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The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War
INDOCHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH Ji/t INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • BERKELEY The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War ALLAN E. GOODMAN INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY The Institute of East Asian Studies was established at the University of Califor nia, Berkeley, in the fall of 1978 to promote research and teaching on the cultures and societies of China, Japan, and Korea. It amalgamates the following research and instructional centers and programs: Center for Chinese Studies, Center for Japanese Studies, Center for Korean Studies, Group in Asian Studies, East Asia National Resource Center, and Indochina Studies Project. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES Director: Robert A. Scalapino Associate Director: John C. Jamieson Assistant Director: Ernest J. Notar Executive Committee: Joyce K. Kallgren Herbert P. Phillips John C. Jamieson Irwin Scheiner Michael C. Rogers Chalmers Johnson Robert Bellah Frederic Wakeman, Jr. CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES Chair: Joyce K. Kallgren CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES Chair: Irwin Scheiner CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES Chair: Michael C. Rogers GROUP IN ASIAN STUDIES Chair: Lowell Dittmer EAST ASIA NATIONAL RESOURCE CENTER Director: John C. Jamieson INDOCHINA STUDIES PROJECT Director: Douglas Pike The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War A publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720 The Indochina Monograph series is the newest of the several publications series sponsored by the Institute of East Asian Studies in conjunction with its constituent units. The others include the China Research Monograph series, whose first title appeared in 1967, the Korea Research Monograph series, the Japan Research Monograph series, and the Research Papers and Policy Studies series. -
Congress' Power of the Purse
Congress' Power of the Purse Kate Stitht In view of the significance of Congress' power of the purse, it is surprising that there has been so little scholarly exploration of its contours. In this Arti- cle, Professor Stith draws upon constitutional structure, history, and practice to develop a general theory of Congress' appropriationspower. She concludes that the appropriationsclause of the Constitution imposes an obligation upon Congress as well as a limitation upon the executive branch: The Executive may not raise or spend funds not appropriatedby explicit legislative action, and Congress has a constitutional duty to limit the amount and duration of each grant of spending authority. Professor Stith examinesforms of spending authority that are constitutionally troubling, especially gift authority, through which Congress permits federal agencies to receive and spend private contri- butions withoutfurther legislative review. Other types of "backdoor" spending authority, including statutory entitlements and revolving funds, may also be inconsistent with Congress' duty to exercise control over the size and duration of appropriations.Finally, Professor Stith proposes that nonjudicial institu- tions such as the General Accounting Office play a larger role in enforcing and vindicating Congress' power of the purse. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF APPROPRIATIONS 1346 A. The Constitutional Prerequisitesfor Federal Gov- ernment Activity 1346 B. The Place of Congress' Power To Appropriate in the Structure of the Constitution 1348 C. The Constitutional Function of "Appropriations" 1352 D. The Principlesof the Public Fisc and of Appropria- tions Control 1356 E. The Power to Deny Appropriations 1360 II. APPROPRIATIONS CONTROL: THE LEGISLATIVE FRAME- WORK 1363 t Associate Professor of Law, Yale Law School. -
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Updated March 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42699 The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Summary This report discusses and assesses the War Powers Resolution and its application since enactment in 1973, providing detailed background on various cases in which it was used, as well as cases in which issues of its applicability were raised. In the post-Cold War world, Presidents have continued to commit U.S. Armed Forces into potential hostilities, sometimes without a specific authorization from Congress. Thus the War Powers Resolution and its purposes continue to be a potential subject of controversy. On June 7, 1995, the House defeated, by a vote of 217-201, an amendment to repeal the central features of the War Powers Resolution that have been deemed unconstitutional by every President since the law’s enactment in 1973. In 1999, after the President committed U.S. military forces to action in Yugoslavia without congressional authorization, Representative Tom Campbell used expedited procedures under the Resolution to force a debate and votes on U.S. military action in Yugoslavia, and later sought, unsuccessfully, through a federal court suit to enforce presidential compliance with the terms of the War Powers Resolution. The War Powers Resolution (P.L. 93-148) was enacted over the veto of President Nixon on November 7, 1973, to provide procedures for Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities. Section 4(a)(1) requires the President to report to Congress any introduction of U.S. -
Congress and the Supersonic Transport, 1960-1971 by John
Congress and the supersonic transport, 1960-1971 by John Marion Bell A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Montana State University © Copyright by John Marion Bell (1974) Abstract: Aviation state-of-the-art advances in the 1940's and 1950's paved the way for development of a commercial SST in the 1960's. Military aviation advances were translated directly into subsonic transports and it was felt that the next step in progress would be the SST. Through military programs and basic research by NACA, the United States government aided the development of a commercial SST even before undertaking an active SST program in the 1960's. Foreign governments were also at work on SST's and when the British and French merged their development programs in 1962 the United States was spurred by their competition. President Kennedy announced an active program in June, 1963 a day following Pan Am's order of Anglo-French SST's. There was little opposition to the airplane at first; what little there was was based on the aircraft's unavoidable sonic boom. A design competition was conducted by the FAA to select the best possible American design. Boeing was selected the winner in 1966 on the basis of a radical, swing-wing design. The program then entered a two-prototype development stage. Boeing soon ran into development problems and in 1968 abandoned its swing-wing in favor of a conventional fixed-wing. The airplane's problems were also complicated by the great increase in cost of development as well as a growing opposition based on the possible negative environmental impact of the SST. -
City Research Online
Keeble, R. (1996). The Gulf War myth: a study of the press coverage of the 1991 Gulf conflict. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City University London) City Research Online Original citation: Keeble, R. (1996). The Gulf War myth: a study of the press coverage of the 1991 Gulf conflict. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City University London) Permanent City Research Online URL: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7932/ Copyright & reuse City University London has developed City Research Online so that its users may access the research outputs of City University London's staff. Copyright © and Moral Rights for this paper are retained by the individual author(s) and/ or other copyright holders. All material in City Research Online is checked for eligibility for copyright before being made available in the live archive. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to from other web pages. Versions of research The version in City Research Online may differ from the final published version. Users are advised to check the Permanent City Research Online URL above for the status of the paper. Enquiries If you have any enquiries about any aspect of City Research Online, or if you wish to make contact with the author(s) of this paper, please email the team at [email protected]. The Gulf war myth A study of the press coverage of the 1991 Gulf conflict by Richard Keeble PhD in Journalism May 1996; Department of Journalism, City University, London CONTENTS Abstract ix Acknowledgements x Introduction xi-iii A.1 The war problematic xi -
The Boland Amendment and Report, 1983 in Late 1982 the U.S
The Boland Amendment and Report, 1983 In late 1982 the U.S. Congress passed an amendment to a bill that restricted U.S. spending in Nicaragua. The amendment, proposed by Massachusetts Representative, Edward Boland, said that “None of the funds provided in this Act may be used by the Central Intelligence Agency or the Department of Defense to furnish military equipment, military training or advice, or other support for military activities, to any group or individual, not part of a country’s armed forces, for the purposes of overthrowing the Government of Nicaragua or provoking a military exchange between Nicaragua and Honduras.” This report explained Boland’s view of the Nicaraguan situation, and it included a new amendment that extended the restriction. Report of Mr. Boland The Committee’s action on H.R. 2760 [to amend the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1983 to prohibit United States support for military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua and to authorize assistance, to be openly provided to governments of countries in Central America, to interdict the supply of military equipment from Nicaragua and Cuba to individuals, groups, organizations or movements seeking to overthrow governments of countries in Central America] comes at a time when U.S. foreign policy towards Central America is at the forefront of discussion in the Congress and throughout the nation. Attention has been focused on events in that troubled region not only because of their daily depiction in news reports but because of the President’s April 27 address to a joint session of the Congress. As the President so forcefully noted, Central America has a strategic importance to the United States, yet some Central America nations friendly to the United States are now under attack. -
Background on the Iran-Contra Affair
Educational materials developed through the Baltimore County History Labs Program, a partnership between Baltimore County Public Schools and the UMBC Center for History Education. RS#01: Background on the Iran-Contra Affair Read the background information on the Iran-Contra affair and highlight the major events and actors. Take notes on when the events occurred and in what order. During the administrations of President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981) and President Ronald Reagan (1981- 1989), the United States witnessed an increase in Communist uprisings and governments in Latin America, as well as turmoil and the growth of Islamic extremism in parts of the Middle East. In 1979 in the Middle Eastern country of Iran, a revolution, led by the Islamic religious leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, overthrew Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Ayatollah Khomeini sought to remove all Western influences within the country and establish an Islamic Republic. In an act of deliberate aggression against the United States, the new Iranian government captured and held 52 Americans for 444 days. Many historians agree that the inability of the Carter administration to resolve the crisis was instrumental to the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980. Negotiations were, in fact, secretly underway, but the release of the hostages would not come until Reagan was sworn into office in January 1981. The United States broke off relations with Iran and instituted a series of economic sanctions in an attempt to weaken the theocratic government. In Central America in July 1979, a Cuban-backed Marxist organization, called the Sandinistas, took control of the government of Nicaragua. Communism and the Soviet Union appeared to be an ever-growing challenge to the United States and to the new Reagan administration. -
The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War
Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page i The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War COLUMBIA GUIDES TO AMERICAN HISTORY AND CULTURES Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page ii Columbia Guides to American History and Cultures Michael Kort, The Columbia Guide to the Cold War Catherine Clinton and Christine Lunardini, The Columbia Guide to American Women in the Nineteenth Century David Farber and Beth Bailey, editors, The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page iii The Columbia Guide to the Vietnam War David L. Anderson columbia university press new york Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page iv Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 2002 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anderson, David L., 1946– The Columbia guide to the Vietnam War / David L. Anderson. p. cm. — (Columbia guides to American history and cultures) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–231–11492–3 1. Vietnamese Conflict, 1961–1975. I. Title. II. Series. DS557.5 .A54 2002 959.704Ј3—dc21 2002020143 ∞ Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Anderson_00FM 5/3/02 9:25 AM Page v contents Introduction xi List of Abbreviations xiii part i Historical Narrative 1 1. Studying the Vietnam War 3 2. Vietnam: Historical Background 7 Roots of the Vietnamese Culture and State 7 The Impact of French Colonialism 10 The Rise of Vietnamese Nationalism 11 The Origins of Vietnamese Communism 12 3. -
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Updated March 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42699 The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Summary This report discusses and assesses the War Powers Resolution and its application since enactment in 1973, providing detailed background on various cases in which it was used, as well as cases in which issues of its applicability were raised. In the post-Cold War world, Presidents have continued to commit U.S. Armed Forces into potential hostilities, sometimes without a specific authorization from Congress. Thus the War Powers Resolution and its purposes continue to be a potential subject of controversy. On June 7, 1995, the House defeated, by a vote of 217-201, an amendment to repeal the central features of the War Powers Resolution that have been deemed unconstitutional by every President since the law’s enactment in 1973. In 1999, after the President committed U.S. military forces to action in Yugoslavia without congressional authorization, Representative Tom Campbell used expedited procedures under the Resolution to force a debate and votes on U.S. military action in Yugoslavia, and later sought, unsuccessfully, through a federal court suit to enforce presidential compliance with the terms of the War Powers Resolution. The War Powers Resolution (P.L. 93-148) was enacted over the veto of President Nixon on November 7, 1973, to provide procedures for Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities. Section 4(a)(1) requires the President to report to Congress any introduction of U.S. -
Baker Center Journal of Applied Public Policy - Vol
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Baker Center: Publications and Other Works Baker Center for Public Policy Fall 2012 Baker Center Journal of Applied Public Policy - Vol. IV, No.II Theodore Brown Jr. J Lee Annis Jr. Steven V. Roberts Wendy J. Schiller Jeffrey Rosen See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_bakecentpubs Part of the American Politics Commons, Policy History, Theory, and Methods Commons, and the Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Career of Sen. Howard H. Baker, Jr. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Baker Center for Public Policy at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Baker Center: Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Authors Theodore Brown Jr., J Lee Annis Jr., Steven V. Roberts, Wendy J. Schiller, Jeffrey Rosen, James Hamilton, Rick Perlstein, David B. Cohen, Charles E. Walcott, and Keith Whittington This article is available at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange: https://trace.tennessee.edu/ utk_bakecentpubs/7 vol. 1v no. 2 BAKER CENTER JOURNAL OF BAKER CENTER JOURNAL OF APPLIED PUBLIC POLICY—SPECIAL ISSUE POLICY—SPECIAL PUBLIC APPLIED OF JOURNAL CENTER BAKER APPLIED PUBLIC POLICY Published by the Howard H. Baker Jr. Center for Public Policy at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville Howard H. Baker, Jr.: A Life in Public Service A Special Issue PREFACE AND OVERVIEW Howard H. Baker, Jr. and the Public Values of Cooperation and Civility: A Preface to the Special Issue Theodore Brown, Jr. -
Henry Kissinger's Negotiation Campaign to End the Vietnam War
Henry Kissinger's Negotiation Campaign to End the Vietnam War James K. Sebenius Eugene B. Kogan Working Paper 17-053 Henry Kissinger's Negotiation Campaign to End the Vietnam War James K. Sebenius Harvard Business School Eugene B. Kogan Harvard Business School Working Paper 17-053 Copyright © 2016 by James K. Sebenius Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. Henry A. Kissinger as Negotiator Henry Kissinger's Negotiation Campaign to End the Vietnam War James K. Sebenius and Eugene B. Kogan* December 12, 2016, v1.25 Abstract: President Richard M. Nixon was elected in 1968 with the widespread expectation that he would bring about an end to the costly and unpopular war in Vietnam. The task largely fell to National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger. When the negotiations began, North Vietnam appeared to have a winning hand with time on its side. To induce agreement from North Vietnam on acceptable terms, Kissinger orchestrated a complex negotiation campaign with multiple fronts: North Vietnam, the U.S. public and Congress China, the USSR, West Germany, and South Vietnam. Kissinger’s efforts culminated in the signing of the 1973 Paris Peace Accords, which held for about two years before collapsing in the wake of Watergate. The account in this working paper carefully describes—but does not analyze nor draw lessons from —core features of these challenging negotiations. Forthcoming papers will provide analysis and derive general insights from this negotiation campaign. -
An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 Written by Oliver Omar
An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 Written by Oliver Omar This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 https://www.e-ir.info/2016/05/24/an-analysis-of-u-s-policy-towards-cambodia-between-1969-1973/ OLIVER OMAR, MAY 24 2016 Conflict in Phnom Penh and Capitol Hill: An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 The Second World War came to a close in September 1945. Yet, armed conflict continued in Southeast Asia, with the First Indochina War fought between the League for the Independence of Vietnam (Viet Min) and French colonial forces. A Report to the National Security Council (NSC-68) on April 12, 1950, enhanced the policy of containment by presenting the developing hostilities between the United States and Soviet Union as a zero-sum game: win or lose. As a result, Southeast Asia would become a frontline in the Cold War. This was confirmed by the outbreak of the Korean War just a month later, prompting the U.S. to become entangled, both diplomatically and militarily, in the region. Cold War hostilities would eventually intensify within Vietnam and consequently the U.S. would be at war for over a decade. Throughout the Cold War and to the present day, the Vietnam experience looms in the political psyche of the American nation.