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British Community Development in Central Africa, 1945-55

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British Community Development in Central Africa, 1945-55 School of History University of New South Wales Equivocal Empire: British Community Development in Central Africa, 1945-55 Daniel Kark A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of New South Wales, Australia 2008 ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’ Signed …………………………………………….............. Date …………………………………………….............. For my parents, Vanessa and Adrian. For what you forfeited. Abstract This thesis resituates the Community Development programme as the key social intervention attempted by the British Colonial Office in Africa in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A preference for planning, growing confidence in metropolitan intervention, and the gradualist determination of Fabian socialist politicians and experts resulted in a programme that stressed modernity, progressive individualism, initiative, cooperative communities and a new type of responsible citizenship. Eventual self-rule would be well-served by this new contract between colonial administrations and African citizens. The thesis focuses on the implementation of the Mass Education programme in Nyasaland, and, more specifically, on a small but significant Mass Education scheme at Domasi, that operated between 1949 and 1954 in Nyasaland’s south. The political and social context in which the Mass Education scheme was implemented in Nyasaland is important. The approach taken by the government of the Protectorate before the mid-1940s is discussed, and previous welfare interventions described and critically assessed. The initial approach to Mass Education in Nyasaland is also dwelt upon in some detail. The narrative concentrates upon the scheme itself. Three themes emerge and are discussed successively – the provision of social services adapted to the perceived needs of Africans, the enforcement of environmental restrictions and inappropriate social and agricultural models, and the attempted introduction of representative local government. All three interventions were intended to promote the precepts of Mass Education, but instead resulted in the extension of state administrative power. The manner in which this occurred is explored throughout the thesis. Mass Education at Domasi did not result in the creation of a new form of citizenship in Nyasaland. It contributed instead to a breakdown in the narrative of social development and eventual self-rule that had legitimised British rule. The riots that occurred in 1953 tore at the precepts that underpinned the Mass Education programme. The immediacy of self-rule and independence resulted in a shift in emphasis within the Colonial Office and the colonial government in Nyasaland from social intervention and to constitutional reform and political development. There simultaneously emerged a new rural transcript, one that privileged open opposition to the colonial social prescription over subtle and hidden rural resistance. At a time when nationalist politics was in disarray in Nyasaland, rural Africans spoke back to colonial power. Acknowledgements This thesis is a collaborative effort. Thanks are due to a large number of people who have contributed selflessly in many different ways. The thesis is dedicated to my parents, but friends and other members of my family have given of their time and themselves. Emma and Tamer provided a colourful distraction from thesis work, but they also enriched the experience. Emma also drew beautiful maps and provided a professional finish for my photographs. Lauren provided great moral support when it was most needed. Jane reappeared, turning bleak into bright. My family in South Africa also took me in on short notice – thank you Barbara, Murray, Craig, Luke and Hazel. I cannot understand those with a bent for masochism. Thanks are nonetheless due to Charles, Jane and Lauren for proof- reading. My academic life was enriched by association with undergraduates at the Sydney Conservatorium of Music, Macquarie University and my own UNSW. More particularly, thanks are due to Mr. Paul Andon and the students of Goldstein College, who provided me with a very hospitable and thoroughly enjoyable residence. The postgraduates in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences lab provided the academic and social interaction that staved off postgraduate jitters – Moya, Gen, Nathan, Larissa and Jen were particularly important. Research in Malawi was a great joy for me. That it was so is due to: the personal hospitality of Pauline Ramsay, Jane Thorneycroft, Alick Bwanale, Helen Jones, and the staff of the National Fisheries; the academic supervision provided by Mustafa Hussein; the field assistance provided by Derrick Yekha and Mr. Mudu; and, most of all, by the tremendous help extended by the dreadfully underpaid and sadly under-resourced staff of the Malawi National Archives. Great gratitude is due the Director Mr. Paul Lihoma, Deputy Director Joel Thaul, Mr. Oswin Ambali, Mr. Innocent Mtakulamusi and Mr. Stanley Gondwe. Thanks to Chancellor College in Zomba, the Public Record Office in London, Rhodes House in Oxford and to the School of History at UNSW for providing the financial assistance for fieldwork and a Dean’s Award to supplement my income. The Australian government also awarded me – a recent immigrant – an Australian Postgraduate Award that supported me and kept me in clover during my candidacy. It is a tribute to the current approach to postgraduate research within Australian universities that I was awarded funding for a project of little immediate relevance to Australia. I have benefited, finally, from the advice and friendship of my supervisor, Prof. Roger Bell. He has patiently shepherded me through the production of this thesis, despite suffering nineteenth century prose and being driven to distraction by occasional incoherence. Thank you Roger. Many others have contributed to this thesis – if your name does not appear here this is due only to my thoughtlessness. Any errors are of course the sole responsibility of the author. Naming Conventions Used in This Thesis: Some given names, European and African, could not be found in the documents used. Where these names could not be found the surname alone is used. No disrespect is intended. Where group interview subjects did not want their names used they were excluded from the bibliography. Table of Contents Maps .............................................................................................................13 List of Illustrations.......................................................................................16 List of Illustrations.......................................................................................17 Introduction..................................................................................................19 Colonial Welfare and Development: The Domasi Community Development Scheme in Context ...................................................................................................19 1. The Empire: Perspectives on Metropolitan Decline, Decolonisation and Development ............................................................................................................. 24 2. The Colony: Perspectives on the Late-Colonial African State......................... 35 3. The District, The Project and The Scheme: Perspectives on Local Resistance and Development ...................................................................................................... 47 4. The Individual: Perspectives on the ‘In-between’ and the Integrated ............. 62 Section One -The Creation of Mass Education – Metropolitan and State Welfare Policies, 1925-1948......................................... 71 Chapter One - ‘As Wide As the Needs of Society’ – The Origins and Development of Metropolitan Mass Education Policy 1925-48 ................73 1. The Roots of Mass Education: Economic Development Versus Welfare, 1929- 1945 .......................................................................................................................... 77 2. The Roots of Mass Education: Moral Fragility and International and Colonial Critics of the Post-War Empire, 1944-48................................................................. 85 3. The Roots of Mass Education: Fabians, Liberals and Metropolitan Assertion to 1945 .......................................................................................................................... 91 4. The Roots of Mass Education: Metropolitan Colonial Education Policy, 1925- 1935 ........................................................................................................................ 101 5. The Mass Education Report, 1943 ................................................................. 106 6. ‘A Rendezvous with Destiny’: The Creation of Initiative in African Society, 1948 .......................................................................................................................
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