Cameroon Sub-Saharan Report
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Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Le Nationalisme Camerounais Dans Les Programmes Et Manuels D'histoire
Le nationalisme camerounais dans les programmes et manuels d’histoire Etienne Segnou, Paris: L’Harmattan, 2015. ISBN : 978-2-343-04706-5, April 2015. Pp 392. Review by Elizabeth Rechniewski, University of Sydney Etienne Segnou’s survey of the teaching of history in Cameroon offers a useful illustration of the measures taken by l’Etat historien (Mbembe) to control the narrative of the past in authoritarian societies; and also, for the student of Françafrique, a reminder of France’s role in setting up and collaborating with such regimes. To understand the background to his study, it is necessary to recall the turbulent events that accompanied ‘decolonisation’ in this sub-Saharan territory. The German colony of Kamerun was taken over by the French in 1916 and mandated by the League of Nations to France and Britain in 1922. Despite its special status, the French territory was governed in a similar way to other French colonies: native Cameroonians were administered from 1924 by the all-encompassing code de l’indigénat that led to fines or imprisonment of thousands each year for a very broad range of ‘administrative’ offences, and infrastructure was built through deadly systems of forced labour. By 1956 there were some 17,000 white settlers in a population of some 3 million. After the Second World War, Cameroon became a UN Trust Territory. France, however, considered the possession of Cameroon integral to her African empire, including it in the various post WWII forms of Francophone communities, as an associated territory in the Union française (1946-58) and as a member of the CFA franc zone (1945 to the present), ensuring close economic and political ties with France. -
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: a Geopolitical Analysis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal December 2019 edition Vol.15, No.35 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: A Geopolitical Analysis Ekah Robert Ekah, Department of 'Cultural Diversity, Peace and International Cooperation' at the International Relations Institute of Cameroon (IRIC) Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 Abstract Anglophone Cameroon is the present-day North West and South West (English Speaking) regions of Cameroon herein referred to as No-So. These regions of Cameroon have been restive since 2016 in what is popularly referred to as the Anglophone crisis. The crisis has been transformed to a separatist movement, with some Anglophones clamoring for an independent No-So, re-baptized as “Ambazonia”. The purpose of the study is to illuminate the geopolitical perspective of the conflict which has been evaded by many scholars. Most scholarly write-ups have rather focused on the causes, course, consequences and international interventions in the crisis, with little attention to the geopolitical undertones. In terms of methodology, the paper makes use of qualitative data analysis. Unlike previous research works that link the unfolding of the crisis to Anglophone marginalization, historical and cultural difference, the findings from this paper reveals that the strategic location of No-So, the presence of resources, demographic considerations and other geopolitical parameters are proving to be responsible for the heightening of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon and in favour of the quest for an independent Ambazonia. -
Leadership Turnovers in Sub-Saharan Africa
Analysis No. 192, August 2013 LEADERSHIP TURNOVERS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: FROM VIOLENCE AND COUPS TO PEACEFUL ELECTIONS? Giovanni Carbone Many African countries replaced their military or single-party regimes with pluralist politics during the early 1990s. This led to the introduction and regularisation of multiparty elections for the selection of a country’s president or prime minister. Of course, in many places, elections were not enough to start genuine democratization processes, as non-democratic rulers rapidly learned how to manipulate the vote and survive in the new political environment. Yet empirical evidence from our new “Leadership change” dataset – covering all 49 sub-Saharan states since 1960 (or subsequent year of independence) to 2012 – shows that elections did alter quite profoundly the way ordinary Africans can influence the selection and ousting of their leaders. Coups are now a rarer phenomenon, leadership turnovers have become more frequent, and peaceful alternation in power through the ballot box, if still uncommon, is part of a new political landscape. Giovanni Carbone, Associate Professor of Political Science, Università degli Studi di Milano ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo The Arab Spring protests brought to the fore, once again, the issue of how to oust immovable authoritarian leaders. Tunisia’s Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 24 years. Hosni Mubarak ruled Egypt for 30 years. Muhammar Ghaddafi reigned over Libya for 42 years, while Syrians are still to see the end of the 43-year long rule of the al-Assad family. -
Dictators in Exile: Explaining the Destinations of Ex-Rulers
Dictators in Exile: Explaining the Destinations of Ex-Rulers Abel Escrib`a-Folch∗ Daniel Krcmaricy Forthcoming in the Journal of Politics Abstract: Exile has been the second most common fate for dictators who lost office since World War II, yet scholars know little about this phenomenon. In this article, we ask a simple yet previously unanswered question: where do exiled dictators go? We argue that three sets of factors|transnational ties, geographic proximity, and monadic characteristics of potential host states—influence where dictators flee. For evidence, we use original data on exile destinations to construct a directed dyadic dataset of all autocratic rulers who fled abroad upon their ouster. We find that dictators are more likely to go into exile in states that are close neighbors, have hosted other dictators in the past, are militarily powerful, and possess colonial links, formal alliances, and economic ties. By contrast, fleeing dictators tend to avoid democratic states and countries experiencing civil conflict. These findings raise broader implications for several outcomes ranging from regime transitions to conflict termination. Keywords: dictators, exile, post-tenure fate ∗Abel Escrib`a-Folch ([email protected]) is an associate professor in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain. yDaniel Krcmaric ([email protected]) is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, 60208. Losing power is dangerous for dictators. When their time in office comes to an end, they face a higher risk of punishment such as death or imprisonment than democratic leaders (e.g., Goemans 2008). -
Middle East - Organization of African Unity - Committee of Ten
UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page 6 Date 16/05/2006 Time 4:44:14 PM S-0861-0001-06-00001 Expanded Number S-0861 -0001 -06-00001 items-in-Peace-keeping operations - Middle East - Organization of African Unity - Committee of Ten Date Created 30/11/1971 Record Type Archival Item Container S-0861-0001 : Peace-Keeping Operations Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant: Middle East Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit ME3VIORANDU M DE LA COMMISSION DES DIX DE L'ORGANISATION DE L'UNITE AFHTCAINE Monsieur Anouar El-SADATE President de la Republique arabe d'Egypte et a Madame Golda MEIR Premier Ministre de 1'Etat d'Israel - 2 - Les chefs d'Etat membres de la Commission de 1'O.U.A. 1) M. Moktar Ould DADDAH, President de la Republique islamique de Mauritanie, President en exercice de l'O»U.A. ; 2) Sa Majeste imperials Haile Selassie* ler, Empereur d'Ethiopie ; 3) M. Leopold Sedar SENGHOR, President de la Republique du Senegal ; 4) M. El Hadj Ahmadou AHIDJO, President de la Republique federale du Cameroun ; 5) M. le Lieutenant General Joseph Desire MOBUTU, President de la Republique du Zaire ; 6) M. le General Yakubu GOWON, Chef du Gouvernement militaire federal, Commandant en Chef des Forces armees de la Republique federale du Nigeria ; - 3 - 7) M. William TOLBERT, President de la Republique du Liberia ; 8) M. Jomo KENYATTA, President de la Republique du Kenya, represente par M. Daniel Arap MOI, • Vice-President de la Republique du Kenya ; 9) M. Felix HOUPHOUET-BOIGNY, President de la Republique de C<5te d'lvoire, represente par M. -
How China Gains African Support for Its Core National Interests
Evolving Principles and Guiding Concepts: How China Gains African Support for its Core National Interests March 30, 2020 David A. Shinn, Joshua Eisenman Orbis Related Categories: International Economics and Trade; China; North Africa; South Africa; East Africa; West Africa The People's Republic of China's long-standing focus on the principles of state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs of other countries has helped it successfully enlist the support, or at least acquiescence, of nearly all African countries on topics Chinese leaders consider their top priorities. General Secretary and President Xi Jinping has linked his “Chinese Dream” to the African continent via the “African Dream,” and has combined that concept with the ostensibly pluralistic one of “The Community of Shared Future.” These principles and concepts represent the conceptual framework that China has built to engage African countries amid a rapid expansion in its diplomatic, economic, technological, and security footprint on the continent. Beijing has established successfully diplomatic relations and some type of security cooperation with every African state except for Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), which is now the only African country to recognize the Republic of China (Taiwan). China's conception of “non-interference” represents a two-way street. It also means that African governments must, at the very least, not speak against Beijing's position on a list of contentious issues that Chinese leaders consider to be exclusively domestic—Taiwan, Tibet, mistreatment of Muslim minorities, human rights, South China Sea, and Hong Kong. African countries are publicly encouraged to support Beijing's policy positions on these topics, which China sees as domestic matters over which its sovereignty cannot be questioned, but have little resonance among Africans. -
Appendix I: Acronyms
Appendix I: Acronyms AAF-SAP African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes AAPC All-African Peoples Conference AAPSO Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization ACP Group African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group ADB African Development Bank ADP agricultural development program AEF Afrique Equatoriale Fran~aise (French Equatorial Africa) AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ANC African National Congress AOF Afrique Occidentale Fran~aise (French West Africa) APEC Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation AZAPO Azanian Peoples' Organization AZASO Azanian Students' Organization BCM Black Consciousness Movement BOSS Bureau of State Security CC Chama Cha Mapinduzi CEAO Economic Community of West Africa CFA African Financial Community CIA Central Intelligence Agency CIAS Conference of Independent African States CIEC Conference on International Economic Cooperation CODES A Convention for a Democratic South Africa COMECON Council for Mutual Economic Assistance COSAG Concerned South Africans Group 499 500 Acronyms COSAS Congress of South African Students COSATU Congress of South African Trade Unions CPP Convention People's party CUSA Council of Unions of South Africa DAC Development Assistance Committee DFI direct foreign investment DROC Democratic Republic of Congo, typically referred to as Congo, or Congo-Kinshasa EAC East African Community ECA Economic Commission for Africa ECCAS Economic Community of Central African States ECOMOG ECOWAS Cease-Fire Monitoring Group ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EDF European Development -
Cameroon: Background to a Crisis
Number 130 November 1991 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. Cameroon: Background to a Crisis by Pierre Englebert Located on the Gulf of Guinea on the west coast of Africa, Cameroon is a country with a mixed colonial heritage, parts or all of its territory having been administered at one time or another by Germany, France, and Britain. Sometimes referred to as an "Africa in miniature, " Cameroon is socially diverse, comprising various ethnic groups of West and Central African descent, adherents of Islam and Christianity, and speakers of French, English, and numerous African languages. Once one of Africa's outstanding success stories, blending economic growth and political stability in a continent short of both, Cameroon now faces serious economic difficulties and a crisis of political legitimacy. The Historical Sequence, 1472-1985 The Portuguese were the first Europeans to set foot in Cameroon. Sometime around 1472, they provided the territory with its future name by designating as Rio dos Camares what is today the Wouri river, a reference to the waterway's crawfish mistakenly thought to be shrimp (carriaroes). Bismarck's Germany became the first colonial occupant with the establishment of the so-called Kamerun protectorate in 1884. The three decades of German rule were marked both by repression and by the development of modern infrastructure. In 1916, midway in World War I, French, Belgian, and British troops forced the surrender of the German governor. The League of Nations subsequently granted France a mandate over four-fifths of the territory and Britain a mandate over the remaining western fifth, made up of two separate regions along the Nigerian border (see Mark W. -
Africa and the OAU Zdenel< Cervenl<A
The Unfinished Quatfor Unity THE UMFIMISHED QUEST FORUMITY Africa and the OAU Zdenel< Cervenl<a JrFRIEDMANN Julian Friedmann Publishers Ltd 4 Perrins Lane, London NW3 1QY in association with The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden. THE UNFINISHED QUEST FOR UNITY first published in 1977 Text © Zdenek Cervenka 1977 Typeset by T & R Filmsetters Ltd Printed in Great Britain by ISBN O 904014 28 2 Conditions of sale This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form or binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition inc1uding this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. CONTENTS Preface vii Introduction by Raph Uwechue ix Author's Note xiv Map xx CHAPTER l:The Establishment of the Organization of African Unity 1 1. Africa before the OAU 1 2. The Addis Ababa Summit Conference 4 CHAPTER II: The OAU Charter 12 1. The purposes .12 2. The principles .13 3. Membership .16 CHAPTER III: The Principal Organs of the OAU. .. 20 1. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government .20 2. The Council of Ministers .24 3. The General Secretariat .27 4. The Specialized Commissions .36 5. The Defence Commission .38 CHAPTER lY: The OAU Liberation Committee . .45 1. Relations with the liberation movements .46 2. Organization and structure .50 3. Membership ..... .52 4. Reform limiting its powers .55 5. The Accra Declaration on the new liberation strategy .58 6. -
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon This book provides a systematic analysis of the major structural and institutional governance mechanisms in Cameroon, critically analysing the constitutional and legislative texts on Cameroon’s semi-presidential system, the electoral system, the legislature, the judiciary, the Constitutional Council and the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms. The author offers an assessment of the practical application of the laws regulating constitutional institutions and how they impact on governance. To lay the groundwork for the analysis, the book examines the historical, constitutional and political context of governance in Cameroon, from independence and reunification in 1960–1961, through the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, to more recent events including the current Anglophone crisis. Offering novel insights on new institutions such as the Senate and the Constitutional Council and their contribution to the democratic advancement of Cameroon, the book also provides the first critical assessment of the legislative provisions carving out a special autonomy status for the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon and considers how far these provisions go to resolve the Anglophone Problem. This book will be of interest to scholars of public law, legal history and African politics. Laura-Stella E. Enonchong is a Senior Lecturer at De Montfort University, UK. Routledge Studies on Law in Africa Series Editor: Makau W. Mutua The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Laura-Stella E. -
Honor, Violence, Resistance and Conscription in Colonial Cameroon During the First World War
Soldiers of their Own: Honor, Violence, Resistance and Conscription in Colonial Cameroon during the First World War by George Ndakwena Njung A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Rudolph (Butch) Ware III, Chair Professor Joshua Cole Associate Professor Michelle R. Moyd, Indiana University Professor Martin Murray © George Ndakwena Njung 2016 Dedication My mom, Fientih Kuoh, who never went to school; My wife, Esther; My kids, Kelsy, Michelle and George Jr. ii Acknowledgments When in the fall of 2011 I started the doctoral program in history at Michigan, I had a personal commitment and determination to finish in five years. I wanted to accomplish in reality a dream that began since 1995 when I first set foot in a university classroom for my undergraduate studies. I have met and interacted with many people along this journey, and without the support and collaboration of these individuals, my dream would be in abeyance. Of course, I can write ten pages here and still not be able to acknowledge all those individuals who are an integral part of my success story. But, the disservice of trying to acknowledge everybody and end up omitting some names is greater than the one of electing to acknowledge only a few by name. Those whose names are omitted must forgive my short memory and parsimony with words and names. To begin with, Professors Emmanuel Konde, Nicodemus Awasom, Drs Canute Ngwa, Mbu Ettangondop (deceased), wrote me outstanding references for my Ph.D.