Human Rights in Cuba: Beyond the Veneer of Reform
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The Role of Cuba's CENESEX
Setting the agenda for Cuban sexuality: the role of Cuba's CENESEX. Link to this page In recent years an increasing amount of media attention has been focused on Cuba's Centro Nacional de Educacion Sexual, or CENESEX (National Centre for Sexual Education) and, in particular, the role of its director, Mariela Castro Espin. In a country in which machismo and homophobia have been widely condemned, changes in the approach to accepting sexual diversity have been significant at both the public and government levels. In recent years large anti- homophobia parades have occurred in Havana and other Cuban cities, sexual reassignment operations have taken place in the country, and gay film festivals have been held. The country's parliament is even considering changes to the national Family Code to protect and strengthen the rights of the LGBT community. Clearly, radical changes are in the air, with the work of CENESEX playing a major role. Originally established in 1977 as the Grupo Nacional de Trabaj o de Educacion Sexual, or GNTES (The National Group for Work on Sexual Education), the centre has since dramatically evolved into one of the world's leading organizations working for LGBT equality (Hamilton 2012, 49). The director of the centre and noted sexologist, Mariela Castro Espin, has been a driving force behind CENESEX. As the daughter of current president Raul Castro and Vilma Espin, the former head of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), she has increased the national and international profile of the centre and its work. However, while her connection to the president is consistently used as the introduction for media coverage on the centre, this interest is increasingly accompanied by praise for the significant work of CENESEX. -
U.S. DEPARTMENT of STATE COMMISSION on UNALIENABLE RIGHTS February 21, 2020 15:30
U.S. DEPARTMENT of STATE COMMISSION ON UNALIENABLE RIGHTS February 2 1, 2020 15:30 Good afternoon. My name is Thor Halvorssen. I am the Chief Executive Officer of the Human Rights Foundation, a position I have held since the organization was founded in the year 2005. I am grateful to the Commission on Unalienable Rights and to Ambassador Mary Glendon for inviting me to share the Perspectives of HRF with you today. The Human Rights Foundation was created fifteen years ago by a group of individuals that included Vaclav Havel, Elie Wiesel, Harry Wu, Armando Valladares, Eduardo Mendoza, and James Q. Wilson. We initially came together to respond to the vacuum that existed in the human rights field when it came to monitoring, researching, and addressing what a group of us saw as the erosion of democracy, as defined by the Inter-American Democratic Charter, taking place in the Western Hemisphere, specifically in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Ecuador, and Bolivia . What was occurring in these countries was the slow-motion suffocation of civil society, the destruction of freedom of expression and of the press, the systematic violation of th e separation of powers, and the gradual elimination of free and fair elections by governments ruled by democratically-elected leaders with authoritarian personalities all of whom expressed open admiration for then-octogenarian dictator Fidel Castro in Cuba, anD expressed their will to install dictatorial Cuba -like regimes in their own countries. One would think that the international organizations in the human rights field—the establishment ones with annual budgets in the $50 million to $100 million range— would have the experience, the expertise, and the resources to address these crises. -
Cuba: New Names, but the Same Approach Changes After Elections
Observatory of Religious Freedom in Latin America Essay #5 Date: 17 April 2018 Authors: José Antonio Pastor & Dennis P. Petri Cuba: New names, but the same approach Changes after elections 1. Introduction On March 11, 2018, nearly eight million Cubans went to the polls to renew the Parliament with candidates endorsed by the ruling party, a process that will end on April 19 when the National Assembly selects the replacement of Raúl Castro (86), who along with his older brother Fidel, have governed the island since 1959. Every five years the government organizes the elections to elect the delegates and deputies for the provincial and national assemblies as a demonstration of unity, this happens because of the high percentage of citizen participation, which on this occasion exceeded 82 percent.1 If there are no last minute changes,2 Castro will remain as head of the Communist Party and the first vice president Miguel Diaz-Canel (57), will become the new president of a country plagued by an economic crisis. Despite the expectations generated by the change of power that is looming in Cuba next April, various political and religious actors see no signs for optimism about a change of direction. Although an increase in social protests can be observed, the Communist Party will maintain the repressive system that has been operating for 59 years. In other words, the change of the Presidency does not mean a political transition. Regarding religious freedom, no change is expected either. Among religious actors, uncertainty prevails over the future of the country. In this article we propose to give some guidelines to interpret the political changes that Cuba is going through, describing their impact on the future of the communist regime and Cuban society in general, and on the situation of religious freedom specifically. -
Gender Equality and the Role of Women in Cuban Society
Gender Equality and the Role of Women in Cuban Society As part of the American Association of University Women’s International Series on Culture and Gender Roles, a delegation of 48 AAUW members and staff traveled to Cuba in fall 2010 for six days of research, dialogue, cultural events, and educational experiences. From October 30 to November 4, the group visited sites around Havana and met with women leaders in education, the arts, politics, and law, including Mariela Castro Espin, the daughter of President Raul Castro. The purpose of this unprecedented and historic trip was to examine gender equality in Cuba and to meet with Cuban citizens to gain a firsthand understanding of the roles of women in Cuban society. Research issues addressed on the trip included the following questions: What are the roles of women in Cuba? What is the relative status of women and men in Cuba? How has Cuban women’s education affected their opportunities and lifestyles? AAUW worked with Academic Travel Abroad, a 60-year-old organization licensed by the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control to facilitate travel to Cuba by teams of professionals for the purpose of conducting research. All members of the AAUW delegation were carefully screened to ensure that they met specific requirements as professionals in gender equity-related fields. This paper summarizes the findings of the delegation. Unless otherwise indicated, statistics and statements cited in this paper are based on delegation members’ notes from the discussions and cannot be -
Mecanismos Represivos Del Estado Cubano
46 Mecanismos Represivos del Estado Cubano Repressive Mechanisms Roberto Garcés Marrero of the Cuban State Universidad Iberoamericana, Ciudad de México Resumen El presente trabajo analiza algunos de los mecanismos represivos del estado cubano, a saber: los actos de repudio, la regulación, el descrédito y la difamación, la vigilancia panóptica y el hostigamiento policial. Se estudiaron cinco casos típicos, con ocasión de ello, se ha recurrido a Twitter como plataforma de investigación, complementada por publicaciones cubanas independientes y documentales en YouTube. La metodología utilizada está basada en la participación observante y la investigación onlife. Los mecanismos represivos enumerados no son solo de carácter punitivo, al mismo tiempo, van construyendo a los enemigos, que es una de las causales de la aparente cohesión social actual en Cuba a partir del miedo y la desconfianza mutua que generan en la población. Palabras Claves: Control social, Cuba, derechos humanos. Abstract This paper analyzes some of the repressive mechanisms of the Cuban state: repudiation rally, regulation, discrediting and defamation, panoptic surveillance and police harassment. For this, taking Twitter as a research platform, complemented by independent Cuban publications and documentaries on YouTube, five typical cases were studied. The methodology is based on observant participation and onlife research. These repressive mechanisms are not only punitive in nature, but they build up enemies, actually being one of the causes of the apparent current social cohesion in Cuba based on fear and mutual distrust that they generate in the population. Keywords: Social control, Cuba, human rights. Introducción fue el pretexto perfecto para mantener un estado de La Revolución cubana devino en una suerte de excepción permanente que legitimaba la toma de de- utopía latinoamericana antiimperialista, mitologi- cisiones radicales. -
Cuba: Travel Regulations and Civil and Political Rights, August 2017
BEREICH | EVENTL. ABTEILUNG | WWW.ROTESKREUZ.AT ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & Asylum Research and Documentation Cuba: Travel Regulations and Civil and Political Rights COI Compilation August 2017 This report serves the specific purpose of collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. It is not intended to be a general report on human rights conditions. The report is prepared within a specified time frame on the basis of publicly available documents as well as information provided by experts. All sources are cited and fully referenced. This report is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. © Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD An electronic version of this report is available on www.ecoi.net. Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD Wiedner Hauptstraße 32 A- 1040 Vienna, Austria Phone: +43 1 58 900 – 582 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.redcross.at/accord TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Travel regulations .................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Implications of the change in political relations with the United States and migratory patterns ........................................................................................................................................ 4 1.1.1 Consequences of the abolition of the “Wet foot-Dry foot” policy ............................ 4 1.1.2 Government control measures towards the population ........................................ -
Cuba Country Report for Use in Refugee Claims Based on Persecution Relating to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Cuba Country Report for use in refugee claims based on persecution relating to sexual orientation and gender identity Produced: October 30, 2009 Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity research – [email protected] International Human Rights Program University of Toronto This document was prepared by law students and highlights information about publicly-accessible country conditions available at the time it was prepared. It is not exhaustive, nor is it updated on a regular basis. The information provided here is not a substitute for legal advice or legal assistance, and the International Human Rights program at the University of Toronto, Faculty of Law cannot provide such advice or assistance. Table of Contents I: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 3 II: Legislation .................................................................................................................... 4 Legalization of homosexual acts ..................................................................................... 5 Protective legislation ....................................................................................................... 6 Proposed reforms ............................................................................................................ 6 Non-binding commitments ............................................................................................. 7 Illegal exit ...................................................................................................................... -
Sex and State Making in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1968
SEX AND STATE MAKING IN REVOLUTIONARY CUBA, 1959-1968 Rachel M. Hynson A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2014 Approved By: Kathryn J. Burns Emily Susan Burrill John Charles Chasteen Miguel La Serna Raúl Necochea López Lars Schoultz ©2014 Rachel M. Hynson ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT RACHEL M. HYNSON: Sex and State Making in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1968 (Under the direction of Kathryn J. Burns) This dissertation explores the construction of the revolutionary state in order to trace the entwinement of familial health and national security during the first decade of the Cuban revolution. It analyzes campaigns deployed by government officials to remake sexual norms and produce families deemed healthier than those under capitalism. More specifically, my dissertation examines state efforts that normalized patriarchy by criminalizing abortion, legitimized marriage through collective weddings, schematized the workforce by condemning female prostitution, and restructured economic gender roles via the rehabilitation of chulos (loosely translated as “kept men”). Through close analysis of print media, speeches, travel narratives, and oral histories, my work makes two major contributions to the study of Cuban sexuality. First, by joining prerevolutionary context to an analysis of revolutionary policies, I demonstrate that the sexual behaviors lauded by state officials as new measures of revolutionary well-being were in fact traditional criteria recycled from prior Cuban regimes. Second, I assert that revolutionary leadership of the 1960s attempted to remake the state by challenging popular definitions of terms such as marriage, family planning, sex worker, and chulo. -
July 03 Newsletter
Our 5th Year Cuba Trade & Investment News A service of NORTH AMERICAN PARTNERS, Tampa, FL, USA, a marketing management firm connecting business to new markets. Vol. V, No. 7 July 2003 t Embargo UpdateYear Annive Economy h Year Anniversar WASHINGTON BLOCKS TRADE FAIR CABINET RESHUFFLING CONTINUES Reacting to Cuba’s recent crackdown against hijackers and Amid a slumping economy, the Cuban U.S.-connected political dissidents, the U.S. government Council of State gave the boot to two key denied PWN Exhibicon International a license to host a second ministers. The move is part of a reshuffling agricultural and food fair in Havana. The Connecticut-based of an economic team that has so far failed company had planned a follow-up in January 2004 to last to revive Cuba’s stagnant economy. September’s wildly successful fair that generated an estimated Observers expect more replacements as $92 million in sales for U.S. companies. Fidel Castro tries to restart growth with OFAC also denied PWN Exhibicon a license to host a younger executives. separate health products fair in Cuba. PWN held its first Finance and Prices Minister Manuel Gone: Millares healthcare fair in Havana in 2000. Millares Rodríguez, 69, was replaced by Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) Georgina Barreiro Fajardo, 39, a vice president at the Central declined to comment, but said in a statement that the decision Bank. After eight years in the post, was “based on foreign policy guidance received from the Millares will be reassigned to “other Department of State.” tasks,” official daily Granma wrote in a June 20, John Kavulich, president of the U.S.-Cuba Trade terse note. -
Fidel Castro and Revolutionary Masculinity
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Theses and Dissertations--Hispanic Studies Hispanic Studies 2012 Deconstructing an Icon: Fidel Castro and Revolutionary Masculinity Krissie Butler University of Kentucky, [email protected] Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Butler, Krissie, "Deconstructing an Icon: Fidel Castro and Revolutionary Masculinity" (2012). Theses and Dissertations--Hispanic Studies. 10. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/hisp_etds/10 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Hispanic Studies at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations--Hispanic Studies by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STUDENT AGREEMENT: I represent that my thesis or dissertation and abstract are my original work. Proper attribution has been given to all outside sources. I understand that I am solely responsible for obtaining any needed copyright permissions. I have obtained and attached hereto needed written permission statements(s) from the owner(s) of each third-party copyrighted matter to be included in my work, allowing electronic distribution (if such use is not permitted by the fair use doctrine). I hereby grant to The University of Kentucky and its agents the non-exclusive license to archive and make accessible my work in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I agree that the document mentioned above may be made available immediately for worldwide access unless a preapproved embargo applies. I retain all other ownership rights to the copyright of my work. -
Annual Report on Human Rights
PART 5 while President Fidel Castro remains nominally in 5.7 Cuba power, it is important that governments and international organisations continue to raise Introduction awareness of the human rights situation there. This gives hope to the victims of human rights abuses Cuba’s human rights problems differ from those of and all those calling for change. countries where state complicity in death or torture occurs, but the longevity and widespread nature of the repression of the Cuban people remain a valid Current concerns source of international concern. Cuba is a one-party state. No opposition to the government is tolerated The situation in Cuba today gives rise to a number and citizens are denied basic civil, political and of areas of concern: economic rights. The Cuban government claims that restrictions on individual liberties are necessary to ■ the detention of political prisoners and lack of counter internal complicity with a perceived threat international access to prisoners in general; of invasion by the US, but international human ■ systematic denial of the Cuban people’s political, rights bodies dispute this assertion. At the same civil and economic freedoms; time, the Cuban government has made advances in the fields of healthcare, education and gender ■ government harassment and intimidation of equality in the face of economic difficulties. dissidents; and ■ the death penalty. Since the delegation of power from Fidel Castro to Raul Castro in July 2006, there had been no As the Cuban government retains tight control over indication of a significant change of policy on information about its prisons, it is difficult to put an human rights. -
6. Solidarity and the Right to Health: Provision and Financing of Healthcare
6. Solidarity and the right to health: provision and financing of healthcare 1. INTRODUCTION So far, I have outlined a critique of the predominant interpretation of the right to health and provided an alternative interpretation of this right from the perspective of the principle of solidarity. Then I considered the implications of these interpretations for judicial review. However, the implications of an alternative interpretation of this human right touch also on the organization of healthcare, about which I already made a few remarks in passing in the previ- ous chapters. I will now proceed to devoting attention to these organizational aspects in the broader context of healthcare (and access to it) within the overall health system of a country. Providing an organizational analysis in light of the principle of solidarity requires a more profound empirical study of healthcare systems than can be offered in this work. I will therefore limit myself to a set of remarks concerning the implications that the perspective of solidarity sheds on the right to health for the organization of healthcare systems. Nearly all these remarks should be understood as formulating points for further research which may corroborate or dispute the normative claims that each of them makes. Such additional research, which is largely empirical, is beyond the scope of this work. Chapters three and four already addressed the substance of solidarity and its connection with the right to health. Chapter four proceeded to demonstrate that the right to health cannot be understood disconnected from legislative stand- ards; not only because health systems are made of legislation, but also because due to its generality, legislation is more suited to addressing the social justice conundrums that are inherent to the goal of equal access to healthcare for all.