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Introduction Chapter 1 Notes Introduction 1. In this book, unless otherwise indicated, the word anthropology will be used as a short­ cut to designate sociocultural anthropology. Chapter 1 1. Pre-publication drafts of the 1991 article that sections of this chapter are based upon capitalized "Savage" when this term referred to the abstract category, rather than to a specific and historical subject or group of individuals. That distinction was obvious in Trouillot 1991; in this volume capitalization of the term will be used for clarity. 2. For reasons of space, I cannot retrace here all the connections between re cent debates in philosophy and literary theory and recent critiques of anthropology. Our readings are too parochial anyway-to the point that any major thinker needs to be translated into the discipline by an insider. Anthropology has much more to learn from other disci­ plines, notably history, literary criticism, and philosophy, than the reflexivist inter­ preters assume. There are blanks to be filled by the reader with proper use of the bibliographical references. 3. Other reasons aside, long-term fieldwork in the so-called Third World, after the initial dissertation, is becoming more difficult and less rewarding for a majority of anthropol­ ogists. Unfortunately, issues such as the increased competition for funds to do fieldwork abroad or the growing proportion of two-career families within and outside of academe only make good conversation. Practitioners tend to dismiss them in written (and there­ fore "serious") assessments of trends in the discipline. The sociology of our practice is perceived as taboo, but see Wolf (1969), whose early appeal for such a sociology fell on deaf ears, and Rabinow (1991). 4. In that sense, I take exception to Renato Rosaldo's formulation that the conservative domination "has distorted a once-healthy debate" (Rosaldo 1989:223). What a certain kind of anthropology can demonstrate is exactly that the debate was never as healthy as we were led to believe. 5. See Graff (1977), Jameson (1984), Arac (1986a,b), Lyotard (1986), Ross (1988b), and Harvey (1989) on conflicting definitions of postmodernism. I am not qualified to set­ tle this debate. But if postmodernism only means a style, a bundle of expository devices, characterized (or not) by"double coding" (Jencks 1986), then it does not much matter to anthropologists-as long as they note that double coding has been part of the cul­ tural arsenal of many non-Western populations for centuries. On the connection between postmodernism and metanarratives, see Lyotard (1979, 1986), Eagleton (1987), and Harvey (1989). 6. Carlos Castafieda's ethnographic research was conducted while he was still a graduate student in anthropology at University of California at Los Angeles with Yaqui inform­ ant Don Juan Matus in Mexico. This collaboration resulted in l1Umerous books about Don Juan's shamanism and ancient wisdom offered freely (through the anthropologist) 142 NOTES to those of the North Atlantic (1968, 1973). While enormously popular among New Age spiritualists and others seeking such ancient wisdom, anthropologists questioned his knowledge ofYaqui history and environment and asked whether even his inform­ ant existed. There are Immerous critiques of Castafieda's work; see De Mille 1976; De Mille and Clifton 1980. 7. The book Shabono, by Florinda Donner (1982), was an account of her fieldwork expe­ riences among the Yanomamo in Venezuela. She was later accused of plagiarizing the narrative of a Brazilian woman who was kidnapped as a child by the Yanomamo and lived with them until adulthood. For a detailed description and discussion, see Pratt 1986. 8. The Tasaday of the Philippines were "discovered" in 1971 and declared by journalists, anthropologists, and others to be a "primitive" or even "paleolithic" forest people with only stone tools and no knowledge of weapons, war, agriculture, or the world outside their forest. By 1986 so me were declaring the group a hoax. Given the politics within anthropology discussed here, and Filipino land developers and loggers angered that profitable lands are protected for Tasaday use, there are no neutralobservers of this case. The controversy continues today. 9. The first consists of two chapters in Les Bijoux indiscrets. The second is the fantastic Supplement au voyage du Bougainville, a primitivist utopic where Tahiti is the Other in more than one way, being both savage and female (Trousson 1975:140; Brewer 1985). 10. On Morgan's anti-black racism, see Mintz 1990. 11. I owe my ideas on the black or plantation pastoral to conversations with Professor Maximilien Laroche and access to his unpublished paper on the subject. In Bernadin Saint Pierre's successful Paul et Virginie (1787), whose setting is a plantation island, a group of Maroon slaves surprises two lovers. But to the heroes' amazement, the chief of the runaway slaves says, "Good little whites, don't be afraid; we saw you pass this morning with a negro woman from Riviere-Noire; you went to ask her grace to her bad master; in gratitude, we will carry you back ho me on our shoulders:' 12. Some writers have made this point. Others have assembled the necessary information to make it without always drawing the same conclusion from their juxtapositions. I have read over the shoulders of so many of them, and imposed my readings on so many others, that credits for this section and the next were sometimes difficult to attribute in the main text, but see Atkinson (1920, 1922, 1924), Baudet (1965 [1959]), Chinard (1934), De Certeau (1975), Droixhe and Gossiaux (1985), Duchet (1971), Gonnard (1946), Rupp-Eisenreich (1984), Todorov (1982), and Trousson (1975). 13. For example, consider the success of popular North American television shows predi­ cated on the Savage slot, the international sales of Saddam Hussein punching balls during the 1991 Persian GulfWar, and the sales of Osama bin Laden T-shirts in 2001 as indications of a future. 14. My phrasing of this issue in terms of order owes much to conversations with Ashraf Ghani. I remain responsible for its use here and its possible shortcomings. Empirical elements to an analysis of the role of order within the symbolic horizons of the Renaissance are plentiful in Hale's Renaissance Europe: Individual and Society, 1480-1520 (HaIe 1977 [1971]). 15. Utopian fiction also emphasized human contro!. Alexandre Cioranescu (1971:108) remarks that the perfection of More's Utopia was due to human choice, whereas Plato's At/antis was a work of gods, doomed to failure once left in human hands. 16. Genealogies that trace the beginnings of anthropology to Herodotus (why not Ibn Battuta?) partake of that naive history. They serve the guild interests of the "discipline;' its construction of tradition, authorship, and authority and the reproduction of the NOTES 143 Savage slot upon which it builds its legitimacy. Note, however, that it was only in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that Romantics and racists abandoned the ancient Greeks's own version of their cultural origins, denying the contributions of Africans and Semites to "civilization." Classical studies then invented a new past for Greece with an Aryan model (BernaI1987). 17. Even Pliny the Elder-often the most blatant example of ethnocentrism of Roman antiquity-did not operate with a spatial dichotomy opposing the Here and the EIsewhere. Pliny's fanciful accounts of "strangeness" sometimes mention people "among ourselves;' and in one case at least "not far from the city of Rome" (Pliny VII:517). For Pliny also, there is no question that even his monsters are somewhat part of humankind. Similarly, Marco Polo's organization of space is not premised on a Western/non-Western dichotomy, in spite of the invented tradition that makes hirn the first "Western" traveler. For Polo (1958 [c.1298-1299] ), the EIsewhere could be any­ where within or around the fragmented world of Christen dom. Furthermore the Polo family did not have a Christian mandate, let alone a Western one. Half a century later, the Islamic world was still the only constructed space with practical claims to univer­ sal standards and clearly defined boundaries (Ibn Battuta 1983 [co 1354]); its "West" was not Europe, but the Maghreb-even though Islam still dominated parts of what later became Europe. 18. From then on, descriptions of savagery would grammatically inscribe the absence in a way now all too familiar (and unquestioned) by anthropologists. The savage is what the West is not: "no manner of trafiic, no knowledge of letters, no science of numbers ... no contracts, no successions, no dividends, no properties .. :' (Montaigne 1952:94). This language is quite different from that ofPolo (1958 [co 1298-1299]) or even from that of Pliny. But its immediate antecedents are in the very first descriptions of the Americas: Columbus, for instance, thought the "Indians" had "no religion" -by which he probably meant "none of the three religions of Abraham." 19. One cannot suggest that Francis I consciously foresaw a French nation-state in the modern sense, but the absolutist order he envisioned revealed itself as historically untenable without the invented tradition necessary for the symbolic construction of the nation. It is only by one of these ironies of which history is full that this tradition became fullyalive at the time of the Revolution and was solidified by a Corsican mer­ cenary with no claim to Frank nobility, namely, Napoleon Bonaparte. 20. The attraction to a hierarchized universality was first confined to intellectuals, politi­ cians and religious leaders, for it took quite a long time for "the West" to convince itself. In the midst of the Renaissance the awareness of foreignness did not automatically "bring about any clear sense of personal involvement with an individual's own country, let alone with Christendom as a whole" (HaIe 1977 [1971]:119).
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