consequences of their undocumented status, especially deportation. They avoid places where they might have to disclose their status indirectly or be asked for identification. While limited research exists on the effects of the undocumented status, “Researchers have proposed that the difficulties associated with the undocumented status may intensify immigration-related challenges such as language difficulties, cultural differences, and separation from family” (Arbona et al., 2010, p. 363). As a result, this undocumented population may face increased levels of acculturative stress (Arbona et al., 2010).
Little research exists that indicates how the undocumented status further intensifies and impacts the already existing immigrant stressors when assimilating to a new country and culture (Arbona et al., 2010). Many researchers do not ask for participants to disclose their status for a study (Arbona et al., 2010). Coutin (as cited in De Genova, 2002) expanded the theory of illegality by considering “multiple ways which the contradiction between undocumented migrants’ physical and social presence and their official negation as illegals generates spaces of non-existency” (p.
427).
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The transition or definitive realization of living undocumented “signals movement of a significant subset of the U.S. immigrant population into a new, disenfranchised underclass” (Gonazales, 2011, p. 603). Gonzales (2011) posited in his study that “developing a conceptual and theoretical map of how undocumented youth learn they are illegal may identify important mechanisms that mediate transitions into adulthood for the children of immigrants” (p. 603). This body of information will help others “understand the consequences of non-legal status for undocumented youth as they move from protected to unprotected status, from inclusion to exclusion, and from de facto legal to illegal, during their final years of secondary schooling” (p. 603).
Education . The population of undocumented high school students who have lived in this country for most of their lives is high. Abrego and Gonzales (2010) estimated that only 65,000 undocumented students graduate every year while Passel
(2003) estimated that the “cohort” (p. 1) is up around 80,000 students. As a result, approximately 15,000 undocumented Hispanic students drop out of high school per year for various reasons. Very few go on to college because of the political barriers that stand in their ways. According to Gonzales (2007) from the Immigration Policy
Center, “Only between 5 and 10 percent of undocumented high-school graduates go to college” (p. 1). While many are very bright and prepared for college, this particular population does not have the financial means to pay for their education.
Undocumented students are denied federal financial aid, and, in many states, are not granted in-state tuition due to the IIRIRA of 1996 as stated in Yate’s report in 2004:
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Guaranteed free primary and secondary education by the Supreme Court decision of Plyer v Doe, these students have limited opportunities to obtain higher education. Because of their immigration status, these students are ineligible for financial aid. Federal law authorizes, and arguably mandates, postsecondary educational institutions to deny undocumented aliens the in- state tuition rates available to state residents, rendering the possibility of continued education even less likely. Nonresident tuition is usually two to three and a half times the amount of in-state tuition. Given the high cost of college and university tuition, the unavailability of either financial aid or in- state tuition rates effectively precludes most young undocumented aliens from continuing their education. (pp. 585-586) Gonzales (2007) stated that since 2001, a few states have passed laws allowing undocumented students who have lived and graduated from a school in their state to attend college as an in-state resident and receive in-state tuition in addition to private and in-state scholarships. States that allow undocumented students to receive in-state tuition have passed laws that coincide with the Federal DREAM Act legislation that base in-state tuition on state residency, rather than on citizenship
(Olivérez, 2006).
Abrego (2006), from the University of California, conducted a study in 2006 where she interviewed students about how their knowledge of their undocumented status affected their success in high school. Abrego interviewed one student by the name of Adrian, who migrated at the age of 7 years and performed well in school as a child. Adrian described what it felt like when he found out that he was undocumented and could not attend college. Prior to finding this out, he stated that he was an A student. He didn’t seem to have any difficulties in school, and things
88 came pretty easy to him. He had dreams of going to college and possibly becoming a doctor. He described in his own words what it felt like to have his dreams wash away due to the fact he was undocumented. As Abrego reported:
So I was doing pretty well at school, and then I found out, somebody told me, ‘Ey dude, you can’t go to college.’ I was like, ‘what?!’ [Who told you that ?] ‘It was my cousin. He was two years older than me and he was doing pretty well in school too, but then found out and he started going down. (p. 220)
Abrego (2006) went on to explain her interview question to Adrian as being an “opportunity to speak specifically about the negative effects of being undocumented. Learning of his cousin’s fate became directly relevant to him because they both share undocumented status” (p. 220). Abrego’s study was conducted over a
2-year period at two different immigrant rights organizations.
Emotional consequences . These undocumented families must be very careful and live “under the radar,” so to speak. A study conducted by Dozier (1993) entitled, “Emotional Concerns of Undocumented and Out-Of-Status Foreign
Students” found three central emotional concerns for undocumented college students:
“fear of deportation, loneliness, and depression” (pp. 3-7). Several years later, Perez et al. (2009) conducted a study and cited Dozier’s 1993 findings. The study done by
Dozier in 1993 (as cited in Perez et al., 2009) confirmed that deportation was a fear undocumented students faced in the United States. The fear of deportation kept many of these undocumented students from carrying out what documented citizens would consider everyday activities. These undocumented students feared going to the
89 hospital as their undocumented status could be discovered. Moreover, because they did not have a social security card, obtaining work was very difficult for them.
As a result, most of these students are paid in cash and are forced to work in substandard working conditions. Undocumented students may feel they are being taken advantage of but do not dare report it to anyone for fear of retaliation and immigration authorities. In addition, it is difficult for this undocumented population to find a job. Consequently, they will tolerate unfit working conditions because they are afraid they will not be able to find another job (Perez et al., 2009).
While these undocumented students may realize, in some capacity, that their lives are different, as they reach milestones, such as getting a driver’s license or drawing closer to graduation, these young adults must come to terms with the uncomfortable truth that their immigration status basically gives them no rights to be a part of the only country that they have possibly ever known. For many, the desire to move forward becomes a dream or a wish but not a reality.
Kurtines and Miranda (as cited in Perez et al., 2009) identified the cultural contrasts regarding family expectations to cause challenges for immigrant children.
Many children struggle to meet opposing familial and societal cultural expectations while living in the United States, which creates added stress and turmoil for this population (Perez et al., 2009). All of these studies present the obstacles that undocumented Hispanic youth face in the United States in society and the academic setting.
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Empowerment. The sensitive topic of immigration is a very controversial issue in the United States at present. A methodology of sorts conducted in the college classroom by González et al. (2003) entitled, “Testimonios de Immigrantes: Students
Educating Future Teachers,” provided an educational pedagogy of sorts to educate future teachers how to better work with undocumented immigrant students based on the stories and experiences of undocumented Latino youth. González et al. urged that
Testimonies can be used as pedagogy, especially to educate future teachers and to raise the consciousness of people who do not have sympathy for immigrants, especially immigrant children as they encounter an unfriendly and often hostile educational system. (p. 233)
This idea of using student testimonies as pedagogy for helping future educators understand immigrant experiences began in a college mathematics methodology classroom at the University of Southern California (Gonzalez et al.,
2003). The mathematics methodology professor, Mario Torres, asked another professor to talk to his class about “his experiences as a former middle school teacher and how those experiences shaped his views on how to better work with immigrant children, non-English speaking students” (p. 234). As this professor addressed the class, he addressed the inequities within the public school system as he saw it and experienced it as a teacher. He remembered not being received very well, as many in the class did not see his point of view. The students’ reaction to his presentation caused him to worry how this class of future educators was going to receive the younger students who were coming to present their stories and experiences of inequities within the public school system.
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As this professor listened to the presenters, the idea of having multiple presentations to different classes as a form of pedagogy to educate future teachers about how to best work with undocumented students came to fruition (González et al., 2003). In addition, student testimony about their struggles and triumphs is further recognized as a coping mechanism, including empowerment and motivation in light of their undocumented status (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005).
González et al. (2003) first presented an article entitled, “Students Educating
Future Teachers: Betrayed by the System.” The presentation was about a girl who came to the United States when she was 11 years old. As her educational career in the United States’ public schools progressed, she had great successes. As a high school student, she was enrolled in the Honor’s Program. She spoke about the transition into our public school system, culture, and language. She cited two important people that she connected with and motivated her to excel in academics.
This student talked about being “apathetic to making friends” (p. 235) but was very much dedicated to her studies.
Once enrolled in the Honor’s Program, she found herself a lonely misfit. The students in the honor’s program were connected with one another because they had been together for a long time. They also came from a much higher socioeconomic level than this immigrant student. In her words, “They were of much higher economic status, had impeccable English accents; unlike me, who carried herself awkwardly, dressed out of style, had a heavy Spanish accent, and could not help but look poor and immigrant-like” (Gonzalez et al., 2003, p. 235).
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According to the study isolation forced this immigrant student to become even more motivated to get into an Ivy League school (Gonzalez et al., 2003). She became more involved in school activities and student clubs. She remembered this year as the height of her academic achievements. However, she spent hours working on her studies in addition to working for a little bit of extra money. While she achieved academically, she stated:
I would finish my homework at two in the morning, continue working correcting papers until four so I could make extra cash to pay my drill team uniform. I would sleep for an hour and a half, then headed back to school to do it all over again, and still get a 4.38 GPA for all quarters. That was the only year I can remember being able to go two or three consecutive nights without sleep. I cried for hours and then made myself look like I had not been crying at all. I hid and withstood the pain of loneliness. I was degraded by my teammates at school and by my mother at home, yet I still believed that I had a chance at getting accepted to an Ivy League School.v Then, during the summer of 1999, it hit me. By law, I was not able to go to college at all. I entered the United States with a tourist visa, which had expired. I was an undocumented student, an ‘illegal,’ a mojada. I was not entitled to receive financial aid and schools would charge me over 10 times the regular tuition. My mother, a single parent, was supporting three children while earning minimum wage. She would not have earned enough to send me to a private school even if I did get accepted. One of the most awful things in my life at that time was to witness how my most treasured dreams were nothing more than mere illusions that crumbled into a million little pieces before my very eyes. Even more painful than that was the cruel sensation of failure and impotence. The final stage was to surrender. I figured my mother could have cared less about my academic accomplishments, my peers didn’t take the time
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to even acknowledge my presence in the classroom, and since I would not go to college anyway, then why bother? I was exhausted of working in vain. I convinced myself that my dreams were just simply out of reach. I quit the school paper, drill team, and dropped most of my AP and honors classes. My junior year, I lived my lifeless life working only enough to get by and survive with a 2.5 GPA. (p. 236)
This presentation is evidence of the devastating essence of the sincere realization that one is undocumented. In the same study, González et al. (2003) discussed the complexities of being undocumented and growing up in the United
States. These researchers highlighted one main point that many politicians have argued and are still arguing: These children were brought here by their parents without a choice.
In a study by Perez et al. (2009) entitled, “Academic Resilience Among
Undocumented Latino Students,” they looked at academic resilience among the undocumented Latino population of students. The researchers hypothesized that due to “legal and social marginalization, students who experienced high risk accompanied by high levels of personal and environmental protective factors would have higher academic outcomes than students with lower levels of these protective resources”
(p. 149). This same study also stated that “Migration is one of the most radical transitions and life changes an individual or family can endure. For migrant children, the migration experience fundamentally reshapes their lives as familiar patterns and ways of relating to other people dramatically change” (p. 150).
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In addition to migration being one of the most profound stressors for individuals, there are a host of other issues that undocumented immigrant children must deal with on a daily basis that pose difficult challenges and a great deal of stress.
Padilla, Cervantes, Maldonado, and Garcia (as cited in Perez et al., 2009) identified other stressors for immigrant children. These stressors included leaving family and friends behind, cultural contrasts regarding language in the home and school, and dealing with racial and ethnic stereotypes from their American peers as they entered the public schools.
According to a study conducted by the College Board Advocacy and Gonzales
(2009a), the immigration reform debate that has loomed over our government for the last two decades has yet to focus on the undocumented children who have grown up in the United States and graduated from a public school in the United States. “Yet children account for 1.8 million, or 15% percent, of the undocumented immigrants now living in this country” (p. 4). There is, and has been, a sense of urgency to specifically pass laws that would allow these young adults to work, be college educated, and pay taxes as a United States citizen. After all, for many of these youngsters, the United States is the only country they have ever known. They are
American.
Many studies have shown that the Hispanic population makes up one of the largest high school dropout groups in the country (Cervantes et al., 2010; Enriquez,
2011; Gonzales, 2011; Passel, 2003; Passel & Cohn, 2009; Suárez-Orozco et al.,
2011). This population of students continues to drop out in record numbers, and
95 many of them drop out because they are undocumented. Once they understand the depths of the undocumented status, they develop feelings of frustration and helplessness.
Immigration Laws
Immigration laws are extremely complex in the United States. Most foreigners must have a visa in order to enter the U.S. with permission. Over the last two or three decades, the immigration laws have continuously changed with the intention of protecting the borders of the United States and also preventing or deterring undocumented immigrants from crossing. “As of November 16, 2007, a total of 1,562 bills and resolutions related to immigrants and immigration had been introduced….and 244 had been enacted” (Clark et al., 2007, p. 7). Prior to the incidents of 9/11 the United States had not experienced attacks on its homeland since the bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941. As a result of the attacks, border security increased significantly, and visa accessibility for those traveling from foreign countries into the United States became much more difficult.
The required visas to enter the country legally with permission vary by country and purpose. There are two different types of visas issued by the government; non-immigrant visas are “for travel to the United States on a temporary basis” and immigrant visas are “for travel to live permanently in the U.S” (Bureau of
Consular Affairs, 1995, para. 4). Both immigrant and non-immigrant visas have several different categories and visa types, depending on each individual situation
(Bureau of Consular Affairs, 1995, para. 4). According to the website, Immigration
96 and Visas International (1994-2012), the most common types of visas issued in the
United States are for foreign students, professionals, foreign government officials, and foreign visitors.
In addition to these types of visas, the United States provides temporary protective status visas or permission to enter the country based on political and economic strife (A Service of the Bureau of Consular Affairs, 1995a-b)These types of visas are maintained by a periodic renewal process (A Service of the Bureau of
Consular Affairs, 1995a-b). Many come to the United States seeking asylum or as refugees. However, any type of non-immigrant visa is temporary and requires an individual to leave the United States by the date of expiration (A Service of the
Bureau of Consular Affairs, 1995aa-b). When immigrants overstay their visa date or enter the country illegally, it is almost impossible for them to adjust their status in the future. (A Service of the Bureau of Consular Affairs, 1995a-b). It does not matter if these children traveled with their parents or were brought to their parents; they were still brought onto U.S. soil illegally (IRIRA 1996; A Service of the Bureau of
Consular Affairs, 1995a-b).
Before June 15, 2012, there was no vehicle to provide young undocumented youth who were brought here and grew up in the United States with any kind of status or legitimacy of belonging (Lahman et al., 2011; Suárezo-Orozco, 2011; Univsion
Noticias, 2013). Many were shielded from the depths of their status until they reached high school, causing shattered dreams and broken hearts (Gonzales, 2011;
Lahman et al., 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011). The Illegal Immigration Reform
97 and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996 outlines punishment for undocumented immigrants who come into this country illegally or over-stay their visas (Arbona et al., 2010; Univision Noticias, 2013).
According to the article published by Univision Noticias on Febrary 25, 2013, the IIRIRIA of 1996 mandates that any undocumented immigrant who resides or stays in the United States for more than 180 days without papers, permission, or legal status has to leave the U.S. for a 3-year period and then petition for status adjustment.
Undocumented immigrants who stay in the United States for more than 1 year have to leave the U.S. for 10 years in order to petition for status adjustment or return legally
(Univsion Noticias, 2013). The IIRIRIA OF 1996 left young undocumented immigrants with little hope of ever adjusting their status.
Deportation and family. The immigration laws have caused emotional and physical stress that affects the health and mental well-being of these young undocumented youth and their families (Brabeck & Xu, 2010; Derby, 2012; Suárez-
Orozco et al., 2011;Yablon-Zug, 2012). Once undocumented youth understand that their status could warrant immediate deportation of themselves or a loved one, their world is overcome and driven by fear and anxiety. This is especially true since 2002 when deportation rates have significantly increased as a result of government strategies to protect our borders through the department of Homeland Security. “In the fiscal year 2007, there were slightly more than 300,000 removals of illegal immigrants from the U.S., an 84% increase since 2002” (Clark et al., 2007, p. 6).
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As a result of these rising statistics, Clark et al. (2007) found that “just over half of all Hispanic adults worry that they, a family member or a close friend could be deported” (p.1). This type of worry affects every facet of an individual’s life, including the smallest details of daily routines. “The ultimate threat to family integrity is deportation , now termed removal ” (Rome, 2010, p. 247).
The latest trend among the undocumented Hispanic/Latino population is the mixed status family, consisting of undocumented parents, siblings, and U.S. citizens.
According to a study conducted for the National Council of La Raza (NCLR) by the
Urban Insitutue (2007), “There are approximately five million U.S. children with at least one undocumented parent. The recent intensification of immigration enforcement activities by the federal government has increasingly put these children at risk of family separation, economic hardship, and psychological trauma” (Capps,
Casteñada, Chaundry, & Santos, 2007, p.1). This study focused on “three communities that experienced large-scale worksite raids in Greely, Colorado; Grand
Island, Nebraska; and New Bedford, Massachusetts” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2). The immigrants targeted by these worksite raids were from Mexico, Guatemala, and other
Latin American countries. The Urban Institute met with community leaders, church clergy, school officials, attorneys, public social service agencies, and company supervisors to discuss the immediate and long-term effects of the raids in each community (Capps et al., 2007). They also individually interviewed “some parents released from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention and other caregivers of affected children” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2).
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The researchers found “on average the number of children affected by worksite raids is about half the number of adults arrested” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2).
Collectively, over “900 adults were arrested in the three study sites,” and over 500 children were affected as a result (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2). Most of the children affected were U.S citizens and “the youngest and most vulnerable in our society – infants, toddlers, and preschoolers” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2). Data show that in two of the worksite raids that approximately 79% -88% of the children were ages ten and younger, while at another worksite raid over “half of the children” affected were five years old or younger (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2).
Immediate effects of deportation . The immigration laws and detention procedures made it difficult for parents arrested and detained to contact family members. Moreover, parents feared for their children’s safety, so in order to protect them, parents neglected to tell ICE officials they had children in this country. ICE officials moved many of the parents or detainees out of the state to other deportation detention centers before they contact family members. A few single parents were released the same day but some were held “overnight or for several days” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 2).
During the initial days and weeks following the raids, the schools and other public service agencies took on the responsibility of ensuring the safety of these abandoned children and families. “Informal family and community networks took on caregiving responsibilities and economic support” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 3). There were families who lost the sole financial provider for the family causing personal
100 economic crisis. The family members left with their children and no financial support were terrified to seek out any type of help from the state, local community, or schools for fear of being deported as well. “Many families hid in their homes—in some cases in basements or closets—for days and weeks on end” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 3.)
The school districts in all three places reacted by immediately trying to identify potential students who would be dropped off at empty homes within their school districts. The school districts, extended family, and community networks were instrumental in protecting these children. “No young children were left behind in school, left at home without adult supervision, or taken into foster care” (Capps et al.,
2007, p. 3). Some adolescents were left with teenagers or to look after younger children, while very small children were left with “babysitters for weeks or months”
(Capps et al., 2007, p. 3).
Long-term effects of deportation . Parents were deported and sent back to their native countries within a few days of their arrests. The quickest way to get back to their children is to make the expensive and life-risking attempt to reenter the
United States again illegally. Other parents were held in detention centers for months until they paid off bonds in thousands of dollars; some being as much as $10,000 dollars to be released (Capps et al., 2007). The families that lost a parent or loved one to a workplace raid faced profound “hardship” regarding finances and “psychological stress” of the arrests (Capps et al., 2007, p. 3). Children were left with the fear that they might never see a parent of loved one again.
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The uncertainty of not knowing when or if a parent would return caused severe emotional hardship as the days, weeks, and months passed (Brabek & Xu,
2010; Capps et al., 2007; Hagan et al., 2008; Thronson, 2006). The parents who were released with a mandatory court date to appear in front of a judge could not work and many others spent five or six months in detention centers prior to their court date
(Capps et al., 2007). The financial aspect of this was debilitating for families because they could not afford to feed their children (Hagan et al., 2008). Extended family members took on the burden of abandoned children and families causing further hardship for the entire familial unit (Brabek & Xu, 2010; Capps et al, 2007; Derby,
2012; Hagan et al., 2008; Thronson, 2006).
Children who lost parents to the ICE raids began to “experience feelings of abandonment and showed symptoms of abandonment and showed symptoms of emotional trauma, psychological duress, and mental health care problems” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 4). The fear of further ICE raids and deportation kept families in hiding increasing “social isolation….The combination of fear, isolation, and economic hardship induced mental health problems such as depression, separation anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidal thoughts” (Capps et al., 2007, p. 4). The undocumented immigrants’ fear of being deported is so profound that it dictates their daily routines (Arbona et al., 2010; Derby, 2012; Rome, 2010). They will not seek help or assistance for mental health care, only making problems even worse (Capps et al., 2007; Derby, 2012; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
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More undocumented immigrants have been deported during the Obama administration than any other presidential term (Garriott et al., 2009). Immigration officials conducted work place raids that left hundreds of small children at one time without a parent or guardian. This caused political and social outrage.
“An increase in worksite raids around the country by ICE has led to a nearly ten-fold rise since 2002 in the number of undocumented immigrants arrested at their workplace—from about 500 in 2002 to about 5,000 in 2007” (Clark et al., 2007, p. 6).
Capps et al. (2007) found an increase in workplace raids between 2002 and 2006.
These young immigrant children had to be placed with the state in foster care. Work site raids increased significantly from 2005 to 2007 arresting undocumented immigrants for “non-criminal conduct” (Rome, 2010, p. 246). “The effects of these raids on young children have been well documented. Some were stranded at school or in a day care, and other left unsupervised, bewildered, and frightened while their parents were processed and detained” (Rome, 2010, pp. 246-247).
Census data show that millions of undocumented immigrants were already in the country by 2001 and continued to cross the borders even with increased border security. Immigration officials targeted well-traveled border crossing points to deter illegal immigration. Consequently, increased border patrol and immigration officers also had unintended effects on the country. Immigrants decided to stay longer in the
United States because of the risk of crossing the border again and the increased costs for coyotes or assistants (Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012). The increased security and deterrence strategies also caused more deaths along the border because immigrants
103 were traveling through traitorous terrain in order to reach U.S. soil. As immigrants stayed longer in the U.S., they started families (Cornelius, 2001).
The latest of the federal policies that would change the lives of this undocumented immigrant population is the Development Relief and Education for
Alien Minors Act also known as the DREAM Act (National Immigration Law Center
[NILC, 2011). This legislation would give undocumented immigrants who were brought to this country before the age of 16 or within 5 years of its being enacted the opportunity to apply for permanent residency and eventually to be a citizen of the
United States.
In order to qualify for the DREAM Act, individuals must complete at least 2 years of post-secondary education or enlist in the armed forces. They have to be in good standing and have no criminal record (NILC, 2011a). In 2010, the House of
Representatives passed the DREAM Act for the first time, but the Senate did not follow suit (Richardson, 2010). According to the National Immigration Law Center, if the Federal DREAM Act legislation is passed, “It would allow newly documented immigrants to contribute $407 billion dollars to the social security system over the next fifty years” (NILC, 2011d, p. 1). The fast facts sheet of the DREAM Act provided by the National Immigration Law Center also states that “A Mexican immigrant woman who graduates from college will pay $5,300 more in taxes and cost
$3,900 less in government expenses each year than if she had dropped out of high school” (NILC, 2011, p. 1).
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This piece of legislation is currently part of the national debate over immigration reform. The national sentiment regarding immigration reform is mixed and has sparked some irrational and unconstitutional laws within specific states, i.e.,
Arizona and Utah (Segreto, Carter, & Morse, 2011). These laws are currently being challenged by the United States’ government and will, in all likelihood, be argued in the United States’ Supreme Court.
Perseverance
Perseverance is defined by Merriam Webster online as the “continued effort to do or achieve something despite difficulties, failure, or opposition” (“Perseverance,”
2013). Resiliency and perseverance are often thought to be similar concepts.
However, in this study, perseverance becomes the enduring process of resiliency as undocumented youth have faced various situations of extreme adversity and ultimately acquired the skills to persevere. Perseverance is illustrated through collective life-challenging experiences where participants exercised resiliency theory overcome and achieve their goals. Resiliency is a coping mechanism used in various situational challenges throughout life, and, over time, successfully resolving challenges while achieving characterizes and defines these undocumented students as courageous, strong, and brave (Benard, 1993; Greene, 2002; Perez et al., 2009).
Consequently, perseverance emerged as a result of hardship and resiliency patterns exhibited, enabling participants to recover and move on to another level of achievement. Studies continue to show that undocumented youth are at a disadvantage when it comes to finding financial and supportive resources toward high
105 education (Abrego, 2006; Baum & Flores, 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011;
Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2011). There is a lack of research on the undocumented youth population and the complexities that affect their daily lives
(Arbona et al., 2010; Gonzales, 2011; Perez et al., 2009).
However, with each passing year, more research adds to a growing body of knowledge about this population. While many undocumented adult immigrants are silenced about their work and living conditions, some undocumented college students organize around and access educational opportunities (Abrego, 2008; Seif, 2004).
The younger undocumented generation has illustrated perseverance through “visible collective actions to demand full and legal inclusion in the United States” (Abrego,
2011, p. 342).
Education . Education is held to a high standard in the United States, and success is often defined by an individual’s level of education. Having a college degree in the United States opens doors to the middle class lifestyle with more job opportunities and higher earing capacities. The undocumented youth who graduate from high school and enroll in college find multiple resources to achieve their goals.
According to Hernandez et al. (2010):
Enrolling in college as an undocumented immigrant often means living a life with two identities. On campus the students have no obvious insignia conspicuously declaring their citizenship status, and most often they do not disclose this information with higher educators. Although most student affairs professionals have a genuine concern and interest in students’ well-being, generally undocumented students will reveal personal and private information with only close friends and confidants. At home undocumented students often
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must convince their families that their college attendance is worth the risk of being detained and possibly deported. (pp. 67-68)
While few undocumented Hispanic students study at institutions of higher education, it is important to understand what sets them apart from other undocumented students. These beliefs, actions, and attitudes “suggest that members of the 1.5 undocumented immigrant generation are informed by a legal consciousness that is driven by less fear than that of their adult counterparts in the first generation”
(Abrego, 2011, p. 342).
Empowerment . Immigrant parents have very little education, and as a result, immigrant children are left to navigate the public school system and college alone.
“These differences in parental education have a profound effect on the experiences of children” (Baum & Flores, 2011, p. 173).
However, “significant questions remain about how undocumented status shapes educational trajectories and how, in turn, it affects the link between educational attainment and social and economic mobility” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 605)
What little research exists states that the undocumented status “depresses aspirations and sensitizes them to the reality that they are barred from integrating legally, educationally, and economically into U.S. society” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 605).
Coping mechanisms. Contrarily, there are undocumented youth who graduate from high school, go to college, and graduate with bachelors and associates degrees. What makes them different and how do they continue to persevere?
Michael Rutter (as cited in Perez, Cortés, Ramos & Coronado, et al., 2010) was a
107 child psychologist who defined the coping process as what an individual does to deter or alleviate a stressful or threatening situation. Rutter stated, “Coping must have the dual function of problem solving and regulation of emotional distress” (p. 40). Perez et al. (2009) suggested that undocumented participants spoke about shame, fear, discrimination, coping mechanisms, institutional agents, peer influence and support, campus support programs, and civic engagement as major themes surrounding the
“cursed and blessed” (p. 35) feelings of being undocumented.
Some of the major themes negatively impact undocumented college youth while other themes empower them. For example, civic engagement is “an attractive alternative to the frustrating impediments” due to their legal marginality and undocumented status (Perez et al., 2010, p. 44). In addition, “Social service narratives provide insights into the motivations for civic engagement among undocumented students” (Perez et al., 2010, p. 45).
The individual human need to want to belong and to be wanted and appreciated is almost in a sense a universal part of humanity. These undocumented students “were driven to volunteer in part by their desire to belong to American society” (Perez et al., 2010, p. 45). Civic engagement gives undocumented students a purpose and an avenue to help others in their situation or simply the community in general. One of the participants in Perez et al. study, Lucila, described her civic engagement experience as “life changing because she had the opportunity to show her fellow American citizen volunteers that she was just like them and cared about the same issues they did” (Perez et al., 2010, p. 45).
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Enriquez (2011) researched the methods by which undocumented youth acquire and obtain information about college and avoid the risk of disclosing status through a systemic government process. Undocumented youth have cited family support as a tremendous motivation for their success and perseverance.
While cultural deficiency theories have been used to blame Latino/a immigrant families for the educational underachievement of their youth, immigrant parents and communities have been found to transmit stronger educational values through familialism and the collective social capital of the ethnic community. (p. 479) Memories of poverty and watching their parents work for very little money may also motivate undocumented youth to take advantage of educational opportunities they otherwise would not have in their native country (Enriquez, 2011).
Undocumented youth draw upon other individuals, faith, personal dreams, parental support, media, and other various forms of social capital to accomplish the
American Dream. “While family is a key institution for socialization and resource gathering,” undocumented youth “participate in multiple institutions, forging social ties with teachers, school officials, peers, community members, employers, coworkers, individuals from religious, social service and government agencies”
(Enriquez, 2011, p. 479).
Living undocumented requires a great deal of courage on the part of the individuals. As they realize the depth of their status, they also begin to find ways around the system and use resources to their benefit. They obtain information about
109 college through peers, teachers, and community leaders. However, they acquire this information carefully as to not disclose their anonymity of status.
Student: Being an undocumented student in the United States is like being ‘cursed and blessed’ at the same time. Cursed, in that you are marginalized by society, and you have to live in fear almost every day. Blessed, in the fact that you use that experience, and you become a much better person because of every-thing that you have struggled with. You work ten times as hard as, maybe somebody who takes it for granted because they were born in this country, or somebody who is a legal resident and doesn’t know exactly what that means and what power they have. (Perez, Cortés, Ramos, & Coronado, 2010, p. 35) This participant quote taken from Perez et al.’s 2011 study defines the essence of what young undocumented youth feel. It is the essence of living and being undocumented and the frustrations that come with the status. Yet, the quote illustrates the tremendous amount of humility and pride that serves as perseverance for academic and life time achievements.
Summary
The literature that exists on the young undocumented Hispanic population is consistent with the findings of this study. The initial phase of this study sought to understand what it was like to grow up in the United States undocumented. The phenomenon of status encompasses multi-level complex themes of psychology, sociology, culture, economics, education, and mental and physical health as well as child and adolescent development. It is fair to say that being undocumented or having a status assigned to an individual defines who they are within the setting,
110 environment, and culture of that particular society. Status affects the essence of the human being and psyche. It prevents individuals from participating and belonging to secular parts of society based on initiation rites or cultural rites of passage defined by the society itself and the laws of the country (Gnepp, 1960). The undocumented status specifically leaves young adults in a “betwixt and between” (Turner, 1964, p.
47) state where they are permitted to participate at some levels and are part of the group and barred from participation at other levels, setting them apart from the group.
This literature review intended to support the six major themes that emerged through participant narrative stories. While the body of research on the undocumented status phenomenon is lacking in comparison to other research topics, researchers across the United States are conducting and publishing new studies on every facet of the unauthorized immigrants’ lives. The research illustrates the growing Hispanic population and the urgency behind immigration reform. The
Hispanic-U.S. born are suffering along with the undocumented Hispanic youth as they are living in families where one or both parents are undocumented. Their parents do not understand or are apprehensive of navigating the system and the potential resources available to them and their families.
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Chapter III
Qualitative Methodology
This study focuses on the life experiences of a group of young-college undocumented Hispanic adults who grew up in the United States. The research aims to capture narrative stories and experiences describing what it means to be undocumented and how participants came to construct, define, and understand their status in relationship to their social settings. The Census data from 2000 and 2010 shows the significant changes in the demographic population of the United States.
According to the 2010 Census, Hispanics are now the largest and the youngest minority group in the U.S (United States Census Bureau, 2010). While undocumented immigrants and immigration reform are a controversial topic in the
United States, there is little research on the phenomenon of being undocumented in comparison to various situations. The research that is available on different aspects of being an undocumented Hispanic immigrant suggests a complex infrastructure of social barriers regarding assimilation and rites of passage. It is evident that these young undocumented students are so well integrated into American culture and society, yet they are prohibited, by law, from rites of passage as a result of their status
(Gnepp, 1960).
Summary of Research
This study chronicled the narrative stories of 15 participants’ experiences while growing up in the United States undocumented. The participant pool consisted of male and female undocumented Hispanic college students between the ages of 18
112 and 21 enrolled in college for the fall 2011 semester. The research intended to provide a confidential platform whereby participants could speak freely about their perceptions, beliefs, and experiences as undocumented youth in the United States.
This study presents participants’ stories in their own words. Their stories and words constructed meanings were analyzed through a constant comparative methodology.
The study intends to present a narrative case study on the phenomena of growing up in the United States undocumented.
Qualitative Methodology
Qualitative Methodology is the most suitable design for this study because it permits analysis of the processes, experiences, and beliefs surrounding the phenomenon of being an undocumented person. This qualitative study was designed
“to attempt to make sense of or interpret the phenomenon” of being undocumented
“in terms of the meanings” participants “attribute to” their status (Denzin & Lincoln,
2005, p. 3). Conducting this qualitative study through in-depth participant interviews and participant journals describing lived experiences allows the reader to see life through the eyes of a young undocumented immigrant.
The purpose of the research was to better understand the processes, feelings, perceptions, experiences, and beliefs held by young undocumented Hispanic immigrants. In order to define and characterize the emotions and feelings behind the intangible status of being undocumented participants told stories and wrote in journals about their life experiences. Qualitative research intends to describe a participant’s feelings, emotions, and state in relation to a specific situation. This type
113 of research posits the why and how from a human perspective related to a specific state or phenomenon (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Qualitative research by virtue tells a story just as the participants in this study recounted their life stories to convey feelings about the state of being undocumented through words rather than numbers.
The methodology is used to better understand the richness of emotion and the actuality of living an experience, rather than depending on the more traditional methodology of quantitative statistical data.
According to Denzin and Lincoln (2005), “Qualitative research is a field of inquiry in its own right. It crosscuts disciplines, fields, and subject matters” (p. 2).
Qualitative methodologies are characterized by the study of social phenomena and incorporate a wide variety of processes by which a researcher may collect data.
Narrative inquiry and case study theoretical frameworks elicited the most pivotal and essential pieces of the participants’ experiences relative to the social phenomenon regarding the state of illegality. The data collection process aimed to interview participants about their life history and document testimonials that focused on the most significant stages involving rites of passage (Gnepp, 1960; Marshall &
Rossman, 2006).
The in-depth interviews and personal journaling were a “situated activity,” that enabled the participant to illustrate their meanings of being undocumented to
“locate the observer in the world” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 3). The study intends to provide an understanding about how these undocumented youth lived every day, why their parents brought them to the United States, and the multiple processes and
114 contexts that define the United States’ culture and norms of society in relationship to their status.
Research studies show that this population faces daily struggles and challenges to maintain their anonymity (Enriquez, 2011; Gonzales, 2011). The details of daily life that pose no problem to citizens and residents can lead to catastrophic consequences for the undocumented immigrant. One minor mistake or encounter with law enforcement can jeopardize their anonymity and their entire family as well. This study describes a way of life and highlights some of participants’ most profound experiences, both painful and yet rewarding, because they have survived and made it to where they are today.
Case Study and Narrative Inquiry Research
Case study and narrative inquiry within the qualitative methodological paradigm allows the researcher to focus even more closely on the smallest details that set these participants apart from society. Case study research defines the necessary criteria of qualitative research using delimitations and purposeful sampling that select a small group of individuals to study (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Using a case study design rendered a detail-orientated focus regarding how the undocumented status affected participants’ relationships with the rest of the world (Merriam, 1988). Their perceived experiences bring meaning and a deeper understanding to the social phenomenon of being undocumented (Merriam, 1988).
The research design and methodologies intended for participants’ words to add to a body of research which defines the complexities of being undocumented
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(Merriam, 1988). Narrative inquiry methodologies were used to construct meaning through words and participant stories. “Narrative inquiry focuses on the use of words as data instead of the use of numbers as data” (Clandinin, 2007, p. 1). Narrative inquiry falls within the qualitative methodology paradigm because it seeks to understand the meaning of stories and words within the context of a natural setting.
By design, this study depended on participant stories to render data results in the form of themes associated with the social, political, and natural context of their environment and settings.
Purposeful sampling is a characteristic of case study research that was used to select participants for this study. Delimitations in this study narrowed the participant pool and focused the study on a small specific group of participants. As Merriam
(1988) stated, “Qualitative case study can be defined as an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a single entity, phenomenon or social unit” (p. 16), that render themes and characteristics that add to a body of research.
In keeping with the qualitative and case study methodologies, narrative inquiry fits into the scope of the research design. According to Clandinin (2007),
“Narrative inquiry is the study of stories as narratives or descriptions of a series of events” (p. 4). Narrative inquiry presents participants’ experiences, as they understand them, in order to exemplify cultural truths, oppression, political environments, and social environments during a particular time and in a specific place. The findings of this study will give “the reader an insider’s view of a culture or era in history” and particularly into the daily lives as an unauthorized immigrant
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(Marshall & Rossman, 2006, p. 115). Through this study, narrative inquiry was used to explore issues of social change and social identity, particularly in relation to undocumented youth (Marshall & Rossman, 2006).
Furthermore, in a qualitative case and narrative inquiry study, “The paramount objective is to understand the meaning of an experience” (Merriam, 1988, p. 16). The state of being undocumented encompasses such a complex and diverse relationship between the human psyche and its social environment that “it is not possible or feasible to manipulate the potential causes of behavior when variables are not easily identified or are too embedded in the phenomenon to be extracted” (p. 7). The use of a case study and narrative inquiry design further examined “events or phenomenon”
(p. 7) through descriptive stories and experiences. The researcher was the main instrument in this study and aimed to capture, as a photographer might, the lives of these 15 undocumented students through their spoken and written word. According to McMillian and Schumaker (as cited in Merrianm, 1998), “There is no manipulation of treatments or subjects; the researcher takes things as they are” (p. 7).
Research Context
In order to conduct this study, the researcher had to gain permission from the college in which the participants were enrolled. The researcher contacted the
Instructional Division of the college to request permission to conduct this study. Due to the sensitivity and nature of the study, the researcher had to provide additional studies being conducted on the same topic and ensure the anonymity of not only the participants but the state, towns, college, and any other identifying factors. In
117 addition, the researcher included the dissertation proposal and the participant waiver consent form (See Appendix A). Initially, the researcher met with the Dean to discuss concerns. Finally, after approximately 8 months and a review by the institution’s legal counsel, the study was approved to move forward using the student database to identify potential participants. However, the researcher had to add a clause to the participant consent waiver that assured students they would not be affected academically whether they participated or not and that their participation had no bearing on their grades. It was voluntary and they could withdraw themselves from the study at any time.
Once the participant waiver forms were ready, the researcher met with the dissertation committee for approval to be sent to the Human Subjects Review Board.
The dissertation committee approved the research proposal, and then it was sent to be reviewed by the university’s Human Subjects Review Board. Upon final approval, the researcher began the study.
Data were collected in a rural area at a college in a mid-Atlantic state. The student database was used to gain access to foreign students’ information about residency status. Students who were undocumented were designated as (UD) for undocumented. The report downloaded from the student database into an Excel spreadsheet, and the researcher used the Excel applications to eliminate all students without the designated (UD) for undocumented status. This left approximately 100 students. This study focused only on the Hispanic population, so the researcher eliminated students based on race. Then the participant pool was narrowed using the
118 same Excel application to select all students between the ages of 18 and 21 years old.
The database identified approximately 44 students who fit the criterion of status, race, age, enrollment, and country of origin. The last possible delimiting factor was country of origin. Using the Excel function, students were further organized by country of origin. Out of the 44 students half or 22 were from Mexico and
Guatemala. These countries were chosen because they were the two most frequent countries of origin. Consequently, the final delimitating factors for the research provided 22 potential participants.
The information from the database was used to contact the 22 students. They were provided with a description, objectives, and summary of the research, the participant waiver consent form, and the researcher’s contact information via email
(See Appendix B). Participants knew that anonymity was of the utmost importance and that their identities will forever remain confidential.
Participants
There were 15 participants involved in this study. All were undocumented
Hispanic students enrolled in college for the fall 2011 semester. All participants were from Mexico and Guatemala and are between the ages of 18 and 21. Of the 15 participants, 10 were from Mexico, and 5 were from Guatemala. Furthermore, 8 of the participants were female, and 7 of the participants were male. Among the 8 female participants, 7 of them were from Mexico, and 1 was from Guatemala; out of the 7 male participants, 4 were from Guatemala, and 3 were from Mexico.
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Delimitations
The delimiting factors in this study were undocumented persons, age, race/ethnicity, country of origin, residency status in the United States, and college enrollment for fall 2011. Qualitative studies have delimiting factors to provide boundaries and define the nature of the study (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). In fact, delimitations are part of the constant comparative methodology of the data analysis process in qualitative research. Glaser and Strauss (2011) suggested that one of the steps in the constant comparative analysis is “delimiting the theory; as the theory develops, various delimiting features of the constant comparative methods begin to curb what could otherwise become an overwhelming task” (p. 110). Participants were chosen after setting specific criterion in order to study the complex phenomenon of being undocumented. The criterion set boundaries for the study, allowing the researcher to collect rich-contextual embedded data in the form of words to construct a meaning.
Delimiting factors provide for theoretical criterion sampling or purposeful sampling, thereby providing boundaries within the study (Glaser & Strauss, 2011).
They guide the researcher during the sampling and data collection process and help the researcher maintain consistency throughout the study. Qualitative research focuses on one aspect of a specific phenomenon for intensive study (Marshall &
Rossman, 2006). “For qualitative fieldwork, we draw a purposive sample, building in variety and acknowledge opportunities for intensive study” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 451).
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Data Collection
Data collected for this study were 15 individual in-depth interviews transcribed and printed on 15 different colors of paper assigned to each participant’s pseudonym; in-depth participant journals about their experiences growing up in the
United States undocumented; and written and typed researcher field notes based on in-depth interviews. Each participant received a composition book and was asked to prepare a journal about his/her experiences as an undocumented immigrant growing up in the United States. The participants had approximately 1-3 months to complete their journals. They were collected at the end of April 2012. These data sets satisfied the requirements for a trustworthy, credible qualitative study (Denzin & Lincoln,
2005).
Qualitative research design inherently defines the researcher as the primary instrument in the data collection process. The researcher designed the study, requested various levels of approval, organized the data collection and data analysis processes, and, most importantly, prepared all of the necessary paper work to protect the human subjects and their anonymity. “The researcher is the primary instrument of data collection and analysis” in a qualitative design (Merriam, 1988, pp. 33-34).
To identify potential participants for this study, the researcher used purposeful sampling. This sampling is imperative in qualitative research because it allows the researcher to study a very specific aspect of how subjects are affected by and interact as a result of a very specific phenomenon. According to Stake, Miles, Huberman,
Yin, and Malinoski (as cited in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005), “For qualitative fieldwork,
121 we draw a purposive sample, building in variety and acknowledging opportunities for intensive study” (p. 451). Because the Hispanic population is the largest minority in the country, the study focused on participants from Latin American countries.
Moreover, using the student database to select potential participants and facilitate purposeful sampling allowed the researcher to set criterion based on status, race, age, and country of origin for those registered for the fall 2011 semester.
To collect data a search was conducted on the college’s student database for undocumented Hispanic students registered for the 2011 fall semester who were from
Guatemala and Mexico between the ages of 18 and 21. The database search rendered
22 possible participants who met the delimitations of this study. The researcher emailed these 22 individuals and gave them information about the study and asked them to please contact her if they would be interested in participating. Ultimately, 15 of those individuals responded and agreed to participate.
Initial meeting. The researcher met with each participant individually and spoke to him/her about the purpose of the study. All 15 students agreed to participate in the study. Once they verbally agreed, they read the participant waiver and each signed her/his name. Each participant agreed to be audiotaped and chose his/her own pseudonym. Then a meeting was scheduled to conduct an in-depth interview.
Data sources . Data sources included audiotaped interviews, participant journals, and researcher field notes. Interviews were structured with open-ended questions regarding participant background information, childhood memories, and specific experiences related to the phenomena of being undocumented. Participants
122 were given a generalized list of questions so that they were familiar with what kinds of questions they would be asked. Each participant was interviewed one time for approximately 35 minutes to an hour. After each interview, the researcher typed field notes based on what the meeting and interview.
Thirteen interviews were conducted in a college office setting, and two interviews were done at local libraries. Each interview was recorded using a USB digital recorder. A paid professional transcribed 14 of the 15 interviews. A translation company was hired to translate and transcribe one of the interviews from
Spanish to English. The field notes were typed on Microsoft Word and saved electronically. The researcher’s field notes were one of the three data sets in the study.
I gave each participant a composition book during our initial meeting or after her/his interview and asked each participant to journal about his/her experiences growing up in the United States undocumented. Of the 15 participants, 13 wrote in their journals, and 2 preferred to type their journal entries/stories and turned them in as Word documents.
One of the journals was written in Spanish, so the same above named company was hired to translate the journal from Spanish to English. The translation company sent the researcher a Microsoft Word document of the translated journal.
Data Management
Fifteen different colors of paper were purchased, and a color was assigned to each participant’s pseudonym and data set. All three sets of data were printed or
123 copied onto the colored paper assigned to each participant. The researcher created a color-coded chart with each participant’s pseudonym and a piece of his/her assigned color paper beside their name. Three data sets were printed for each of the participant’s transcriptions and field notes on the assigned colored paper. The journals were taken to a local copying business to be copied onto the assigned colored paper for each participant. The researcher requested three copies of each participant journal on the assigned colored paper. Assigning colored paper to each participant allowed the researcher to code transcriptions and journals effectively and efficiently.
Data Analysis
Using constant comparative analysis guidelines, the study rendered six major themes. Qualitative data analysis “is a comparative method in which the researcher compares data with data, data with categories, and category with category” (Denzin &
Lincoln, 2005, p. 517). Glaser and Strauss (2011) identified four stages while defining the constant comparative method. “Each stage after a time is transformed into the next – earlier stages to remain in operation simultaneously throughout the analysis and each provides continuous development to its successive stage until the analysis is terminated” (p.105).
“Coding is the first step in taking an analytic stance toward the data (Denzin
& Lincoln, 2005, p. 517). Through the coding process, the researcher was forced to
“define the action in the data statement” (p. 517). The researcher began the process with a stack of regular and document size envelopes. The first stage in the constant
124 comparative methodology is “comparing incidents applicable to each category”
(Glaser &Strauss, 2011, p.105).
As participants’ stories were read, themes, similarities, and relationships emerged intertwining data. Emerging themes were written on envelopes as data were cut, categorized, and placed in those envelopes. “Researchers can give their data multiple readings and renderings” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 517). Sections of participant’s stories were placed into the envelopes and as the process continued with each participant new themes emerged. This is known as the open coding process.
“Stage two is integrating categories and their properties” (Glaser &Strauss, 2011, p.
105). “Each piece of data—whether an interview, a field note, a case study, a personal account, or a document—can inform earlier data” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 517). “Stage three is delimiting the theory, and stage four is writing the theory”
(Glaser &Strauss, 2011, p. 105) in the constant comparative method. This “method of generating theory is a continuously growing process” (p. 105).
Narrative analysis was an important part of the comparative process.
Participant stories illustrated “signs, symbols, and the expression of feelings in language validating how the narrator constructs meaning” (Marshall & Rossman,
2006, p. 118) that had to be accounted for through coding and constant-comparative processes. “Narrative inquiry and life histories” were “particularly helpful in defining socialization” and “studying aspects of acculturation and socialization in institutions and professions” as their life-stories unfolded through the interview process (pp. 116-
117). “Life histories are valuable in studying cultural changes that have occurred over
125 time” (pp. 116-117). It provided a framework in this study for “learning about cultural norms” and deviations from those norms to gain “an inside view of a culture” hiding in America (pp. 116-117). Narrative inquiry “also helps capture how cultural patterns evolve and how they are linked to the life of an individual” (pp. 116-117).
The framework and design of this study is defined through case studies and narrative inquiry methodologies. The researcher’s role in this study is that of an inanimate device, much like a photographer or videographer, documenting life stories so that the “reader can enter into the undocumented participant’s most emotionally disappointing and life changing experiences” (Marshall & Rossman, 2006, p. 116).
The constant comparative method is indicative of the most basic characteristics of qualitative research. A study begins with an enormous amount of data, themes, and codes, and as the comparative method is used, the data “delimits” into a much smaller, more focused, and much more intensive study of a specific unit of information or phenomenon (Glaser & Strauss, 2011, p. 110). The constant comparative methodology continues until the data are “theoretically saturated” (p.
111), allowing the researcher to quickly code, analyze, and categorize the information in order to complete the process. The analytical process of constant comparative is doing several things at one time until the researcher feels that data appropriately reflects the phenomenon studied. According to Glaser and Strauss (2011), it is imperative that a researcher understand the continual process of constant comparative methodology as well as the diversity of conceptual ideas as a result of the analysis.
After several months of comparing data, categories, and themes, data were saturated
126 and the data analysis process was terminated to conclude the study and write up the findings. Constant comparative analysis can continue forever, preventing researchers from finishing their studies (Glaser & Strauss, 2011).
The constant comparative analysis allowed the researcher to open code and, at the same time, identify emerging themes. Each participant’s transcripts and journals rendered new themes during the initial open coding process. Once the open coding process was finished, the researcher looked at all of the themes and started to categorize them by relationship into six larger themes and then recoded the data using the constant comparative method again. Again, data were coded and analyzed until
“saturated” (Glaser & Strauss, 2011, p. 111), and the process yielded a diverse group of themes. The data analysis process ended when the themes and categories characterized the phenomenon of living undocumented (Glaser & Strauss, 2011).
Ethical Considerations
Riley stated that “qualitative case studies are limited…..by the sensitivity and integrity of the investigator” (as cited in Merriam, 1988, p. 33). As a result of the present political and social times, immigration reform and undocumented immigrants are two very controversial topics. It is important that policymakers and the general public hear the stories of undocumented youth in order to gain understanding, compassion, and support. Researchers must conduct themselves with the utmost integrity and sensitivity when interacting with human subjects and sensitive topics like this study.
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Ethical considerations have become even more important when dealing with this particular population because of the risk of deportability. As a result, Lahman et al. (2011) discussed the ethical and methodological considerations “when researching undocumented participants who have been described as vulnerable and in need of extra protection in areas such as anonymity and confidentiality” (p. 306). The study clearly defined the definitive difference between these two terms. Anonymity and confidentiality are not the same. “When data are anonymous, researchers and others do not know from whom the information came. When data are kept confidential, the researcher knows the source but strives to protect the privacy of the information”
(p. 314).
The study furthermore validates the necessity of pseudonyms to be approved by the Internal Review Board. Moreover, when research is conducted on the undocumented population within or through an educational institution, the Family
Educational Rights and Privacy Act prevents schools from “releasing any information from students’ records to immigration authorities” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 605). This provides undocumented youth a safe place from immigration authorities and deportability risks.
It is important that the participants trust the researcher and feel safe and secure in order to capture the richest details of their experiences. The participants chose their own pseudonyms to represent themselves in their journals and in the audiotaped interviews. In addition, due to the sensitivity of this topic, the state, college, and local towns where the study took place will remain anonymous.
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The participants signed an informed consent waiver (See Appendix A) to participate in the study. All participants understood that they could terminate their participation in the study at any time during. The participants’ decision to participate in this study did not affect their academic status or standing at the college. All participants were treated in a manner consistent with the Human Subject Review
Board’s guidelines of Wilmington University. All of the data will be kept in safe in accordance with research guidelines.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness is the ability to illustrate validity, credibility, and reliability in a qualitative study. “Communicating context-centered knowledge to academics and to other potential users is a complex process” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 54). “The use of multiple methods,” such as interviews, participant journals, and researcher field notes, “reflects an attempt to secure an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon in question” (p. 5).
In this study, the researcher “attempted to locate criteria for judging the processes and outcomes of naturalistic or constructivist inquiries” (Denzin & Lincoln,
2005, p. 207). However, the themes or “criteria were rooted in axioms and assumptions of the constructivist paradigm” giving “authenticity” and
“trustworthiness” to the study (p. 207). “Fairness was thought to be a quality of balance that is, all stakeholder views, perspectives, claims, concerns, and voices should be apparent in the text” (p. 207).
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Using multiple methods of data collection or triangulation allows the researcher to compare data for authentic perspectives, voices, beliefs, claims and concerns within the narrative text of the transcriptions and participant journals
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). “Triangulation is not a tool or a strategy of validation but an alternative” as qualitative research cannot capture “objective reality” (p. 5).
Qualitative research does not aim to make generalizable conclusions based on findings. Using multiple methods is also known as triangulation as qualitative research can never be seen objectively (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). “Using various methods, practices, empirical materials, perspectives, and observers” together within one study leads to “a strategy that adds, rigor, breadth, complexity, richness, and depth to any inquiry” ( p. 5). This study adds to a body of research about a specific population in this country. The findings in this study do not posit that all undocumented youth have had the same feelings or experiences.
Three complete sets of data were collected to satisfy triangulation procedures for all 15 participants and to ensure credibility of the study. Purposeful sampling, triangulation, and delimitations are essential pieces of the qualitative methodology.
These pieces give credibility to the study and the research findings. This is especially important in qualitative research because the researcher is the data collecting instrument.
Triangulation is a term used in qualitative research to ensure the credibility of the study and “identify different realities” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 454).
Triangulation requires a minimum of three data sources “to reduce the likelihood of
130 misinterpretation” (p. 454). “Redundancy of data gathering and procedural challenges to explanation are two of the most popular of the various triangulation procedures employed” (p. 454). “Triangulation has been generally a process of using multiple perceptions to clarify meaning, verifying the repeatability of an observation or interpretation” (p. 454).
This process ensures and clarifies that a phenomenon is viewed many different ways. “Triangulation has been generally considered a process of using multiple perceptions to clarify meaning, verifying the repeatability of an observation or interpretation” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 454). However, Denzin and Lincoln
(2005) acknowledged “that no observations or interpretations are perfectly repeatable, triangulation serves to clarify meaning by identifying different ways the case is being seen” (p. 454). The researchers’ previous experiences with the undocumented population, specifically the Hispanic community, facilitated a level a trust that allowed participants to share some of their most traumatic and inspiring stories during in-depth interviews. Previous knowledge of the undocumented phenomenon, coupled with personal experiences in Latin America, participation within the local high schools as a recruiter, and the ability to speak Spanish facilitated a level of trust.
These experiences allowed the researcher to further construct meaning from these individuals’ narrative stories and experiences.
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Chapter IV
Findings
“I live through risk. Without risk there is no art. You should always be on the edge of a cliff about to fall down and break your neck.” (Carlos Fuentes, n.d) This study focused on undocumented immigrants. The study was conducted at a historical time where United States’ citizens and legislators were deep into the immigrant conversation. It was and is a political and a controversial topic. Eight months after submitting my proposal to the internal review board, I was granted permission to move forward with the study. The venue is in a mid-Atlantic state.
After transcribing and analyzing the collected data, six major themes emerged: a) crossing the border, b) realization of status, c) barriers, d) living undocumented, e) immigration laws, and d) perseverance.
Participants
This study focused on the lives of 15 Hispanic participants from Guatemala and Mexico and their experiences of growing up in the United States undocumented.
Family members brought the participants to the United States when they were between the ages of 8 months old and 16 years old.
Fourteen out of 15 participants spoke of their experiences crossing the border, reasons for coming to the United States, and hardships in their countries prior to coming to the United States. Their stories include the constant difficulty of living in the United States illegally and/or of being undocumented. Both of these terms indicate that, at the time of the interviews, the participants did not have social security
132 numbers, visas, or other documentation providing permission to be in or live in the
United States.
Each participant signed a consent form to participate in the study and to be audiotaped during an interview. The college where the participants are enrolled emphasized the importance that participants’ academic standing had nothing to do with their participation in the study. Each participated on a voluntary basis. All of the participants were brought to the United States by their parents or family members.
No matter what age, they had circumstances where family had to pay for their arrival in the United States and, more importantly, their safe crossing of the U. S. border.
These young undocumented students come from cultures where children obey and respect the wants and needs of their parents. “La familia” or family is a pivotal and important aspect of the Hispanic culture. Most everything revolves around taking care of family needs, and children are expected to give back to their parents or families in whatever way necessary.
Participant Introductions
Two of the participants were hesitant to be a part of the study. One of the participants initially declined, stating he was too busy to participate in the study, but revised his plans 2 weeks later stating that he wanted to participate. Javier is from
Guatemala and came to the United States when he was 15 years old. His parents were already in the United States and wanted to bring him over here to live with them. The other participant became hesitant about participating after talking with her uncle. However, Marianella’s uncle came to her and told her that she had his blessing
133 if she wanted to participate. She did not want to jeopardize her family and yet wanted her story to be chronicled in this study. Marianella came with her mother and sister to the United States from Mexico when she was 11 years old.
Gabriella and her cousin came to the United States from Mexico when she was 16 years old. Her brother was already here, and she decided to leave her parents and country behind.
Fabio came to the United States from Guatemala with his two cousins in order to live with his father. He was 14 years old. Fabio had to say goodbye to his mother and other family members.
Pablo also came from Guatemala to the United States when he was age 16.
His parents brought him to the United States, and he crossed the border alone.
Pedro left Guatemala with his older brother when he was 14 years old because his father wanted both of them to come to the United States to live with him. He left behind his mother, grandparents, and country.
Blanca, her younger brother, and sister came to the United States from Mexico when she was 15 years old. They lived in Mexico with their grandparents for 10 years without their mother. Her mother worked to send money to help her family.
Blanca remembers having to get to know her mother again because she and her siblings had not seen her in so long.
Yairel, like Blanca, had not seen her mother for many years before being reunited here in the United States. She was 14 years old when she left Mexico. She
134 lived with her grandfather in Mexico until her mother brought her to the United
States.
Silvia and George came to the United States from Mexico. They both came with their families and siblings. These two families crossed the border together.
Silvia was 11 years old when she left Mexico to come to the United States. She remembers parts of her trip as an adventure and only knows that her parents were the ones who brought her to this country. George was 9 years old. He also came with his family and saw the trip as a new adventure. George and Silvia speak English without an accent. They also both speak and understand Spanish at home. They say they understand life in the United States better than they know about life in Mexico.
Andrés also feels as if he knows the United States better than he knows his native country. He came to the U.S. from México with his mother and uncle. His father has lived in the U.S. since the early 90s. Andrés was excited about coming to the United States to live with his dad and to be with his family. He remembers being sad about leaving his friends and other family members in Mexico. Andrés, like
George and Silvia, saw this trip to the United States as an adventure.
Jennifer, along with her father and siblings, came to the United States from
Guatemala when she was 13 years old. Her mother had been living in the U.S. and was working when Jennifer arrived.
Julio, like many other participants, left Mexico and crossed the Mexican
American border with his parents and siblings. He was 13 years old. He was excited about coming at first, until he realized how difficult it was to learn a new language
135 and culture of a new country. Julio and his family came into the United States with 5- month visas that expired long before this study commenced.
Elena crossed the border with her younger sister from Mexico when she was
10 years old. Elena reported suffering tremendously when her parents decided to leave her and her sister without telling them they were coming to the United States.
They lived with their grandparents in Mexico for 2 years. Elena became physically ill after her parents left Mexico. Her parents brought her and her sister to the United
States about 2 years later.
Sinthia is the only participant who has no recollection of coming to the
United States from Mexico. Her mother brought her across the border when she was
8 months old. Her father had been in the U.S. for approximately two years when
Sinthia’s mother reunited with her husband. Sinthia has no sense of Mexico. She speaks English without an accent and doesn’t remember learning English. Sinthia has a younger sister who was born here and is a U. S. citizen.
Theme I: Crossing the Border
“Any situation in which some men prevent others from engaging in the process of inquiry is one of violence; to alienate humans from their own decision-making is to change them into objects” (Paulo Freire, 1970. para 11).
Coyotes. When immigrants come to the United States without papers— illegally—they go through a set of processes. Some of them hire or pay a guide known as a coyote to help them get across the border safely, yet it does not guarantee safety or arrival into the United States. These guides or coyotes have many contacts
136 in Mexico and in the United States to hide illegal or undocumented immigrants as they cross the border. Those who want to cross the border pay substantial amounts of money to the coyotes for each person crossing the border.
The participants tell a myriad of stories about crossing the border into the
United States. In some cases, participants who crossed the border without papers or visas were at the mercy of the coyotes throughout the process. The coyotes were not concerned about providing their clients with comfortable or adequate conditions.
Those persons crossing the border must make sure they have what they need to survive in extreme environmental conditions. They are at the mercy of the coyotes and their contacts, and if caught by Mexican or American authorities, they can encounter emotional and physical hardship. Fabio described it well when he related,
We had to pay for the famous Coyotes. They took us to a very cheap hotel where we could not have more than a meal a day; we stood there for couple of days and then they took us out of the city to the place where we had to cross. Fabio experienced being caught by Mexican officials and placed in a facility for neglected youth. What stood out to him was the coyotes’ lack of concern for their own people and, in general, the most vulnerable human beings, typically small children in the group.
While we were walking -- the baby sick, we were so worried and got scared, I remember that my cousin told to the guiding man about the baby but they didn’t care, this guy said that his job was to take us to Phoenix and not to take care of the baby and said that he didn’t care if the baby died.
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Individual stories. Fourteen participants described what it was like to cross the border and how they did it. The 15 th participant, Sinthia, had to depend on her mother’s recollection of crossing because she was a baby when she came here.
Some participants had relatively easy experiences that did not include guides or coyotes, while others spoke of very difficult experiences crossing into the U.S.
Pablo wrote in his journal,
I found myself in a very difficult situation. I had to face the danger of crossing the borders. I left Guatemala in March 13, I didn’t know anybody in the group. There were people from different countries. I was very afraid since I’ve heard that thousands of people have died on their way to the USA.
Participants like Pablo who came to the United States during their teen years were more aware of the extreme danger than those who crossed with family members at younger ages.
Crossing from Guatemala. Geographically, crossing from Guatemala into the United States is more challenging because it is farther from the United States than
Mexico. People from Guatemala have to cross the Mexican border in order to get into the U.S. Generally, participants from Guatemala and Mexico ride in a car or truck for several hours. During this part of the trip, they switch from car to car, or vehicle to vehicle, until they reached the edge of the border. They ride during the night and sleep during the day. The drivers or guides drop them off somewhere in
Mexico that is close to the U.S. border. They then continue on foot for long periods of time. Some described swimming across a river while others told they were able to bypass it.
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Arriving on U.S. soil. Participants recollected officially arriving on U.S. soil.
Some spent hours and others two to three days walking in the desert until they reached a safe house. Once they had traveled far enough into the United States, the coyote had someone pick them up in a truck and transport them to a metropolitan area. Nine of the participants—Yairel, Fabio, Blanca, Pablo, Pedro, Marianella,
Javier, Gabriella, and Andrés—rode on buses or drove with another guide to get to the East Coast.
Sinthia. Sinthia was 8 months old when she came to the United States. Her mother drove through customs and crossed the Mexican border with a government identification card. She told Sinthia that border officials did not question her about the baby in the car. It was very easy for her to cross.
Pedro. Pedro, on the other hand, described his horrifying experience crossing the border. When Pedro and his brother reached the border between Mexico and
Guatemala, only four people crossed successfully—Pedro, the guide, and two others.
The rest of the group, including Pedro’s brother, were caught by Immigration and sent back to Mexico.
Pedro related being so scared after his brother was caught by Immigration. He wondered if he was ever going to see him again and how he would ever get in touch with him. Pedro’s brother successfully crossed the border a second time and met
Pedro at a second safe house in the United States. Once they finally saw each other, he described feeling relieved. “So we were together like we suppost [sic] to be. No matter what we will be together.”
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Pedro thought things were much better, and they were going to safely make it to their father’s house. However, while traveling to the East Coast in a white van, they stopped at a rest station. Someone called Immigration and they were detained, spent the night in jail, and then were let out of jail the following day. The little money they had Immigration took and exchanged it for a check. However, they could not cash a check. Fortunately, Pedro memorized his father’s phone number and called him to tell him what happened. Their father immediately bought them two bus tickets to the East Coast.
Pedro had been told that if he was caught, he needed to lie about his age. It would be important for him to tell officials that he was 18 years of age. He described his experience:
They took us like if we were criminals. With handcops [sic] in our hands and including in our leg or feet how it call. I wasn’t a criminal. And they trade [treat] us like if we were criminal. We went in a bus to the court, we stayed there for the whole day, till they gave us food .
It took 30 days to arrive on the East Coast.
Fabio. Unlike Pedro, Fabio was not as well informed when he left
Guatemala. The Mexican officials caught Fabio as he was crossing the border from
Mexico into the United States. When asked, he told them he was only 14 years old.
They sent him to a facility for neglected or abandoned youth in Mexico. When he got out of the facility, he traveled with his cousin and his cousin’s wife and their baby.
They posed as his parents. Fabio and his family crossed the border successfully the second time.
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Yairel. Yairel crossed the border with her aunt and little cousin from Mexico.
She swam across the river and remembered the experience as being very cold. It took them a long time to get into the United States and to arrive at their final destination.
They spent 2 weeks in Texas before they were able to travel to the East Coast. Like
Pedro’s brother, Yairel and her family were picked up by immigration officials and sent back to Mexico.
Yairel thought the worst of their trip was over after encountering immigration officials. Unfortunately, there are other people who prey on immigrants crossing the border. Yairel’s family became victim to a woman who ran a safe house. She intended to hold them until she received more money from Yairel’s mother. In her journal, Yairel wrote, “We spent two weeks in Texas before we were able to get away from this woman and two other Christian women befriended the family and got us safely to the East Coast to be with my mother. ”
Marianella. While Marianella came from Mexico, she did not encounter anyone associated with immigration or any authorities during her trip. Marianella was 10 years old but vividly remembered the treacherous trip. She remembers walking in the desert for hours and her mother having to carry her or her sister. She remembers being thirsty and physically exhausted from the environmental conditions.
That day was the scariest, longest, tiredness [sic] day ever! We walked all day. I remember being really hot, extremely hot. By the time the sun went down, I had no water left and my little feet were pounding and hurting, I remember just wanted to sit there and wait to die. The air started to get colder and the walk became harder due to have been walking the whole day long. I felt like
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fainting because I was so hungry and tired and then when I was ready to give up, my mom carry me in her arms and gave me some water that she had beg to this other lady that was walking along with us. I remember for a minute I could hear the coyotes [animals] howl. I was scared to death.
Marianella vividly remembers how long it took for them to be not only in the
U.S. but free from coyotes. “When I looked around, I saw that we were hiding on one side of some sort of road, but really I was completely lost. I want to say that 10 minutes went by and white truck was pulling up.”
After Marianella got to a safe house, Three weeks went by and nobody had showed up yet. It was horrible, one meal per day, no outside, T.V. for a couple of hours and shower every 4 days. It was not until a few days later that couple more people showed, that’s when the coyote said, ‘Ok everybody, let’s move.’ I remember that the coyote put us up in pairs and told us to go in as quick as possible.
Julio and Silvia. Participants like Sinthia and several others have only heard such stories. Julio and Silvia described crossing the border as an easy experience.
Silvia’s parents drove through customs and across the border in their car. She related:
So what my uncle did and what my parents did is they went through. And worst case scenario they should have sent us back. They didn’t. They just let us through that is what happened. And they checked our bags and all and we just drove through. They didn’t just care. They didn’t check anything.
Julio has several family members who are United States’ permanent residents or citizens. Therefore, Julio and his family got temporary 5-month vacation visas to enter the United States legally. Julio and his family drove through customs into the
United States.
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Jennifer. Like Pedro, Pablo, Javier and Fabio, Jennifer came from
Guatemala. She remembers the experience of crossing the border as being very difficult, but she did not encounter any Mexican or American officials. She said,
When [we] crossed the U.S. and Mexico border that was really difficult challenge. We had to cross the border walking at night. We walked for three nights in the desert to cross from Mexico territory to U.S. In the desert I was really scary. They had to listen for the sounds of airplanes, and when they heard them, everyone had to hide. “After three nights, we finally arrived into Mesa, Arizona.”
Blanca. Blanca was 15 years old when she came to the U.S. Blanca came from Mexico. Her experiences of crossing the border echoed Jennifer’s experience.
Blanca wrote, “The trip that we got was so hard because we walked for three days and two nights to come to this country. We were hungry, thirsty and tired.”
Pablo. Pablo talked about being scared and anxious about the trip, but he wanted to be with his parents. He suffered the same environmental and physical conditions of crossing the border through the desert that Marianella, Jennifer, and
Blanca vividly described.
Andrés and George. Andrés and George’s trip to the United States was similar to Julio and Silvia’s trip. Andrés came to the U.S. with his mother and uncle.
Andrés did not remember anything negative about his experience crossing the border.
He was only 10 years old at the time and thought the trip was adventuresome. He had not seen his father in a long time, and his focus was on being with him again. They
143 drove through customs across the border. They then took a bus from Arizona to the
East Coast.
George crossed the border with his parents when he was 9 years old. He described the trip to be an “epic experience.” During his interview, George talked about a conversation he remembered hearing between his uncle and a border protection officer at the U.S. Customs toll plaza between Mexico and the United
States.
[Border patrol officers] were like ‘What are you guys trying to do?’ Not in a bad way, just casually, and my uncle was ‘We’re just trying to go on.’ And they said, ‘OK’ and we went by. …everybody was ready to take out their passports and we were about to get bombed by questions. But all of a sudden we were in the United States. They drove directly through customs and then across the border.
Elena. Elena and her sister came from Mexico. Elena was 9 years old when she came to the U.S. Elena’s parents paid for her and her sister to use someone else’s papers. They drove through customs into the United States. Elena and her sister flew on a plane with the guide to the East Coast. Their parents met them at the airport.
Elena did not have any trouble crossing the border.
Summary. While some of the participants had significant encounters with fear or severe environmental conditions, others had none. However, what can be seen from these stories is that crossing the border can come at a steep price financially, physically, and emotionally.
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Reasons for crossing the border. Parents determined crossing the border for
14 out of the 15 participants. Parents and family members helped all of the participants financially cross the border and gave them emotional support to move forward. They wanted their children to acquire an education that would provide more opportunities. Some participants reported coming to the U.S. for a better life in order to make money and escape extreme poverty. Many of the participants discussed the violence in their countries and how unsafe they felt or would feel if faced with returning. Two of the participants (Fabio and Elena) had reasons that were not initially connected to education, violence, or a better life but were all emphasized and became a priority after having arrived in the United States.
Fabio. Fabio came to the United States from Guatemala after the devastating
Hurricane Stan ripped through his country destroying everything in its path. Prior to the hurricane, his family had land and grew crops that would have afforded him the opportunity to study for a career and get a good job in Guatemala. However, after the hurricane, their land, home, and crops were destroyed leaving them penniless. He came to the U.S. to escape the devastation and start a new life. Fabio’s father brought him here to the U.S. to live with him and begin school.
Elena. Elena is the other participant who came to the U.S. initially for other reasons. She was young when her parents left Mexico. They left without telling
Elena and her sister they were leaving. The girls were devastated when they came home from a sleep over at their uncle’s house to find their parents had left them.
They lived with their grandparents for 2 years. Elena developed a heart condition and
145 became very depressed. Her parents brought her and her sister to the United States after those years of separation. They were ecstatic to see their parents.
Initially, Elena came to the U.S. because of severe depression; however, education and having a better life became a priority the longer she lived here. Even though Elena’s parents wanted a better education for their children, more opportunities, and a better, or at least more stable, economic situation, the girls were brought over because of Elena’s illness. Elena recounted her perception at 9 years old of crossing the border and what it meant to come to the United States:
I guess that my thoughts were that if one came here, we would be rich. Because when one comes back to Mexico, they say that you make a lot of money here and that you are rich. But they don’t tell about racism or how to get the money.
Education. Several participants came to the United States for the sole purpose of obtaining an education. Gabriella made the decision to come to the United
States to further her education. She is the only participant that made her own decision about coming to the United States without parental involvement. However, her parents ended up supporting her. Gabriella’s parents are still in Mexico. She came here with her cousin and lives with her older brother. Education was and is her first priority, which conflicted with her father’s cultural expectations. She spoke about how being female in her country comes with a set of expectations of being a homemaker.
Jennifer spoke of the same obstacle surrounding cultural expectations of being a female in Guatemala:
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In my country we don’t have the same opportunities to go to college and study a career, specially girls. In my country, there are a lot of people who believe that women shouldn’t be educated, that women only have to marry and take care of the family.
Blanca’s mother had been in the United States for 10 years. She returned to
Mexico to bring her children with her. She wanted them to be educated and have the chance to go to college. George, Silvia, and Andres’ parents wanted the same for them. George stated, “My parents wanted to come because the education in Mexico wasn’t as well in the elementary school and high school. Down there they really don’t care.” Silvia is the oldest out of her siblings and has fulfilled her parents’ dreams and expectations of going to college. Andres’ father brought him, his mother, and uncle to the United States. His father had been here since the early 1990s. His mother brought all of his records from his school in Mexico, and he enrolled in school here after summer vacation. His father’s dream has always been to open up a father- son business together here in the United States.
Pablo’s parents could not afford to send him to school in Guatemala, so they brought him to the United States. They were already living in the U.S. Yairel wanted to learn English and study here in the U.S. Her mother had been living here already when she brought Yairel here to get an education. Some of the participants specifically stated that they came to the U.S. for a better education. However, all of the participants interviewed were enrolled in college degree programs and, at some point, all 15 realized education was a necessity in this country and made it a priority.
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Economics. Another reason for coming to the United States was the economic situation in both Mexico and Guatemala. Many of the participants’ parents were not economically stable and came here to earn money for a better life. Some of the participants came to the U.S. when their parents came, and others came much later. Marianella and her sister came with her mother. According to Marianella,
So she couldn’t keep us there because she wasn’t going to give us a good life and she knew it. And so we know it and we understand, and we just trying to not make it any worse than what it is already.
Marianella’s mother brought her daughters here because of her economic situation.
Her husband, Marianella’s father, died of cancer and left her mother to pay off a lawsuit. She could not support her children as the sole provider and pay for the lawsuit.
George’s parents came here to provide an education for their children and to establish themselves better economically. George stated,
But my parents, not only because of education, economically we were very unstable. We rented houses; we never owned any. We were always moving around until my parents were, ‘I think it is a good idea if we move up there for a little while.’
Silvia’s parents also came to establish themselves economically. They were able to find jobs in the United States whereas in Mexico they could not find jobs to support their family.
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Javier came to the United States for a better life because of the poverty in his country. Javier described why an immigrant from Guatemala would come to the
United States.
You know ever[y] Hispanic doesn’t really think… they don’t got a mind like…say ‘Oh I came here to go to school or get a degree.’ We never think about it like that. We just come here and we want to make a better living and you know, like get money; support our family. Cause our country is really poor.
Javier worked in construction when he first arrived in the United States. His mother’s friend encouraged him to go to school. He decided the following year to register and enroll in school. However, initially, Javier came here to earn more money, help his family, and make a better life for himself.
Javier and Pedro have similar views about why people come to this country from Guatemala. Javier stated:
The idea was, in my city, the idea was if you come to this country, it is to make money and go back. That’s what everybody thinks. If you come here you have to make money and in 2-3 years, go back. And every single member of my family, like my cousin. You can’t do nothing, you have to do your house, make your future and come back.
While Pedro knew this was the expectation among family in Guatemala, his father gave him the option of working or going to school. He decided when he got here that he wanted to go to school. His brother chose to work for a year and then enrolled in school. They both graduated from high school.
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However, like Javier, initially Pedro did not know if he would have the opportunity to be educated. His purpose for coming was to be with his father and to help him support the family.
These two participants did not initially come for a better education; they came to establish a better economic situation for themselves, hence earn more money to support their families. George and Silvia’s parents came for several reasons. They wanted to provide a better life, in general, for their children.
Violence. Another reason for coming to the United States is the violence and mass chaos presented by gangs and drug cartels in Mexico and Guatemala. Many of the families came for all of the reasons above, but the danger in their home countries was clearly emphasized throughout several different interviews. Participants and parents had reasons for crossing the border as a result of violence. Six of the participants discussed the rapid increase in violent militant groups that are taking over small towns throughout Latin America. These groups consist of gangs and drug cartels possessing warlike automatic artillery and guns.
Julio, Silvia, Andres, Sinthia, Jennifer, and George all noted the violence that exists in Mexico and Guatemala. They talked about stories their relatives had told them about violence, murders, shootings, rapes, and mass chaos as a result of the gangs and drug cartels. Julio said,
They tell me a store has to be closed at 8:00. I guess you have to home by 8:00. It’s not as bad right now but it used to be really, really bad. Even cats were spooked because they were spooked because they were shooting. They
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told me, my cousin from Mexico that there was a shooting at school so they all have to go down. So now they have to practice that.
Sinthia’s mother has family and friends in Mexico that she stays in touch with on Facebook. She knows how bad the violence is in her town. According to Sinthia,
We had two houses back a year ago and my mom had to sell them because those houses where their neighbors said that’s where the drug cartels would meet for vacation. And one time the two rivals met up there and there was huge…gunfight. I had an uncle who lived there. He had to move out the next day because….I have reasons why I can’t go back to Mexico, drugs, everything…it’s awful back there. Your life is at risk if you back to Mexico.
Even though these participants are undocumented, they feel safer here in the
United States with their status than they would if they went back to their native countries. They discussed their fears as well as the information that is relayed to them from relatives still living in their native countries.
Summary. While many of the participants experienced traumatic events crossing the border, their reasons for crossing far surpassed the risks including losing their lives. Their reasons for crossing are understandable when you hear stories of such profound violence, poverty, and oppression. While their country will always be a part of them, their lives are rooted here in the United States now. Many of the participants in this study speak and write better English than Spanish.
Obligation . “Familia is the very center of Latino culture. I don’t feel the media has really seen that. It is the strongest thing about us and the most universal”
(Nava, n.d.). Participants heavily rely on their families. The family unit is at the
151 center of their cultural heritage and one of the most important things in their lives. As a result of the culture, children do what their parents ask.
Family obligation, allegiance and resiliency are important aspects of the
Hispanic culture. They replace the distance between participants and family members, the extreme sacrifices, loss of materialistic items, fears of dying or being deported, and anxiety that plagues participants living in the United States undocumented. Allegiance is illustrated through participant feelings of emotional and financial obligation, familial infrastructure and support system, and sacrifices of an indefinite amount of time away from family and leaving everything you know to be real behind for a new life in the United States (Ayón & Aisenberg, 2010; Nieymeyer et al., 2009; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Javier talked about his obligations to his family as a young son and an example of family allegiance and loyalty. “As a kid you want your parents to have the best and you want them to enjoy life because they already work for you. And now you’ve got to do something.” Blanca illustrated the same kind of respect and obligation to her mother.
She is a stronger woman; I love her and the only thing that we can do is to make happy to her by doing well in school and be a good children in society. Also I work taking care babies to help her in some bills and pay part of the rent. Blanca believes that she owes everything to her mother, and when faced with challenges, her mother becomes her most significant motivating factor to overcome,
152 conquer, and succeed. She idolizes her mother and works hard to help her as well as make her proud.
All of the participants’ families have made significant sacrifices in order to provide a better life for their immediate and extended families. The participants are well aware of the sacrifices their parents have made to give them a better life, and they, in turn, want to be able to give their parents a better life. Pablo illustrates an example of his loyalty and obligation to his family. “My parents asked me to help them save money to bring my brother, niece, and sister. It took us two years to save all the money we needed. My brother, sister, and niece also came illegally.”
This example all family members saving money to bring his family members to the United States is testimony to the significance of la familia. Marianella talked about her obligation to help her mother and at the same time make her proud. “I have always tried to find a way for my mom to be proud of me.” Marianella is dedicated to her mother and wants to make something of herself one day.
Supporting family . When George, Marianella, Silvia, and Andres’ families came to the United States, they relied on their families already living here. All of these participants lived with family members when they first arrived in the United
States until they were more financially stable to rent their own apartment.
Participants relied on aunts and uncles to feed them and to give them a place to sleep and on their cousins to help them learn English, the school system, and the ways of the United States.
George described how much his aunt and cousins helped him,
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Well what we did was, we moved in with my aunt for like a good three months until we had enough money to live in our own apartment. But I hung out with my little cousins and they taught me a lot of stuff. They taught me the abc’s one to one hundred. I remember all summer just trying to speak English. They were telling me everything, they were really, really supportive. And umm my aunt, when we listened to the radio would say… ‘this is that… that means….blah, blah, blah.’ So I received a lot of help from my cousins. They were my only family I knew as friends here.
Sacrifice . Sacrifice of everything you know to be true is a requirement for leaving everything behind to cross the border. Marianella spoke about what her mother told her when they left for the United States.
The day had come, and without understanding then, mom told us not to take anything, she just kept saying, ‘There will be better things where we going, it will be OK.’ She had gear us with 2 layers of pants and 3 shirts one under the other. Marianella sacrificed her life in order to follow her mother.
Family sacrifice. Jennifer reported her older sister’s courage, loyalty, and respect to her siblings when her mother was in Guatemala.
When mom immigrated to the U.S. I was 8 years old, my sister 13, and my young brother only 4 years old. My sister took care of us. She was really mature. Later we moved to my grandparent’s house. But my sister was the one in charge of us. She cook, sent us to school, when were sick she took us to the doctor. Sometimes she didn’t sleep when my brother and me were sick. She was very responsible.
Jennifer’s older sister took care of her and her siblings while they lived with their grandparents. When Jennifer left Guatemala with her father and siblings, she
154 had to say goodbye to her grandparents. She spoke of how much she missed them.
She has not seen them in several years.
Blanca spoke of a similar experience regarding the sacrifices her mother had made for her children.
My mother is a single mother since I was fourteen years old and she has me and my two brothers in front. She has worked thirteen years for us. For ten years we were without her. We were with our mother’s mother. She took care of us during that time when my mother was working. At ten years old she…money and came for us. What my mother did was to prepare us for another future. She has fought a lot for us.
Yairel spoke about the sacrifice that weighs on her heart the most. “My grandparents are still in Mexico and sometimes I cry because I miss them and I know that I can’t see them because I can’t go back to Mexico.”
One of the sacrifices an immigrant makes is saying goodbye to family indefinitely. “ I wish I was able to go visit my family from Mexico and being able to come back. I miss my family, my friends, and food. I think these are all the remarkable experiences I had,” stated Julio. Once they cross the border, there is no turning back without a great amount of danger and risk.
Participant sacrifice . Participants articulated the profound emotion, heartache and sadness of leaving their loved ones behind. Pedro wrote in his journal:
I will always remember and I won’t forget, that morning I have to say goodbye to the people that I grew up with. I have to say bye to my beautiful awesome, great mom ever, I have to say goodbye. That morning we were in the room of my house. I remember if it was yesterday, we were crying all of
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us, my mom, sister, brother, and my grandfather we did not have the chance to say goodbye to our friends, just my family because it just we had a day. After that morning we had to leave. Risking it all for family. Pedro told his story of allegiance and loyalty when his father sacrificed everything to leave the United States and return to Guatemala for his father’s funeral:
Before years when I wasn’t here my dad lived in another house and he heard about it. He got papers before. He got like for work just for work. A work permit, yeah he got one. He started working. But had one and I don’t know what happened. They didn’t extend the permission. They would do it if he went and got papers and everything and do something. But at that time that was when my Grandpa died. My dad had to go. So he didn’t care about the paper -- he just flew to my country. And then he went through his appeasement . Pedro’s father knew that when he left the United States, he gave up any status he had worked for and would risk his life to cross the border to come back into the
United States. However, the thought of missing his father’s funeral in Guatemala was far more painful than crossing the border again and sacrificing his work permit in the
United States.
Familial infrastructure and support . Family allegiance includes the cultural familial structure and support within each of the extended family units. Some of the participants and their families stayed with family already living here in the U.S. when they first arrived. Participants who came to this country with their parents or to live with their parents or a parent believed that because of the sacrifices to bring them to the United States, they owed their parents something in return. All of them
156 believed that getting an education and graduating from college would make their parents proud and their sacrifices were worthwhile. Participants living with family members recounted stories of family working so hard to provide for them and their siblings. When they recounted the stories, participants felt a sense of guilt that they were not able to help out financially. Julio shared:
My aunt and uncle encouraged me. They were like, ‘You can go over there and it was better.’ I didn’t find out about college until I got here in the high school and then they told me. What they told me was about high school. How many different opportunities I would have over here.
Javier believed his grandfather gave him the ultimate blessing to come here for a better life. He died on May 29. Javier wrote about his encouragement and advice.
I remember what he said and his advice was, ‘Son, when you are older I want you to be someone important in life. I want you to be the best but never forget what exists around you. Remember to be generous it is not as difficult as people say.’ The day I came from Guatemala he gave me his blessings. He told me to go and that God will guard the path, and said he knows that one day I will be what I have dreamt of being.
Jennifer’s father explained these ideals. She wrote in her journal:
He always talks to me. He tells me I never did that in my life so you are going to do it, you and your brother. You are going to do better than me here in the States. Nobody in the family has been through college yet. So we’re the first ones. To be here is a big thing.
Silvia spoke of the stress of being the oldest sibling and the cultural expectation within her family unit as the oldest daughter.
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I am the oldest and I have to be strong and I have to tell them what to do and how to do things right. To keep going to school -- and I know that what I am doing is going to help me and I am going to help my siblings. Silvia has a loyalty to her family and siblings that stems from the culture of la familia or the family. The familial infrastructure is a support system that provides a sense of confidence and responsibility to the family.
Educational encouragement . Pablo did not see his parents for 3 years because they left Guatemala to come to the United States. After Pablo’s parents brought him to the United States, they encouraged and supported him to go to school and further his education beyond high school. “My parents kept pushing me to continue with my education. I will always thank my parents for not letting me quit.”
Gabriella did not have as much emotional support as other participants to come to the United States. She left her parents in Mexico. She lives in the U.S. with her brother. He helps support her and encourages her to follow her dreams.
Gabriella’s brother is the only family she has in this country.
Fabio’s father encouraged him to go to school because of his undocumented status. His father knew he could not get a job. “Because of my age and my migratory status, I couldn’t find a job so my dad encouraged me to go to school even when I didn’t want to go because I didn’t speak English at all.” As much as Fabio wanted to work instead of going to school, he followed his father’s recommendations and advice.
Financial support. Silvia described her families’ support for her education emotionally and financially. She does not ask her parents for money for school
158 because she feels that is her responsibility. Her parents encourage her to continue with her studies in college. She knows that they want her to stay in school and become a professional someday. Her mother wants her to have faith that someday she will be able to adjust her undocumented status.
They are proud. As long as I am in school he will pay for everything else. So he is paying or you know, the car…I have to pay for gas… but he’s paying for the car and recently I started paying for my phone bill because I just don’t want them to pay that anymore. But they were paying that until now and I’m living there and they are paying for all the bills, they pay for food….for all that. Family allegiance is familial support. Parents sacrifice what they have to in order to provide more for their children.
Resiliency. Resiliency is defined by the participants’ many hardships in
Mexico and Guatemala as well as in the United States. Participant resiliency emerged through childhood and adolescent memories from their country and in the United
States. Many of the participants described their living conditions and their houses.
While not all of the participants may have been considered poverty level, others came to the United States to escape the progression and fate of poverty and oppression.
When participants reached the United States and began to assimilate into the schools, towns, and language, they described different situations that made them feel less than equal. All of these participants had survived risky and potentially deadly experiences for an immigrant—crossing the border. Other participants built strength, confidence, and courage by overcoming profound challenges.
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Oppression and poverty in the native country. All 15 participants described their living conditions and experiences in Mexico and Guatemala and how those conditions and experiences developed their character and resiliency. Pedro described his living conditions in Guatemala:
Well my house it wasn’t that big like houses I see in this country. My house is like the same size of a living room of house in the U.S. and we all live and six people live in that room. I grew up in the streets. Also I didn’t use the best clothes like in the U.S.
Other participants shared memories of their former homes. Andrés spoke a little bit about his childhood in Mexico “pure, nice, with nothing being wrong.” Silvia contrasted her memories in Mexico with her present life in the U.S.
I was just a kid in Mexico and all I did was play and I didn’t do anything…go to school that is it. But here OK I went to school, I graduated from high school I’m going to college, I have a job, I am driving.
In her journal, Jennifer, like Pablo, described the profound poverty of
Guatemala:
I remember that in my country we were very poor we never had any kind of comfort. Whell, [sic] my sister, brother, and I we didn’t have any toys. We only have room, we called it a house but it only was a small empty room, we called it a house but it only was a small empty room just one bed no furniture. We had to cook outside and eat outside, we only used the room to sleep. My father worked to [sic] much but the money was not enough. He only earned 50 cents a month that maybe it is like 7 or 8 dollar now in here. So my father decided to immigrate to the U.S. He left my mom pregnant with my young brother. He left us with no money. My mom had to take care us, she washed
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people’s clothes to earn a little just for eat. Also my grandfather helped us a lot. My father couldn’t send us money until later. Jennifer spoke of another experience that she remembered vividly. Her mother was pregnant with her little brother when her father left Guatemala for the
United States. She remembered that one day while at home she was sick, and her mother asked her to run down the road and get her aunt because she was having stomach pains. When Jennifer and her aunt returned to the house, her mother had already had given birth to her baby brother by herself. She did not receive any medical attention.
This clearly illustrates oppressive conditions when human beings are not afforded basic necessities like healthcare. Jennifer and her family lived in a part of
Guatemala that did not have any of the basic necessities we have in most parts of the
United States. There were no stores, pharmacies, doctors, or hospitals close by for her mother to seek medical attention. They lived in the country. Even if there had been some type of medical facility close enough to her mother, they would not have been able to afford to pay for the medical care or health services.
Oppression is created when an extreme disparity exists between people, financially, socially, and politically. Oppression is evident when specific groups of human beings are not valued because they do not possess or attain the qualities or characteristics defined by a society and culture. Oppression encompasses more than the basic concept of discrimination; it ostracizes human beings, denying them their most basic human rights based on cultural and societal rights of passage.
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Elena has traumatizing memories of her experiences in Mexico. She recounted that her parents left her and her sister in Mexico to come the U.S. without telling them:
I had like two years without seeing my Dad and that made me like depressed, and then we were the only ones… my sister and I were the only ones that were there. And I cried when I was there because they call me like an orphan because my parents weren’t there with me. That was difficult.
Elena’s situation illustrates oppression because her parents had to leave their children and country behind in order to provide for their family financially. Elena’s parents were forced to choose between their children and the ability to make enough money to support them.
Oppressive cultural expectations. Gabriella was going to school in Mexico behind her father’s back, and her mother was helping her. However, his job schedule changed, and she would have to stay home with her mother so he would not find out about school. Before she finally quit going to school in Mexico, she would have to make up excuses and lie about why she was absent so much. She remembered being embarrassed. “To me was the horrible experience that I ever had before, because all my classmates wanted to know why I was absent, and was to hard answer that question, always making up stories.” Gabriella described that when she was in
Mexico, she always had good grades, but her father’s cultural beliefs conflicted with
Gabriella’s dreams.
Adjusting to a new country and culture. Resiliency is the result of overcoming or surviving the most challenging experiences. The participants had
162 significant challenges adjusting to a new country, culture, language, and school system.
Silvia’s brother had a difficult time adjusting to the country, culture, and school when he first got to the U.S. Silvia felt it was her moral obligation as the oldest sibling to stay strong and support her younger siblings.
My brother would come back from school and cry and cry and cry. He would tell us and then he would just go to bed or take a shower and just cry and cry. It wasn’t that we could hear, it was just small apartment we were living in so you could hear everything.
She believed she set an example for her brother and sister to continue their education and work really hard in college to graduate. She wanted them to know they could achieve their educational goals and wanted to be their role model.
Marianella reported that she had difficult times, but has done all of it to make her mother proud.
As time passed, it was pretty tough doing all those things at once, school, work, learning English, homework, but they were all important to me and [I] had to find a way to deal with everything together. I have worked ever since and never gotten into any trouble.
Marianella felt more comfortable with her English and could understand and have a basic conversation after approximately nine months in school. This made her feel good about herself.
Fabio went to school like his father wanted, and he reported his initial feelings as he began to go to school. “Right when I came I started school the next week, it was not easy; I didn’t have friends, I didn’t know nobody -- I felt alone. After some
163 weeks I was not that desperate.” Fabio eventually overcame his loneliness and adjusted to a new culture.
These kinds of experiences mold a person and make them who they are.
Jennifer said that her mother had only told her and her siblings good things about the
United States. “She didn’t tell us it was going to be hard to learn a new language, to enter a new culture.” Jennifer started school shortly after arriving in the United
States. She said that English and writing classes were the most difficult for her.
It was the most difficult, the hardest class…writing good papers and my mother was competitive and I was competitive. I don’t speak like really good English but I am competitive. The first year was hard and difficult. Since I came to U.S. my favorite class is Math and Art because we don’t have to write and we explain with numbers or figures (pictures).
Javier had similar experiences adjusting to this country and specifically school:
I was nervous because for the first time I would be with people from here. The date drew closer for me to be present in school. I went and rode the bus and was afraid. We arrived to the school and I got off the bus with my schedule in hand, and I did not know where to go. Thanks to a classmate who helped me, he guided me to the class they called homeroom. After time passed, I developed how to speak more words and how to say more things with the help of other classmates at school.
George referred to his child and adolescent memories in the United States after he arrived and started school:
Yeah I remember clearly getting on a bus for the first time. Cause in Mexico there are no buses. You walk to school. So it was from the beginning waking
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up early in the morning and then recognizing that school is just so long, cause in Mexico it is just 8:00-12:00. And that’s it. Here it’s like 8:00 - 3:00. So I remember that the days were just so drastically long. Lunch was at 12 and I remembered that was when we used to get out of school. That’s horrible. I remember people looking at me because I was just a new kid. And I remember just…building up the courage and wanting to read because I just wanted to. It was like it was amazing, like showing people that I could do it. They thought, ‘he’s probably not going to do well this year, he’s probably going to be held back.’ Like I remember the teachers talking about it in front of me thinking I that I wouldn’t understand. But I would catch glimpses.
Resiliency through adversity. George described himself as a kid who was always willing to try even if it was difficult. He was partnered with another Spanish speaker that was supposed to help him but never did. George said he was on his own.
George made mostly American friends when he started fifth grade. He found his will and encouragement and motivation to succeed from the low expectations of teachers and others as he went through school.
Marianella felt more comfortable with her English and could understand and have a basic conversation after approximately nine months in school. This made her feel good about herself.
Fabio wrote in his journal, “After some weeks I was not that desperate.” He eventually overcame his loneliness and adjusted to a new culture.
Pablo described his first experiences here in the United States in public school as being positive. “I was learning English real fast and was moved to advanced ESL
165 classes. I thank God because he gave me the strength and wisdom to learn. Since I started school I haven’t failed any classes or year.”
Blanca felt lost in a new country with a mother she had not seen for 10 years, and a language she could not understand. She described her first encounters with
America and how sad she became.
When I saw the streets and signs in English, I knew that I was far from Mexico (my country) it make me sad and I cried. I felt like that I couldn’t go back to my country and a new life was waiting for me. In the new life that I had to do is to know more about my mother because I didn’t know a lot from her. I didn’t see her for a long time so the things will be hard for me. I had to know more about my mother, and learned the language.
Summary. Resiliency is a necessity in life for overcoming challenges, pain, and difficult situations. These participants are characterized as resilient because of what they have done, have overcome, have conquered, and have achieved in their lives with very few resources. Their stories are powerful testaments to what documented citizens may define as impossible. Their resiliency stems from their familial support and the allegiance they have to family and their family has to them.
Cultural differences. As participants talked and wrote about initial years from the time they crossed the border, specific cultural differences emerged through their narratives. Contrasting cultural expectations were noted as reasons for crossing the border. Cultural differences in this study are defined as differences noted by participants between their native culture of Mexico or Guatemala and the United
States.
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American ways. Silvia observed her sister’s American ways in her actions around the house.
She went to preschool here and now she’s in 4 th grade because she failed one year because of language…. But all her friends are American. Every time she has friends come over they are always American. She loves Disney movies but they are always in English. Things, she watches TV and it’s all in English. And I speak to her all the time in Spanish. She understands it perfectly but she doesn’t talk to me in Spanish. And she gets angry when I tell her…‘Talk to me in Spanish.’ She doesn’t know it is not because she doesn’t want to -- it is because she has been here since she was 1 and it is hard…I even tell my mom…and my mom doesn’t speak English. She talks to her in Spanish always. But it is hard for her because TV is all in English. My sister barely speaks Spanish. Language. Language is the essence of who we are as human beings
and, at the same time, can define and separate us from others. It is at the
center of our culture and is often how we identify ourselves. Sinthia talked
about family expectations regarding language at home. While Sinthia was
raised here and doesn’t even remember learning English, her parents always
made her speak Spanish at home. So she is fully bilingual. This is a cultural
tradition that they wanted to maintain within their family unit. Jennifer’s
family held the same cultural expectation in their home. They only speak
Spanish in the home. Silvia’s mother and father only speak Spanish in the
house as well.
Silvia noted the differences in her brother’s American friends regarding social settings and family.
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His friends I know are always at my house. They eat there; they shower there. It is like they do everything there. Ummmm and because my mom is really like outgoing too; and she doesn’t mind fixing all this food. She loves having people there.
Silvia’s younger brother and sister are Americanized, and she describes them as feeling more comfortable speaking English than they do Spanish, which is different for her.
Sinthia, like Silvia, has a sister who acts more American than Mexican. The only difference is that Sinthia’s sister was born here.
Housing. Some participants noted cultural differences based on their undocumented status rather than on the country. Jennifer reported differences between how she lived as an undocumented immigrant and her friends who are U.S. citizens. The difference that Jennifer noted is a result of her and her family’s undocumented status. They cannot buy a home because they do not have social security numbers. She related that her family rents a house where eight people reside.
Her family consists of four people. They live in one room of the house. She talked about the differences between her home and her friends’ homes. She described the houses as having five or six different rooms and only one family living there.
Marriage. Like Silvia, George noted social and cultural differences among his American friends regarding marriage and social interactions.
Yeah I see a lot of differences mostly in the way that they act towards their parents. I have so many friends who are, ‘I’m going to my mom’s house or I’m going to my dad’s house.’ For us we don’t look at it like it is that easy. It is more cultural I’m guessing, cause divorce is not an option even dating wise.
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With a boyfriend or a girlfriend for some we Hispanics look it as something serious…A lot of my friends have to go to every single marriage counselor. My friends are like ‘Oh we broke up.’ Or ‘Oh yeah, my parents got divorced the other day. Yeah, like my parents don’t talk anymore.’ Like they seem to look at it like it is that easy….like in my family divorce would be WOW, I can’t even think about it. Cultural expectations. George has been in the United States a long time and interacts with almost only Americans. This has caused conflicts within his family unit because he has become accustomed to some American ways that conflict with his parents’ cultural expectations within the home.
Since I grew up with many American friends adapted some of their customs, and ways of acting in certain situations, this causes dilemmas in my family since coming from a cultural custom or way of living, changes in my attitude creating many arguments and disagreements in my family.
Cultural differences caused cultural conflicts in George’s family unit. He has been in the United States since he was 9 or 10 years old. His parents as adults still hold strong cultural values within the household and family unit that conflict with the more American way of life. George also noted differences in how they celebrate the holidays, specifically Christmas. He explained that Christmas is not about gifts as much as it is about being with family and celebrating the religious part of the holiday and reuniting the entire family. George remembers going to his grandmother’s house for Christmas and his entire family being there. He says that Christmas in the United
States can be sad because he cannot be with his entire family. George’s mother has
13 siblings, so he has a huge extended family that he does not get to see.
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Andrés is observant of the cultural differences in the United States compared to his country of Mexico, specifically focusing all of the materialistic gadgets children in the U.S. get at such a young age. He also talked about contrasting perceptions Hispanics and Americans have regarding new cars.
Well I really didn’t have anything growing up like I had a Nintendo 64 and that was it. For toys, I had like a soccer ball and that was it. I remember I had my first phone at age 15, and it was a pay as you go. I had my first car at 18 a 1997 Chevy cavalier that I bought for 800 dollars cash. Nothing too flashy but it gets me from point a to point b. I used to have a girlfriend and when she bought her car, when her parents bought her car, excuse me, she wanted what she called “A brand new car.” What American people think of a brand new car if they live in 2010 they want a 2010 with no more than 1200 miles on it, if that. What we think of brand new car or a new car is if we live in 2010 may be getting a 2005 with maybe 55-60or 80,000 miles on it.
Andrés says he works more than full-time plus he goes to college full-time.
He has to work for everything he gets plus deal with the reality of being undocumented every day.
As I was working today, I noticed a kid who maybe was 8 years old had his own Iphone for himself. Then later I noticed my boss’s son had his own Ipad he’s only 12 years old. I thought to myself it must be nice being that young and having all those great things.
Summary. Theme 1, “Crossing the Border,” introduced the 15 participants involved in the study. It recounted their vivid experiences crossing the border and the emotions surrounding this event. Participants explained the reality of why they came or were brought to the United States. Their stories illustrated an unbreakable
170 allegiance, loyalty, and bond to family and culture. They risked their lives crossing the border for family. They relied on one another for survival once they arrived in the
United States.
This theme illustrates the significant challenges participants encountered to get into the United States and the importance of la familia, the family, within the
Hispanic culture, and the conflicting cultural differences.
Theme II: Realization of Status
“Remember, remember always, that all of us, and you and I especially, are descended from immigrants and revolutionists” (Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1938, p. 259).
The realization of being undocumented is not and was not a happy, memorable moment. Fifteen participants physically crossed the border; they emotionally crossed the border when they found out about their undocumented status and the impact it had on their lives. At some point in their lives, participants realized the consequences of what it was to be undocumented or illegal. They began to see how their rights and freedoms were no longer the same as their documented counterparts. When these individuals found out they were undocumented and then understood what it meant, many were devastated.
Sinthia, Marianella, Elena, Geoge, and Siliva reported that this realization explained their parents’ and other family members’ strange behaviors. They understood why parents avoided specific conversations, feared certain people, and avoided the police. Some of the participants—Sinthia, Marianella, George, Fabio,
171 and Silvia—were told that life would be more difficult because they did not have a social security number.
Ten out of the 15 participants interviewed found out they were undocumented during times that are considered exciting and anticipated experiences for a teenager in the United States. Many found out about their status and the importance of a social security number when they took driver’s education class in high school. Most of these participants were so well integrated into the American culture that they described teachers as shocked and speechless; they had no idea when they found out these students were undocumented.
Driver’s license . Participants talked about and wrote about how they found out they were undocumented. They disclosed how they felt the moment they found out and how it impacted their lives. For nine out of the 15 participants, this happened when they took driver’s education class in the 10 th grade and then tried to get their driver’s licenses. Fabio, Pedro, Pablo, Gabriella, Silvia, Javier, Andrés, Blanca, and
Sinthia found out they were undocumented through the experience of driver’s education. They began to come to a realization about the impact that being undocumented was going to have on their lives.
Fabio realized being documented was important when he turned 16 years old.
He realized that he needed a social security number in order to obtain a license. He wrote in his journal, “I got to know that I needed a social security number to get a driver’s license, this was difficult news for me, something that I didn’t realize.”
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Pablo expressed the same beliefs and had similar experiences. He took driver’s education class and passed it. He took all of his papers and even his diploma to Motor Vehicle to get his driver’s license and realized without a social security number, he would not get it. Pablo’s parents had told him how difficult it would be to live in the United States without papers, but he did not realize the impact until he and his classmates were old enough to get a driver’s license.
Gabriella saw her friends driving but found out immediately that she could not drive because she did not have a social security number to get her license. “When I was in 10 th grade and everyone was around the driver’s test. And I can’t take that test because I don’t have a social security number.”
Silvia recounted the same experience. She was in high school in 9 th or 10 th grade and noticed that everyone was taking driver’s education class. She was not allowed to take it because she did not have her papers or legal documents. As a result, she had to sit through the class as a listener and ended up failing because she could not finish the driving portion of the class. Silvia stated:
That is the first time I realized that because of my status I can’t do that. But that was when I realized that I didn’t have any papers, that’s why… That is the first time, I guess that it affected me because I wasn’t working and I wasn’t driving. I didn’t need to. I was dependent on my parents.
Javier did not understand what it was to be undocumented until he took driver’s education class as well. He wrote in his journal, “but I did not know that being an immigrant closed many opportunities. I realized this when I was in 10 th
173 grade.” He explained in his interview the details of what happened in 10 th grade when he learned how important a social security number was in the U.S.:
It was a teacher who said…it was my second year in high school and they gave me a class that is called Driver’s Ed. And the first day I went to that class the first thing the teacher told us… he stands up and says if you don’t have a social security number or are illegal you don’t need to be in this class because you are just going to waste your time. I feel really down, if he knew that a student was illegal he could say like… Avoid that so people didn’t feel bad. Three students that got up and…because they felt bad of him [he made them feel bad]. I didn’t get up, I just waited to talk to my advisor and I said… And the only she told me is that, ‘It is what it is, we can’t do anything about it.’ We can’t get a social security card. It was really rude of him.
Andrés talked about his shock and disbelief when he found out he was undocumented. Pedro was older when he came to the United States but still did not realize the impact of being undocumented. Neither Pedro nor Andrés understood the impact of being undocumented. Andrés came here young, like Silvia, and he had made more American friends than Hispanic and spoke more English than Spanish.
Up until he was 16 years old, he did the same things, took the same classes, and lived a similar life to documented individuals. However, in 10 th grade, when he turned 16 years old, he realized quickly how difficult things were going to be without a social security number. He stated: “I had to start, I had to get a job, you know. And those were the main two things that this whole social security number and the papers began to affect me.” Pedro described a similar situation in his journal. He took the driver’s
174 education class but realized that he would not be able to get his license without his social security number.
I start realizing how important [it] is to have a social security#. You use it to work or everything else but if you don’t have one well [it] is hard to find a job without it. Plus, in order to have a license you have to have a social security number and to get the state ID.
Pedro’s father had also told him that he needed a social security number to do everything in this country. It was a difficult time for him.
Blanca found out about being undocumented and the impact her undocumented status would have on her future the same way as the other eight participants did. She took driver’s education class, and they asked her for her social security number. It made her feel really bad that she did not have one. Blanca stated,
“I felt bad in that moment because here the school…I cannot work, I cannot do anything.”
Other circumstances. The remaining 6 participants in the study found out about their status under different circumstances. Elena, Sinthia, Yairel, Julio,
Marianella, and George had individual circumstances that were different and uniquely similar all at the same time. While they found out under different circumstances about their undocumented status, upon finding out, they were all upset, shocked, and confused initially. Some of the 6 participants had more traumatic incidences around their realization of status, but, in the end, they all felt like they lost a piece of themselves. They found out they were undocumented through conversations with parents, peers at school, and teachers in school.
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Elena lives in a different state from where the study took place but attended the same college as the other 14 participants. Elena found out about her status and what it meant to be here without papers—undocumented and illegally—in her senior year of high school. Elena’s dream was to become a nurse. When Elena told her story in the interview, she wept. She wrote about her heartbreaking experience in her journal. In the 11 th grade, she began a nursing program where, upon graduation, she would have been certified nurse’s assistant (CNA) and would have obtained her license. She was so excited because she was studying what she had dreamed of becoming—a nurse.
Elena was one of the only students in the CNA program who had high enough grades to be eligible for a statewide scholarship. After her instructor encouraged her to apply, she was chosen as a semi-finalist. She said that her nursing instructor and program director were so excited for her. Once she was chosen as a semi-finalist, she filled out more applications to see if she could become a finalist. She was not chosen as a finalist in the scholarship process but was so proud to be one of the only students in her class to be chosen as a semi-finalist in a statewide scholarship.
As Elena ended the CNA program, her nursing instructor told them that they had to get fingerprinted. This is a requirement for all nursing students. They must have a background check before they go into the hospitals for clinicals. Elena went to the police station to get fingerprinted. Then, her instructor had them fill out paperwork for the background check. They filled the paperwork out as a class with the teacher. There was a part on the paperwork that asked if the applicant was a
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United States’ citizen or resident; Elena’s teacher told them to check U.S. citizen.
Elena did exactly what she said and did not think anything of it.
After Elena sent in the paperwork, she received a letter in the mail stating that her fingerprints were not readable and more information was needed. She received this letter the same day her brother was taken by Immigration. She took the letter to her nursing instructor, and she told Elena she needed to put her social security number on the application and send it back. Elena told her instructor she did not have one. Her instructor was shocked and angry.
‘WHAT’ And there my problem started, she told me that I made a felony because I put in the paper that I was citizen and I am not -- and I told her ‘I put what you told us to put’ and she told me that I could go to jail for it. I got taken out of the nursing program, the nursing instructor and the person responsible of the program didn’t look me the same no [sic] more since they found out that I was illegal.
Elena was devastated over what took place. The nursing instructor had a lawyer speak with Elena because she accused her of committing a felony. Elena did not know what the word citizen meant. She thought it meant something about where you lived. She did not know she was undocumented or illegal. The lawyer relayed to her that she was in big trouble and could go to jail because she lied on a state application, and it was considered a felony. The nursing instructor said, “You cannot be in this class, and you cannot go to clinicals anymore because you are not legal.”
Elena desperate, sad, and heartbroken, went to one of her other teachers who had been an ESL teacher and cried. Elena recounted the incident. “What am I
177 supposed to do now?’ I had everything planned and my teacher, she was an ESL teacher, and she cried with me. And she told me everything was going to be great.”
Even as Elena recalled this incident during the interview, she sobbed.
While Elena’s incident was more serious than the other 5 participants, similar feelings arose. Sinthia found out about her undocumented status while planning her future. She was looking at college applications when she saw the question about a social security number. She noticed it was on every application. It was then that she asked her parents what a social security number was and if she had one. Sinthia’s parents explained to her that she was undocumented but could still go to at least one college.
George found out he was undocumented while watching the news. They were reporting on immigration and undocumented immigrants. George asked his parents if they were undocumented. His parents explained to him that they did not have social security numbers and they were undocumented.
George and Sinthia were shocked and speechless. Both of their parents told them they were very proud of them and wanted them to go to college and continue their education. George’s family never talked about being undocumented. They went to school and tended to their lives like all families. It wasn’t until George’s sister got involved in an activity in school that the differences began to fall into place. Sinthia realized the impact of her undocumented status when her ROTC teacher wanted her to apply for a scholarship. Her uncle was an officer in the Marines, and Sinthia
178 wanted to join the Marines. Sinthia and George began to open their eyes after they found out about their status.
Marianella changed schools in the middle of ninth grade. She found out about her status through interactions with Hispanic peers in the same situation. She wrote in her journal. She found out who she really was and why her mother had been so protective. “I understood then why mom was so scared of police people or why she was scared for us.” She realized they were not in a good position. Marianella began to understand the impact of her status when she decided to get a job to help her mother pay bills because she was having trouble. She had to use her mother’s papers to work that had her mother’s age on them when Marianella was only 15 at the time.
This experience opened her eyes to living undocumented.
In contrast, Julio and Yairel had an idea about their undocumented status but not necessarily how much it would impact their lives. Julio told me, “I figured it out way before my visa expired, actually. Cause I knew that then I was going to [be] illegal. I was fourteen or fifteen. It expired when I turned fifteen.” Julio knew that when his visa expired, he would be in the U.S. illegally, but he really did not understand what that meant. He experienced the reality of being undocumented when he took a class in high school. Through his interactions with the teacher, he realized the impact of being undocumented. This was when the status affected him, and he began to care and truly understand the impact.
Yairel stated that she understood early on that she did not have permission to be here and that she had crossed the border illegally, but she did not realize the
179 effects. Yairel’s mother talked to her about the difficulties of living in the United
States undocumented. She only wanted Yairel to focus on school. She found out that she could still go to college even though she was undocumented. Yairel knew that the United States was not her land, her country, or her language. When she realized the impact of her status she said to herself, “It’s going to be okay.”
Sinthia, George, Elena, Marianella, Julio, and Yairel had much in common based on how they found out about their status and the support systems surrounding them during this time. All 6 of these participants’ parents, including Elena and
Sinthia’s teachers, encouraged them to graduate from high school and even pursue college. They realized the impact of their status and the consequences, and while saddened and frustrated, they continued to be successful.
Summary. Every participant had a realization of his/her status and the impact it would have on the rest of his/her life. After one male participant got home from trying to get his license from Motor Vehicle, he sat down and cried to his father because he was so upset and disappointed.
No matter the circumstances around the realization of being undocumented, all of the participants encountered similar sets of circumstances that defined their identities. Sinthia had to deal with the driver’s license issue as an undocumented student in high school, but she found out about her status based on another set of circumstances. Elena was the only participant that did not have to deal with the issue around driving or obtaining a license because of her status. However, her realization of being undocumented shattered her dreams. The 14 other participants encounter
180 problems surrounding driver’s education class and obtaining a license as a result of their status.
Interactions with documented versus undocumented peers. Peer
Interactions are pivotal pieces of an adolescent’s life during their school years.
Interactions with peers emerged as a theme through participant stories. Specific incidents and interactions have had such impact that participants recalled details as if they happened yesterday. Some participants found comfort and peace through interactions with peers.
Peer interactions among these 15 participants varied. Participants have friends who are documented and undocumented and Spanish-English-speaking.
Pablo described having American friends because he wanted to learn about the country, the culture, and American ways. Other participants spoke and wrote about having Hispanic friends, both documented and undocumented. All of the participants had a strong bond with other undocumented students. Some participants expressed feeling different around their documented friends. Other participants relayed that they felt the same around both undocumented and documented friends, but they avoided talking about their status. There was much discussion about documented and undocumented interactions within each participant’s peer group.
Marianella stated that the ratio of her undocumented to documented friends was about 50-50. She was in English speaking classes, so she had White and Black friends. However, she did admit, whether documented or undocumented, she made friends with Spanish-speakers faster than she made friends with English speakers.
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While Pablo has a mixture of friends who were Spanish and English speaking, documented and undocumented, he talked about how his relationships helped him deal with his frustrations. Pablo wrote in his journal, “99% of my first friends were illegal.” Pablo said that he could share his feelings about being undocumented with his undocumented friends, “they talk to me a lot about their experiences. Umm how difficult it was for them -- not being able to drive, [as it] is for me. Or they will get in trouble for everything.”
Marianella did not talk about her status with other peers and avoids discussing immigration issues. Julio also has friends who are documented and undocumented.
George has more American friends (documented) than Spanish-speaking friends.
Pablo relayed that he also looked to hang out with Americans. “Maybe because I am always looking to hang with all of them—to learn more about America. I don’t know. I try to act like they do.” George talked about one person who he knew from high school who was undocumented. Their sisters were good friends, and George knew him through that relationship. Their conversations always had that common thread and subtle inferences about their undocumented status. “We were really close so the way we talk about it [the undocumented status] is like, ‘How is your family doing?’ And we both pretty much talk about it like part of a conversation, I’m guessing.”
Silvia has a mixture of documented and undocumented Spanish-speaking friends as well as citizens. She spoke about her perception of being undocumented and how documented peers reacted. Silvia stated that she would speak to her
182 undocumented peers about her status because they understood better. Silvia did not talk about her status with her documented friends. They did not really care because it was not affecting them. They did not understand all of the limitations that come with an undocumented status. Silvia remarked, “The people I talk about [my status with] are the people in my same situation. They know what I’m going through; they know the whole thing.” Silvia also noted that when she was in high school, she felt more comfortable around Spanish speakers because she could communicate with them more easily.
Pedro experienced a similar situation. He had very close Spanish-speaking friends that he hung out with in high school. He felt that their language was the most significant characteristic that bonded them. Silvia felt the same way about her
Spanish-speaking friends. Gabriella has not been in the United States as long as some of the other participants, so her experiences with peers included mostly Spanish- speaking friends. She did not feel comfortable with American peers. Some of the students were mean to Gabriella and her friends when they spoke Spanish. “Yeah I was the only one [Spanish speaker in the class]. But it hurt. Like when the students were walking and speaking Spanish she was…‘Oh they are annoying.’”
Javier has a younger sibling who is a U.S. citizen. He has friends who are documented and undocumented. He described how he felt around his documented friends; “Well, I feel different from them.” Gabriella felt different from documented peers. She was comfortable talking about her status with other undocumented students. Jennifer felt the same. She only has one undocumented friend but says that
183 they can talk about their experiences, share stories, console fears, and try to resolve issues surrounding their status. Even though Javier feels different from his documented friends, he continues to hang out with his documented peers and even pushes them to speak Spanish when they would rather speak English.
In contrast, Yairel feels the same around both sets of documented and undocumented friends, but she avoids talking about her undocumented status.
Yairel’s friends treat her the same, and she has had positive interactions with her peers. Conversely, Jennifer does not feel the same around her documented friends.
She noted that while she gets along with everybody, she feels different when she is with her documented peers.
Jennifer and Sinthia have best friends who are documented. They spoke about how they compare themselves to these friends. They see the opportunities their best friends have that they do not have. Sinthia has a lot of friends, and most of her
Hispanic friends are undocumented, except for her best friend. Her best friend’s parents have always been very close with Sinthia’s family and a tremendous support for Sinthia. They just recently received their citizenship. Sinthia compares her life to her best friend’s life. Jennifer also compares her life to her best friend and sometimes feels like her best friend throws her documented status in Jennifer’s face.
When Jennifer spent time with her documented peers, she did not feel equal.
Throughout high school, Sinthia had a mixture of White American friends and
Hispanic friends. She would say “hello” to everyone but spent most of her time with the White American friends. Andrés also has more American than Hispanic friends
184 who are documented. His status has come up with his documented friends. They are very supportive of his status and do not do anything to make him feel less or different. Jennifer talked about her younger brother, who has almost all documented friends. From her perspective, he is very much Americanized and embedded within the culture. However, Jennifer made this statement, “Yeah, the friends act different than he does. He tried to stay in the same place, but the papers make you different.”
Jennifer’s brother does not have papers. As time passes, Jennifer sees how the undocumented status becomes more and more apparent for her brother, resulting in barriers that documented peers do not have.
Elena and Blanca experienced trouble in high school with their peers. Neither
Elena nor Blanca could speak or understand English. Elena grew up in a state near the state where this study took place. Demographically, there were few Hispanic immigrant students in her school. The language barrier was an obstacle for Elena. “It was difficult. I had even Spanish students that told me that I was a dumb kid because
I didn’t speak English. And they made fun of me.” Blanca wrote in her journal about a time when she was in class, and another student made a bad comment about her friend and about Hispanic people. She realized then that not everyone was accepting of others in her school.
Elena perceived many of the documented students as wasting opportunities that she would have loved to have. This caused her to develop feelings of anger and frustration because she was working so hard in school yet was being treated so
185 unfairly. “I got a lot of madness at them because I saw that they were legal and they were not doing anything to get a career or a job or something.”
Pedro made more friends when he changed schools in the ninth grade. He gravitated toward those who spoke the same language. He described feeling better in high school because he was surrounded by Hispanic peers. He ate lunch with his friends and they stuck together. “That is the point—to be together. We [are] the only ones that speak that language. When we go into lunch we always be together and we don’t separate we are always like friends.” Fabio befriended mostly undocumented
Spanish-speaking peers but also has at least one very close documented Hispanic friend. Pedro and Fabio also experienced times when they felt different.
Summary. Participants described different experiences and encounters with their peers, yet many of the stories revealed significant similarities. Participants struggled because of their language, undocumented status, or socioeconomic status.
They had negative and positive encounters with their peers. At least 14 of the participants began to feel the isolation caused from being undocumented when they turned 16. They encountered experiences where they felt alone, ashamed, and hurt as a result of the way others treated them. For these participants, peer interactions had a profound effect in learning how to deal with trivial conflicts as well as significant conflicts within peer groups.
Interactions with others. Interaction with others involves those who are not within the peer group. It could be individuals who are ministers, priests, teachers, guidance counselors, nurses, advisors, coaches, neighbors, employers, etc.
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Participants had positive and negative experiences with individuals. The participants faced subtle and condescending remarks from other individuals as they had faced from their peers. Even through the most negative experiences, all 15 participants recognized the people in the community who helped them. All of the participants thanked me for conducting a study that focused on caring about them as individuals and human beings with a profound story to tell the world. Participants know that these interactions have been some of the most paramount reasons for motivating and encouraging them to succeed. They are achieving the impossible in a world where the odds are against them as a result of being undocumented.
Positive interactions. All of the participants described having positive interactions with individuals who were involved in all facets of their lives. They described these people as supportive, helpful, caring, motivating, and encouraging.
Many of these people influenced these fifteen participants to continue their plight for a better education. These people had a tremendous impact on these participants’ lives in one way or another. They are one of the reasons these participants are in college today. Many of the participants discussed individuals within the schools, workplace, family, and other settings that helped them get through difficult times in their lives.
High school faculty and staff support. All of the participants referred to an adult within the high school with whom they had a positive encounter. Gabriella recognized the school nurse and school counselor who supported her. They made her feel more secure during times of hardship. Gabriella explained that she had emotional problems as a result of the culture shock she endured when she came to
187 this country. She lived with her brother in a house where they shared the rent with many others. Her brother worked shift work, and, as a result, Gabriella was left in this house with strangers. She became so worried she couldn’t sleep at night. One day, she fainted in the cafeteria, and her friend took her to the nurse. From that moment forward, she saw a counselor once a week to help her deal with the problems she was having. She said that the counselor helped her feel better. She answered her questions about being illegal or undocumented. Gabriella wrote in her journal about the positive impact of her school counselor. “She helped me a lot, giving me answer to all my question, but not solutions to my problems.” Yairel talked about one counselor specifically who helped her. This counselor talked to some of the undocumented students and told them how they could go to college. Yairel was a senior when she found out she could go to college.
All of the participants talked about some of the teachers who impacted their lives in positive ways. Pablo discussed how his ESL teachers impacted him positively in high school. Fabio also stated in his interview that he had good teachers.
He felt like a lot of people encouraged him. Gabriella recounted her interactions with her history teacher as being very positive. He was a nice teacher and treated
Gabriella the same as the other students. “The History teacher, he was always nice to me and he always helped me on that. No, but like they see me and an American, they always go for the American.” However, this particular teacher helped her.
Pablo discussed how much support he received from his English as a second language (ESL) teachers. The ESL teachers followed him from class to class and
188 made sure he understood the work and helped him if he had trouble. Gabriella also spoke about her Spanish teacher being a tremendous help to her as she transitioned to this country. “Yeah, she make [sic] me like my counselor. And another friend, she’s a teacher of Spanish. And she always helps me.” Jennifer also thought she had excellent teachers. They treated her the same as the other students, and she got along with everyone well.
Elena, disappointed, desperate, angry, frustrated, and sad, talked about a teacher and an administrator she will always be grateful to for keeping her in school.
Elena went through some very traumatic life changes in a short period of time. She remembered going to one of the teachers she trusted and telling her she was going to quit school. She asked the teacher, “What is the purpose of graduating if you cannot work after you graduate? You have to [do] the thing your parents do, papers, fake papers from someone else.” This teacher encouraged and helped her. The teacher went to the principal and told him what had happened to Elena in the nursing program. He was very angry over the inequity and how she was treated. He allowed
Elena to enroll in a one credit class 2 months into the semester so that she could graduate. Elena admitted that if it had not been for the support of a teacher and her principal, she would have given up her dream of graduating from high school.
Silvia and Andrés had very positive experiences with their teachers in high school. The negativity came within herself as a result of her status. She knew she could not do the things that her teachers were so sure she would or should be doing.
Many of her teachers did not know about her undocumented status. They gave her a
189 lot of information on 4-year universities and encouraged her to apply. Silvia discussed how she avoided disclosing her undocumented status. “I told her I would love to and that I was going to look it up. Of course, I wasn’t going to tell her that I couldn’t go even if I wanted to.” Andrés talked about how supportive all of his teachers were throughout school in the United States. Sinthia’s ROTC teacher was very supportive of her when he found out about her status. He continued to encourage her.
Parents and employers supporting undocumented students. Pablo wrote in his journal that his parents’ plans were for him to continue to further his education from high school into college. He is thankful for the support and encouragement they have given him throughout his time here. Javier’s parents are also very happy about his going to college and bettering himself. Pedro talked about how badly his father wanted him to attend high school and graduate. He went to college because he wanted to further his education and make him proud. He wrote in his journal about how he had been thinking about going to college even before he graduated from high school.
However, Pedro thought it would be impossible because of the cost of college.
He did not think he could go to college until one of his teachers in high school explained that he could go as an undocumented student. She also told him he was eligible for scholarships. He decided to go to college and was awarded the financial scholarships. He stated that his father was so excited to see him graduate from high school and was even more proud of him for enrolling in college.
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Yairel had the same aspirations as Pedro. She wanted to further her education. Yairel’s mother wanted her to focus on her studies. “My mother does not allow me to work because she wants me to go to school only and focus on college.”
Yairel came to the U.S. for a better education and is accomplishing her goals.
Gabriella talked about how her interactions and experiences at work affected her. Gabriella has had positive experiences where she works. Javier talked about how supportive his boss was about his undocumented status. His boss does not understand why the laws in this country are so strict for those who want to achieve the American dream. He does not understand why they cannot get documents to live and work legally in the United States. Fabio’s boss is very kind to the Hispanic community. Fabio wrote about his boss and his boss’ family in his journal. “They are very, very kind people, nice people, and they are American, very important people but they care about you and worry about your problems.”
Andrés also had positive experiences with his boss. He spoke very highly of his boss, the owner of the restaurant. The people who own the restaurant where
Andrés and his father work came from Greece. They came to this country as immigrants, just like Andrés and his father. The restaurant owners are very supportive of Andrés. They know and understand his situation. They have encouraged him to go to college and have allowed Andrés to adjust his schedule around his classes and schoolwork. Andrés stated that his boss and family are living the American dream but have worked very hard to get where they are today. The relationships participants have had with people in the workplace have had a
191 significant impact on them. These people have encouraged these participants to continue to achieve success. They have supported and helped them find ways to realize their dreams.
Recruitment and support from the college. Gabriella came to the United
States to study and go to school, so, obviously, she was interested in furthering her education beyond high school. When she found out that she would only be able to get into very few colleges without a social security number, she reached out for help.
She quickly found out she could go to college. When Pablo found out he could go to college as an undocumented student and even receive financial assistance from a private and state scholarship, he was ecstatic. He decided that it was affordable, and, if he worked hard enough, he could put himself through school with the scholarships and using the college’s payment plan. He said in his interview, “I can do payments and so I said I’m not going back [to Guatemala] because I can do it… at least I will have a degree.”
Javier talked about the opportunity to go to college and further his education.
He stated that he overheard how to apply for college and the eligibility requirements for the scholarship from another teacher that was talking to other people. He also had a friend who was undocumented who enrolled in college and applied for the scholarship. Javier went to his friend to ask him for help.
Marianella found out about college from a presentation done by representatives from the college. She was an aide in an ESL class and happened to be there the day the college representatives came to recruit students. Yairel found out
192 about going to college the same way. She was present during a presentation given by college representatives. Jennifer found out that she could enroll in college as an undocumented student through a recruitment effort.
Unfortunately, Fabio did not know he could go to college as an undocumented student and, as a result, did not enroll in college immediately following high school graduation. This caused him to lose a scholarship that would have paid full tuition.
Fortunately, after a year, he found out he could go to college and enrolled immediately for the fall semester. He was eligible for one scholarship that paid for half of his tuition.
George was not sure what to do about going to college after he found out he was undocumented. One of his teachers told him to investigate Christian colleges because they might be more willing to allow undocumented students to enroll.
George took a class in high school that was all about going to college. He had a teacher who helped him tremendously. George and Fabio were thrilled to have the opportunity to attend college. They have both been extremely successful thus far and look forward to having a career someday.
Andrés felt the same way when he found out there was a college he could attend. He wrote in his journal:
Then I found out that I could apply and go to college as an illegal, the feeling after I got my schedule and was ready to start classes with a full scholarship was too much to bear that I busted in tears. I was going to start college, I was going to prove [to] everyone that have [had] ever doubted me wrong and there is nothing that would stop me from graduating.
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Andrés illustrated his perseverance and passion for obtaining a degree. He wrote in his journal about how he had empowered himself and that he would keep on going.
“I am not going to take ‘NO’ for an answer.” He has a full scholarship and is so grateful for the opportunity to be a college student. He is determined.
Interactions with everyday people. Fabio talked about having a lack of trust for White people and thinking they were racist when he first came to the U.S.
However, after some time here and meeting new people, he quickly changed his mind. George talked about how supportive he thought Americans were about his status. From his perspective, he thought that the documented people he met were supportive and positive about his situation. They encouraged him to find a way to continue his achievements. They told him to “keep his head up.”
Sinthia talked about how much her attorney has encouraged her to continue with her education and to never give up on the DREAM Act. He has given her advice about her undocumented status and her future. He tells her not to quit, that the
DREAM Act will pass someday. He continues to ask her if she is studying. He urged Sinthia and her boyfriend not to get married for papers or citizenship, only for love. He has been a supportive individual for her.
Yairel has had positive experiences with other individuals since she came to the United States from Mexico. Yairel said that people were very nice to her and that she had luck with people. She knows she was fortunate to have such positive experiences because she has heard of students who have had extreme difficulties.
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Summary . All 15 participants spoke of people who supported them through some of their most difficult challenges. They supported participants by helping with personal problems, confidence levels, college enrollment, and educational challenges.
They motivated participants while showing empathy and compassion. These individuals marked participants in a positive way that they will never forget no matter how old they become.
Discrimination. In contrast to the many supportive individuals throughout these participants’ lives, they have also encountered people who don’t support them, due to their status, race, or both. Many of the participants’ stories included incidents surrounding discrimination and racial overtones. They may not have been able to literally define the word bias , but they knew what it felt like. Participants faced discrimination and racism in school, on the bus, and at work. They have told horrendous stories of crossing the border, profound poverty, culture shock, and now discrimination as they tried desperately to fill the void of their own country while assimilating to this country.
Situational discrimination. Elena spoke about an incident that took place in a store when she and her sister were very young. They went to the store with their father, and one of the customers accused her and her sister of stealing a compact disc.
Elena explained that they were playing with the CDs and the lady went and told the manger they were stealing. As they were leaving, they were surrounded by the workers. They asked if they could search them. Elena’s father explained to the girls to let them search them if they had not done anything wrong. They searched Elena
195 and her sister and did not find anything. They took the manger and showed her the
CD. The store manager was extremely apologetic. This experience was embarrassing for everyone.
Gabriella and Pablo recounted experiences they had with teachers during their high school year. Gabriella talked about the lack of consideration from a physical education teacher during a class. Her teacher made her run laps until she began to vomit. Then the teacher was upset because she thought Gabriella had told the nurse something negative about her. Gabriella stated that she (the P.E. teacher) did not like her because she was Hispanic. Gabriella recounted yet another story about an experience she had with a teacher in the classroom when in high school. The teacher talked negatively about Hispanics. Gabriella described her as “mean and just terrible.” The teacher stated that Americans pay taxes for Hispanics to have more children. Gabriella stated that whenever they had a test, the teacher was not concerned about her achievement. She would only pay attention to the other students, but not Gabriella. “She never paid attention to me.”
Pablo made statements about his experiences with teachers in high school.
Pablo relayed in the interview, “I don’t know; they’d ignore me [in] some way. They wouldn’t ask questions to me so every time I went into class I would look for a friend who spoke Spanish.” Once Pablo went into the mainstream classroom without the assistance of the ESL teachers, he felt as if teachers treated him differently because he was Hispanic.
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Fabio recounted stories of racism and discrimination in high school during lunch and in the afternoons on the bus. He told a story about a teacher who rejected him because of his race, while others may have just ignored him during class.
However, Fabio did not feel uncomfortable with all of his teachers, but there were certain ones who treated him differently, he believed, because of his race. Fabio did not think the discrimination had anything to do with his being undocumented but more about his skin color and culture. He saw students from Mexico who were also victims of racism. This is how he perceived it. “They really don’t care about you, like when you make a question, they like try to ignore you like….and that made me feel sad. That made me feel like not wanting to go to school.”
George recounted how three of his teachers in the seventh grade discriminated against him because he was Hispanic. Fabio had one teacher in particular who treated him so badly he changed classes. Another teacher would not allow him to enroll in a band because he was Hispanic. Fabio went to this teacher twice and was rejected.
The teacher never gave Fabio the opportunity to play in the band. George stated that prior to the seventh grade, he had very positive and nurturing experiences with teachers. However, the seventh grade left a mark on him forever. He spoke of a profound experience.
I want to be completely honsest [sic]. Seventh grade was hell to me. Because these teachers were not supportive what-so-ever. And they made fun of me actually. No I met one of the rudest teachers I ever met in my life that year, And, I’m not going to point out his name. There was a Hindu kid who was from India. And he was actually one of the only friends I had in that class.
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And he would make fun of him as well. And other kids who were of a lower status if you know what I mean. Not like preppy or do sports or different kids. You could tell that he was just that way with most of them. He was that way towards African Americans. He was just beyond rude. I remember him making fun of me in front of a class just because I didn’t understand some things he told me. I’d be like, ‘What was that?’ And was really ….he didn’t misunderstand me. So he would just joke around. They were just ignorant. They were way too harsh with kids that just wanted/needed help and they were just…They would get you in trouble for no reason. It was a really harsh year. George spent his entire seventh grade year in misery. He believed he was discriminated against because he was Hispanic.
Silvia noted her brother’s traumatic experiences in school one year with one of his teachers. She said that every day was horrible for him. The teacher was extremely racist and would say terrible things to him because he was Hispanic.
The thing is the teacher wasn’t mean just to him, he was mean to everyone in the classroom whether you were white, Japanese, Hispanic, it didn’t matter. But to him if he wanted to insult my brother he would say ‘You’re Mexican! Don’t talk you’re stupid!’
Marianella also faced discrimination in school. She wrote about it in her journal.
They treated me like if I was a ‘nobody’ like if I was made out of wood. It was the 20 th century and I was the only 14 facing discrimination it was the hardest thing I have ever experienced and made a big impact in my life. But I knew I was mom’s right hand and I could not give up just because I was feeling emotional or because I was scared. However, this made me more alert
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and careful about where I was hanging and the people that I trusted to tell them about my situation and status.
Jennifer described racism and discrimination at her work place. She thinks that people believe because some Hispanics have a thick accent and do not talk like
Americans, they are ignorant and illegal. Another participant, Gabriella, stated that many of the customers where she worked were racist towards her. Jennifer also noted the hatred African Americans hold toward Hispanics. She believes they were more racist than others, and she was scared of them. When she walks home from school,
African American people yell out of their car windows as they pass her, telling her she is illegal and to go back to her country.
Jennifer is well aware of the racism around her and how some people feel about Hispanics. She wrote about discrimination and racism at her workplace in her journal. She believed her boss was racist because he did not like black people. He would comment that Jennifer’s skin was like dark chocolate. “And he said in a way that sometimes makes me feel that he doesn’t like people because of their color.” The chef where she works also made comments about Latinos. “He always said that
Latinos; that he wants smuck [smack] in their heads. Sometimes he is jocking
[joking] but sometimes he sounds really serious.”
Bullying. Fabio and Julio spoke about bullying in the form of racism and discrimination. Fabio wrote in his journal about the terrible racial bullying that was a daily occurrence on his bus in the afternoon between the Black and Hispanic students.
It made him very upset and he did not like riding the bus. Fabio described the
199 traumatic afternoon bus rides. Many arguments between Latinos and Black students would arise on the bus. They would steal the Latino’s bus seats and harass them.
One time a fight broke out and it got so bad that the bus driver had to stop the bus and call the police. Fabio noted that bullying among the races included more males than females.
Julio experienced bullying because of his race. “But then when I got used to it…there were bullies sometimes who tried to make fun of me cause I didn’t know
English. I don’t know the state or the country.” Andrés began to understand the meaning of discrimination in middle school when he started to be able to recognize bullies and bullying as a result of his race. He wrote about this painful situation in his journal. Andrés had people make fun of him and label him because of the clothes he wore.
I can hear their voices as I write this now, the insults ‘wetback’ ‘beaner,’ ‘spick.’ I always asked myself, ‘Are they right? Do I deserve to be called those names. What have I ever done to them for them to feel this hatred for me. Peers. Marianella spoke about a conversation she had with other American students at school one day. She was having a conversation with her peers about immigration and Hispanics when one of the American students stated, “They come here and do whatever we don’t want to do, like tomato pickers.” This statement made
Marianella feel bad. She believed that Hispanics are better considering the ones who work the jobs Americans do not want. American students do not understand what undocumented Hispanic students have had to go through. Marianella’s conversation
200 with her group of friends became a reflection of racial overtones, stereotyping, and hurtful for her.
Pedro and Pablo described their experiences of discrimination in school.
Pedro did not speak much English, and this made him feel uncomfortable around
English native speakers. Pablo recounted his experiences of racism in his journal.
During lunch, Pablo and his friends were pushed to the back of the line. He could have fought, but did not want to get in trouble.
Yairel experienced discrimination by her peers in high school. She wrote about it in her journal. She felt like Americans were racist toward her because she is
Hispanic. Javier felt that if he could not speak English, people did not want to be friends with him. Sinthia wrote about the comments she overheard her friends saying about Hispanics. She remembered hearing her American friends making fun of
Hispanics.
They say how bad they smell and dress. I would always argue with them. I also remember one girl said ‘Sinthia, you don’t look like a Mexican. You don’t smell like one or dress like one.’ I only nodded and I thought, ‘How does Mexican smell? How do they dress?’
Sinthia walked, talked, and looked American just as her friend had stated, but she was
Hispanic. When Sinthia questioned what Mexicans smell like and dress like, she was tapping into the essence of culture and, at the same time, stereotypical biases. It was a profound reflection.
Police . Silvia recounted a story about her mother being pulled over and how fortunate she was. She explained to the officer she had dropped her daughter off at
201 school and was going home. The police officer did not give her ticket. Sinthia had a neighbor involved in criminal activity who owned his own business. He attracted immigration and law officials. This made it difficult for her family. Immigration was looking for his uncle, and when they came to the house or the neighborhood, they ended up taking innocent people who were undocumented. George’s sister has been pulled over by the police several times for very trivial things. He believed they targeted her because she is Hispanic. George did not see them as an enemy, but he did not like the police either. Silvia had witnessed Hispanic police officers who were racist towards people.
Julio lived in another state on the East Coast before he came here. He talked about the police in the other state. They would always hang around the small towns and developments where Hispanics lived. Law enforcement would block off entrances and exits to the small towns pulling over every Hispanic to check their status. Those with papers would go through the road blocks and then relay to the rest of the town not to leave their houses. Pablo talked about how he has been pulled over several times, but the last time he was pulled over, he felt he was racially profiled.
The police officer told him he was not wearing a seat belt when he was. Pablo believed he only pulled him over because he was Hispanic.
Sinthia was pulled over once when she was 17 years old on her way to school in the morning. She gave the police officer her school ID when she asked Sinthia for her license. The police officer called her mother asked her why she let Sinthia drive.
When the police officer asked Sinthia why she didn’t have a license, she quickly told
202 her that she just had not gotten it yet. The police officer recommended she get her license right away. Then she gave Sinthia a ticket and her mother a ticket for allowing her daughter drive. She was underage at the time.
However, this same police officer continued to pull over Sinthia’s family and several other Hispanics. Sinthia has no idea why the female police officer pulled her over that day. She spoke about it during her interview. She was getting ready to graduate and had 2008 written all over the car. Her mother told her, “It’s a distraction; you might get pulled over.” Sinthia recalled that her father’s license had expired the same day she was pulled over. This same police officer asked her about her father during the stop. When Sinthia went to court, the judge dropped the charges and told her to be careful. Later her mother was pulled over by the same female officer.
The same police stopped my mother because my mom, my dad, and my uncle have the same insurance. So she also stopped my mother to ask for my dad. She asked her ‘Are you [Name of Father]?’ And she said, ‘No, [Name of Father] is a man. I am his wife. [Name of Father] is sitting right beside me (Sinthia’s father).’ Sinthia overheard her mother talking about this policewoman. Her mother said she was targeting Hispanics. She would stop all Hispanics driving through town. Sinthia still sees this policewoman and gets very scared.
While Elena did not have to worry about driving without a license because she lived in another state, she had a traumatic encounter with law enforcement when she was 12 years old. She recounted the details of that incident and how angry and scared
203 she was. The city police pulled her family over. She recalled the police officer being very racist. Her brother, who was driving, had a license. However, the police stated that because he was Mexican, his license was not valid. They accused him of having a fake license. The police took Elena’s brother, brother-in-law, sister, and young niece out of the car. Elena stated that the police officer called for more officers who were racist too. They separated Elena’s family and began questioning.
My brother-in-law in one place and we were in another place. And they asked him his name, his birth, his date of birth and they went and told us, ‘What was his name?’ And we told him his real name because he had all his papers in order. And we told him his name. And he said, ‘You’re lying, that’s not his name.’ And we were like, ‘That’s his name.’ And he said ‘No, you are going to jail because you are lying to the police.’ And then they got this car… a bigger van and put it in front of us and told us we were going to jail. Even my little niece, I don’t know, she was 4 years old. And when we saw the van we all started crying because we were going to go to jail. Yes, and they said they went to the truck and everything around it and I said, ‘What are you looking for?’ And he said, ‘To see that there’s no harmful weapons.’ And I’m like, ‘What! How are we supposed to have harmful weapons?’ And he said, ‘You never know when you are illegal.’ I said, ‘How do you know if you’re illegal?’ And he said, ‘Let me see your papers.’ I said, ‘I don’t’ have my papers with me. Why am I supposed to have my papers with me?’ And he said, ‘Then you’re illegal.’ I said, ‘NO!’ And he scared us. My brother-in- law they got him in a thing…. And we call my brother-in-law’s boss. She’s an Argentinian. But she didn’t want…it’s another guy who wanted to check on us. And he said to the police…‘What you are doing is not good, you know that….this is being racist. And I’m gonna personally sue you because what you’re doing is not right.’
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My niece, she was 4 years old, she wanted to go to the bathroom and we told them. And they said, ‘Oh she can handle it.’ So she did it in her clothes. And after that…it was traumatic for her. She was scared. After that when she saw the police she got scared that she thought her dad was going to be taken away from her. Elena’s incident, along with the other 14 participants’ stories of discrimination, shed light on what they have experienced.
Summary. The themes that emerged throughout this section—realization of status, interactions with peers, interactions with others, and discrimination—were experiences participants had after they crossed the border. Their stories are as profound as Theme One but describe a different facet and time in their lives. It was through Themes One and Two that participants learned how to deal with inequities and, at the same time, achieve something in their lives. All of them had doubts and times that they regretted being here, lost hope for their future, and simply wanted to give up on their dreams.
However, they had support from teachers, lawyers, friends, and administrators who gave them hope when they were just about to “fall off that cliff and break their neck” (Fuentes, n.d.). These individuals provided a support system that encouraged them with the motivation, encouragement, hope, and faith to continue their education.
They told the participants to never give up on their dreams. Many of them had terrible experiences that would have easily justified giving up, but they did not. They used those experiences to find the strength to continue their journey. Many of the participants spoke about how these terrible experiences have made them who they are
205 today and indeed better people. They have used these terrible experiences to pave a way to success and to pursue the American dream.
Theme III: Barriers
The undocumented status within the United States is synonymous with barriers that lead to inequities. The participants in the study discussed their own personal stories about reaching U.S. soil, how difficult it was to adjust to a new country, and their reasons for leaving their native country. They spoke about their interactions with peers throughout their school years in the United States and their interactions with other individuals as well as discrimination. These experiences became the very essence of being undocumented and defined the barriers that result in inequities faced daily.
Undocumented youth became resourceful as they learned how to interact, socialize, live, and educate themselves while hiding and erasing any trace of their illegal status. They face barriers such as healthcare, employment, language, and transportation. The barriers illustrate, through narratives, the inequities and profound differences in opportunity between undocumented and documented individuals.
Participants shared their frustration as they watched others take part in events and experience opportunities not afforded to them because they did not have a social security number. They feel as if their very being is diminished, compared, judged, and valued by a 9-digit number social security number.
Jennifer and Silvia spoke about some of the general barriers they face as undocumented immigrants. Jennifer summed up the barriers she faces. “The life of
206 an immigrant is hard. Can’t find a job, can’t have a car, a license, buy a house.
Sometimes we are denied from jobs just because we’re are [we are] immigrants.”
Silvia talked about the barriers presented in her career of study. She wants to be a teacher, and in order to complete assignments for her classes, she must have access to the public schools. Students must have background checks to conduct observations, student teaching, and internships with teachers. Silvia cannot get a background check because she does not have the documentation necessary. Jennifer thought that it was difficult to fit into a new culture of beliefs, language, and food. Both participants struggle to succeed with such obstacles in place.
Transportation barriers . Transportation barriers are defined as the challenges posed by traveling or driving a car locally and out of state. These types of barriers create a host of problems for the undocumented. Fourteen out of the 15 participants drive or have driven without a license, which is against the law. If they get pulled over, they will get a ticket for driving without a license. Once they have been pulled over more than three times, they can go to jail. Typically, when an undocumented immigrant is detained in a correctional facility, immigration officials are called, resulting in possible deportation. This also puts other family members in jeopardy because they are undocumented as well. Moreover, when an undocumented individual is pulled over and does not have a license, by law, their cars must be towed. Then they have to go to the tow yard with someone who has a license and insurance, in addition to paying a steep fee to retrieve their cars.
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Transportation barriers also included participants feeling uncomfortable driving and traveling outside of their home state. Generally, they felt uncomfortable traveling outside of the state into an unknown territory. The unknown surroundings posed great anxiety. Fourteen participants spoke about their fear and a heightened level of anxiety when they are driving. They especially became anxious when seeing law enforcement on the road while driving. The barrier becomes the necessity to drive in order to meet the obligations of work and school.
Gabriella’s only way to school is with a friend who has the same schedule.
Jennifer walks to college every day. She even walks in bad weather. Fabio, just like
Gabriella, depends on friends for rides. He will drive only if he must but will always ask a friend for a ride first. Elena lives in another state and has a license. While she has had other profound challenges in her life, she is able to legally drive her own car.
Andrés spoke about driving and compared it to life and death. “Yeah, basically when you lose it, it’s life and death. So that’s why we don’t drive.”
Unfortunately, if they get pulled over and don’t have a license, their cars get towed. To get the car back from the towing company, you have to show a driver’s license and proof of insurance. It is quite possible and realistic to say that some of the people pulled over may never get their car back. Andrés and his father prefer to drive older model cars that are not flashy and do not draw a lot of attention. Transportation barriers pose a tremendous barrier because the stakes are so high if undocumented immigrants get pulled over by law enforcement.
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These barriers are not limited to driving and staying close to home but also traveling outside of the United States. Participants risked their lives to come across the border onto U.S. soil, and they can easily get on a plane and leave to go back to their native countries. However, they must go through the same risky process to get back into the United States. They are not able to visit any family back in Mexico or
Guatemala. As a result, many of the participants have not seen mothers, fathers, grandparents, aunts, uncles, or cousins in years.
Pablo was so happy to be reunited with his parents when he arrived in the
United States. “It makes me feel really sad because my family and me miss our family in Guatemala….” Pablo and his family cannot fly out of the United States to
Guatemala to visit their family with a guaranteed safe return to U.S. soil. “I only wish we all had papers to be able to travel to any other countries.” Julio spoke about his grandmother who is dying of cancer in Mexico. “Right now it just feels bad. My grandma has cancer.”
The reality is they may never see these family members again unless they are able to adjust their status. The divide between participant families in the United
States and native country became one of desperation and hopelessness as they cannot return to visit. The distance became an abyss of emotional longing and void. Again, this is a result of living in this country undocumented.
When Sinthia’s grandmother passed away, her mother was extremely upset because she could not return to Mexico for the funeral. Pedro’s father returned to
Guatemala for his father’s funeral and returned to the United States safely. However,
209 he was in the process of adjusting his status, and his brief absence cost him his status.
George spoke about how depressed his mother gets because all of her family is in
Mexico and she cannot visit. Javier and Pedro have not seen their mothers in several years. They often feel worse when they see their documented counterparts able to return to their native countries to visit family.
Employment barriers . Employment barriers define the obstacles undocumented participants and family members face to make a living. Trying to find a decent job for an undocumented individual is an extreme challenge. Participants talked about the different ways that undocumented immigrants find employment.
Many buy papers and work under someone else’s name. Buying someone’s identity to be able to work is illegal, costly, and risky. However, for many of the participants, it is the only way to help their family pay bills and pay for school.
The other option for undocumented immigrants is to seek employers that will pay cash under the table. Some of the participants work for employers who pay them cash. However, this causes extreme frustration because many of the jobs do not pay well. Pablo felt taken advantage of by his employer. Silvia and George felt forced into their jobs because of family and mainly their undocumented status. Pablo worked in a restaurant as a server. The restaurant did not pay him an hourly fee; he depended only on his tips. Pablo felt that the restaurant owner was taking advantage of the employee’s undocumented status.
George and Silvia are paid under the table and work at a restaurant as well.
Silvia would rather work at a clothing store or a big department store but cannot
210 because of her status. They both work for a family member who owns the restaurant.
They feel that the restaurant is their only option of employment because they are undocumented. They feel forced into an unwanted situation. Andrés talked about the lack of flexibility in job opportunities and choices. “It is really frustrating because you want to do better. You want to get a better job. I have to stay in that one job.”
Andrés has a job that he enjoys where his employer treats him well, pays well, and does not take advantage of his status. However, he would like to have the ability to be able to apply for different jobs.
Jennifer wrote about the terrible employment challenges her family faced in
2008 because her father lost his job. They moved to the West Coast so he could find work. Soon after he found work on the West Coast, he lost his job again. They moved to the Mid-West and again he could not find a job. They finally ended up coming back to their home on the East Coast. Javier wrote, “Being an immigrant closes doors in this country, especially if you are young.” If you graduate from high school and get a diploma, it does not give you any kind of legal status or the right to work.” Elena graduated with a college degree this year and wants desperately to find a job in a doctor’s office. She wanted to find an employer that would pay her cash.
Julio wants desperately to work and, at times, works with his uncle and cousins temporarily, using someone else’s papers. However, he would like to be able to have a legitimate part-time job.
Gabriella, Javier, Pedro, Jennifer, Pablo, Julio, and Marianella worked under someone else’s name. They had to keep up with having two identities, which initially
211 they described as strange. Sinthia and Yairel do not work at all right now. They have never worked under another name. Silvia, George, Andrés, and Pablo get paid cash by their employers. They do not have to work under another name. Blanca babysits and works in her community for extra money. She does not work with a different name. All of the participants experienced obstacles to obtaining employment with very few options or choices.
Language barriers. Fourteen of the participants described learning a new language as the most difficult aspect of moving to a new country. The language barrier invited bullies, snide comments, laughing, and an overall lack of empathy among students and teachers. Fourteen participants shared experiences and spoke about the difficulties of learning a new language. They expressed profound sadness, desperation, isolation, and frustration as a result of the language barrier.
All of the participants, except Sinthia, shared experiences about learning a new language. The participants came to the United States between the ages of 8 months and 16 years old. Obviously, for Sinthia, who came to the U.S. at 8months old, learning English was easy. However, the other participants remember the long difficult days of sitting in class trying to learn subject matter and understand English.
Participants reported that American and Hispanic students who spoke more
English than Spanish made fun of them. Elena spoke about experiences of students who called her “stupid” and even wanted to hurt her because she could not speak
English. Gabriella wrote in her journal, “[to] learn a new language was and is not easy, because I don’t have enough time.” Yairel wrote, “The most difficult part of
212 being here at first was the language barrier. It was the hardest thing because I could not communicate and I did not understand the teachers.” George sympathized. He did not speak any English when he arrived in the United States. The most difficult part was communicating with others. “Cause I remember the teacher just looking at me and talking and I’m just going, ‘What are you saying?’ I was very puzzled and confused.”
Fabio and Jennifer remembered feeling like they were lost because of the language barrier. Fabio remarked, “All I wanted when I went to school every morning…God all I want is to finish this day fast or quick because I don’t understand nothing….” Fabio wanted to go back to his country after he arrived in the United
States because it was so different and uncomfortable. Jennifer said, “The language --
I couldn’t understand nothing [sic].” She was excited to come here until she arrived and found out that everything was different. Javier was scared in school because he didn’t know the language, and he could not understand the teachers. Jennifer wrote about how horrible her first day of school was. She remembered a teacher asking her a question several times and the other kids in the background talking and laughing at her. “I felt so sad that I started crying, and asking myself why I’m heer [here] nobody can understand me.” Javier did not understand what his teachers were saying or what they were assigning. He looked around for another Hispanic student. “I saw a lot of them, so I said ‘Can someone translate to me what she just said?’ Everybody started laughing. I felt embarrassed.”
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Pedro and Marianella did not speak any English either when he arrived in the
United States. He chose to go to school even though he knew it was going to be difficult. There was a Puerto Rican student who spoke Spanish and was supposed to help Pedro; he made fun of him instead. Marianella wrote about her initial days in elementary school and how sad she was because she could not understand English.
She recalled that the other students looked at her with weird faces when she first came to class. “I could tell there was nobody that looked like me (Hispanic).” No one in the school spoke Spanish. When her aunt picked her up, “I ran to her and tears came out of my face, I couldn’t have held it any longer. The first day of school was tattooed [on me] for the rest of my life.”
Julio, Blanca, and Elena also thought that the language barrier was the most difficult. Julio did not have any friends and could not speak English. Blanca and
Pablo thought that learning a new language was the most challenging. Pablo recalled being scared to go to school because of the language. Blanca had a difficult time communicating and making new friends. Pablo wrote, “My first days were horrible, I only had 2 friends which helped me a lot showing me where my classes were. My first classes were ESL class[es].” The participants spoke about some of the most difficult times involving the language barrier during their initial days, months, and years in the United States. It resulted in participants feeling sad, depressed, insecure, stupid, nervous, scared, and uncomfortable. They felt out of place, and, as a result, they began to miss their native countries.
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Healthcare barriers. Healthcare barriers defines obstacles posed as a result of being undocumented. Health benefits are not available for undocumented individuals. You must have a social security number or documents in order to obtain health insurance. Undocumented immigrants can get Medicaid for emergencies and giving birth. However, it only covers a very small portion of the balance. If someone does not have insurance and is treated at the hospital, her/his bills can be in the thousands of dollars. Undocumented individuals have trouble obtaining affordable and accessible healthcare. The participants reported going to the clinic if they needed shots, physicals, checkups, or antibiotics. Going to the hospital is not an option and is avoided at all costs. Since many of the participants are young and healthy, they did not talk much about the lack of access to healthcare. However, they were aware of it.
Fabio had a situation that was going to require surgery. He got sick 2 years ago, and he went to the doctor; he told Fabio he was probably going to need surgery.
The surgery was going to cost him $8,000 because of his status and lack of health insurance. His father was going to pay whatever it cost for his son to be healthy, but
Fabio was very upset about burdening his father. Time passed and Fabio got better and did not need the surgery.
It is clear that the participants who talked about needed healthcare had to find ways to obtain access to affordable healthcare. Silvia had to pay out of pocket when she had her wisdom teeth removed. The participants know the financial consequences of having to visit the hospital. Silvia expressed that she worried about having to go to the hospital as a result of an injury or illness. Obtaining access to
215 healthcare will continue to be a barrier for undocumented individuals until they are able to adjust their status
Inequities. Health, academic, and employment barriers encompass and illustrate the many inequities participants faced throughout their lives in the U.S. The
15 participants in the study understood how it felt to be disqualified from life based on their undocumented status. They saw their documented counterparts afforded opportunities that the participants desperately wanted. They expressed becoming frustrated with their documented peers because they would not take advantage of opportunities. Being exposed to the inequities posed by their status was a constant reminder that they did not count, belong, or fit within a country’s system they call their own.
Participants expressed how they began to derive their perceptions and beliefs about inequalities and the American culture in general. All of the participants talked about how their documented peers wasted academic opportunities. They expressed feeling left out and envious at times. Participants believed their documented peers had more support. After living in the United States a while, Marianella believed that
Americans have never really suffered. If they want something, they can go to the government. The government persuades them into working less for more food stamps. Hispanics are only here either to take America’s money or work in jobs that
Americans will not take. George commented, “Yeah, we take advantage of every opportunity we get and they just don’t care about it. It’s easy for them.”
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Andrés is a criminal justice major and expressed frustration about how documented students can complete an internship in their major while getting paid and earning college credits. Andrés expressed envy because they could also use the experience as a resume builder. He felt left out. Fabio talked about the differences he sees between himself and his documented friends. “They are allowed to do more stuff than me. They can travel and go wherever they want. My friend has his grandparents in Guatemala and he goes there and he sees them every Christmas.”
Gabriella noted, “They’ve got their own house with just their parents. And my brother and I, we are renting a house. Almost 8 people live there. They can work and go to school. They can depend on their parents.”
Jennifer noted that her documented or American peers get paid better.
They buy better things than me and have nicer houses than I do. They say no matter what if you work hard you can do it…But they don’t realize that if we don’t have papers, we don’t have the same opportunities.
Sinthia’s sister and best friend are United States citizens and were brought up in much the same way. She thought they were the same until she found out she was undocumented. It is difficult for her not to compare herself and situation to her best friend. Sinthia’s journal entry summarizes the inequities of being undocumented.
“Okay, so I have been living in United States for about 21 years. My parents pay taxes. I don’t understand why we don’t get the same benefits. It is not fair!”
Andrés also wrote about how being undocumented defined his character:
I also think about all the years I’ve been here, all the events of my life, I can say that I’m proud that I’m illegal and proud. Sure I’m an Illegal alien you
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would never know unless they arrested me and looked at my file, but what could I be arrested for? Nothing.
All of the participants, no matter how long they have been here, have constant reminders guided by emotional triggers that remind them of the opportunities they are not afforded…subtle differences that become apparent only in specific situations like internships, getting a license, the job of choice, or going to a prestigious college.
Otherwise, they believe they walk, talk, and look the same as their documented counterparts. These 15 participants face the injustices and inequities every day with a more definitive conscious of being undocumented.
Summary. Healthcare, education, and employment barriers lead to the evident inequities seen amongst documented and undocumented individuals.
Participants explained the difficult daily reminders and, moreover, that they did not ask for the situation. They are here because their parents brought them to the United
States.
Theme IV: Living Undocumented
Yo no soy mexicano. Yo no soy gringo. Yo no soy chicano. No soy gringo en USA y mexicano en Mexico. Soy chicano en todas partes. No tengo que asimilarme a nada.
Tengo mi propia historia. (Carlos Fuentes, n.d.)
Carlos Fuentes eloquently describes the essence of living undocumented.
Simply translated, “I am not Mexican. I am not American. I am Mexican-American.
I am not American in the USA and Mexican in Mexico. I am Mexican-American everywhere. I don’t have to assimilate myself to anyone.” While the renowned
218 literary author from Mexico specifies those of Mexican descent in this quote, he intricately encompasses the feelings and experiences of all who have come to the
United States at a young age. Many of these undocumented youth do not feel like they belong in their native countries or in the United States.
The first three themes detailed participants’ experiences surrounding crossing the border, reasons for crossing, realization of status, barriers, discrimination, and they recounted experiences during their initial years in the United States. Theme IV,
“Living Undocumented,” illustrates participants’ most private feelings, thoughts, fears, and experiences surrounding their undocumented status. They describe the impact the phenomenon has on their lives as a whole, encompassing subthemes that address not belonging, isolation and resentment, fears, immigration, driving, avoidances, empowerment, and marriage as an alternative way around their status.
Living undocumented affects every pore of these individual’s lives as well as their identity, and perception of self.
When immigrants enter the country “illegally,” it becomes very difficult for them to change their status even if they were brought here by their parents. Although few alternatives exist to resolve the undocumented status, one is to marry a United
States citizen.
Not belonging . The 15 participants recount stories that have no analogy to the experiences of the average American. Many times they do not feel like they belong to any country—native or the U.S.
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“Where do I belong?” Sinthia wrote in her journal. ‘No soy de aquí, ni de aya’ my mother always say it joking, at the moment I take it as a joke and I laugh a little, but when I take the time to think about it, it makes me feel sick inside. Sinthia’s Spanish words translate to say, “I am not from here or from there.”
Marinella was protective and private about being undocumented. Working under a different name evoked feelings of not belonging. “But then I feel out of place. That’s not my name. And I don’t like the name. And I don’t like to be called like this.” She recalled trying to come with many excuses when asked about having an identification card. “Well I don’t have an ID, I’m from Texas. It was just like…I’m trying to think of the word.”
Living undocumented gives many of the participants the feeling that they do not really belong anywhere in this world. Marianella stated that, many times, living undocumented makes her feel helpless. Fabio reiterated the same feelings about working under a different name. It made him feel bad because he had to live two identities: one when he is working and another on the streets. “But when I’m working, the people know me by a different name. I don’t feel good. I feel like I shouldn’t be doing this but there is no other way to find a decent job with my name.”
Working with another name under these circumstances negates the identity of the heart of an individual. It sends the message that who they are is not good, acceptable, or welcome.
The participants still maintain an ever-present diligence and endurance to keep on going to school, graduating, and living the American Dream. Fabio felt very out
220 of place when teachers began to ask him where he was going to college and what he was going to study. Fabio said, “I just tried to not be embarrassed.”
Javier noted his feelings of not belonging through the delineating characteristics of being an immigrant. “At times, I ask myself why there is so much distinction among people in this country?” Pedro has never felt like a part of this country, his local community, or his high school. While he improved his English and made friends as time went on, Pedro never gained a level of comfort that allowed him to identify as being a part of a whole entity.
Sinthia wrote, “I get depressed, I honestly forget that I am undocumented. I hate that feeling when I remember, ‘Hey I am undocumented, you can’t do that.’ I want someone to come and say, ‘You can do it!’”
Andrés shared his worries and concerns about the future as a result of his status. “I’ll start by saying that the life of an illegal immigrant living in the United
States is very hard.” Andrés wants desperately to belong in the United States and give back to this country. He wants to have a normal life here in the United States.
“I’m almost 20 years old. I’m two years from graduating college with a bachelor’s
[degree]. Then what? Applying to the [Name of State Law Enforcement Agency] without any papers?” His dream is to become a police officer, but he questions his future. “Am I just setting myself up for failure. Will I ever be able to give my kids the things I never had while growing up. [?]”
Silvia spoke about the tremendous burden of living undocumented every day.
“You don’t understand how terrible this is. You may hear about it on the news, OK.
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But living it is so difficult, so frustrating...” Silvia often becomes depressed over her undocumented status and has deep emotions surrounding the issue. “I’m not asking for anything free, I am asking what all human beings have the right to have… the right to be normal...” She questions her future because she does not feel like she has any more control once she has graduated from college
…if I stop going to school, OK, I still have a job but…I’ve been here for 10
years and nothing has happened. Is it going to be another 10 years and I’m
31? I’m not going to be a student by then. Is it going to help me?
Considering all she has done to prepare herself for the time immigration reform passes, she wonders if she will ever belong to a country she considers her own.
Silvia and Julio believe that documented Hispanics looked down on undocumented Hispanics. Julio feels like other people look down on him because he is Hispanic. “School in [Name of state where he used to live] was pretty calm, the only thing that bothered me is that there were some people feeling they were better.”
Silvia stated, “
You see them and they look....you can’t hide it. You are Hispanic or Mexican. These people are Mexican, you can see on their faces and they act like they are better because they have papers and they don’t like you because you’re here illegally....
Yairel had feelings of not belonging almost immediately after arriving in the
United States. “Being undocumented make me feel bad and sad. There is not words
[sic] to explain the feeling of being in my position unless you are in my position and then one can understand.”
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Silvia reiterated the depth of emotional feelings associated with an undocumented status when she talked about the young Hispanic student who committed suicide because of his undocumented status. This young man’s story made national headlines. His family was visiting during the Thanksgiving holiday.
They were in the house talking and sharing stories as families do when the young man slipped back into the bathroom of his home to take his life. While Silvia admitted that she would never kill herself, she thinks she understands how this young man felt just before taking his life.
I’ve been thinking about the kid who killed himself after the DREAM Act was denied. He must have been very depressed to think that killing himself would be the best solution. At some point on our life we all feel the same way he felt before killing himself.
Pablo recounted how difficult it was for him to feel a sense of security in a new country. “The first thing they would ask me was where I was from and if I was legal or illegal. I’ve always felt uncomfortable with those conversations.”
Sinthia spoke about how her parents disguised her undocumented status while growing up in the United States. They were overly conscientious about making sure they gave their daughter everything she wanted and needed. The materialistic items gave her sense of belonging. “My parents have given me everything, they spoiled me, clothes, shoes, laptop, cell phones, even a brand new 2012 Chevy Cruz. They tried so hard to give me a better life…” A social security number means so much more. “I don’t understand how a set of numbers ruins my plans. But truth is, if I had
223 the chance to give [it] all away in return to receive my residency, I would give it all away in a heartbeat.”
Isolation and resentment . The reality of not belonging evoked feelings of isolation. Interactions and conversations among peers defined the limitations of the undocumented status for participants. Jennifer does not like to answer questions about having a social security number. “It is hard to say ‘No,’ because you feel bad and you feel different.” Jennifer and Sinthia remembered their documented peers talking about college. They felt different. Jennifer wrote, “I think when I was in 8 th grade when people talked about going to college, but that you had to have social security number and I don’t have one.”
Sinthia wrote, “I remember sitting in lunch, back in high school, looking at everybody around me, ‘I’m going to University of [State], I got accepted! I got accepted to University of [State]!’” She wrote about how it made her feel. “The jealousy I felt towards my fellow classmates. I wanted—no I want what they have…”
Sinthia wanted to have a normal life. “I wanted to experience the life as a normal college teen. I wanted to know how living in a dorm felt; how it felt to have a roommate. I wanted to become independent.”
Jennifer also wanted to experience life in the same way as her fellow documented peers but could not. She not only wanted to go to college but also wanted a driver’s license, independence, and a good job. “I cannot have a license for a car. I feel sorry, because my dream was to go to college and they [her parents] don’t have a good job to work and help me pay.” These limitations isolate her from
224 the general population. “And I feel bad because most of my friends have them and I don’t -- if they [other peers] say I am documented and I say I’m not, then I feel the differences.”
Marianella wanted to have the same experiences in college as a normal teen in a 4-year university living in dorms. She remembered desperately wanting to go to one particular college. It was her dream. “I wanted to go there and then I found out you needed to have social security number and it was a lot of money and if you needed financial aid and all that stuff.” Marianella realized she needed a social security number to get financial assistance. “So I felt really bad about it. You are struggling to do good for yourself and others and you just don’t get anything back.”
Elena felt profound hatred and resentment after she found out she was undocumented. She was especially affected when she compared her life to her documented peers. Elena expressed,
I hated every person I saw that was legal and did not care about getting a career. I was so upset with this country because I was trying to help this country and instead they gave me their backs.
Elena felt betrayed.
Fabio talked about how jargon associated with his undocumented status made him feel sad. The word illegal elicited feelings of isolation, sadness, and despair.
Being called undocumented did not make him feel as bad as being called illegal. That made Fabio feel uncomfortable and reminded him of his limitations. Javier encountered a woman who asked him if he was here in the United States legally. She expressed that she liked Latinos, except for the undocumented ones. “When I came
225 to this country, nobody told me about the immigration, about being illegal, nobody told me how the feeling truly feels like, but now I know because I live it.”
Andrés expressed feelings of resentment and frustration over seeing how
Hispanics from countries other than Mexico are able to apply for an adjusted status.
He believes it is unfair that people from Mexico are not afforded the same opportunity.
Silvia disclosed different experiences that evoked feelings of anger, sadness, selfishness, worry, and isolation:
I just felt different. I can’t really describe it; it was the feeling that I was different. It is like when you lose someone. OK you feel sorry for that person but you don’t know it is like till you go through it.
Her emotional feelings of isolation come between her and her American boyfriend.
“Every day we talk about it because of how it affects me, Umm because sometimes
I’m just depressed, I don’t want to do anything. Sometimes I don’t even want to see him.”
Julio described an incident that happened during a class in college. It made him feel isolated and outcast.
On one of my classes I felt really discriminated, not by the teacher but by some students. It all began when the teacher brought the theme of paying taxes and working. A student said that he doesn’t like the idea of paying taxes for undocumented. He was mad because most of us didn’t pay taxes. I felt uncomfortable for a few days.
Sinthia, Blanca, Elena, and Silvia feel a sense of isolation because of their status when they chose college majors. Being undocumented disqualifies these
226 students from studying in many of the health, allied health, and, eventually, the education fields. To become a nurse or work in an allied health field, a student must take a national standardized certification test. A teacher must take a national standardized certification test to become highly qualified and work in a public school system. All of these tests require students to have a social security number. If they don’t have a social security number, it disqualifies them from even studying in the program because they cannot take the national exams upon completion of the program requirements.
Sinthia experienced great disappointment when she received a letter in the mail from the college’s allied health program. The letter explained that she could not continue with the major because she did not have a valid social security number. She had taken several classes toward this major prior to receiving the letter. She was hopeless and frustrated. “Now what am I going to do? I can’t be in any health field.
I will have to change my major.” She felt like her world had crumbled upon receiving this letter. “I feel useless. I have lived here all my life I can’t believe that this is happening to me.”
Problems. Living undocumented constantly creates challenges. Participants recounted different kinds of problems that forced them to investigate a sound avenue of resolution. Fabio, Sinthia, Silvia, Andrés, and Julio talked about particular problems encountered as a result of their status. Sinthia recounted how she and her family spent her mother’s birthday trying to figure out how to maintain possession of her new 2012 Chevy Cruz because her mother’s license was expiring soon. One of
227 the alternatives was to trade her car in for an older model. Sinthia was very upset because she had saved for her car since she was 14 years old. This was devastating for her. “I worked so hard for it and I am still working hard. I just wish I can wake up from this horrible nightmare. Well happy birthday to us.”
Fabio detailed his experience and feelings after returning from Motor Vehicle to try to get his license. He remembered that he questioned why he had even come to the United States. He had a license in Guatemala. “I remember that day that I was crying. I was so excited before, I am going to get my license. I’m going to start driving.” However, he did not have a social security number and, therefore, could not get his license. “And when I got home I was crying and dad told me, ‘It’s OK’ he was trying to help me with his words and I was like feeling bad then.” Fabio and
Andrés spoke about how seeing his other classmates driving to and from high school reminded him that they were illegal because he did not have the same opportunities.
They both had to take the bus to school.
Julio spoke about not being able to work as the biggest problem for him.
“One of the things I hate the most is not being able to work. It is so hard to find a job when you are undocumented.” He felt even worse after a conversation he had with his father. “One night my dad spoke to me; after a little argument we had, he was so upset—sad—that he couldn’t gave us what we needed. Those words made an impact on me—why I wasn’t able to help?” Julio began to question whether or not he should move out of his home so he would not burden his family. “All I could say was sorry
228 for not being able to help him. This is one of my saddest experiences of my life. I wish I could work to help my family.”
Silvia spoke of a different problem regarding her status yet equally bothersome. Silvia’s boyfriend attended a military college. He graduated last spring and Silvia was even interviewed by one of the military officers at the college. As a result of her undocumented status, she does not have a driver’s license and cannot attend her boyfriend’s graduation. She is not allowed on the premises without a photo identification card. She wrote about it in her journal. “Today is [Boyfriend’s
Name] graduation day. I wish I was with him, his parents went to see him and they said they were gonna take pic for me to see. I [am] really proud of him.” These types of problems identify the parameters and define the essence of undocumented.
Fears. The 15 participants all wrote and talked about specific fears and places or situations that they avoid as a result of their undocumented status. Fourteen out of the 15 participants cited driving a car without a license as a constant fear. Some participants cited fearing immigration and deportation on a daily basis. Participants cited other incidents or situations they feared or avoided to keep from disclosing their status. Gabriella expressed an overall fear that encompassed, not only her status, but, in general, living in a new country without her parents. Gabriella and her brother rented a house with several other people that they don’t know well. Her initial days and months in this country plagued her with fear and anxiety resulting in many sleepless nights. She wrote about this experience in her journal.
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Every night was the same thing I could not go to sleep until my brother get at home like 3 or 3:30 in the morning to woke up the next morning at 7:00 to go to the school and work in the afternoon. My brother was working night shift and I am the persons who have phobia of everything. Gabriella was scared because she was by herself and she could not sleep at night.
Immigration. Pedro, Gabriella, Yairel, Jennifer, and Marianella spoke and detailed experiences with or regarding immigration enforcement. Pedro described how his father was taken away by Immigration approximately a week before he participated in this study. His father was stopped by Immigration and taken to a deportation center. Pedro and his brother were traumatized and saddened over their father being taken away from them. It left them with tremendous financial burden, stress, and worry.
Pedro awoke one morning to his brother talking on the phone. He remembered hearing him say, “Yeah, they took him in the morning.” His brother began to call Pedro’s name to wake him and tell him the bad news. “Dad is gone. I was like I don’t know, really, I stand there for five seconds and ask ‘How?’” His brother went on to tell him that immigration officers picked him up while he was on his way to work. Pedro recalled being in shock. The reality came to fruition while on his way to the college. “I drove to school or college and in the way I was going I saw my brother’s car in the road just there without no one—then I start believing that he is gone.” He recalled his feelings of hurt and pain.
The thing that hurt me the most is was I didn’t say goodbye to him face to face. In that day I was driving after school and while I was driving I start crying, and I was thinking I came here to see him because I did not grew up
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with him then -- now he is gone but he did not gone by himself, immigration took him away. Now [I] know how kids feel when their parents has taking [has been taken] away from them because immigration has took them away from them. I do not know if immigration realize how much pain have done to all those kids. Pedro compared this experience to a movie called “A Better Life” and how people should watch it in order to understand how children of immigrants feel when their parents are taken by immigration. Pedro and his brother were deeply saddened by the loss of their father.
Marianella and Jennifer talked about their fears of Immigration. Jennifer spoke about the constant fear of her father being deported. She recalled an experience of someone knocking on their door very loudly during the night while they were sleeping. They thought it was Immigration, but it ended up being someone playing a joke. Jennifer and her family were terrified. “I feel that we live with fear that immigration one day is going to come to our house and knock [at] the door.”
Marianella talked about her fear of Immigration and some of the steps her family took to try to protect themselves from ICE. She spoke about the rumors she would hear in the community regarding immigration raids and deportation. “And we were like scared to death. And we didn’t get out of the house for like three days. Just to make sure they wasn’t there anymore. You don’t know when they can come back.” Marianella’s mother had a peep-hole installed in their door so that they could see who was knocking. They lived in constant fear of not knowing when or if
Immigration would return to their neighborhood. Marianella’s mother knew that they
231 could not break down the door to come in the house, but if she opened the door, then they could enter and take her family.
Gabriella and Yairel feared Immigration. Gabriella saw Immigration take someone away upon her second day in the United States. Neighbors warned her that they could come to her house. “And I thought that the thing would be forever…that we would run every day. I was scared. When Immigration took somebody my mind start thinking.” Yairel fears Immigration picking her up and deporting her. She also fears deportation for her family and does not want anyone in her family taken away from her. “There is constant fear of deportation, or getting in trouble. Sometimes I am scared of because of my status and the immigration.” She has seen immigration personnel driving around in the infamous white van. Yairel perceived law enforcement as Immigration because they could call Immigration.
Pablo described his fears of Immigration and essentially being undocumented.
He wished he had papers that rendered him permission to be here. He feels scared and discriminated in many ways. Pablo described life being difficult for him in the
United States. “We always have to hide from things that can affect us in some ways.
My family and me live scared because we could be sent back to our country any time.” They have had to move several times and with each new move came more challenges. “We’ve had to move from houses several times in order to not be found by immigration.”
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Pedro also explained that they took precautionary steps before moving into each new residence. “Every time we’ve moved we have to ask who has live[d] in the house because maybe people with criminal status have lived there.”
License . Fourteen out of the 15 participants must drive to get to work and school. While the severity of their fears differed regarding driving, they all know what could happen, and it is the consequences that scare them far worse than driving.
Many of the participants drive to work and school but depend on their peers for rides when engaging in any kinds of social events.
Elena is not as scared of the police because she has a valid driver’s license. In addition, she has accepted the fact that if they are going to get her, they will. She stated that she does not really care about the police. She keeps to herself and stays out of trouble. Pedro, now, also has the same attitude as Elena about driving and the police. He used to be very scared of driving and getting pulled over the police.
Yairel spoke about her fear of driving. She is scared of what would happen to her if she were pulled over by the police since she does not have a driver’s license. Pedro has accepted his fear with conviction.
After a time I decided, ‘I don’t care, I have to drive. Otherwise I can’t go to school or to work.’ I have to drive; I have to drive. So they give a ticket—I go and pay it. Blanca’s biggest fear of driving was that she would get pulled over, taken to court, and returned to her country.
Silvia had profound fear and anxiety about driving without a license. She has encountered law enforcement a few times while driving which has left lasting
233 emotional scars. She was rear-ended and the police had to come to the accident.
Then she was pulled over when she was not speeding, and the officer cited her for something that she was able to have dropped in court. She has encountered the police a few other times as well, mostly because of someone else.
Consequently, Silvia is terrified to drive because of the probability or possibility of being pulled over by the police. “I’ve been driving to school now because my schedule is very different from my parents and my brothers. I’m getting used to driving again; I am still scared as crap but I can handle it better.” Silvia explained that she was always nervous prior to getting in the car to drive. She was scared of going to jail or being deported.
Javier feared driving as well because of the severe consequences. Julio recounted an experience his mother had with law enforcement while living in another state. She was almost 9 months pregnant when she was pulled over, detained, and taken to jail by the police after being stopped at one of the check-points. Julio’s little sister was there as well, and she was extremely upset. The police took Julio’s mother to jail where she spent a few days. Julio was so upset and angry that the police treated his pregnant mother like this. “I wish I had a license, every time I go somewhere or my family has a trip we always have a little worries that we might get stop[ped].”
Andrés described a traumatic experience that happened when he was 14 or 15 years old. “I remember the time we got pulled over once by a police officer. And I
234 started crying.” He was terrified that something was going to happen to his father and him. “It was scary.”
Julio, Pablo, George, Gabriella, and Fabio feared driving without a license and the consequences of being pulled over by the police. Julio thinks it is normal to feel scared of police officers when he is driving on the road. Pablo also spoke about being scared of driving, especially when he saw the police behind him or close to him. He believes that the police specifically look for Hispanics who are driving to pull over.
Julio’s tags are about to expire, and he does not have insurance.
Avoidances . Many of the participants disclosed specific situations or places they avoided as a result of their status. Participants avoided questions that jeopardized disclosure of their undocumented status, and 14 of the participants avoided driving. They also avoided going to parties or being in places where they could encounter the police as well as hospitals and medical centers requiring status disclosure. One of the participants remarked how she avoided even talking about the topic of immigration because of her status.
Gabriella simply stated that she tries not to lie when put in a position that might disclose her undocumented status because she realizes that could make things worse. Yairel avoids questions about her status. “If someone asks for my social security number in a situation (like looking for a new job, health issues, etc.), I become nervous and will avoid answering question with a ‘Never mind’ type of response and walk away.”
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Sinthia and Yairel avoid driving as much as possible. Sinthia depends on her boyfriend to take her places. Yairel also avoids driving and traveling as a result of her undocumented status because she is scared. “I avoid this because I am comfortable where I am and I know the laws, I have family and I know people.” She reiterated the fear of going outside of the state where she lives. “Going outside of the state -- I feel that put[s] me at more risk of the ultimate fear of deportation.”
Julio and Andrés talked about avoiding parties as a result of their status and the possibility of encountering law enforcement at parties. Julio does everything in his power to avoid encounters with the police, whether social situations or while driving. Andrés avoids driving the most, and his family avoids going to hospitals.
Driving is his number one fear. “Basically the thing I avoid doing the most is driving.
I drive as less possible as I can.” To avoid driving, he tried to create his college schedule to come as few days as possible. He planned out how to get back and forth to work with his father without driving and even thought about coordinating his college schedule so that he could ride with another classmate to and from classes.
Pedro avoids hospitals because he does not have health insurance and cannot afford to pay for the bills. He also avoids going to parties or any other social situation where he might encounter the police. Pedro does not like to be around alcohol and others drinking. He prefers to stay at home with friends and play games or watch movies.
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George avoids parties where alcohol is involved. He really put things into perspective when he summed up what he could lose in comparison to his documented counterparts.
Why would I go to a party first of all where everybody is drinking, probably doing something they’re not supposed to do in the first place and then get arrested? They have nothing to lose except probably their career if they get a history in their record. For me, it’s my family. It’s probably like my career, my education…all sacrificed. I have a lot at stake here. So I’m like, I’m good. I’d rather not go. So I avoid parties that include something reckless.
George’s overall summary represents the possible dangers and risks for all undocumented immigrants in a social context.
Marianella avoids talking about immigration with others because of her status.
She does not discuss her status with her documented friends. “Not one word, nothing. Not even now.” She did not feel as though she had enough trust in anyone to disclose her status. “You are never going to know the person. What if something like a fight might come up and they want to try to…I don’t want to hurt my family.”
Marianella avoided this topic due to potential risks involved. “My mom went through a lot to get us here and we’ve done a lot to keep us from that.”
Yariel expressed how she felt about disclosing her status. “It make me feel bad and constantly feels different like I do not have as much as someone else or that I am inferior to those who are documented.”
Empowerment. Participants involved themselves in groups, activities, and social functions that gave them a sense of empowerment and a voice as an
237 undocumented person. The feelings of empowerment facilitated positive coping mechanisms and motivational strength to continue their lives in the United States.
Fabio and Sinthia spoke about empowering experiences that instilled an acceptance of their status and that allowed them to advocate and help others. Fabio found a way to become more proactive despite his status. He realized through his experiences that he was important to this country and his community.
After Sinthia found out she had to change majors, she felt very depressed and frustrated. However, joining an organization within her state that focused on future immigration legislation for students in the same situation changed her outlook. She felt like she had a purpose and voice by joining this group. It gave her hope and a sense of control.
The tone of her journal changed as she began to involve herself with this statewide group and meet others nationally. Sinthia wrote, “Last night I looked at their page, undocumented students….they support the DREAM act!! This morning I emailed them, I want to create a [name of county in state].” When the contact person returned her email, he was very thankful for her support and enthusiasm. Sinthia responded in her journal, “He wants to meet me, but first he has to talk to the rest of the team. Imagine? Me creating a [Name of County] team. I want a team of support.” Sinthia did indeed recruit students and did develop her own team. This initiative gave her hope, purpose, and voice. “I love being part of the [Name of
Organization]- hey I am a allies coordinator! – yay me-☺”
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Fabio understood that living in the United States undocumented would become what he made it. He decided that, no matter what his status, he could lead by example and a make difference regarding racism. Fabio saw that there was a need in his community that he could fulfill. “We have [to] reinforce our moral values; the people will try to make us feel segregated but when we know who we are it won’t affect us that bad. I personally have understood that I’m important in our community.” Fabio realized his worth.
Marriage as an alternative. Sinthia, Silvia, Javier, Pablo, and Andrés have been in relationships with American citizens of the United States. Sinthia and Silvia disclosed that they have contemplated marriage as being one of the only ways to adjust their status. Sinthia stated:
Oh, my boyfriend asked me to marry him. He said it’s the only way, again I said ‘no.’ I love him so much, but I can’t do this. I can’t marry him for that. I told him to promise me that the next time he asks me, he needs to be on one knee and his reason-- because of love -- not papers!
Silvia thought about the same alternative to fixing her undocumented status.
She has a boyfriend who is American. She has been dating him for a while now and is very close to him and his family. She spoke about how they adored her and cared about her. She cares for them very much. She wrote about and talked about marriage and adoption as an alternative. Silvia spoke about this in her interview.
Sometimes you’re [her boyfriend] is going to have to help me because you are my only way. Anyway you’re going to have to help me; we’re going to have to get married…That’s the easiest way. We talked about it and as I said we even went to talk to this lawyer but he said we could do it but, if you want to
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do it go ahead, but if you do you are going to have to go back to Mexico. [Silvia wrote in her journal] Either way we were not thinking about getting married soon but it really stinks that I have to go through this.
Even if Silvia and her boyfriend were to get married, the immigration laws require her to return to Mexico for a period of time in order to adjust her status. Silvia also talked about how much her boyfriend’s parents supported her. They even talked about adopting Silvia in order to fix her undocumented status. Silvia has a lot of support from her boyfriend and his parents.
Summary . The purpose of Theme IV was to illustrate through participant narratives the emotional, mental, and physical reality of living and growing up in the
United States undocumented. Participants recounted stories of belonging, isolation and resentment, proactive measures, alternatives, problems, and risks that encompass the definition of an undocumented student in this study. Living undocumented is not easy; it brings fears and avoidances of specific situations throughout every facet in their daily lives. These participants fear immigration and being deported. They fear driving and avoid specific social situations that might consequently invite law enforcement. Participants become very nervous and scared when they are in a situation where they are being asked questions about their status. They feel uncomfortable, insecure, and inferior because they do not have documents and cannot answer certain questions without disclosing their undocumented status. Every participant admitted to feeling bad when he/she did disclose his/her status or was reminded of the fact that he/she did not have the same rights and opportunities as his/her documented counterparts.
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The lives of undocumented young people are not easy. They feel in limbo; they do not know where they belong and want desperately to have a voice that is documented and recognized in this country. Many hope for the DREAM Act legislation to be passed someday and for massive immigration reform. At the same time, while their lives are filled with so much emotional frustration, sadness, and difficulty, these participants are thankful for what they do have and that they are in the United States with their families. They find blessings through tremendous hardship.
Theme V: Immigration Laws
The federal immigration laws of the United States dictate the legislation imposed throughout the 50 states. Participants discussed their perceptions of the immigration laws at the federal and state level in this country as well as how they are imposed upon them as a result of their undocumented status, leaving them helpless at times. The immigration laws, along with the undocumented status, coincide with one another throughout the participants’ narrations of their experiences. Federal and state laws can often lead to many problems for undocumented individuals. Fortunately, the state where this study took place is more immigrant-friendly and specifically advocates and helps the undocumented Hispanic community throughout the state.
Undocumented immigrants are exposed to many types of problems as a result of the federal and state immigration laws. Participants must deal with regulations and policing, deportation mishaps, driving issues, employment laws, and status-residency issues regarding ownership of any possessions in the United States.
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Federal and state law . Driving infractions for undocumented individuals can lead to serious problems as a result of the law. The state law requires individuals to present a social security number or a student visa in order to obtain a driver’s license; participants have neither. They can use public school transportation through the 12 th grade but are forced to drive to work and college. The study took place in a rural area that lacks any form of mass public transportation. Federal laws have provided undocumented immigrants the right to a free and fair public education through the
Education Act of 1980. Some state laws have enacted pieces of legislation that allow for undocumented immigrants to attend colleges based on in-state tuition if they have resided in a state for a particular amount of time and also graduated from a high school in that state.
The imposed immigration reform legislation for undocumented youth requires those to graduate from high school, enlist in the military, or complete 2 years of higher education. This leaves many of the undocumented youth in a difficult position. Participants specifically spoke about how the laws impose on their ability as undocumented immigrants to earn money to pay for college and the risks of self- transportation. Julio spoke about this, “One of the things I hate the most, is not being able to work. It is so hard to find a job when you are undocumented.” Employment laws in all of the 50 states are different, but they are equal in terms of an undocumented immigrant.
Driving without a license can lead to deportation. Silvia spoke about her third time being pulled over and how scared and nervous she was. “I’m getting ready to go
242 to court. I’m very nervous, my hands are sweaty and my stomach hurts. I just want this thing to be over.” Silvia’s charge was dropped so even though it was her third time being pulled over without a license, she did not face any harsh consequences of jail or deportation. Silvia stated, “So everything went great today. I didn’t even had to see the judge and my ticket was dropped.” If the subject is pulled over more than three times, he/she is taken to jail. The correctional facility then calls the
Immigration officials to begin deportation proceedings. This type of infraction places the entire family at risk in addition to leaving them emotionally scarred and helpless.
The federal and state laws give undocumented immigrants the ability to live life but in fear, constantly searching for a way to do things ethically. Silvia dreaded driving for weeks after her court date; “I’m getting ready for work. I hope my dad can give me a ride because I really don’t want to drive.” Silvia wrote again about her fear a month later when she had to drive:
I had to drive to work today! I hated it but no one could give me a ride. I was so nervous but I made it there and back home okay. Sucks to have to drive to school! There are cops everywhere.”
There are many contradictions that participants must resolve daily. The federal and state laws, in general, do not recognize individuals in this country without a social security number or some kind of official documentation that gives them permission to be in the U.S. Participants discussed and wrote about difficult experiences they have had as a result of the federal/state laws and their undocumented status. Javier wrote, “I do not know why today the government of this country magnifies the situation.” He further reasoned why immigrants come to the United
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States. “If many immigrants arrive to this country, it is not to rob anyone. They only arrive to work and make money to be able to give their family a better life.”
Mishap deportations. There are many stories about immigration authorities deporting individuals who were not the intended person or people they were looking for at the time. Immigration officials have taken many undocumented people just because they were in the wrong place at the wrong time. As a result, the participants believed those officials did not always catch the intended criminal they were looking for, but someone who was indeed trying to create a better life.
Fabio, Elena, Sinthia, and Pedro spoke about people they knew who had been wrongfully deported or had come in contact with immigration officials and been detained. Fabio disclosed that he had an uncle who was caught by immigration and deported. He was sent back to Guatemala. Elena’s brother also was caught by
Immigration while they were looking for someone else at his girlfriend’s apartment complex. They took him because he would not translate for them. “And he
[Immigration Official] looked at him and said…‘especially you’ because he speak
English. Then he said he said ‘Are you undocumented?’ And he say ‘Yes.’ And they took him just because he wouldn’t translate.”
Sinthia recounted what happened to a friend of hers after having a minor accident in another state. Her friend hit another car and received a notice to appear in court even though she had paid the fine at the time of the accident. Sinthia was immediately alarmed and warned her to retain a lawyer. Her friend appeared in front of the court without an attorney. The judge sentenced her to 3 days in jail. Sinthia,
244 immediately knew the ultimate consequence could be immediate deportation proceedings because correctional facilities call the Immigration Office. Sinthia and another friend quickly rallied people together to raise money for her parents to hire a lawyer. They had people from the community write several recommendation letters.
Sinthia’s friend had a child who was born in the U.S. and, therefore, was a citizen.
She was eventually released from jail and was not deported.
Elena also reacted quickly when her brother was deported. She wrote a letter to Congress expressing her feelings and thoughts about the inequities for undocumented immigrant youth who were studying to become professionals and wanted to give back to the United States. Elena’s boyfriend, now husband, father, and brother all had experiences with Immigration. “I was so upset that Immigration got my brother. They always take the innocent people, but they don’t take the ones that are selling drugs and doing bad stuff.”
Elena’s father was told he had to leave the United States and go back to
Mexico by June 2012. Immigration wrongly caught her father as they were looking for someone who had committed several crimes and, coincidentally, had the same name as her father. She was extremely upset and wanted to her father be able to adjust his status. The immigration laws make it very difficult to adjust a status.
Elena was so thankful for being in the United States and the opportunities afforded to her until she encountered fundamental immigration laws of this country. “As I said early, my thoughts about the U.S. has change. I don’t believe in this country anymore.”
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Pedro recounted the painful loss of his father when he was recently deported.
Pedro talked about the technicalities behind the immigration laws that led to his father’s deportation proceedings. Pedro’s father had permission to work but could not leave the United States. He had hired a lawyer previously to adjust his status.
Unfortunately, his father died and he returned to Guatemala for the funeral. Once he returned, he tried to obtain a work permit and hire a lawyer. He did not have the money to retain a lawyer to file the paper. He automatically received a deportation order and Immigration officials began looking for him. They looked for him for several years, causing Pedro and his family to move from one home to another.
Unfortunately, they found Pedro’s father and he was deported to Guatemala.
Status and residency. Adjusting immigration status is extremely difficult.
Participants talked and wrote about the complexities of the laws. These laws require individuals to pay thousands of dollars to hire immigration attorneys. It is paramount that immigrants hire competent capable attorneys to work on their status. One mistake can ruin an immigrant’s chances of ever attaining a residency status.
Sinthia’s father hired an attorney to adjust his status. The attorney filed paperwork with Immigration that ended up disqualifying Sinthia’s father from ever being eligible to adjust his status.
The laws are very complicated. Lack of status or residency leaves participants, at times, very limited and trapped in employment, housing, and other unfortunate social contexts. Pablo discussed how his family had to move around because the previous tenants where they were currently living were wanted by the
246 police. As a result, undocumented immigrants are cautious of this type of situation where they may encounter law enforcement or Immigration agents.
Moreover, all of the participants spoke about how difficult finding a job was, and once they found one, they had to stay there, no matter the working conditions, because of their status. Participants want the flexibility of having choices and opportunities just as their documented counterparts.
Immigration status goes hand in hand with the complexity of federal and state laws in the United States. It is truly a terrifying experience for undocumented immigrants, especially for those of the younger generation who are much more familiar with the United States than they are with Mexico or Guatemala. Many of the participants believe they would be lost if sent back to their country of origin. The participants described the specific circumstances surrounding their coming to the
United States and how that has impacted and will continue to impact their lives. They also described the specific characteristics consistent with living “under the radar” as a result of the immigration laws regarding residency and illegal status.
Javier expressed how hard it was to be an undocumented immigrant because one has to constantly worry about being reported. Immigrants have to be able to work in the United States to survive; it is a necessity. Sinthia discussed the laws that enable an undocumented immigrant to adjust his/her illegal status regarding her mother, father, and work. Sinthia’s father returned to Mexico when she was 9 years old for a family problem. When he returned to the United States, he used someone else’s identity and was caught. Immigration officials made a note on his file that he
247 had to remain in Mexico for 3 years until he could try to return to the United States.
However, her father returned and 2 years later, a law was passed that led him to believe that if he hired an immigration attorney, he could adjust his status.
George illustrated how he constantly has to weigh his options as an undocumented immigrant. He noted that if he gave in to using some else’s social security number to work now, it will affect him negatively later if immigration reform ever comes to fruition. Using another’s identity is fraud and is against the law. This could be held against him if the laws allow him to adjust his status someday.
Pablo expressed the difficulties surrounding employment laws. His family had to borrow money to get him into the United States, and then they had to pay the money back while still trying to put food on the table and survive.
We had to ask people to lend us money. As soon as we came here we worked hard to pay all that money [back] and had to work twice as hard to pay rent and bills at the same time.
Participants struggle with the grim reality of not being able to work with a college degree. Blanca expressed her disappointment. “Is hard for us to know when we finish our studies we are going to get a degree but we are not going to be able to work because we don’t have something that can approve us to work.”
Sinthia’s father paid an attorney thousands of dollars to file his paperwork.
The attorney assured him that he was going to be okay and could adjust his status.
When her parents returned to the lawyer, she apologized to him and told him that he did not qualify for the status adjustment. The attorney did not explain the reasons behind the disqualification. When Sinthia’s mother and father hired a new attorney
248 about 2 years ago, they found out that the former attorney did not explain to her father that he was not supposed to be present in the United States upon getting caught with someone else’s identity. The former attorney knew her client should not have been in the United States when she turned his application and paperwork into Immigration.
She revealed his location, stripping him of any chances to ever attain a residency status.
Sinthia explained that the only way for her mother to adjust her residency status is to get caught by Immigration. Once she is caught, she can file petitions, paperwork, and requests to adjust her status based on the fact that she has a daughter who is underage and a U.S. citizen.
Andrés, Pablo, Fabio, and Silvia discussed three different situations in which their status has interfered and left them at a loss. Andrés and Pablo discussed how their families would like to be able to buy a home in the United States instead of having to rent. Andrés mentioned how hard his family has worked to make a living in the United States as undocumented immigrants. He described his family as humble and happy. They had saved little by little. One of their dreams is to be able to own their own home. However, without a social security number, you cannot get bank accounts, credit cards, or loans. As a result, they do not have the opportunity to build credit to ever obtain a bank loan for a home. They must pay cash for everything.
“I’m just hoping that a light will shine on us and give us the ability to be able to own a home.”
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Pablo and his family live in a mobile home. There are six people in the home and not enough room for everyone. “Sometimes we think of buying our own house with enough bedrooms but since we don’t have papers we can’t buy it. We can’t own anything here in the USA.”
Fabio did not attend college the first year after graduating from high school because of his undocumented status. Consequently, he lost a scholarship that would have paid full tuition if he had gone to college immediately after high school. “I wanted to go to college but because of what I had experienced before, I thought I couldn’t go because being undocumented.”
Silvia’s undocumented status interfered with her ability to be present at her boyfriend’s graduation from military school. “I found out today that I’m going to be interviewed by one of the [Military People] because [Name of Boyfriend] is dating me and I’m undocumented.” Silvia went on to explain the military’s position regarding marriage. “They also told [Name of Boyfriend] that it will be very hard for us if we ever want to get married because of my status.” She later found out that she would not be able to attend her boyfriend’s graduation ceremony because she did not have valid identification to have access to the base. “Just found out that I won’t be able to go to my boyfriend’s graduation from the [Military Organization]. He’s been gone for 5 weeks and I would love to see him but I cannot get in the base.”
Theme VI: Perseverance
Throughout the entirety of this qualitative narrative case-study research, many examples emerge illustrating the depth of participant perseverance as undocumented
250 immigrant youth. Merriam Webster’s online dictionary defines perseverance as
“continued effort to do or achieve something despite difficulties, failure, or opposition” (“Perseverance,” 2013). Participants described moments, experiences, and instances of profound happiness and sadness causing them to want to give up on everything. They described a roller coaster of emotions during their lives in the
United States. Each participant’s cultural assimilation process and experiences may be similar and vary, depending on personal, social, and environmental variables.
Undocumented youth have had to grapple being illegal as a result of their status. All of them expressed the pain behind the term illegal because they did not feel they had done anything wrong or hurtful to anyone else by coming to the United
States. All of the participants except for Gabriella came because of their parents told them to come. Despite racism, feelings of isolation, painful experiences, and the many social and financial obstacles, all 15 participants have found the courage, strength, and support to follow their dreams; they persevere. They have gone through so much to get where they are today and still know that they must go through much more to be able to truly realize their dreams. It is the resolve participants conquered throughout the trials and tribulations of their lives as undocumented immigrants that define them as individuals. Participant narratives revealed several things that provided an infrastructure for their enduring will to succeed.
Faith. As a part of persevering for all 15 participants, they talked about their faith. Many of the participants spoke about prayer, Christianity, pastors, and going to church every Sunday. Sinthia, Elena, Javier, and Silvia referenced faith as a coping
251 mechanism and motivation to continue their path to success. Sinthia remarked, “Ok
I’m not from here, I’m not from Mexico, what am I going to do for the rest of my life?” She feared that she will have to hide forever. “Am I going to be hiding from
ICE all my life, I’m going to be stuck at home doing nothing.” Sinthia relies on her faith to get her through difficult times. “I pray a lot. My mom always prays and says
‘Have faith.’” Elena uses faith to cope with the painful experiences and profound inequities she has had to deal with in her life. “I just leave it all to God cause he knows. We let it up to God. That’s all you can do.” Elena and Sinthia persevere through prayer and faith. They realize they can only do so much about their status, and the rest they leave in the hands of God.
Javier gains endurance through faith and the words his grandfather spoke to him before coming to the United States. “Being an immigrant is what destroys and finishes the dreams of many people, and today I consider myself one in the thousands that ask and pray to God that one day the problem of being illegal is fixed.”
Silvia carries around a small religious book in her car. She is terrified of driving and feels that this keeps her safe. She relies on her faith as a Catholic, and this religious piece to get her through each day. “And my car my mom has a little book, it is like a religious thing. When I’m driving I am always holding it—it’s really ripped up—it’s really bad looking. I always have it, I am so nervous.” Silvia had a lot of anxiety and fear around driving because she is undocumented. This small religious item helped Silvia cope and endure. “I guess it is something that is helping me. It is protecting me.”
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Honor, integrity and pride . George, Andrés, and Pablo acknowledged their
Hispanic origins with honor, integrity, and pride. George relayed that he was proud to be Hispanic. These characteristics further validate his identity and provide encouragement to soothe the bitter reality of his status. While undocumented,
Hispanics are an essential part of local communities, state, and nation. These ideals encourage and motivate him to continue to work hard. Like all of the other participants, he has accepted his status, knows the risks, but deals with these issues in a way that he uses them as ammunition to continue on with his goals and dreams. He spoke about this in his interview. “Think of every single hard working person that is
Hispanic and that has helped not just the nation but the communities.”
George believed, “A lot of the communities around would not be the same at all without Hispanic people. And I am proud to say that honestly.” George relayed that Hispanics work “10 times harder than anyone else would do. And we do it with pride and we do it with honor because we live this country and we do it for our families.” Pablo also expressed the pride Hispanic workers display in the workplace.
They work very hard to support their families in the United States and in their home countries. Pablo relayed, “The Government should think about how bad it would affect the fact that immigrants are brought back to their countries. If they keep doing this many companies and business will collapse.” He proudly compared Hispanics’ work ethic to other races. “African Americans and other races don’t work as hard as we do. It is rare to see a white American or African American working in a chicken plant or Construction.”
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Andrés displayed much pride and honor upon submitting his scholarship and college applications. “I filled out my letter for and she sent it in and she signed me up for my placement tests for the next day. I paid my money and oh that felt great.”
These three participants exhibited optimistic characteristics that they identify about themselves as Hispanics.
Parental support and modeling . Parental support by one or another parent was an obvious motivational for at least 14 of the 15 participants. Their parents wanted to provide their children with more educational opportunities and the opportunity for a better life overall. The participants’ parents stay abreast on current and future immigration reform initiatives for their children. Andrés wrote in his journal about his father reading articles in the newspaper regarding undocumented youth. He relayed this information to his son.
Blanca spoke about how hard she watches her mother work to provide for her and her siblings. Her mother has set an example for Blanca. “When I see how my mother works, I start to think that I have to work hard to get my degree because I want to help her and work for her.” Blanca is indebted to her mother for all she has sacrificed. “I want to do something for her. She fight for my future and I want to fight to reach a better life for her. She is all what I have and I don’t want my mother working anymore.” Blanca described how her mother motivates her to finish her college education. This “is why I’m working hard every day and I’m doing all my best to get and reach my dream. I don’t care how much I have to work and how much
I have to spend in my classes.” Blanca recalled something her mother told her when
254 she first arrived in the United States and was struggling to adjust, “my mother told me that all in life is hard and that if I wanted to do and reach my dreams, I had to work hard for have all what I wanted to.”
Equality . All of the participants wrote or spoke about equality as being an essence of who we are as human beings. Throughout the entirety of Chapter IV’s findings, participants recounted experiences when they were reminded that they are not equal to their documented counterparts. They deal with fears and anxiety as a result of their status. They want to be professionals that help others in some way.
They want the same opportunity to dream, live, and love the United States as a documented individual.
Pedro’s journal entries and interview illustrated the profound emotional consequences of living undocumented. He shared very personal experiences and feelings in order for others to see him as a human being instead of an object. He relayed his feelings about being an immigrant in the United States. “These is almost all has happened since I got in the U.S. like immigrants we cannot live that normal because we not that equal like people having papers and work.” Pedro believed that
“God created us for one purpose to live for him. We all are the same we are humans and we suppost[ed] to help each other not breaking dream of others.”
Blanca saw the United States as a land full of equality. “It is the land of opportunities and I want to get all the opportunities and be a better person in the future. I’m here for reach my dreams.” Andrés shared his reasons for his goals.
“The number one reason I want to get this job is to show to everyone who doesn’t
255 believe that a Hispanic person can come from Mexico out of nothing can be successful here in the United States.” He wants to live the American Dream. “I want to be able to support my parents when they can’t work anymore and I just want to make something out of myself that I can show and be proud of.”
Pablo hopes that the DREAM Act legislation will move forward someday. “It would change millions of people’s lives for good. That would also benefit this country in many ways. The economy would get better. We wouldn’t be afraid of being separated from our family.” Julio equated his place in this country with the profound phrase on the American dollar, “In God We Trust.” He believed if it was truly this way, there would not be such barriers and limitations preventing undocumented individuals of his age group from being a part of this country.
Dreams . The 15 participants have all described future dreams. They have dream of becoming, teachers, nurses, psychologists, lawyers, doctors, business professionals, business owners, etc. At least 2 of the participants had to change their career dreams because of their undocumented status. The participants continued to pursue their educational goals while knowing that the reality of their status will continue to build obstacles. Some of the participants responded and described their dreams and frustrations as if they had the opportunity to talk to the President of the
United States. Pablo, Javier, Fabio, Jennifer, Blanca, Marianella, Yairel, and Andrés provided narratives highlighting their thoughts, perceptions, and beliefs.
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Pablo wrote about the idea of having dreams in his journal and provided a quote that reflected the myriad of feelings by all 15 participants:
Dream is really important in people’s life is like when you dream be a teacher or anything but you really want to rich[reach] that dream but how if someone can come and destroy it. Also, the feeling everyone have feelings and when you hurt someone the pain doesn’t go away after a day or even weeks or months. Hurts is what someone feel when other person come and destroy the dream. I thought the U.S. has build with equality of opportunity but not for immigrants. Because just because they don’t have paper or a social security number. I thought everyone has the chance to reach the dream that was been looking for, or have the chance to succeed.
Javier expressed that he hoped to know the feeling of having a valid driver’s license one day and possess proof that he is legally here in the United States. Jennifer relayed, “My dream always have been to be a business person. Work as an
Administrator. One day I hope to have my own house car and travel to many places around the world.” Jennifer’s brother is younger than her and has an optimistic attitude. “He dreams in having his own social security with his own name. My brother is always encourage my dad to keep trying never give up.” Fabio’s dream is to become a history teacher in addition to being a role model for other undocumented and documented Hispanic youth. “I want to be a teacher, because I want to help young people. There are a lot of negative things in my life and I can inspire people…talk to young people. I am ready to be here.”
Yairel discussed her future dreams. “I want to stay in United States. I want to continue to study. I stated that I has dreams of having a successful career, and getting
257 a good job.” Andrés would like to become a law enforcement officer. He saw his dream of graduating from college and becoming a professional a way to repay his parents for all of their hard work and sacrifices to raise him. His hope was that the
DREAM Act passes one day so that he can adjust his status. “I could help my parents by putting a house in my name and eventually paying back the hard work they have done to make sure I had everything. Thanks to them I am the young man I am today.”
Fabio took the opportunity to respond as if talking to the President and
Congress members of the United States about his dreams and the ability to live here without fear. “I would tell them that I deserve to be here. I didn’t come to hurt you. I came to seek for opportunities, to have a better education and I want to stay here.”
While Fabio is undocumented, he desperately hopes for the day that he can obtain his documents. “I don’t have documents, but I have many dreams like even my status, I don’t want that to stop me. I know one day I am going to become legal here. I am going to get my documents.”
Marianella also pleaded with the government to look at the Hispanic people.
“They should really look, I mean we’re not really that bad people.” Blanca described her purpose for being in the United States. “The only thing that I want is to improve myself and be a better person. I’m not here to make trouble or do bad things. I want to give my mother a better life and have a better life.” Yairel would like to ask the
President of the United States why he will not allow immigrants to come into the
United States. She does not understand why we cannot live as one in this nation.
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“We just need work to give food to our families or get a good education to get a good job and make our country better and be in peace helping one another.” The participants highlighted the goals and most important aspects that might help them realize their future dreams.
Transformation through hardship . Some of the participants had to change their majors and give up lifelong career dreams because they could not study those careers without having a social security number. However, even though disappointment presented itself, through change they embraced it to focus on a new set of goals. Sinthia, Elena, and Blanca had to change their college majors as a result of their status. Elena was devastated upon finding out she would not be able to live out her lifelong dream of being a nurse. She recently graduated in the spring of 2012 with honors. She holds a degree in business. She reflected on the life-changing event; it changed her a lot.
Now I am thankful for my situation because there are reasons for it. Maybe if I was a citizen I wouldn’t be the person I am now. If I was a citizen maybe I wouldn’t appreciate the things I have now.
Elena leaves everything up to God and relies heavily on her faith to guide her future. Fabio has made a transformation as a result of the struggles and hardships he has faced since he arrived in the United States. He, like many others, used his personal and sometimes painful experiences to better himself. He has found the positive through the negative to succeed. He has made a profound impact on his church and local community as a result of what he has been through in his life. “My dream is bigger than my status situation.”
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George stated that he would never give up the fight to adjust his status. His perseverance is testimony to the hard work and sacrifices his parents have made to raise him in the United States and provide a better future for him. George described how hard both of his parents work every day and the values they have instilled within their family unit. “It gives me just a little bit more hope to keep going. It doesn’t fall into your lap you have to work for it. That’s what my parents showed me.”
Blanca expressed the same views about her life as Elena. She felt that everything happens for a reason. “The life that I lived was hard but now I know that it happened for one reason, because now I have a great and better life with my mother, brother, and sister.” Blanca credited her mother for giving her the strength to pursue her dreams in this country and a college education. “One of the most things that made me to be strong and work hard, was to think about all the (esfuerzo)
[strength] that my mother was doing for my brothers and I.” Blanca is very thankful for all that she has and does not regret being in the United States with her family.
Yairel spoke about how her hardships have affected her life. “Even though I live with bad feelings because of my undocumented status I still feel like I have the opportunity to get an education and graduate from college.” Her experiences have made her who she is today. “I feel like what I am doing here in the United States is worth the emotional sacrifices of being undocumented.”
Marianella’s motivation stems from a desire or will that she indeed belongs in this country. Her family went through a lot of painful times financially and emotionally upon arriving to the United States. They struggled like most immigrant
260 families. “We know its history, its presidents, its traditions, its language, its system, more than we know our own country. But more than that we know our status, I don’t want to go back anymore, I consider this my country.”
Marianella believed that undocumented immigrant youth like herself and sister are punished for something they are not responsible. “Don’t punish us for something we didn’t know. We are not bad people; we are just like every other
Spanish student fighting to be somebody in this wonderful country full of opportunities for everybody.”
Sinthia, like Elena, had to change college majors as a result of her status.
After the disappointment, adjustment to change, and bittersweet realization of her status, she embraced her new goal to become a psychologist.
Andrés left the end of his journal to be continued.
This is my story so far, and I still have many chapters to write because Im never giving up no matter how difficult it will be, I’ll always get up again and try my best. This is nothing but a chapter and I hope that you still be able to see me to see the conclusion of my story.
Marianella concluded the undocumented status issues surrounding youth in the United States and their will to pursue their dreams.
We came here without knowing. We’re not supposed to get punished for something we didn’t know. We’re here already, and we’re just studying. We’re not doing anything bad to the country. And we were little kids when we got here this our parents’ war.
Summary . Perseverance is a defiance that we exhibit as humans when an obstacle is blocking something that we yearn to obtain for reasons much larger than
261 an individual objective; it is a type of behavior we exhibit to obtain something that we believe in one way or another defines our individuality as human beings. Human beings experience different levels of perseverance in light of their personal and environmental backgrounds. Perseverance is an emotional roller coaster that is fueled with a tenacious will to continue to chip away at brick walls that stand between individuals, and perseverance is the single most important necessity that affords them the path to success.
The 15 participants in this study exhibited extreme behaviors and beliefs of perseverance to be where they are today. They began by narrating how they came to this country, assimilated into the culture, and succeeded in the educational system while facing tremendous difficulties. Participants began with background information describing the extreme poverty and danger in their native countries and then walked through their lives from the time they left their country, landed on U.S. soil, to the present. They described situations and experiences that were horrendous acts of injustice inequality, and profound emotional trauma.
Their will to continue toward a path of success and peace is one that is grounded in family, faith, honor, integrity, and perseverance. The intention of this study was to document the experiences of growing up undocumented in the United
States. Blanca, Javier, Gabriella, Silvia, Jennifer, Yairel, Fabio, Andrés, George,
Pedro, Julio, Elena, Sinthia, Marianella, and Pablo participated in this study with great enthusiasm so that people would understand their most personal feelings and experiences as they have grown up in this country. It is most significant that their
262 stories allow these individuals to be seen as human beings with feelings, not an object to be targeted.
Summary
Throughout Chapter IV, participants illustrated various examples of how immigration laws impact their lives as a result of their undocumented status. They also recounted many experiences that exemplified the impact of federal and state laws as a result of their undocumented status.
Theme V addressed immigration laws, federal and state laws. While there are ample examples of the impact of immigration, federal and state laws, and status throughout Chapter IV, it was imperative to discuss participant perceptions and the extent to which they must live to avoid the federal and state laws. Two participants recounted moving from one house or apartment to another within the same state to avoid immigration officials. Participants illustrated, through narratives, the scope of detail they must consider on a daily basis for common decision-making processes.
They constantly question what the consequences or outcomes could be, based on one action or another. Theme V gave further insight into the concept of living under the radar and how this study’s participants continually have to find ways to survive in order to stay in this country and how they hope to live the American dream one day.
Focusing on the lives of the 15 participants regarding immigration laws provided the foundation for the resolve found in Theme VI in which participants illustrated perseverance. They described having to endure, fight, and push through
263 the daily trials and tribulations with a never swaying hope that in the future they will have a chance to become someone in this country.
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Chapter V
Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications
Over the last three decades, the United States has experienced a significant increase in the Hispanic immigrant population (Passel, 2006). Many of these immigrants migrated to the United States illegally, bringing small children with them.
Some immigrants left their children with family members in their native countries and came to the United States solely to provide for their families in Guatemala and
Mexico. Later, parents paid for assistance or the help of coyotes to bring their children into the United States illegally. Hispanics from Latin America have migrated to the United States as a result of the economic turmoil in their native countries. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Central
American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) strengthened large industrial corporations while devastating the local economies in the Mexico and Central American regions.
Globalization is responsible for mass migration from Latin America to the United
States, as many farmers and workers no longer had jobs or could support their families (One America for Justice, 2010).
The 2010 Census showed that Hispanics are the largest minority group in the
United States (United States Census Bureau, 2011b). Studies show that the majority of the undocumented Hispanic population is living at or under poverty levels. The
Hispanic Pew Center has conducted several studies on the demographic changes of
United States regarding the documented and undocumented Hispanic immigrant population in relationship to how it might affect the United States (Passel, 2003;
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Passel, 2005; Passel & Cohn, 2008; Passel & Cohn, 2009). In addition, the undocumented status alone presents profound barriers in terms of access to education, health care, and transportation as well as any state or government institution that requires an individual to have a legitimate social security number and government or state issued identification card.
While undocumented Hispanic students are permitted to attend pre-K-12 public schools as a result of Plyer v Doe (1982), this population has one of the highest dropout rates among high school students in the country. These undocumented
Hispanic students realize at a certain age of discovery (Gonzales, 2011) that their futures look bleak. There are approximately 2 million young undocumented Hispanic immigrants living in the United States who have access to public education.
The Census Bureau, along with other national organizations, focused on the growing Hispanic population, predicted that Hispanics will be the majority someday as they are having more children than any other population in the United States. In addition, the data show that the majority of the Hispanic population is very young.
These results are indicative of a changing country and nation. The number of undocumented youth in the United States has grown large enough to cause alarming concern about their bleak future and the impact it will have on this country.
Previous studies conducted on young undocumented Hispanic immigrants have illustrated the emotional impact of migration as a whole in addition to the emotional, physical, behavioral, educational, and social effects the phenomenon of illegality has on these individuals (Abrego, 2006; Abrego, 2011; Arbona et al., 2010;
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Cervantes et al., (2010); Gonzales, 2011). Studies have shown migrating to a new country with a new culture and language is one of the most difficult changes or transition in an individual’s life (Arbona et al., 2010; Perez et al., 2009). Migration becomes more difficult when an individual has entered a country illegally as a result of the barriers an authorized status proposes. Undocumented immigrants often further break the law by using false papers to work. Those who work without papers are forced to work under difficult environmental conditions, earning minimum wage or less because they are paid in cash. The children of undocumented immigrants also face barriers to access as their parents are consumed by fear and anxiety of exposing their identities and status if they ask for assistance.
The purpose of this study was to understand how 15 Hispanic study participants perceive the undocumented status affected their lives growing up in the
United States. Many undocumented Hispanic youth have grown up in the United
States and know this country better than their native country. They are Americanized and have assimilated and been integrated into the U.S. culture, social system, and public school system. Many of these young individuals spend years believing they are no different from their documented counterparts until they begin to enter into social situations and cultural rites of passage that require a legal status. It is almost immediate that they transition from a world of belonging to an underground system of rituals and survival patterns to maintain the anonymity of their status (Gonzales,
2011).
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This study aimed to understand the lived experiences surrounding the undocumented status of young Hispanic college students. The study was a qualitative narrative case study designed to hone in on the meaning of a phenomenon through the stories and words of the 15 participants. The research focused on a specific sample of individuals who have lived in the United States long enough to provide narrative stories recounting the initial age of discovery regarding status and how that has impacted their lives. Age was used a delimiting factor to identify a potential participant’s amount of time in the United States. One participant had entered the
United States at 8 months old and others were 15 years old when they entered.
Each participant had individual and unique stories; and, at the same time, all
15 participants’ narratives collectively produced themes through their spoken word that united them as a group, as well as defined the complexities and overall impact of the undocumented phenomenon for young immigrants. The data sources consisted of audiotaped interviews, participant journals, and researcher field notes. Participants used journals to describe their experiences as undocumented immigrants growing up in the United States. Explaining what it was like to grow up in the United States as a young undocumented Hispanic immigrant intended to give a depth of understanding, meaning, and context to this situation.
Discussion
The findings of this study resulted in six major themes in addition to sub- themes that embraced every facet of an individual’s life. The major themes were crossing the border and reasons for coming to the United States, realization of status
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(age of discovery; Gonzales, 2011), living undocumented, barriers, immigration laws, and perseverance. Constant comparative data analysis of participant interviews and journals was used to understand the data. These data were triangulated, categorized and compared to other research studies on this topic using the constant comparative data analysis method. While generalizations cannot be drawn be on the narrative experiences of undocumented Hispanic youth, research studies indicate that the experiences and outcomes of this population share consistent similarities.
Examination of the sub-themes indicated that these participants were resilient, loyal, and tenacious in the face of extreme adversity. Participants discussed many experiences of discrimination from peers and adults within the school setting; feelings of shame and inequality; strong motivations to achieve and be someone their parents could be proud of; and being an example for other undocumented Hispanic youth, etc. These individuals were extremely grateful for the opportunities afforded them as well as their economic situation in the United States in comparison to what it was in their native country. Fourteen out of the 15 participants remembered their childhood in Guatemala and Mexico. They described the profound poverty level and oppression in their native countries. Every participant illustrated the concept of familismo, the strong bond and dependence among one another within the family unit. This bond was a coping mechanism for living undocumented and at the center of their core being.
Crossing the border. Participants wrote and talked about their experiences crossing the border and the processes. They crossed the border one of three ways: by
269 car with false or temporary documentation, walking on foot from Mexico into the deserts of Arizona, or swimming across the river from Mexico into the United States.
Border patrol checkpoints occasionally allowed undocumented immigrants traveling in cars to cross the border. Prior research studies document ways that immigrants cross illegally into the United States as well as the processes they went through to prepare for the trip (Federacion Internacional de Derechos Humanos [FIDH], 2008;
Haynes & Torres, 2004; Jimenez, 2009).
As a result of increased border patrol and stricter immigration laws, usual points of entry are heavily patrolled, forcing immigrants through much more dangerous territory and treacherous environmental conditions (Cornelius, 2001).
During the Clinton administration, border patrol initiatives became a priority. The
Immigration Naturalization Service (INS) became the second largest federal agency besides the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (Cornelius, 2001). The research looked at increased immigrant deaths as a result of deterrence strategies mandated by the U.S. government as well as unintended consequences.
Many undocumented immigrants began to stay in the U.S. longer than they normally would have due to the dangers of crossing the border and the increased costs of hiring coyotes or polleros. The costs of hiring a coyote to help assist border crossings before 1986 was approximately $325 and in the 1990s increased to about
$1100; after the year 2000, the costs further increased to over $1600 per person
(Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012).
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Four participants crossed the border with other family members in a car with valid or temporary documentation that they had to show to border patrol. One of the participants crossed the border by swimming across the river, and the other 10 participants traveled through the dessert to reach U.S. soil. Discussions about crossing the border illustrated the varying depths of difficulty that some participants experienced in comparison to others. There were detailed descriptive narratives of walking in the dessert and the fear of dying from environmental conditions, being caught, and taken advantage of by police or by other individuals. Sometimes the trips lasted anywhere from 1 month to 3 months to finally arrive in the U.S. and be reunited with family. During those times, participants stayed in safe houses and relied on coyotes and an underground network of people to help them finally reach their destinations.
An award winning documentary interviewed people throughout the United
States and Canada who ran safe houses for undocumented immigrants (Haynes &
Torres, 2004). These people were at the mercy of others and suffered hunger, thirst, and potentially life threatening risks. Crossing the border illegally has become increasingly more dangerous with each passing year as a result of human smugglers, police brutality, gangs, and U.S. government deterrence strategies (Androff &
Tavassoli, 2012; Cornelius, 2001; FIDH, 2008; Martínez, 2008; Nevins, 2007).
Several studies’ findings were consistent with participants’ narrative stories regarding how they crossed the borders, their fears, and potential life threatening risks posed by
271 environmental and social conditions (Donato et al., 2008; Haynes &Torres, 2004;
Jimenez, 2009; Nevins, 2007; Ortmeyer & Quinn, 2012).
Reasons for crossing the border and separation. Over the last three decades, numbers of documented and undocumented Hispanic immigrants living in the United States have exceeded all other minority populations (United States Census
Bureau, 2010). Participants’ descriptions of their native homelands revealed profound oppression and poverty. Interviews with participants revealed that participants’ families brought their children here so they could have a better life.
Undocumented immigrants migrated to the United States to escape armed conflict, social strife, political turmoil, and economic hardships (One America for Justice,
2010). Immigrant parents wanted their children to have more opportunities than their native countries could offer (Cervantes et al., 2010).
Guatemala and Mexico are poverty and oppressive stricken countries with little hope in sight for economic improvement (Cervantes et al., 2010; One America for Justice, 2010). Parents want the best for their children, including opportunities to further education, seek better jobs, ensure the safety from militant and gang violence, and lead a successful, happy life. Young undocumented immigrants felt they were better off living in the United States undocumented as opposed to living in their native countries under the restraints of profound poverty and hunger. Mass migration from Latin America to the United States is a result of worldwide globalization that benefitted large corporations while destroying the local farmers and businesses throughout other countries.
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The free trade agreements of NAFTA and the Central American Fair Trade
Agreement (CAFTA) essentially ruined families’ lives and left them struggling to educate and feed their children throughout Latin America (Haynes & Torres, 2004;
Jonas, 2006; One America for Justice, 2010). As a result, they became desperate for work and migrated to the United States. The participants left with extended family members while their parents migrated to the United States suffered tremendous emotional issues as a result of the separation. Two participants disclosed in interviews that they had not seen their mothers in 10 years, while other participants were brought to the United States because they were heart-broken and began to suffer physically as a result of the separation from their parents.
Little scholarly literature exists on the effects of this separation; however, one study conducted found that parent-child separation has detrimental effects on the relationship causing children to develop psychological, emotional, and behavioral symptoms in response to the displacement (Cervantes et al., 2010). Serial migration and separation affects children whether they are left behind or brought with their parents. The emotional and psychological trauma of crossing the border and adjusting to a new country and language has an even greater impact on undocumented children or those of mixed status families. These stressors and living in states of liminality, betwixt and between, and otherization can affect a child’s cognitive development (Arbona et al., 2010; Blanco-Vega et al., 2008; Capps, Fix, Ost et al.,
2004; Gnepp, 1960; Lahman et al., 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011, Turner, 1964).
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Familismo. Discussions and journal entries revealed a type of loyalty and allegiance participants illustrated toward family within their narrative stories. The context of family and its importance was evident throughout research findings.
Participants went to college because their families had sacrificed so much to bring them to the United States. They prioritized their goals and their dreams around making their mothers and fathers proud of them. The Hispanic/Latino culture views family as the most pivotal and essential part of their lives (Santiago Rivera et al.,
2002). As a culture, they are characterized for their strong family values and cultural expectations. They sacrifice for one another with little or no regret. Marín and
Tirandis (as cited in Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002) stated that “familismo stems from a collectivist or allocentric worldview in which there is a willingness to sacrifice welfare of the group” (p. 43). Moreover, “This world view is manifested in a shared sense of responsibility to care for children, provide financial and emotional support, and participant in decision making” (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002, p. 43). Family is a major support system for undocumented immigrant youth. While many immigrant parents may not be well educated, they have encouraged their children to further their education. They have instilled courage, hope, and faith in their children to facilitate resiliency endurance and perseverance.
Resiliency. Resiliency is seen over and over as participants faced hardships throughout their childhood and adolescent years as a result of barriers yet continued to move forward. They progressed through a process of bouncing back after feeling shamed, hurt, or ostracized for being Hispanic (Bernard, 1993). Conquering one set
274 of challenges after another led to inner strength, courage, humility, and intrinsic motivation. The family unit is a tremendous support system for all undocumented youth. The importance of la familia should never be underestimated as it is the heart of the Hispanic culture and the essence of their beings (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Familial and cultural values impact how Hispanic youth react to situations and often conflict with the cultural norms and expectations in the United States. This can be frustrating for undocumented Hispanic youth as they struggle to find their own identity and at the same time please their families (MALDEF, 2009; NWLC, 2009).
Realization of status. Several participants in this study found out they were undocumented when they were 16 years old. Gonzales (2011) conducted a qualitative study that aimed to describe the transitional shift of status from “de facto legal to illegal” (p. 602). His study revealed that undocumented youths’ age of discovery regarding their illegal status was between 16 and 18 years old (Gonzales,
2011). The participants’ realization of status was typically discovered within the social context of the public school system. Some participants were advised not to take driver’s education since they could not obtain a driver’s license. Others took the class knowing they would not be able to obtain their license as a result of their status.
One participant found out he could not get a license after going to the local Motor
Vehicle Department.
In the eyes of the school system, these individuals have a place within a social context even though they may face adversity and discrimination. However, they are invisible in the eyes of the law because they do not have permission to be in this
275 country. They struggle with the ideology of maintaining two identities in the K-12 and post-secondary institutions.
Some of the participants disclosed that they found out about their status before turning 16 years old through interactions with other undocumented peers. One participant transferred from a school with no Hispanic students to a school with a significant population of Hispanic students. When she began to interact with the other Hispanic students and disclosed bits and pieces of information, these students explained the undocumented status to her. They told her she was just like them. It was at that moment she realized why her mother was so fearful and anxious since they arrived in the United States.
Other participants found out through conversations and interactions with their parents. One participant was filling out college applications and asked what a social security number was and if she had one. Another participant was watching the news with his family about illegal immigration and asked about his status. His parent proceeded to tell him he was undocumented. Some of the participants came to the
United States knowing that they would be undocumented; however, they did not understand the impact and hardships that come with the status. As time passed, it was with a roller coaster of emotions and painful experiences that all 15 participants realized the depth of the undocumented status.
Participants illustrated through interviews and journals that some interactions with documented and undocumented peers and other individuals provided an invaluable system of support. This support system enabled undocumented
276 participants to conduct what Enriquez (2011) called “patchworking,” (p. 476) to navigate their way through the public school system and into college. The patchworking system facilitated the success of those students who graduated from high school and went to college. However, Enriquez (2011) identified several participants who dropped out of high school because they never built any relationships with peers or adults within the public school system. Undocumented
Hispanic high school dropouts simply were not able to create the same patchworking system of support and social capital as other undocumented Hispanic students
(Enriquez, 2011). Feelings of isolation and otherization dominated their human psyche and led them to abandon their education (Enriquez, 2011; Lahman et al.,
2011).
While participants in this study identified with the same feelings of isolation, shame, and otherization, it was evident throughout the data that they had found connections within their schools, communities, peers, and family resulting in their educational success. They participated in patchworking an infrastructure of personal support to navigate the macrosystems affecting their undocumented status (Blanco-
Vega et al., 2008; Brabeck & Xu, 2010; Enriquez, 2011).
Barriers. Macrosystems refer to laws, policies, and institutions as they relate to the undocumented immigrant (Brabeck and Xu, 2010; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006; Enriquez, 2011). Brabeck and Xu (2010) also referred to this as “distal context,” (p. 341) affecting the undocumented immigrant and creating profound barriers within the social and political context of daily life. A summary of the
277 findings in this major theme showed that undocumented immigrants face transportation, work, health, and language barriers. Transportation is a major issue because undocumented immigrants cannot obtain valid driver’s licenses. As a result, they are forced to drive without a license if they have to work or want to attend college.
They have an extremely difficult time working. All 15 participants discussed the desire to be able to work wherever they want. Their status forces them to work where employers will acknowledge the status and pay them under the table, or they must work with fake papers. Working under a false name could hurt them in the future if immigration reform came to fruition. Many undocumented immigrants cannot access affordable health care or even inquire if it requires they contact an institution. They are afraid they will lose their anonymity, and, as a result, they avoid hospitals, doctors, clinics, and any other institution. Moreover, undocumented immigrants do not have insurance so emergency care, surgery, or visits to the doctor or hospital cost an astronomical amount of money. This population is living at or below poverty levels and cannot afford the health care system in the U.S.
Participants reported language barriers as being one of the most difficult challenges to overcome as immigrants assimilate and become accustomed to a new culture, country, people, and school system. Hernandez et al. (2010) reported that one participant in their study described the language barrier as feeling “handicapped”
(p. 68).
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Living undocumented. Understanding what it is to be undocumented is a phenomenon that is new to the world of research. It has only been since the early
1980s that the face of the Hispanic population has begun to change. There are approximately 2 million undocumented Hispanic youth living in the United States
(Passel, 2006). Over the last decade or so, immigration reform has become especially controversial.
Unauthorized Hispanic youth believe they would benefit greatly from immigration reform that specifically addressed this population. The state of liminality is marked in an undocumented adolescent’s life as he/she realizes he/she is not able to follow through with rites of passage markers such as obtaining a driver’s license, working, going off to college, etc. (Gonzales, 2011). At the same time, Plyer v Doe of 1982 gave these undocumented youth the right to attend public schools and essentially integrate into American culture. Enrollment in the public school system presents a false sense of security and belonging. As these young immigrants identified themselves as undocumented, they realized the depths of their status.
Essentially, the life they had been living was a lie. As a result, they developed anger, fear, anxiety, shame, and frustration with their parents and the United States. Many participants in this study reported feelings of shame, isolation, betrayal, frustration, anger, fear, and helplessness as a result of being undocumented.
Studies show that the primary vehicle toward integration and assimilation into the U.S. culture is through the K-12 public school system (Abrego, 2006; Abrego,
2011; Blanco-Vega et al., 2008; Gonzales, 2011; Perez et al., 2009). However,
279 according to Gnepp (1960) and Turner (1964), as they reach adolescence, they process from a protected to unprotected status as they are denied entry through important rites of passage. This transition leaves these undocumented youth in a type of “developmental limbo,” a state of “liminality,” and placement in a society characterized as “betwixt and between” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 616). The participants interviewed in Gonzales’ study described their transition from one status to another as
“waking up to a nightmare” (Gonzales, 2011, p. 615). Undocumented youths’ transformation into a “stigmatized identity” (p. 616) has a negative impact on educational and occupational trajectories. This phenomenon affects social relationships and existing friendships as undocumented youth continue to keep their status hidden.
Undocumented immigrants are at higher risk for cognitive and developmental problems within the public school context. They are also at higher risk for mental and emotional problems. Even those undocumented Hispanic youth who are successful in college face challenges and embarrassment. Hernandez et al. (2010) interviewed a college student whose success led to embarrassing moments because she was offered several different job and employment opportunities. She would have to make up excuses and lies for why she could not take a particular job (Hernandez et al., 2010).
Silvia, a participant in this study, experienced the same type of uncomfortable moments regarding the college application process while still in high school. Several of the teachers and guidance counselors recommended that Silvia apply to different
280 colleges and universities. She remembered the uncomfortable feeling of saying things that would keep them from pursuing the subject any further. “Enrolling in college as an undocumented immigrant often means living a life with two identities.
On campus, the students have no obvious insignia conspicuously declaring their citizenship status…” (Hernandez et al., 2010, p. 67).
Suárez-Orozco et al. (2011) defined the discovery of the undocumented phenomenon in undocumented youth as an “interrupted rites of passage and interminable liminality” (p. 443). “The family’s unauthorized status entraps youth in a labyrinth of liminality that complicates the normative stages of development in multiple ways” (p. 443). These states of liminality lead to severe developmental and risk factors in the undocumented child and family. The undocumented status has negative effects on the ecology of developmental processes, hence human development.
Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) defined “development as stablility and change in the biopsychological characteristics of human beings over the life course and across generations” (p. 995). As undocumented families and immigrant youth progress through childhood and adolescence, environmental factors that facilitate the developmental process within human beings are negatively impacted as a result of the undocumented status. Gonzales (2011), citing Abrego (2006; 2008), described the undocumented situation best: “The scant existing research on undocumented youth notes that undocumented status depresses aspirations and sensitizes them to the
281 reality that they are barred from integrating legally, educationally, and economically into the U.S. society” (p. 605).
Immigration laws. Prior to June 15, 2013, there were no laws or vehicles where undocumented youth could obtain permission to be in this country. Even now, for many young undocumented immigrants, the executive order issued on June 15,
2012, will not help them with their undocumented status. Discussions during the interviews in this study revealed that while participants acknowledged their parents brought them to the United States for a better life and out of good faith, they also felt they were suffering for their parents’ decisions. Participants were caught in the middle of their parents’ decisions to bring them here and the lack of U.S. immigration laws to support them. Marianella summarized this phenomenon:
We came here without knowing. We’re not supposed to get punished for something we didn’t know. We’re here already, and we’re just studying. We’re not doing anything bad to the country. And we were little kids when we got here. This is our parents’ war.
After the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act
(IIRIRA) of 1996, acculturative stress among documented and undocumented
Hispanic immigrants became increasingly more severe as a result of fear and anxiety
(Arbona et al., 2010). One study looked at the acculturative stress differences among documented and undocumented immigrants using the Hispanic Stress Inventory form.
The researchers looked at three areas among the participant sample regarding separation, cultural tradition, and language (Arbona et al., 2010). Their mixed method study found that acculturative stress was more severe in most areas for
282 undocumented immigrants except for deportation. The findings revealed that both documented and undocumented immigrants had the same amount stress, anxiety, and fear regarding deportation (Arbona et al., 2010).
All 15 participants in the current study discussed their daily fears of deportation and immigration officials (ICE). Participants went through daily routines to ensure their anonymity and safety from ICE officials. They avoided activities such as parties, social events, and driving as much as possible. None of the participants could obtain a valid driver’s license but had to drive to work and school. The regional area does not have a mass transit system. They discussed the anxiety and fear about driving to and from school and work. One of the participants in this study developed a crippling fear of driving that impacted her daily routine so much so that she became depressed.
The ultimate fear for all undocumented Hispanic youth and immigrants is deportation. The undocumented immigrants who are residing in the United States now are much different than those of 20 or 30 years ago. Today’s undocumented immigrants have married, had children, and established families here in the United
States. The stakes of deportation are much higher for the undocumented because immigrant parents are now caregivers or caretakers.
Separation is detrimental to the children and parents. In 2008, the result of mass ICE raids on corporations employing undocumented immigrants left small children by themselves. As immigration laws have tightened, record numbers of undocumented immigrants have been detained and deported during the Obama
283 administration. This has become increasingly controversial as the undocumented immigrant family has changed. Many of the families have children who are undocumented and children who are U.S. citizens.
In addition, one or both parents may be undocumented while the other is a
U.S. citizen or permanent resident. The mixed status family is a national growing trend among the Hispanic population in the United States. Capps et al. (2007) conducted a study where they revealed that approximately “five million” (p. 10) U.S. citizen-Hispanic children live in families with at least one undocumented parent. As a result of this growing trend, deportation and separation from family becomes an even bigger concern.
Participants in this study expressed the burden they carry on a daily basis to avoid any kind of contact with law enforcement or other officials that might jeopardize the anonymity of themselves and their family. Little research exists on the effects of deportation and separation on children specifically. The research studies conducted on children victim to mass ICE raids leading to deportation and separation illustrate the short and long-term detrimental effects on children, extended family, and other caregivers (Capps et al., 2007; Derby, 2012; Kremer, Moccio, & Hammel,
2009; Rome, 2010). Deportation and separation from family creates post-traumatic stress syndrome, separation anxiety, economic hardship, and psychological distress on children, extended family, and detainees (Capps et al., 2007).
Perseverance. Through participant narratives, the final theme of perseverance emerged and highlighted their overall resiliency, conviction, faith,
284 familismo, and community service involvement as coping mechanisms. These factors facilitated empowerment and motivation to move forward. Perseverance can only come through profound hardship marked by several episodes of resiliency; it represents a process of experiences that have served as both rewarding and painful yet motivated an individual to progress beyond his/her current state. Participants reported that they used the peer and familial support as well as the public school system. The participants also use religion, faith, church, and prayer to cope with the daily struggles of their status and situation. They use friends, teachers, family, community leaders, pastors, priests, and other sources to overcome traumatic experiences. Participants are connected to a plethora of varying support systems.
The immigrants lived traumas of crossing the border, the profound experiences of poverty, violence, and lack of educational and economic opportunity in their native countries. They came to the United States in search of a better life free of fear and starvation. Participants disclosed traumatic experiences throughout their travels before safely arriving on U.S. soil. Marianella, her sister, and mother walked in the dessert for 3 days and then spent 3 months with several other individuals crossing the border as well as in a safe house hidden. They were only able to have a shower or bathe every couple of days and had limited food and water supplies.
Pedro and his brother crossed the border walking through the desert as well, and it took them a month to finally reach their final destination to be reunited with their father. They spent a few days incarcerated because immigration arrested them and detained them at a rest stop after crossing the border. This was extremely
285 traumatic for them. The cash they had was taken and replaced with a check by immigration officials knowing they could not cash it to buy any kind of snack or drink. Fortunately, someone gave them money to get a candy bar and soda out of a snack machine.
Yairel faced the perils of crossing the river with her aunt and small niece. It was terrifying for her to see them chance the swim with a child so young. Fabio came to the United States with his sister and brother-in-law and baby nephew. During his travels through Mexico and almost onto U.S. soil, he was caught by border control and sent back to Mexico to a home for youth because he made the mistake of telling officials his real age. His brother-in-law and sister came to Mexico and posed as his parents. Fabio was released and they attempted the journey again successfully.
However, his baby nephew became very ill as a result of the weather conditions in the dessert. The coyote did not care about the baby’s health and did not care if he died.
Once they finally arrived in Arizona, they were able to go to a pharmacy and get medicine for the baby. He recovered and survived the trip to the east coast.
This is but a part of the participants’ undocumented experiences. As they assimilated into the U.S. culture, many wondered if they had made a mistake to come.
The language barriers, discrimination, and lack of access to resources as a result of their status became more about living the American nightmare rather than the
American dream. Approximately a week before Pedro was interviewed, his father was caught by immigration officials, detained, and deported to Guatemala, leaving him and his brother to care for themselves. It was a devastating experience. He
286 recalled seeing his father’s car on the side of the road empty and abandoned as he was on his way to school.
These experiences are just a glimpse of what undocumented youth experience in the United States. All but one participant identified the language barrier as the most difficult challenge to overcome, as well as a painful one, as others made fun of them and took advantage of their vulnerability. Hernandez et al. (2010) discussed the overall adversity undocumented Hispanic youth face regarding financial, academic, emotional, and career challenges as they approach adolescent and adult years. The same study further posited that a simple analysis of these challenges cannot illustrate the depths of anxiety, stress, and fear in everyday life.
Contrarily, in this study, participants spoke about positive experiences that provided hope and faith to continue their plight toward success. Pablo and Pedro recalled how proud their parents were to see them graduate from high school. Silvia and George talked about how proud their parents were that they went on to enroll in college. Blanca recalled all her adversity as being worth the opportunity to go to college and make her mother proud—if only to be able to help her someday so she does not have to work so hard for her children. The ongoing negative and positive experiences surrounding their undocumented status, coupled with resiliency characteristics and their “patchworked” support systems, resulted in perseverance through tremendous hardship (Enriquez, 2011, p. 476).
Perseverance is the theme most significant when identifying how these participants have bounced back from tragedy and emotional devastation. The
287 transformation through hardship defines perseverance. Moreover, their attitudes toward their experiences of inequity and discrimination have empowered their continued success. Perseverance characterizes the undocumented experiences of the
15 participants in this study and summarizes what their status has motivated them to accomplish. Marianella summed up her collective life experiences as undocumented immigrants in these words:
I am who I am. I am where I am because of my experiences good and bad. Without those experiences I would not be who I am today; I might not be sitting here today as a college student. I am a good person and without those experiences I do not know who or where I might be.
Others echoed the same thinking. Participant experiences have facilitated transformation through hardship, highlighting strength and courage defining the theme of perseverance specifically in this study.
Hernandez et al. (2010) found that while the educational experiences of undocumented Hispanic students cannot be generalized, “One common thread woven into the fabric of the undocumented student experience is the notion of giving back”
(p. 82). The college-going undocumented students have enrolled and have been successful out of obligation to their parents and the sacrifices they have made to bring them to the United States and the financial struggles to support them. This is also an illustration of giving back.
Perez et al., (2010) found that community service gave undocumented students a sense of belonging, accomplishment, and equality within the school and peer setting. It provided undocumented students the opportunity to show their
288 documented counterparts that they were just as competent and capable as anyone else
(Perez et al., 2010). Community service and volunteer work provided a space where documented and undocumented youth could interact and work without status or lawful markers that often create barriers for the unauthorized.
Several studies illustrated the mechanisms that create a community and culture of perseverance leading to academic success for undocumented Hispanic
Youth. Enriquez (2011) identified social capital and patchworking among undocumented youth. Gonzales (2011) discussed how undocumented youth come to the age of discovery and how they cope with going from de facto legal to illegal.
Perez et al. (2010) and Abrego (2006) identified students’ civic and community engagements as coping mechanisms for their status. They found that these types of situations provided a level playing ground that lacked definitive markers between documented and undocumented student participants. Perseverance characterizes the process of ups and downs as well as achievements in a young Hispanic undocumented youth’s life.
Conclusions
The narrative stories of the 15 participants in this study are each unique and different and, at the same time, illustrate parallel threads. The qualitative case study and narrative inquiry methodology allowed for a design that captured, used, and analyzed words as data. The findings of the study rendered six major themes and several sub-themes. While they are specific to this study and these 15 participants’ stories, data driven qualitative and quantitative studies support each of the themes and
289 subthemes. The case study design allowed for a thorough study of how participant experiences in relationship to a specific phenomenon affected their lives within the contextual base of their society (Merriam, 1988). It allowed for further study into the precise macro-systems and distal components that most affected undocumented individuals (Merriam, 1988). The narrative inquiry design allowed stories, experiences, and words to be analyzed for in-depth meaning and understanding of the phenomenon of being undocumented.
The following research question guided the study:
What are undocumented immigrants’ perceptions of growing up and living in the United States illegally?
This study is best concluded by describing living undocumented as being bitter sweet or cursed and blessed. Participants felt gracious and blessed because they are in the United States and have the opportunity to be educated through high school and college. They feel cursed because as a result of their status they do not have permission to live here in the United States hence creating significant barriers. Their lives are bitter sweet rendering significant opportunity for education and tremendous disappoint because of the barriers their status poses.
Implications
The two most significant implications for the fifteen participants in this study would be to pass the federal DREAM Act legislation, and to better understand the
Hispanic culture and the significance of family within that culture.
290
The DREAM Act legislation is a vehicle to citizenship that would eliminate all of the barriers, fears, and emotional adversity as a result of their status as long as the participants fit the requirements of the federal law. According the DREAM Act today website, passing the DREAM Act federal legislation S. 729 (in the Senate) or
H.R. 1751 (in the House) would benefit approximately 1.8 million -2 million undocumented youth (DREAM Act Portal, n.d.). DACA potentially benefited 1.8 million undocumented youth.
The second implication is that American people need to understand how important family is within the Hispanic culture so communication and academic achievement gaps can be bridged and closed. It is important for people working with the Hispanic population to know that family is the most predominant and significant aspect of the Hispanic culture. In addition, many times Hispanic cultural expectations clash with American cultural expectations. A student who has a sick family member at home might choose to take care of that family member over going to school for a state testing day. However, in the United States we might see going to school as more important than staying home to take care of family. This is just one example of the profound differences that lead to misunderstandings and misconceptions between two cultures striving to help achieve and achieve. Understanding the culture and cultural expectations within the Hispanic communities in the United States would help eliminate frustrations and miscommunications.
291
Recommendations for Future Research
The results of this study intend to give readers, other researchers, educators, community leaders, politicians, and others a like the opportunity to grasp the deep despair that plagues the undocumented. I propose the following recommendations for further research:
Mixed-method studies: Aggregate statistical and qualitative data on the mixed-status family phenomenon to give a clear picture of the effects of being undocumented and the need for human rights-focused immigration reform.
Quantitative Studies:
• to focus on the undocumented phenomenon in relationship to children’s
life trajectories (Give specific quantitative studies like expo facto, and a
research verb, survey, etc.)
• Survey policy makers’ and constituents’ perceptions about immigration
reform.
• Survey employers about hiring undocumented workers and their
knowledge of current and future immigration laws.
Qualitative Studies:
• Replicate the study using the same participants who are eligible for
Deferred Action for Early Childhood Arrivals (DACA)
• Replicate the study using the same participants after the passage of the
DREAM Act legislation
292
293
Epilogue
Deferred Action for Early Childhood Arrivals (DACA)—June 15, 2012
On Friday, June 15, 2012, President Obama enacted an executive order known as Deferred Action for Early Childhood Arrivals (DACA) to address the undocumented youth issue in the United States. This executive order was prompted as a result of the article released by TIME magazine’s Jose Antonio Vargas (2012) entitled, “We Are Americans: Just Not Legally.” The article chronicled undocumented youth of all races and ethnicity as coming out of the shadows to illustrate the power of the undocumented voice in numbers to the U.S. government.
The article was dated and released June 25, 2012; however, the President was aware of an article illustrating the magnitude of intelligent, well-educated, English-speaking undocumented youth taking a stand to represent the entire undocumented population.
The executive order was announced exactly one month after I had wrapped up all participant interviews and data collection for this study. The DACA executive order gives some undocumented youth the opportunity to apply for a work permit, obtain a social security number, and get a driver’s license. It also protects them from being deported. The requirements for DACA are the following (“Immigration
Equality,” 2013; Vargas, 2012):
• Those eligible must have been in the United States on June 15, 2012, when the
announcement was made and must have been living in the United States
consecutively for 5 years without leaving the U.S.
294
• To apply for DACA, the individual had to be in the United States at the age of
15 years old.
• DACA eligibility is for
o Those between the ages of 15 and under the age of 31 as of June 15,
2012.
o Those who are currently in school, have graduated from high school,
have a GED, or have been in the armed forces
o Those who have not been convicted of a felony or significant
misdemeanor
o Those who arrived in the U.S. before they turned 16 years old
• Homeland Security would no longer deport undocumented youth who qualify
for the DREAM Act.
The DACA application process has provided a learning curve for all associated and working with this population. Applicants were encouraged to go through immigration attorneys to file paperwork because of the threat of deportation if denied. It has given many a wonderful opportunity and, for the very first time in their lives, to hope for more. They have hope because they can drive without fear, hope because they can select a job that they want, not one because of their undocumented status but out of preference, and hope because they have a sense of belonging. They have an identity now and government-issued identification card with their own name, their own social security number, and their own picture.
295
Almost an entire year later, some of the very participants that chronicled heart-breaking stories pleading for a chance to be a legitimate part of this country have received DACA. Some of them have been approved and now have driver’s licenses, work permits, and a social security number. Their lives have forever changed as a result of DACA.
296
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Appendix A
Consent to Participate in Research
Participant Permission for Participation
You have been chosen based on demographic information from this college’s student database to participate in a study that will be conducted by Cynthia M.
Mitchell, a doctoral student from Wilmington University. The results of this study will be included in the dissertation of Cynthia M. Mitchell. Participants will be purposefully selected based on the following factors: ethnicity, residency, country of origin, age, and future enrollment in a fall 2011 college course. A total of 22 students are eligible to participate in this study based on the above delimiting factors.
However, student participation is voluntary. Study participation will be determined based on this consent form stating you understand your participation is voluntary, and your decision to participate or to decline to participate will not affect your academic status at Delaware Technical and Community College in any way. You also have the right to withdraw from this study at any time.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to understand the experiences and stories of approximately 22 undocumented Hispanic immigrants who have grown up in the
United States and have and are currently enrolled at a community college in a rural area on the East Coast of the United States. The researcher is most interested in capturing this population’s experiences from their perspectives.
(Consent form taken from the dissertation of Paz Maya Olivérez, 2006)
319
Procedures
Those participants who agree to participate in this study are expected to do the following things:
1. Participate in 1-2 individual interviews lasting 45 minutes to 1 hour. The
interviews will be audiotape recorded and will take place in a classroom at the
college or in my office. It will be a private setting so that identities are kept
confidential.
2. Keep a written journal of their thoughts and feelings throughout the study.
3. Use a social network to communicate their thoughts and feelings with one
another.
4. The researcher will take field notes during and after each interview and will
have each participant review the field notes to ensure that his/her answers,
thoughts, and experiences were captured as he/she stated.
5. All interviews will be audiotape recorded and transcribed for data analysis.
6. Answer 10-15 open-ended interview questions.
320
Signature of Research Subject
I understand the procedures described above. I have carefully read the information contained in this form. I understand that my participation in this study is voluntary, and my decision to participate or decline to participate will not affect my academic status at the college. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.
______
Name of Participant
______I agree to be audiotaped.
______I do not agree to be audiotaped.
______
Participant Signature
______
Date
321
Signature of Investigator
I have explained the research to the participant and have answered all of his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to participate.
______
Name of Investigator
______
Signature of Investigator Date: ______
(must be same as participant) (Consent form taken from the dissertation of Paz Maya Olivérez, 2006)
322
Appendix B
Letter to Potential Participants
July 2011
Dear Student,
My name is Cindy Mitchell, and I am a doctoral student at a university near the college in which you are enrolled. I am writing this letter to request your participation in a study that I am conducting that is focused on understanding what it is like to grow up undocumented in the United States. I, the researcher, have purposefully chosen 22 participants from the student database concerning age, ethnicity, country of origin, residency status, and current enrollment for the fall 2011 semester.
If you are receiving this letter, then you have met the participant criteria for the study that I am conducting. I am inviting you to participate in this study.
If you agree to participate in this study, your identity, along with any other information, will be kept anonymous, as you will be required to choose a pseudonym (false name). Participation in this study is completely voluntary, and your decision to participate or decline to participate will not affect your academic status at this college in anyway.
The Purpose of this Study
Just as many Civil Rights Studies/Projects have been completed to document the stories of those who experienced segregation and the Civil Rights Movement, this researcher intends to capture the experiences of undocumented immigrants during the present and controversial time of immigration reform in the United States. The United States of America has many undocumented high school students who may not be able to contribute to this country because they were brought here illegally. This chronicle will add to the limited body of research on this particular population in the United States; very little qualitative research or case studies exist on the life experiences and stories of undocumented immigrants in the United States. The DREAM Act eligible undocumented immigrant has sustained many years of experiences that are different than their documented counterparts. Chronicling these experiences will allow for their voices to be heard forever and provide future generations a sincere understanding of an era that will be considered historical if the DREAM Act passes.
The purpose of this qualitative study is to understand the experiences and stories of approximately 20 undocumented Hispanic immigrants who have grown up and
323 attended public school and are currently enrolled at a community college in a rural area on the East Coast of the United States. I, as researcher for this study, intend to understand the lives of these undocumented students with hopes of better retention among this population and higher recruitment numbers. Understanding the experiences, thoughts, perceptions, and beliefs of this population will allow us as faculty and staff, and as human beings, to ensure the student success.
Procedures
If selected, participants agree to participate in this study they are expected to do the following things:
1. Participate in 1-2 individual interviews lasting 45 minutes to 1 hour. The meetings will take place in a classroom in the college or my office. It will be a private setting so that identities are kept confidential. 2. Keep a written journal of their thoughts and feelings throughout the study. 3. Possibly use a social network to communicate their thoughts and feelings with one another. 4. The researcher will take field notes during and after each interview and will have each participant review the field notes to ensure that their answers, thoughts, and experiences were captured as they stated. 5. All interviews will be audiotaped and transcribed within the dissertation. 6. Answer 10-15 open-ended interview questions.
I will interview each participant one time for approximately 45-60 minutes. The interviews will consist of open-ended questions about the participants’ personal experiences growing up undocumented in the United States. These interviews will be audiotaped and transcribed. I, the researcher, will also take notes during and after the interview. I will ask participants to approve my field notes to ensure that I captured their thoughts, experiences, and statements accurately. Participants will be asked to keep a journal of their personal thoughts and experiences following the interviews and during the entire of the study. Participants will also have the option to participate in private group on Facebook. Again, participants must create anonymous profiles in order to communicate within the private group.
Again, you have been selected based on specific criteria to participate in this study. I sincerely hope you will consider my invitation and request for your participation.
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to sign a consent form. Please contact me as soon as possible by phone or email:
Cindy Mitchell 302-841-2117 [email protected]
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I look forward to hearing from you and hope that you will accept my invitation to learn from and with you. Thank you for your time.
Respectfully,
Cindy Mitchell Language Instructor Doctoral Student
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